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diff --git a/old/50656-0.txt b/old/50656-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c879793..0000000 --- a/old/50656-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10475 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi,, by Emanuele Celesia - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi, - or, Genoa in the sixteenth century. - -Author: Emanuele Celesia - -Translator: David H. Wheeler - -Release Date: December 9, 2015 [EBook #50656] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSPIRACY OF GIANLUIGI *** - - - - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Shaun Pinder and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES: - ---Obvious print and punctuation errors were corrected. - ---Superscript letter “T” has been rendered as text^T. - - - - - THE CONSPIRACY - - OF - - GIANLUIGI FIESCHI. - -[Illustration: - Painted by Luca Combiaso Engraved by H. Adlard. -PORTRAIT OF FIESCHI AS S.^T GEORGE. - _SEE PAGE 195._] - - -SAMPSON LOW, SON & MARSTON, MILTON HOUSE, LUDGATE HILL, 1867 - - - - - THE CONSPIRACY - - OF - - GIANLUIGI FIESCHI, - - OR, - - GENOA IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - BY - EMANUELE CELESIA. - - TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN, - BY - DAVID H. WHEELER. - - - LONDON: - SAMPSON LOW, SON & MARSTON, - MILTON HOUSE, 59, LUDGATE HILL. - 1866. - - - [_The Right of Translation is Reserved._] - - - - -PREFACE. - - -IT is perhaps matter for just surprise that English literature has been -so little enriched during the last quarter of a century by archivic -researches in Italy. While these studies have greatly modified the -views of Italian historians, it may be safely said that, with few -exceptions, English history of Italy remains substantially as it was in -1840. The conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi, now presented to the English -reading public, is one of those works which strongly mark the progress -of historical research in the Italian Peninsula; and though it treats -of an episode, that episode is so woven into the great events which -surrounded it as to give a vivid picture of the condition of Italy in -the sixteenth century. The work has therefore seemed to me to have -sufficient historical value to merit translation into our language. - -I have been more influenced, however, by a desire to make some of those -who read only English acquainted with an Italian author who seems to -me entitled to a larger public than his own people. There is no good -reason why a greater number of Italian writers should not be favoured -with an English dress; and it is probably more the effect of accident -than want of merit in Italian writers that their works are much more -rare in our tongue than those of French and German authors. The younger -historical writers of the time, to which class M. Celesia belongs, have -peculiar claims upon our attention, because they are the first truly -independent writers of the Peninsula, and their works are the first -fruits of liberal institutions and a Free Press. It would be only a -first homage to their worth and sincere devotion to liberal principles -to translate their best works into our language rather than absorb the -substance of them into our own books. This reasoning has induced me to -turn aside for a little while from the labour of preparing a history of -Genoa to render M. Celesia’s beautiful Italian into an English, which I -freely confess to be imperfect in comparison with the original. - -The first impression of the general reader may be that this book treats -of events so distant in time, and so different in moral scenery, from -the political and social conditions in which we live as to afford -little or no instruction to us. No history, except that of one’s own -country, affords precise forms in which to mould the present; and what -are called historical parallels do not really exist, since every series -of political events has peculiar elements which make close analogies -with any other series impossible. Those who quote events in the history -of other times and peoples as containing precise instruction for -present national action usually deceive their auditors all the more -completely from being deceived themselves. It is only in the abundant -matter of general principles that history contains lessons of political -wisdom. In this sense the work before the reader is not without -valuable instruction. M. Celesia has given us a view of the social and -political condition of the masses who have too often been excluded from -history because they had been excluded from power in the state. - -We see, in fact, some painful scenes of that long tragedy which ended -in the disfranchisement of the Italians, in the very period when most -other European nations were making the bases of their institutions -broader by enlarging the liberties of their peoples; and we see clearly -that two vast despotisms--one reposing on a fiction of the continued -life of the Roman Empire and the other on a perversion of the principle -of Christian Authority--conspiring now together, now against each -other, bewildered the intellect and destroyed the political vitality of -Italy, gradually reducing her to a mere geographical expression. The -people struggled in vain, partly because they struggled blindly, partly -because a pernicious error placed them in exceptional conditions by -stripping them of a part of their rights avowedly in the interest of -humanity at large. So far this struggle was peculiar in form; but at -bottom it was a struggle for popular rights, and its disastrous close -is here shown to have been due to no fault of the people themselves. It -is just here that less than justice has been done to the Italians, and -this work well illustrates the stupendous falsehood which slew them. - -Our interest in this error might be less if it were dead; but it lives -and embarasses the Italians of our own day. We have just been gravely -informed by a French statesmen[1] that Rome does not belong to Italy, -but to the whole catholic world; and the statement is a key not only -to current Italian difficulties but also to the failure of the nation -to keep pace with the rest of Europe in the sixteenth century. Then, -more than now, other nations conceived themselves to have a mission -to preserve institutions which Italy was disposed to condemn and -abolish. Then a larger number of Italians than now were bewildered by -the legal or historical claim set up for a dead Empire and a Christian -Church founded upon force, and in their bewilderment went over to their -enemies. But below all this, a brave people struck manful blows for -their salvation, and when they fell were suffocated with the terrible -doctrine that Italy does not belong to herself. The statement of Count -Persigny was and is, in its political significance, when applied to -Italian politics, exactly like a declaration that London does not -belong to England or Paris to France. - -I do not forget that the falsehood has been acted upon as a truth in -Italy for some centuries; but political piracy cannot win the moral -approval of our times on the plea that it has been practised for a -long period. The real effect of the doctrine, whatever be its force -from a history made by applying it, is to condemn a whole people -to a certain dependence on other nations, to give France, Austria -and Spain--or to go back to the sixteenth century, France and the -Empire--rights or duties in Italy which must impair the rights of the -Italians. A creed which has this fatal element may be pushed to its -logical consequence--the assassination of a nation. In the sixteenth -century this was done. It was cruel--too cruel to be described--when -history accused the fallen of cowardice, incapacity for liberty and -superstitious devotion to Rome. From such atrocious slanders, the -Italians of the sixteenth century deserve a vindication. M. Celesia has -felt this part of his office so warmly that his word may seem those of -an advocate rather than of an historian to those who forget the wrongs -done to his people in the name of history. But he who fully weighs the -injustice against which our author protests will rather wonder at the -moderation and critical calmness of the greater part of the book than -complain of the glow of honest indignation which lights up some of his -periods. - -The critical reader will regret that the work is not fortified by more -copious references. The truth is that it is not the fashion in Italy to -quote authorities, and the citations given were prepared by the author -for this edition. I have added a few explanatory foot-notes; but the -reader is referred for fuller information regarding events in earlier -Genoese history to a forthcoming work on that subject. - - D. H. WHEELER. - -GENOA, _June, 1865_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - - THE COUNTS OF LAVAGNA. - - The Valley of Entella and Lavagna--The Origin of the Counts of - Fieschi--Their Conflicts with the Commune of Genoa--The Treaty - of Peace between the Fieschi and Genoa--Civil Contentions--The - Riches and Power of the Counts Fieschi--Innocent IV. and Hadrian - V.--Cardinal Gianluigi Fieschi--The Fieschi Bishops and Lords of - Vercelli and Biella--Famous Fieschi Warriors--Isabella, wife of - Lucchino Visconti--St. Catherine--The Arms of the Family--Liberality - and munificence of the Fieschi--Gianluigi II.--Sinibaldo, lord of - thirty-three walled castles. - - - CHAPTER II. - - THE ITALIAN STATES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - Leo X., and his false glories--Desperate condition of the Italian - states in the sixteenth century--Their aversion to the Austrian - power--The Sack of Rome--Wars and Plagues--Charles V. and Francis - I.--The Despotism of Christian powers causes Italian peoples to - desire the yoke of the Turks--The Papal theocracy renews with the - empire the compact of Charlemagne. - - - CHAPTER III. - - ANDREA DORIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA. - - The Nobles and the People--Andrea Doria and his first - enterprises--How he abandoned France, and went over to the - Emperor--Accusations and opinions with regard to his motives--The - laws of the _Union_ destroyed the popular, and created the - aristocratic Government--The objects of Doria in contrast with those - of the Genoese Government and the Italian Republics--The lieutenants - of Andrea and his naval forces--Popular movements arrested by bloody - vengeance. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - GIANLUIGI FIESCHI. - - Maria della Rovere and her children--The natural gifts of - Gianluigi--Andrea Doria prevents his marriage with the daughter - of Prince Centurione--Gianluigi’s first quarrels with Gianettino - Doria--Naval battle of Giralatte and capture of the corsair - Torghud Rais--Count Fieschi espouses Eleonora of the Princes of - Cybo--The hill of Carignano in the early part of the sixteenth - century--Sumptuousness of the Fieschi palace--Gianluigi, Pansa and - other distinguished men--Female writers--Eleonora Fieschi and her - rhymes. - - - CHAPTER V. - - THE PLOTS OF FIESCHI. - - The political ideas of the sixteenth century--The advice of Donato - Gianotto to the Italians--Generous aims of Gianluigi Fieschi--His - reported plots with Cesare Fregoso disproved--The conspiracy with - Pietro Strozzi a fable--Fieschi has secret conferences with Barnaba - Adorno, lord of Silvano--Pier Luca Fieschi and his part in the - conspiracy of Gianluigi--The Count sends Cagnino Gonzaga to treat - with France--The purchase of the Farnesian galleys--Francesco - Burlamacchi. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - PAUL THIRD. - - He aspires to grandeur for his family--His hostility to the emperor - and to Doria--He encourages Gianluigi in his designs against the - imperial rule in Genoa--Attempts of Cardinal Trivulzio to induce - Fieschi to give Genoa to France--France is induced by the count to - relinquish her hopes of obtaining Genoa--Verrina and his spirited - counsels--Vengeance of Gianluigi against Giovanni Battista della - Torre. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - PREPARATIONS. - - Character of the Fieschi family--Gianluigi acquires the friendship of - the silk operatives and other plebeians--The Duke of Piacenza selects - the count to arbitrate his differences with the Pallavicini--Secret - understandings between the count and the duke--Gianluigi puts - his castles in a condition for war--Gianettino Doria, to pave - the way to supreme power gives Captain Lercaro an order to kill - Fieschi--Industry of Verrina--The decisions of history on the merits - of Fieschi should be made in view of the political doctrines of the - sixteenth century. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE SUPPER IN VIALATA. - - Bloody propositions attributed to Verrina--The count repulses all - treacherous plans--New schemes--The conspirators introduced into the - city--Gianluigi pays his respects to Prince Doria--Gianettino removes - the suspicions of Giocante and Doria--The supper of Gianluigi--The - guests embrace the conspiracy--Eleonora Cybo and her presentiments. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - THE NIGHT OF THE SECOND OF JANUARY. - - Measures taken by the Count--Occupation of the gate of the Archi - and of San Tommaso--Death of Gianettino Doria--Fieschi did not seek - the death of prince Doria--Schemes of Paolo Lavagna--Taking of the - arsenal--Fall and death of Gianluigi--Flight of Andrea Doria to - Masone--The place where Gianluigi was drowned--The several arsenals - of Genoa--The death of Count Fieschi deemed a misfortune by the - Italians. - - - CHAPTER X. - - COMPROMISES AND PUNISHMENTS. - - Gerolamo Fieschi continues the insurrection in his own - name--Consultations at the Ducal palace and fighting at San Siro--The - news of the death of Gianluigi discourages the insurgents--Paolo - Panza carries to Gerolamo the decree of pardon--Verrina and others - set sail for France--The African slaves escape with Doria’s - galley--Sack of Doria’s galleys--Return of Andrea and his thirst for - vengeance--Decree of condemnation--Scipione Fieschi and his petitions - to the Senate--Schemes and intrigues of Doria to get possession of - the Fieschi estates--Destruction of the palace in Vialata--Traditions - and legends. - - - CHAPTER XI. - - THE CASTLE OF MONTOBBIO. - - Count Gerolamo declines propositions of the government--Intrigue of - the imperial party and revolutionary tendencies of the populace--The - Republic is induced by Andrea Doria to assault Montobbio--The - count’s preparations for defence--Verrina and Assereto assigned - to the command of the works--Andrea induces the government to - decline negotiations with Fieschi--Agostino Spinola closely - invests the castle--Mutiny of the mercenaries of the count--He - offers to surrender the castle on condition of security for the - lives and property of the beseiged--Opposition of Doria to this - stipulation--The treason of his mercenaries compels Fieschi to - surrender--Doria, notwithstanding the entreaties of the government, - treats the defeated Fieschi with great cruelty--Punishment of the - Count of Verrina and other accomplices--Raffaele Sacco and his - letters--The castle of Montobbio razed to the foundations. - - - CHAPTER XII. - - PIER LUIGI FARNESE. - - The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria--The benefits which he - derived from the fall of the Fieschi--The Farnesi participated in - Genoese conspiracies--Schemes of Andrea Doria against the duke - of Piacenza--Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the duke--The - assassination of Pierluigi--The assassins and the brief of Paul III. - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - THE NOBLES AND THE PLEBEIANS. - - Intrigues of Figuerroa and the nobility--The law of Garibetto--New - efforts of Spain to give Genoa the character of a Duchy--The firmness - of the senate and Andrea foils the scheme of Don Filippo--The - reception of the Spaniards by Doria and by the people--Sad story of a - daughter of the Calvi--Don Bernardino Mendozza and his relations with - Prince Doria--Baneful influence of the Spanish occupation. - - - CHAPTER XIV. - - PRINCE GIULIO CYBO. - - The revolt of Naples--Andrea Doria subdues it--Plots of the - exiles against his life--Giulio Cybo seizes the feud of Massa and - Carrara--His schemes for revolutionizing the Republic--Conference - of the Genoese exiles in Venice--Capture of Cybo--Doria labours - to have the emperor condemn Giulio to death--Punishment of - Cybo and his accomplices--Letter of Paul Spinola to the - Genoese government--Scipione Fieschi and his disputes with the - Republic--Maria della Rovere--Eleonora Fieschi; her second marriage - and death. - - - CHAPTER XV. - - SIENA, THE FIESCHI AND SAMPIERO. - - Ravages of the Barbary Corsairs--Bartolomeo Magiocco and the Duke of - Savoy--The conference of Chioggia--Siege of Siena--Doria assassinates - Ottobuono Fieschi--Sampiero di Bastelica and his memorable fight with - Spanish knights--Revolts in Corsica--Vannina d’Ornano--The Fieschi - faction unites with Sampiero--Ferocity of Stefano Doria--Sampiero is - betrayed--Pier Luca Fieschi and his career. - - - CHAPTER XVI. - - JACOPO BONFADIO. - - Bonfadio executed in prison and his body burned--Errors in regard to - the year of his death--The causes of his arrest and punishment--He - was not guilty of the vices ascribed to him--The true cause of his - ruin was his Annals--The pretence for his condemnation was his - Protestant opinions. - - - CHAPTER XVII. - - THE SPANISH DOMINION IN LIGURIA. - - The Fieschi at the court of France--Louis XIV. supports their - claims--Bad effects of the law of Garibetto--Severe laws against - the Plebeians--Death of Andrea Doria--Estimate of his public - services--New commotions--Magnanimity of the people--The old nobles - make open war on the Republic--Treaty of Casale in 1576--The Spanish - power in Italy, particularly in Liguria--Aragonese manners corrupt - our people--New taxes and customs--The nobility accepts the fashions, - manners and vices of the Spaniards--Change of the character of the - Genoese people--Last splendours of Italian genius. - - - - -AUTHOR’S INTRODUCTION - - CATILINE AND FIESCHI COMPARED.--CATILINE’S AIMS OF A GENEROUS - CHARACTER.--FIESCHI SOUGHT TO FREE HIS COUNTRY FROM THE SPANISH - YOKE.--HISTORY UNJUST TO THE VANQUISHED.--SOURCES OF THIS - HISTORY.--MATERIALS FOR THE FUTURE HISTORIAN OF ITALY. - - -IT would be difficult to find in the history of the sixteenth century -a name more fiercely assailed than that of Gianluigi Fieschi. From -Bonfadio down to the most recent historians, the Count of Lavagna has -received the same treatment at the hands of our writers which the -learned vulgar are accustomed to give to Catiline. This levity of -judgment is a new proof that history is too high a pursuit for servile -minds. - -The classic invectives of Cicero and the glittering falsehoods of -Sallust, both written with masterly eloquence, and their echo taken up -by inferior writers have disfigured the manly form of Sergius, and his -cause, supported by the most generous and cultivated Romans, has come -down to us described as the base plot of abandoned men. - -Catiline could not have been base. He was illustrious by birth, -well-known for his talents and powerful on account of his numerous -dependants and friends. He stood on the last round of the ladder -leading to the consulship and was supported by knights and senators; -by Antonius Geta, Lentulus, Cethegus and even by Cæsar who was -no stranger to the conspiracy. Crassus favoured him, though he -afterwards turned informer against the conspirators. Entire colonies -and Municipalities supported him. In upper Spain, Gneus Piso, in -Mauritania, Publius Sittius Nucerinus and the legions were his -partisans; in fine, he was the head of all the reformers of Italy and -Gaul. - -I do not excuse his violence, his disorderly life and his vices; -though we know of these only through his enemies. But his aims were -unquestionably high and noble. Roman liberty was buried in his tomb -and not even the dagger of Junius Brutus could recall her to life. -I hold it incontestable that the movement, far from being a plot of -reckless men, was general and spontaneous towards that freedom which -Lucius Sylla had extinguished in blood; a movement for which there was -crying urgency in Italy, where crowds of slaves were supplanting the -Latin races, and throughout the dominions of the Republic. In vain have -cunning rhetoricians taught us to execrate the name of the great Roman, -the last of the Tribunes. He has left for history a page written with -his own blood which is more lasting than all envy. It shows us one who -fell dead on the same ground where he steadfastly fought, displaying in -his last hour an heroism which is inconsistent with the crimes coupled -with his name. - -Cicero himself tells us that the friendship of Catiline had such -fascinations that he had barely escaped its influence. It may be true -that his pallid face, his fierce eyes and his nervous step, now -quick, now slow, terrified the publicans and patricians of Rome; but -none can believe that he butchered his own son, immolated victims to -the silver eagle of Marius, or handed round in nocturnal conventicles -a cup full of foaming blood. Catiline was a bad man because he was -vanquished; but Salvator Rosa, the soldier and painter of Masaniello, -when he drew Catiline as a stern and magnanimous man did not believe -him a low plotter, and the great captain of our century declared that -he preferred the part of the great Latin conspirator to that of the -versatile Tully. - -The character of the Count of Lavagna has been depicted in similar -colours by servile writers skilful in inventing calumnies. Catiline -and Fieschi had the same ambition and a common aim. The former, in -his familiar letters to Lentulus which were published in the Senate, -declared that no venal ambition led him to make war. He said that his -estates were security for his debts and that the liberality and wealth -of Orestilla and his daughter would provide for any deficiency. He -averred, he was impelled by wrongs and slanders, that he made the cause -of the unfortunate his own, because he was defrauded of the fruit of -his labours, and, while he was falsely suspected, was forced to see -base men taking his place. - -The same is true of Fieschi, whose death, Gianettino Doria had sworn. -In Genoa, not less than in Rome, a partisan contest between the -nobles and the people had lasted for centuries. Here, after the civil -conflagrations, as after the scourgings of Rome by Marius and Sylla, -liberty gradually expired. In both Republics, the people were bowed -down by the insolence of the great. They were deprived of all share in -the government, and corrupt ambition had unbounded sway. In Liguria, -Andrea Doria had completed the triumph of the party of the nobles and -imperialists and the ruin of popular liberty. Though he forbore to -assume a princely title, he was a true king in authority, his nephew -aspired to regal honours, and every popular right was trampled down by -the Spanish power. According to Bonfadio this subjection was too bitter -for the great soul of the Count Lavagna long to endure the humiliation. -But his enemies wrote, and by a thousand channels circulated, the most -incredible things as parts of his designs:--That he attempted by base -intrigues to ruin the Republic, that he aimed to seduce it to servitude -to his family or to France, to exterminate the Doria family, to lay -bloody and felonious hands on the bank of St. George, to put the city -to fire and sack. The decrees and official reports of the Republic do -not warrant such statements, and a theory more honourable to him is -justified by the gentleness of his character, by the Guelph traditions -of his house, by the fact that he prevented the murder of Doria, in his -palace, and by the conspiracy itself, the fury of which was directed -against the ships of Doria, sparing those of the Republic. - -It was necessary for Doria that black designs should be attributed -to Fieschi, otherwise his fearful vengeance would have been -unjustifiable. The slander was profitable also to the Spanish Cæsar, -for it took away from his path a powerful family opposed to the -Aragonese power in Italy. And as matter of fact, these idle tales, -written in Genoa and diffused in France and Spain, were never believed -among us. The greater part of the patricians did not credit them for -they were Fieschi’s friends and would have saved him if the overbearing -spirit of Doria had not imposed his will upon the senate. Such slanders -found no credit with the people, who placed their love upon that -philanthropic family and perpetuated its memory in national songs. - -Catiline and Fieschi intended to awaken in their native lands the love -of expiring liberty, and in that aim they had the support of many -nobles and of the people. The pride of Roman patricians could bend to -an alliance with the people, but they scorned to share their rights -with foreign slaves. The Count of Lavagna grasped the hand of the -people, but he refused the alliance of France. This fact testifies for -both to the honesty of their designs; for to a traitor all paths are -good so they but lead to his end. - -Catiline, slandered by Cicero upon the rostrum, fulminates in his turn -against his detractor, and though he quits Rome unattended, his exit -is imposing and momentous. Fieschi, bending to the necessities of his -time, found more quiet and secret paths to his end; and when accused -by the minister of Cæsar with seeking to foment a revolution, he -confronted Andrea Doria with a frankness which eluded the Admiral’s -keen vigilance. From the blood of Catiline sprung the dictatorship of -Cæsar; from that of Fieschi, the oligarchic government and the Spanish -dominion in Genoa. - -Doria, becoming the supporter and partisan of Charles V. and Phillip -II. prevented Genoa from entering into the league of the Italian -Republics against the Spanish yoke. Genoa, united to the enemies of -Florence and Siena in the time of those memorable sieges, allied -with the enemies of Naples when that people was rising for liberty, -the friend of all the enemies of Italy, dates from that period her -unfortunate decline. The movement of Fieschi, if he had accepted the -alliance of France, might have averted the catastrophe. The French -and Republican league might have extirpated the Spanish power in the -Peninsula, and saved Italy from forging her own chains. It might have -spared Genoa her struggles with the Barbary states, the revolt of the -Corsicans, the decline of her commerce with the East and the most -disastrous of all her civil tumults. - -The Genoese people struggled long against that fatal alliance, cemented -with their blood, which Fieschi strove to break. They left no means -untried to dissolve it, using now supplication, now the sword and the -scaffold. And for more than two centuries, a half subdued populace -never grew weary of pouring its indignant complaints into the ear of -the nobility. I have compared Catiline and Fieschi. The resemblance -has not escaped historians. But their works and discourses have been -reported, and judged by their enemies and by the faction which they -strove to displace from power. The name of Count Fieschi waits to be -rehabilitated by time which cancels great wrongs, impartially dispenses -praise and blame, and gives each man that place in the esteem of -posterity which his works merit. - -From the earliest times our country was lacerated by two hostile -factions. There were annalists and writers who recorded and magnified -the exploits of those belonging to their party and silently passed over -the praiseworthy actions of their political opponents. Procopius and -Iornandes represent the two creeds which in their time were contending -for the support of the nation. Anastaius is the biographer of the -Popes, as Paul Diacono is of the Longobardic kings. In every province -there were Malaspini and Dino Compagni, imperialists, fighting against -the Guelph and Republican spirit of the three Villani. From the union -of these hostile elements come forth the critical historian of the -nation--Macchiavelli. But when the Germanic irruption cut the nerves of -the Latin traditions, when Charles V. and Andrea Doria reestablished -the foreign power in Italy, the Guelph spirit was silenced, the Journal -killed, the Chronicle and official falsehoods so misrepresented events -as to render history nearly impossible. John Mark Burigozzo, a Lombard -shopkeeper, was the last annalist who recorded the sorrows of the -people. Then came classic, courtly and salaried historians--history -written by the victors. There is need of great caution in reading the -verdict of a history written with the sword. “Woe to the vanquished” in -history as on the battle-field. Corrupt ages praise successful crimes, -and it is only by great effort that after times emancipate themselves -from these servile adulations. There is a coward instinct in man which -prompts him to applaud force and despise the fallen. The conscientious -historian should enter his free protest against such dishonourable -acquiescence in forced verdicts. It is time that history should be -relieved from the tyranny of eloquent but mendacious tongues, and many -powerful ones should be deposed from ill-gotten thrones. It is time to -ask of many who have been called heroes what use they made of their -swords and how they served Italy, and to concede--the supreme right of -misfortune--a tardy tribute of regret to one who fell victim to a high -and generous purpose. - -What is the verdict recorded against Fieschi? - -Among the writers who were his contemporaries stand foremost, Bonfadio, -Campanaceo, Sigonio, Capelloni, Foglietta, Mascardi and Casoni. I do -not mention foreigners, first among whom are Tuano and the Cardinal de -Retz. I omit, too, the modern writers, since they have all followed -with the assiduity of copyists the earlier historians, making no -effort to study the public archives or even to criticise the text -which they copied. Nevertheless, it is important to give the reader -some account of the historians of that epoch; since the first duty of -one who attempts to describe past events is to employ criticism in its -widest sense, and so to separate the true from the false. Nor can -this be done without carefully weighing the credibility of authors who -have gone this way before us and taking account of the passions which -governed them when they wrote. - -The first historian of Fieschi was Bonfadio who was employed by the -senate to write the annals of the Republic. He was a witness of the -events which he described and on the very night of the rising, he -went to the senate in company with Giovanni Battista Grimaldi. Yet -we can yield him little faith; since, writing at the command of the -government, he could not do less than speak harshly of the government’s -enemies. He confesses that he had not in his hands the records of -the conspirators’ trial. He ignores many facts, and never names the -accomplices of Fieschi, scarcely suspecting that there were any. Having -a mania for classic imitation, and borne away by the current of his -times, he depicts Gianluigi as a man thirsting for base deeds and for -blood; so, that if his immortal pages served to render the memory of -Fieschi odious at a time when men had little concern for the honour -of the vanquished, they are certainly too careless and too partial to -satisfy the future. The unfortunate author, who was truthful in all -other matters and failed in this only, because it treated of a plot -against the powerful Doria, reaped bitter fruits for his great bias -against Fieschi. - -Not less unjust was Giuseppe Mario Campanaceo, who added to his history -of the conspiracy a comparison between it and that of Catiline. “Both,” -he says, “sprung from noble stock. Both were crushed under the ruin -they plotted for others. In the one, a fierce look, a sanguinary -countenance; in the other, a singular beauty and a virginal candour. -The Roman was stained with bloody and licentious deeds; the Genoese -bore the fame of goodness of heart and grace of manners. The Roman was -verging towards age; the Genoese was in the freshness of his youth, yet -he surpassed the conspirator of the Tiber as much in deceitfulness as -Catiline excelled him in warlike exploits.” - -If on minor points the narration of this writer is more accurate, it -still bears the seal of the degraded time in which it was written. -Though the author professes to have taken great pains to discover the -truth, having spent a long time in Genoa for that purpose, it is very -easy to see that he did not escape the contagion of party feeling and -of the malevolence of the faction then dominant in Liguria. It is not -strange, therefore, that he finds a mean and avaricious spirit in -Gianluigi, while he describes Gianettino as an illustrious victim, -rather, as the most virtuous knight of all Christendom. - -Carlo Sigonio, in his life of Andrea Doria, and, among Genoese writers, -Oberto Foglietto have treated the matter with elegance of diction but -with unblushing plagiarism. - -The same may be said of Lorenzo Capelloni, who described the conspiracy -of Fieschi in a report to Charles V. He was too devoted to Cæsar, and -to Doria, whose life he wrote, not to imitate the others whom we -have mentioned in treating the attempt of Fieschi as a plot of like -character with that of Cybo which he also described. - -Agostino Mascardi, who was more of a rhetorician than an historian, -tells us nothing new. Casoni was less devoted to the Spanish power and -therefore more humane towards Fieschi, but he adopted without question -the opinion professed by the party in power who never opened the -archives of the state for the study of the historian. - -We therefore conclude that a prudent and impartial criticism forbids -us to give full faith to those who have given to Count Fieschi a -dishonourable place in history. - -In our opinion two qualifications are essential to the historian:--That -he be able to collect the most accurate accounts of the facts, and -that party spirit do not cloud the serenity of his mind. The writers -whom we have mentioned lack these credentials. In fact, after studying -the annals of the sixteenth century, we are satisfied that most of -them were ignorant of the true causes of events. Sometimes they knew -only a part of the facts; sometimes, acting under the influence of -personal or political jealousy, they betrayed the truth by silence, -by misrepresentation or by additions of what would serve their own -purposes or the wishes of their masters. - -The reader must judge whether we have truly balanced the account. - -We see, from what has been said, that it was impossible Fieschi should -have had truthful historians in the provinces ruled by Charles V. It -was not to be expected in Genoa, where the supreme authority of the -Dorias compelled even the least servile writers to the most skilful -management of conscience and speech. - -Neither in Tuscany, where the seeds of the Medicean tyranny were -already springing up; not in Lombardy, which was the battle-ground of -the two opposing factions; not in the kingdom of Naples tossed like a -foot-ball from one master to another, but at the moment in the grasp of -Cæsar. Finally, not in Rome where the Spanish government, in its war to -the death upon the spirit of civil and religious liberty, found a swift -accomplice in the Papal court which employed the zeal and devotion -of its inquisitors in consigning to the flames both books and their -authors. It is enough that no writer in Italy was permitted to answer -the blind devotee of Rome, Baronius. - -A few noble spirits arose to tell the truth of the Austro-Spanish -power; such as Bandello, Ariosto, Boccalini and Tassoni; nevertheless -in the period between Charles V. and the middle of the 17th century no -true light of history shone on the Peninsula. - -Learned and literary men lived in the courts, then the only dispensers -of fame, and writers were more valued for their promptness in serving -masters than for their mental acquirements. Even the best writers -exhausted their ambition in the chase for courtly favour. It is not -true that the protection of princes was useful to letters and arts; -it only seduced them from the path of duty. Truth was banished from -books because it displeased our masters, and history was sure to be -smothered if it contained more than panegyric. Spanish wordiness -had corrupted liberal studies and Italians were no longer honestly -indignant against the oppressors of their country. They descended from -employing their imaginations in intellectual creations to pandering to -the senses. Literary entertainments, like falcons and buffoons, served -for the sport of courtiers, as an instrument of corruption rather than -a stimulant to generous pursuits. Intellect being thus prostrated, -Fieschi could find no historian courageous enough to clear away the -falsehoods that blackened his fame and constrain his calumniators to -an honest confession. Cybo, Farnese, and whoever else, following the -footsteps of Fieschi, opposed at the price of their lives Spanish -influence, shared the historical misfortune of the Count of Lavagna. - -It was necessary, then, to rewrite this history and I resolved to -attempt the task. There are subjects (and the conspiracy of Fieschi -is one of them) which seen from a distance fill us with apprehension, -but when we approach and handle them, the alarm which possessed us -generally disappears. I approached my subject with honest boldness -and having studied it intimately, I have dared to rebel against the -common opinion of the learned. If it were necessary to quote all the -authorities for a conviction so opposed to the current of corrupted -history the list would be too long. I, therefore appeal to the -cultivated who will, I hope, bear me witness that very little within -the range of the subject has escaped my notice. I ought, however, to -remark that the Archives of Madrid and Paris have furnished me with -foreign notices of the revolts of Fieschi and his partisans, and -that more perfect information has been obtained from the Archives -of Genoa, Florence, Parma, Massa and Carrara, and from some codexes -and manuscripts which once belonged to Cardinal Adriano Fieschi (the -last of the Savignone branch of the Fieschi family) whose heir, Count -Alessandro Negri di S. Front, kindly permitted me to consult them at -my pleasure. I render him my most hearty thanks. I have drawn other -materials from the writings of the sacred college of Padua in favour -of the Republic and the pleadings of the famous jurists who sustained -the Fieschi party. Many other notices have been taken from private -libraries in Genoa, which are at once so numerous and so difficult of -access. Some documents very favourable to the cause of Fieschi were -recently published by the erudite Bernardo Brea, but the greater part -of them were already familiar to me; for the history which I now send -to the press was written several years ago--a proof of which is that -many extracts from it were then published in the journals. It is hardly -worth while to dwell upon the reasons which kept me from publishing the -work: The times were not, and are not, propitious to historic studies; -yet I am forced in my own despite to bring my manuscript to light, lest -I be accused of treading in the footsteps of a great author who has -recently removed many a stain from the name of Fieschi and lashed his -detractors with the severest condemnation.[2] - -A modest cultivator of peaceful studies, I do not fear that any will -suspect me of aiming to destroy the reverence due to a great name; -or that I shall receive the sentence pronounced by Richelieu, who, -on reading the conspiracy of Fieschi written by Cardinal de Retz in -his youth, prophesied that the author would develop a turbulent and -revolutionary spirit. - -My humble condition and the honesty of my intentions render me safe -from similar vacticinations. Though in my opinions upon the conspiracy -I depart from the paths beaten by other writers, it is not without -adequate reasons. I feel that the religion of truth, has had hitherto -too few worshippers, that reverence for the unfortunate great of Italy -has been long put under ban, and do not hesitate to say that if what -I shall dare to write was not unknown by others it was most certainly -concealed. What were the aims of Fieschi? What of Andrea Doria? Whither -tended the uprising of the people? Who breathed life into the cause of -national independence? To these questions, so far as I know, no one -has yet made a sufficient answer; and, indeed, how can one write of -Fieschi and Doria without investigating their personal motives, prying -into the secrets of their hearts? Our historians, copying each other -and compressing the tragedy of a century into a few pages, have given -us only the conspiracy and the uprising, that is the least philosophic -moment. For us, history begins where the strife ends. The designs -which animate the combatants do not die with them, and they expand into -the most interesting questions. Let the writer who does not feel the -greatness of his mission shun these questions, I prefer that the reader -shall not believe me a timorous friend of truth. - -If once terror chained men’s souls, if great names could not be -discussed, to-day, delivered from the febrile excitements of our -predecessors, we may freely praise and blame the men and deeds of three -centuries ago. - -Nor is this all. A general history of Italy remains to be written, and -the materials are scattered in the archives of our communes. Italy will -write it when she shall have secured independence and a true national -unity. In the meantime, mindful of the saying of Vico that, “we ought -to seek for minute notices of facts and their antecedents rather than -general causes and events, since by an accurate study of the facts -themselves it becomes easy to find the causes and to clear up effects -which often seem incredible to us,” I have devoted my utmost strength -to removing a portion of that veil which covers the name of Fieschi, -happy if I am able in this effort to correct some erroneous opinions -and to prepare matter for the future historian of the nation. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE COUNTS OF LAVAGNA. - - The Valley of Entella and Lavagna--The Origin of the Counts of - Fieschi--Their Conflicts with the Commune of Genoa--The Treaty - of Peace between the Fieschi and Genoa--Civil Contentions--The - Riches and Power of the Counts Fieschi--Innocent IV. and Hadrian - V.--Cardinal Gianluigi Fieschi--The Fieschi Bishops and Lords of - Vercelli and Biella--Famous Fieschi Warriors--Isabella, wife of - Lucchino Visconti--St. Catherine--The Arms of the Family--Liberality - and munificence of the Fieschi--Gianluigi II.--Sinibaldo, lord of - thirty-three walled castles. - - -THAT portion of Eastern Liguria, where, according to Dante, - - “Fra Siestri e Chiavari - S’adima la bella fiumana,”[3] - -retains in our day but little resemblance to the ancient seat of the -Counts of Lavagna. Instead of forts and castles crowning every gentle -elevation, the modern tourist finds a church dedicated to St. Stephen, -and his eye wanders over hills, swelling above each other towards the -encircling mountains and covered with olive gardens and orchards. The -din of arms, the clash of maces and shields, is no longer heard; but -instead the ear is saluted with the songs of peaceful burghers whose -humble ambition finds content in gathering the fruit of the vines, -weaving their nets, and drawing from their famous caves that slate -which covers all the roofs of Liguria. - -The banks of that stream which our ancestors called Entella, and -we moderns Lavagna (from the name of the adjacent commune), have -preserved, through the changes of centuries, their wonderful charms. -It rises in the humble valley of Fontanabuona, is enriched by numerous -tributaries from vales on either hand, and slips quietly into the sea -after a course of only twenty-four miles. - -Some tell us that in ages which have no authentic history the ancient -Libarna was here, and that the name was afterwards corrupted into -Lavagna; but our modern geographers do not accept the opinion. It is -certain that Lavagna became the seat of a count of that name, who, -about the year one thousand of our era, ruled over the contiguous -districts of Sestri, Zoagli, Rapallo, Varese, and a great part of -Chiavari. From this epoch, for many centuries, the history of the -whole region was absorbed in that of the great family who ruled that -portion of Liguria. The origin of these Counts is lost in mediaeval -darkness. Giustiniani, Prierio, Panza, Sansovino, Betussi, and Ciaccone -believe that they came of the stock of the Dukes of Bourgogne or of -the Princes of Bavaria, and they affirm that the counts were called -FLISCI, because they watched over the collection of the imperial taxes. -On this point nothing can be said with certainty. For our part, -remembering that from the time of Otto the Great four powerful families -ruled over all Liguria--that is the Counts of Lavagna and Ventimiglia, -and the Marquises of Savona and Malaspina--we are led to believe that -the Fieschi, like the Estensi, Pallavicini, Malaspina, and many other -powerful houses, had a Longobardic derivation. This belief is supported -by the fact that the Counts of Lavagna ruled with Longobardic laws, -and drew from that nation, their Christian names as Oberto, Ariberto, -Valperto, Rubaldo, Sinibaldo, Tebaldo, and others of like formation, -which we find on every page of their family records. The Longobards -ruled almost a century and a half in Liguria, and it is probable that -many families of that nation founded feuds and took firm root with -their estates and castles. - -It is certain that the first count of the name clearly mentioned in -history was a certain Tedisio, son of Oberto, who ruled the county -of Lavagna in 992, and who had previously accompanied King Arduinus -through all his campaigns. From him descended, in the right line, -Rubaldo, Tedisio II., Rubaldo II., Alberto, and Ruffino. In the will -of Ruffino (1177) the name Fieschi occurs for the first time.[4] Then -followed Ugone and Tedisio III., brother of Pope Innocent IV. It is -not our purpose to speak of their genealogy, but we refer the curious -reader to works on that subject. - -The Counts of Lavagna, at a very early period, enlarged their -jurisdiction by acquiring many surrounding castles and feuds. The -growth of their power was so rapid that the Genoese people, in the -earliest days of the communal system (1008), found it necessary to -put a check on the increasing influence of this family. The Genoese -attempted to take possession of the castle of Caloso, the first -seat of the Fieschi, and then held by Count San Salvatore. The -Fieschi anticipated and foiled the movement by pushing forward their -conquests so as to include in their dominions Nei, Panesi, Zerli, -and Roccamaggiore. This conflict gave rise to long and indecisive -struggles, which did not end until the Genoese army, returning from the -Romagna in 1133, marched through Lavagna, dismantled its fortresses, -and, to secure the obedience of the Counts, fortified Rivarolo, in the -very heart of the country. The Counts rallied from the effects of this -staggering blow, and, by dint of extraordinary address and courage, -recovered their estates and independence. - -When Frederick I. besieged Milan, the Fieschi went to his camp to -pay him homage, and the Emperor, by royal decree, dated the 1st of -September, 1158, invested Count Rubaldo Fieschi with all the ancient -lands and rights of his family. - -This patent conferred upon the Counts the following territories and -privileges: - -The waters of Lavagna and the tolls (_pedaggio_) for the highways along -the sea-shore and the road through the mountains; feudatory rights over -the men who held allodial properties in the three plebeian hamlets of -Lavagna near the sea, Sestri, and Varese; and finally the wood which -has the following boundaries--from the Croce di Lambe to Monte Tomar, -thence to the bridge of Varvo, lake Fercia and Selvasola, returning to -the point of departure at Croce di Lambe. - -The Fieschi were thus rendered independent of the republic, and, about -1170, having made a secret treaty with Obizzo Malaspina and the counts -of Da Passano, they invested Rapallo, and put Genoa to such straits -that she was forced to ask aid of the marquises of Monferrato, Gavi, -and Bosco. The soldiers of the allies under the command of Enrico il -Guercio, Marquis of Savona, punished the contumacy and audacity of the -Fieschi. - -Finally, to compress much into few words, the commune of Genoa, on -the 25th of June, 1198, made a treaty with the Counts of Lavagna. The -latter bound themselves to content their ambition with the possession -of Lavagna, Sestri, and Rivarolo, and the commune conferred many -honours and privileges on the counts, especially reaffirming the rights -conveyed to the family by the Emperor. The Fieschi further pledged -themselves never more to draw sword against the city of Genoa or her -allies, the Bishop of Bobbio, and the Lords of Gavi, and to become -citizens of Genoa.[5] At the time of this treaty Count Martino was -the sole head of the whole family, but after his death they separated -into many branches. The principal line retained the name Fieschi; the -others were called Scorza, Ravaschieri, Della Torre, Casanova, Secchi, -Bianchi, Cogorno, and Pinelli. - -It is not our intention to speak further of the junior branches. The -treaty with Genoa marks the close of the wars between the commune and -the Fieschi, and the beginning of our domestic divisions, which for -centuries weakened the republic, and compelled the lover of repose to -seek it in voluntary exile. Those who adhered to the empire were called -_Mascherati_, and the opposite faction _Rampini_, headed by Fieschi. -It would be a long work and one outside of our purpose to describe -the various changes of fortune through which the Counts of Lavagna -passed, tossing up and down in the fury of political strife; but it is -noteworthy that they always maintained the character of defenders of -popular liberty. - -When Galeazzo Sforza was in power, they lived at Rome in exile, and -their castles were occupied by ducal garrisons; but after the death -(1476) of this tyrant, they rushed to arms, assailed the ducal palace -in Genoa, and forced Giovanni Pallavicini, governor under Sforza, to -take refuge in the fortress of Castelletto. Having made themselves -masters of the city, far from assuming supreme powers, they immediately -summoned the great parliament of the citizens who elected eight -captains of liberty, six of whom were taken from the people and two -from the patricians. Giano Giorgio and Matteo Fieschi were placed -at the head of the army; but to defend the city from the threatened -invasion a spirit of greater force and audacity was needed. The eyes -of the people fell upon Obietto Fieschi, who was at Rome a prisoner -of Sixtus IV., the ally of Sforza. He eluded the Pope’s vigilance, -put himself at the head of his own vassals, and fought long, until, -defeated by the imperial forces under Prospero Adorno, he was forced -to take shelter in the castles of his county. The fortresses of -Pontremoli, Varese, Torriglia, Savignone, and Montobbio were one -after the other wrested from him, and he himself was captured and -conducted to Milan, where, becoming involved in a plot against the -Duchess Bona, he was detained in prison. His brother, Gianluigi, took -his place and kept alive the fire of liberty. He routed Giovanni del -Conte and Giovanni Pallavicini, in Rapallo, with terrible slaughter. -He afterwards entered into negociations, and ceded Torriglia and -Roccatagliata to Prospero Adorno. - -But the Sforza government had so outraged the Genoese that popular -indignation ran high against it, and Prospero Adorno resolved to free -himself from his unfortunate alliance, and, to strengthen his new -position, sought and obtained the aid of the counts of Lavagna. The -Lombard regency sent a splendidly equipped army of more than sixteen -thousand men, to compel the rebels to return to their allegiance; but -Gianluigi Fieschi assaulted them in flank and rear with such skill -and courage that he put them to complete rout. The enemy took refuge -in Savignone and Montobbio, but Fieschi refused to listen to terms of -accommodation, stormed those strongholds, recovered his feuds, and -retained the prisoners as a ransom for Obietto. - -The Fieschi may have been restless partisans and promoters of intestine -strife, but they were never tyrants. Their broad lands, from which -they drew large revenues and considerable armies, enabled them to make -war upon a republic already strong in arms, and to snatch victory from -the troops of foreign lords. At this period they held in the duchies -of Parma and Piacenza the feuds of Calestano, Vigolone, Pontremoli, -Valdettaro, Terzogno, Albere, Tizzano, Balone, and a number of smaller -castles; in the territory of Lunigiana--Massa, Carrara, Suvero, -Calice, Vepulli, Madrignano, Groppoli, Godano, Caranza, and Brugnato; -in Valdibubera they were masters of Varzi, Grimiasco, Torriglia, -Cantalupo, Pietra, and Savignone; in Piedmont--Vercelli, Masserano, and -Crevacore; in Lombardy--Voghera (which Tortona sold to Percival Fieschi -in 1303), and Castiglione di Lodi; in Umbria--Mugnano; in the kingdom -of Naples--San Valentino; in Liguria, to say nothing of Lavagna, where -they coined money before 1294,[6] they possessed more than a hundred -boroughs. - -It should be added that most of these possessions came into their power -by conquest, purchase, or imperial gift before Innocent and Hadrian -ascended to the Pontifical throne. Nicolò Fieschi alone, to pass by -others of the family, bought seventy castles in Lunigiana from the -bishop of Luni and from the lords of Carpena then very powerful. He -ceded a great part of these feuds to the Republic, when he took the -leadership of the Guelphs and formed alliance with Naples against the -Ubertines (1270). This was the origin of long and bitter contests which -finally ended in a treaty of peace and the absolution of Genoa from -the interdict hurled against her by Pope Gregory at the instance of -Cardinal Fieschi, whose lands the Republic had seized. The convention -provided for the cession of a great part of the Cardinal’s feuds to -Genoa (1276). We believe there is no other family which counts in -its registers two Popes, seventy-two Cardinals and three-hundred -Archbishops, Bishops and Patriarchs. Sinibaldo who assumed the tiara -in 1242 under the title of Innocent IV, was an illustrious Pontiff. -Frederick II, who had found in him when cardinal a warm ally, proved -the strength of his hostility when he became Pope. The Emperor shut up -the Pope in the castle of Sutri in 1244 and the Genoese sent twenty two -galleys to raise the siege and rescue the pontiff. Innocent accompanied -his deliverers to Genoa and from here travelled by the mountain -road of Varazze to the castle of Stella, of which Jacopo Grillo (an -accomplished troubadour) was lord, and remained there for forty days. -A fountain from which he was wont to slake his thirst is still called -_Fontana Del Papa_. From Stella he journeyed by way of Acqui to Lyons, -where he summoned a general council and excommunicated Frederick, his -son Corrado and his followers and partisans the Duke of Bavaria and -Ezzelino. - -The Emperor to avenge this affront, captured and destroyed the castles -of the Fieschi in Liguria. The Pope, to rebuild and secure a home -wasted by many invasions, formed the magnificent scheme of surrounding -Genoa with walls and converting it into a refuge for the Guelph party. -He selected for his own residence the convent of S. Domenico,[7] -which had been the church of St. Egidius (having been donated to that -patriarch in 1220.) The Ghibellines, learning the Pope’s design, raised -a tumult and prevented the erection on that site of the palace which -afterwards adorned the summit of Carignano. - -Ottobuono, son of Tedisio, followed Innocent in the papal dignity and -took the name of Hadrian V. As legate of Urban IV, he had conducted -with success some difficult political negotiations. In the Council of -Lyons and in his embassies to Germany and Spain, the superiority of his -mind had given him a foremost place. When he ascended the pontifical -throne, he curbed the insolence of Charles of Anjou who was abusing his -office as Senator of Rome. His reign was short, for as Dante sings, - - “Un mese e poco piu provò Come pesa il gran manto”[8] - -The great Poet condemns him to the circle of the avaricious in -Purgatory, perhaps on account of the vast wealth which he amassed while -cardinal, the rental of which exceeded a hundred thousand gold marks. - -Luca Fieschi, Cardinal of S. Maria Invialata, was still richer. He, -like all the rest of his family, wielded the sword as well as made -pastoral addresses. The famous Sciarra Colonna, captured by him at -Anagni, had bitter experience of his warlike spirit. This cardinal as -legate of Clement V in Italy, accompanied Henry VII in his expedition -to our Peninsula in 1311. It was through his influence that Brescia -and Piacenza were saved from pillage as a punishment for their revolt. -After Henry’s coronation in Rome, the cardinal obtained by a decree, -issued at Pisa in 1313, the full confirmation of all his ancient feudal -rights. In his will, he ordered that, whoever of his heirs should be -patron of the church of S. Adriano in Trigoso should build, on the -estates of Benedetta De Marini, a church of equal size and beauty with -that in Trigoso, and he bequeathed a large amount of property to be -spent in its construction. This is the origin of that Gothic church in -Vialata whose sides are covered with alternate slabs of black and white -marbles. The word _Vialata_ is not derived from the violets which once -blossomed over that height, as some tell us, but from the cardinalate -of that temple which the vandals of our time have not yet entirely -disfigured. The friends of Luca Fieschi erected an honourable monument -to him, in the duomo of Genoa, some remains of which are yet visible on -a side door of our cathedral. - -Giovanni Fieschi, bishop of Vercelli and Guelph leader was also a -military chieftain. In 1371, he marched upon Genoa at the head of eight -hundred horse to avenge his family who as rebels had been dispossessed -of the castle of Roccatagliata by the Republic. He waged a long war -with the Visconti. They had robbed him of Vercelli, but he reacquired -this feud by subsequent treaty. He obtained from the Pope the temporal -sovereignty of that city; and Boniface IX and his successors invested -him with Montecapelli, Masserano and Crevacore. After his death, -Vercelli passed into the hands of his nephew Gianello, of good fame -both as a cardinal and warrior. It was by his influence and that of -Giacomo Fieschi, Archbishop of Genoa, that the Republic undertook -to rescue Urban IX when he was besieged in Nocera di Puglia. Nor -were Guglielmo and Alberto Fieschi without military celebrity. They -conquered the kingdom of Naples for their uncle Innocent IV. Not less -warlike were Emanuele and Giovanni Fieschi, who as bishops and lords -governed Biella in the middle of the fourteenth century. Giovanni, -however, had the misfortune to incur the displeasure of his people, was -driven from power, and ended his days in prison, 1377. The civil life -of Genoa for many centuries was a succession of political revolutions. -The leading spirits were always the Fieschi and Grimaldi, Guelphs, -and the Spinola and Doria, partisans of the Empire. Carlo Fieschi was -certainly a turbulent spirit and a promoter of discord. In order to -remove from power the opposite party, he handed the Republic over to -Robert of Naples, and Francesco Fieschi attempted to give Genoa to his -son-in-law the marquis of Monferrato. Francesco had fought as Guelph -general against Opizzino Spinola and the marquis of Monferrato had -given him valuable aid in the campaign which he successfully closed by -burning Busalla and desolating the Spinola estates. - -But Francesco exercised the rights acquired by conquest with a -moderation unusual in those times; and he committed the government of -the city to sixteen citizens. - -For the rest, the Fieschi though sometimes turbulent and dangerous to -the peace of the city, never laid violent hands on the liberties of -the Republic. Their struggles aimed to emancipate the city from the -influence and control of the imperial party, and they always faithfully -served those to whom they offered their arms. - -It is fitting to enumerate among the heroes of this noble line a -Giacomo Fieschi whom St. Louis created a grand marshal of France as -a reward for many distinguished services. Innocent IV. invested this -Giacomo with the kingdom of Naples and it is probable that Charles V -alluded to this fact when, writing to Sinibaldo Fieschi, he declared -him descended from the loins of kings. Nor can we omit Giovanni Fieschi -who, in 1337 governed the province of Milan and fell bravely in battle; -nor Danielo and Luca Fieschi who served as Florentine generals. It was -this Luca who in 1406 conquered Pisa. - -The Fieschi race is not famous alone for its men; its women have -been distinguished for purity of life and force of character, a few, -unfortunately, for vicious practices. We pass by Alassina, wife of -Moruello Malaspina whom Dante, after having lived in her court, praised -for her virtues. We know little else of her career. We pass Virginia, -daughter of Ettore Fieschi and wife of the Prince of Piombino, a wise -and virtuous matron; and also Jacopina who after the death of her first -husband, Nino Scoto, married Obizzo da Este. - -Alconata, or according to others Gianetta Fieschi, daughter of -Carlo and wife of Pietro de Rossi, lord of Parma, was notorious for -lascivious manners, and a still more infamous celebrity attaches to -the name of Isabella Fieschi, wife of Lucchino Visconti. The Milanese -Chroniclers tell us that Fosca (an epithet given to Isabella) obtained -permission from her husband to attend the naval tournament held in -Venice at the feast of the ascension in 1347. Magnificent preparations -were made in Lodi for the journey of the duchess. She selected for her -cortège the flower of the Lombard knights and ladies. It is said that -every dame was accompanied by her admirer. Isabella was received at -Mantua with distinguished courtesy by Ugolino Gonzaga whom she made -happy by her embraces. On her arrival in Venice she abandoned herself -to the arms of Doge Dandolo and the most elegant and accomplished -gentleman of that republican court. The dames of her cortège, as -usually happens, followed the example and imitated the gallantries of -their mistress. - -The fame of these amours reached Milan, where after the return of -the party, the dames one after another confessed their errors. No -husband was more deeply wounded than Lucchino, and he resolved to -avenge his dishonour in the blood of Fosca. The unscrupulous Genoese -dame, on learning the intention of her outraged lord, frustrated -it by administering to him, according to tradition, a slow poison. -Isabella was the most beautiful woman of her time; she had a numerous -family which she confessed on her death bed to have been the fruit of -her intrigues with Galeazzo, nephew of Lucchino, who was a brave and -accomplished knight. - -The daughter of Giacomo Fieschi and Francesca di Negro made ample -amends for the licentiousness of these members of her family. We -speak of that Catherine whom the church has glorified as a saint. She -was beautiful in person, simple in her tastes and pure in her life. -From her earliest years she avowed her desire to take the veil; but, -constrained by her parents, she married Giuliano Adorno, a man addicted -to every species and degree of vice. The virtues and prayers of -Catherine, whose pure spirit above all earthly aims looked steadfastly -towards heavenly things, were powerful enough to draw him back to the -paths of virtue. - -She was a miracle of love and wisdom. She wrote learned works, -especially a treatise upon Purgatory, which received the encomiums of -Cardinal Bellarmino, of the doctors of the Sorbonne and of the first -philosophers and critics of that period (1510.) - -Her relative and disciple, Tomasina Fieschi, imitated the devotional -spirit of the sainted Catherine. Nor was she less charming in -person nor less gifted in literary talents; but her manuscripts are -unfortunately lost and time has destroyed all but the sweet perfume of -her virtues. - -In the beginning of the thirteenth century, the counts of Fieschi -separated into two branches, that of Savignone of which we do not -purpose to write, and that of Torriglia. Both however continued to call -themselves counts of Lavagna, in memory of their origin. - -At this early period they were followers of the imperial party and they -received from Frederic, as his feudatories, the armorial bearing of -three azure bars on a silver field. But when Frederic quarrelled with -the Holy See the Counts embraced the Papal side and became leaders of -the Guelph party. Then they placed the cat (gatto) over their crests in -honour of the Bavarian family, head of the Guelph faction in Germany, -which probably gave us the name. Later, they wrote under the cat -“_sedens ago_” a symbol, says Federigo, of that wisdom which produces -by force of intellect rather than of hand.[9] The Torriglia branch used -sometimes to place a dragon upon their helmets; but the cat, as more -ancient, was the true armorial bearing of the family. - -The Lords of Este and Monferrato, the Gonzaga, Visconti Orsini, -Sanseverini, Sanvitali, Caretto, Pallavicini and Rossi took their -spouses from the Fieschi family, and received feuds, estates, and -burghs as dowries. The most illustrious families of Italy coveted -alliance with their blood. Even the counts of Savoy intermarried with -them and in this way acquired large possessions in Piedemont. Innocent -IV. married his niece Beatrice to count Tomaso of Savoy, and gave as -dower the castles of Rivoli and Viana, together with the valley of -Sesia. In 1259 count Tomaso was created by Innocent _gonfaloniere_ of -the church; and Ottobuono Fieschi liberated from prison in Asti Amedeo, -Tomaso and Ludovico, sons of Tomaso. - -They were not less generous and distinguished at home. About the -year 1286, they erected a large tower and a castle at the gate of -Sant’Andrea. In times equally remote, Opizzo Fieschi built for his -residence a marble palace on the piazza of the duomo, enriching it -with statutes, decorations, and precious vessels. This palace served -afterwards for the council chamber of the Podesta, until Boccanegra -took possession of it. Innocent IV. was born there. They built several -other palaces in the city, which enjoyed full immunity; neither the -sheriff nor his officers could cross their thresholds to serve writs -or capture those who had taken refuge within them. The greater part of -their palaces were destroyed in the rage of civil war. The one which -Carlo Fieschi fortified near the church of S. Donato was ruined in -1393, and a year later that of cardinal Giacomo Fieschi, one of the -most sumptuous in Italy, shared the same fate. - -They did not content themselves with adorning Genoa with palaces. The -convents of Servi, S. Leonardo, and S. Francesco bear witness to their -public spirit, not to mention the many hospitals, churches, and other -public edifices with which they enriched the Eastern Riviera. These -public charities were at various times rewarded with dignities and -privileges, especially by a decree that the first-born of the count of -Lavagna should sit in the council chamber above the elders and next -to the Doge. The office of doge, denied by law to the nobles until -1528, the Fieschi, in the height of their power, conferred upon their -adherents, and in peaceful times they were by this means masters of the -Republic. There is no instance in which a Fieschi, in any revolution, -attempted to grasp at supreme power, or lay violent hands on popular -liberty. - -Gianluigi II. was no exception to this rule. He purchased from Corrado -Doria the feud of Loano, and was ambitious of becoming master of Pisa. -When the Pisans asked as a favour to be incorporated into the Republic -of Genoa, Gianluigi, as a means to his private ambition, discouraged -his fellow-citizens from accepting the gift. The Genoese were so -enraged at discovering the motives and intrigues of Fieschi, that a -year after they excluded the nobles from office, took possession of the -Fieschi castles, and elected eight tribunes of the people as heads of -the government. Louis XII., instigated by the nobility, punished this -plebeian audacity by restoring the Fieschi to their ancient dominions, -and assigning them the government of all Eastern Liguria. At that time -the king visited Genoa, and lodged in the Fieschi palace in Carignano, -where, perhaps in the festal rejoicings, he encountered that Tomasina -Spinola, who, according to the chronicles of the period, was so smitten -with his personal charms, that she died soon after of her unhappy love. - -The riches and power of Gianluigi gave him the title of Great, and his -virtues and varied abilities acquired him such consideration that, when -after the death of his first wife, Bartolomea della Rovere, he wedded -Catherine, sister of the Marquis of Finale, the senate paid homage to -his distinguished merit by proclaiming a safe conduct from Corvo to -Monaco for all who should attend the espousals. His son, Sinibaldo, -did not, like his father, cultivate the friendship of the French. His -brother was assassinated by the Fregosi, and to obtain vengeance he -used his influence to elevate the Adorni to the place occupied by the -Fregosi. When Ottaviano Fregoso returned to power, Sinibaldo retired -to his estates, formed an alliance with the Adorni, and marched upon -Genoa in 1522. He fought bravely against the French when Cesare Fregoso -led them against the city, but he was made prisoner, and only obtained -his liberty by the payment of a heavy ransom. Afterwards he united with -Andrea Doria to expel the French from Genoa; he captured Savona by -storm, and gave powerful aid to Andrea in carrying the Republic over to -the Imperial cause. Having lost his brothers, he came to be the sole -head of his family, and inherited all the vast possessions and wealth -of his father. Charles V. confirmed his titles to his estates. He went -as the ambassador of the Republic, to assume the investiture from the -emperor of some castles, and spent on the occasion a large sum which he -would not permit the Republic to repay. - -Sinibaldo united to his feuds Pontremoli, for which he paid twelve -thousand gold crowns[10] to Francesco Sforza. His united possessions -now embraced thirty-three walled castles, besides innumerable estates -and villas on the sides of the Appennines, bounded by Genoa and Sarzana -on the sea, and by Tortona, Bobbio, Parma and Piacenza, inland. - -He was also master of many other feuds separated from his county. He -drew such large revenues from these lands that the Republic had no -other citizen of equal wealth, and he lived with a pomp and luxury -till then unknown in Italy. His munificent generosity earned him -the merited praise of Ariosto, who places him at the fountain of -Malagigi,--foremost among those whose lances are wounding the fierce -image of avarice. - -He died in 1532, leaving Maria della Rovere a widow. She was the niece -of Julius II., and bore Sinibaldo a numerous family. He was buried, -wrapped in silk cloth of gold, in the vault of his fathers, in our -cathedral, and Ugo Partenopeo pronounced his funeral oration. - -The eldest son of Sinibaldo was that Gianluigi, whose career we are -about to describe. But in order to pronounce a just opinion of his -actual character, we believe it important to speak at some length of -the condition of Italy and the Republic of Genoa when he appeared on -the political stage. A great man is, in our opinion, the expression of -a social want; he embodies and expresses the ideas of the times wherein -he is born, and therefore is a compendious symbol of the people among -whom he lives. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE ITALIAN STATES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - - Leo X., and his false glories--Desperate condition of the Italian - states in the sixteenth century--Their aversion to the Austrian - power--The Sack of Rome--Wars and Plagues--Charles V. and Francis - I.--The Despotism of Christian powers causes Italian powers to desire - the yoke of the Turks--The Papal theocracy renews with the empire the - compact of Charlemagne. - - -THE age of Leo X., in painting whose meretricious splendours, our -historians have rivalled each other, was one of the most unfortunate in -the history of Italy. Let others call the age of Valentine and Charles -V. the age of gold; Raphael, Titian, and Michael Angelo cannot make us -forget Leyva, Baglioni, and the barbarians who overran Italy, bringing -in plague, famine, and intestine war. Swiss and French in Lombardy, -French and Spaniards in Naples, Swiss and Germans in Venetia rendered -every region desolate and every government despotic. Julius II. spoke -falsehood when he boasted that he had expelled the Ultramontanes from -Italian soil; he merely drove out one foreigner by the help of another, -and the last invaders filled the people with desperate longing for the -old oppressors. After his death the Papal dignity was conferred on Leo -de’ Medici, whose name has a false lustre in letters and arts. - -It was a grave delusion or a sychophantic flattery to attribute to -him the impulse that revived liberal studies. The great intellects who -flourished under his pontificate had risen to fame before his time. -He covered them with wealth and honours out of no sympathy with their -pursuits, but to emasculate their independent spirits and stifle the -groans of the nation in whose bosom the spirit of independence began to -react under the hammer of incessant misfortune. - -The manners of Leo were wholly corrupt and his religion atheism. The -Lutheran doctrines which spread in his time owed their success to -the trade in indulgences, the profits of which he conferred before -collection upon his sister Magdalene Cybo, to repay her family for the -princely receptions they gave him in Genoa. - -The scribblers called him The Great, because they lived upon him, and -were only idle ornaments of a luxurious court. He entertained the -Romans with feasts and games, because he was a devotee of pleasure, -and, according to the saying of the people, wished to enjoy the papacy. -But the chases of Corneto and Viterbo, the infamies of Malliana, the -suppers of the gods, and the fisheries of Bolsena were paid for with -money borrowed at forty per cent. The people of the Romagna, bleeding -under his insatiable collectors of revenue, prayed for the Turkish -yoke, as a relief from that of the Popes. When it was his plain duty to -restore his wasted provinces by permanent peace, he excited new wars, -for whose conduct he had neither money, energy, nor talents. History -has been strangely generous with Leo. His intrigues, his wrongheaded -policy, the fictitious conspiracy of Florence,--for which Macchiavello -was beheaded, Braccioli and Capponi killed, and many others imprisoned -or banished,--still await a pen sharp enough to cut away his borrowed -glories. - -At the death of Maximilian of Austria, the electors conferred the -empire on Charles V. of Spain, who was already master of the Two -Sicilies. The power of Charles threatened the independence of Rome, and -Leo formed a league with France, in the audacious hope of expelling -the Spaniard from Italy. But he betrayed his ally for a dukedom in -the kingdom, conferred on his bastard son Alexander de’ Medici. A war -broke out, and the Papal and Imperial troops, led by Prospero Colonna -and Marquis Pescara, had already occupied Milan, when the sudden death -of Leo cut short his enterprises. His successor was the Flemish Van -Trusen, under the title of Hadrian VI. He had never set foot in Italy, -and was therefore called a barbarian. The corrupt prelates despised a -Pope, under whom absolution cost only a ducat. - -Hadrian was unable to continue the war, the Papal treasury having been -drained by the prodigality of Leo. Besides the Rovere, Baglioni and -Malatesta had seized the Papal dominions. The other states of Italy -were not more fortunate than the Papal. Venice had been bleeding to -death since the league of Cambray; Florence was under the heel of -Julius de’ Medici; the lords of Mantua and Ferrara were in the grasp -of a master; the Marquis of Monferrato and the Duke of Savoy were -protected by French garrisons; the kingdom of Naples was barbarized -and taxed to the verge of ruin by those Spanish hordes who from the -poverty of their clothing were called the _Bisogni_.[11] Charles did -not pay his armies a sous, and they had scarcely routed the French -under Lautrec when they began a general pillage of Italy. Though the -Pope was Charles’ ally the pontificial territory did not escape the -common fate. The excesses of Ultramontane lust and avarice bred a -terrible pestilence in Florence and in Rome; new wounds for Italy. When -the plague had reached its height, the pontiff in an insane fright -abolished the sanitary laws on the plea that they were offensive to -Heaven and heretical. Thus the pestilence, encountering no obstacles, -raged with unchecked violence. - -We are told that in these straits, the Romans longing to find a -barrier to such a flood of woes, sacrificed a bull with all the pagan -ceremonies to the divinities of the ancient Republic. To such a degree -had the atheism of the popes taken root among the people! - -Julius, of the Medici family, succeeded to Hadrian VI.; but he did not -bring peace to Italy. The French, led by Bonnivet made a new attempt -to recover Lombardy. Prospero Colonna made them pay dearly for the -enterprise; but Francis I. invaded Italy in force, and Milan, desolated -by the plague, came into his power. Who at that period cared for the -independence of Italy? Venice, Venice alone. In the battle of Pavia, -Francis I. was beaten and captured. Venice seeing the knife pointed at -her own breast by Imperial hands, proposed to Louisa of Savoy, mother -of the captive French king and regent of France, a general league of -the enemies of Spain, the mustering of armies and the liberation of the -illustrious prisoner. The Pope opposed the scheme and bound himself -closer to the emperor whose satellites he paid largely for leaving him -in peace. The German leaders divided the money and went on robbing the -subjects of the Pope. - -In the meantime the treaty of Madrid (1526) released Francis I. from -prison and he made haste to violate the stipulations extorted from -him by force. He formed an alliance for the liberation of Italy, -with the Pope, the Venitians and Francis Sforza. The French monarch -proclaimed himself the apostle of liberty for oppressed people and -awakened everywhere the spirit of resistance to the Spanish power. A -strange delusion that the French monarch sought to enfranchise Italy -seized upon the most illustrious men of our Peninsula. The Genoese were -especially forward in urging the Pope to abandon the Imperial alliance -and join the French league. Foremost among those who shared this -delusion was Giammateo Ghiberti of Genoa, chancellor of Clement VII., -a knight of stainless honour and a prelate uncontaminated by the moral -leprosy which raged in the Roman court. - -The choicest spirit in literature and science supported the generous -hopes of Ghiberti. Among them was Pietro Bembo who had been secretary -to Leo X., Ludovico Canossa, the French ambassador in Venice, and -Jacopo Sodoleto, an extraordinary genius whom the amorous overtures -of the beautiful Imperia failed to degrade. Sodoleto, a man deeply -religious and patriotic had urged Clement to make bold reforms in -the bosom of the church. He founded in Rome, with the cöperation of -Ghiberti, Bembo, Caraffa and many others, the oratorio of divine love, -and he openly professed his belief in the doctrine of justification by -faith, a dogma of the evangelical churches. - -Around these leaders, the lovers of liberal studies and of their -country, began to form a party, which included such men as Valeriano -Pierio, Vida, Bini, Blasio, Negri, Navagero and even Berni, who, when -he saw that Pope Clement neglected the advice of patriots and clung -to Spain, prophesied that the Pope and his shearers would share the -ruin of Italy. This awaking to liberty and the increasing aversion of -the Italians to the Imperial power, stimulated the Spanish governors -to harsher measures. The desertion of their party by the duke of -Milan furnished the conquerors with a specious pretext for desolating -whole provinces and draining the blood of the people by taxation and -subsidies. This unfortunate country saw at that moment a spectacle of -unbridled barbarity without parallel in history. The Spanish soldiers -were quartered in the houses of the Milanese, and the citizen was -treated not as a host but as a prisoner. His feet were tied to a bed, -or to a beam; or he was thrown into a cellar, where he would be -tormented into surrendering money or lands; or to the gratification -of a more vile cupidity. When the unfortunate victim died of grief -or, impelled by rage and despair, drowned himself in a well or threw -himself from a window, the _Bisogni_ immediately sought another house -in which to renew the same barbarities. The Lombard provinces had not -even the consolation of human pity. The duke of Urbino, commanding the -armies of Venice and Rome, gave them no encouragement to hope. Indeed, -he lacked the means for open war or even for skirmishing with the -Spanish army. Germany poured down new soldiers. Shall we say soldiers? -George Frandesperg marched at the head of fifteen thousand robbers, and -swore to put a halter round the neck of the Pope and to pay his legions -with the pillage of Italian cities. - -Nor were foreigners the only tormentors of the bleeding peninsula. In -Rome the Orsini supported the Pope the Colonna were partisans of Cæsar. -Cardinal Pompeo collected eight thousand peasants on the _Agro Romano_ -and unleashed them against the Vatican. They made a general pillage and -their leader compelled the _Sultan of Christianity_, as he styled the -Pope, to break the league he had formed with Venice and France. Deeds -were committed which history shrinks from recording. The Ultramontanes, -not content with enslaving provinces, slaked their thirst in the blood -of the people. The inhumanity of the Germans, the avarice of the -Swiss--who even then made merchandise of their fealty--the rapacity of -the Aragonese and the licentiousness of the Gauls reached and polluted -everything in Italy. - -It is true that there was this diversity in their manners, that the -Swiss and Germans, despising the restraints of both law and religion, -utterly despoiled the vanquished and revelled in every species of -brutality; while the French divided the spoils with those to whom -they belonged and seduced, instead of violating, the women. As for -the Spaniards, words are inadequate to describe the cruelty with -which they slaughtered and tore in pieces our conquered populations. -Macchiavello has finely contrasted the French and the Spaniards of -that time. “The Frenchman is equally prodigal of his own property -and that of his neighbour and he robs with small concern whether he -is to eat the booty, destroy it or make riot of it with the lawful -owner. The spirit of the Spanish plunderer is different; when he robs -you do not hope to see a shred of your own again.” Spanish despotism -imprinted its bloody hands on the face of every province. Witness -the pillage of Rome by the Constable of Bourbon--who perished there, -perhaps by the hand of Cellini--for proof that the Goth Alaric and -every other barbarian leader were less ferocious than a christian -army. The Spanish hordes plundered all the wealth and precious vessels -which the devotion of christendom had amassed in the churches of Rome -during twelve centuries. The Spanish catholics were worse vandals than -the German Lutherans. Whoever escaped the clutches of the one was put -to death by the other, or at best only saved himself by paying heavy -ransom. In Rome the most venerable things were put to unseemly uses. -Drunken soldiers in sacred robes and mitres danced obscene dances in -the streets and public squares, and their impious mockeries always -ended in bloody saturnalia. The corpses of murdered citizens strewed -the streets; and after nine months of this carnival of death, a fierce -pestilence broke out to complete the desolation. - -The emperor derived no advantage from imprisoning the Pope, wasting his -provinces and butchering his people. A pressing want of money induced -Charles to restore Julius to his throne, as the same motive had led him -to liberate the French king. It seems incredible that the master of -Spain, the Netherlands, Sicily, the Lombard provinces and Mexico should -have drawn no profit from his vast possessions. The Lutheran movement -in Germany, the threats of France, the distrust of the king of England, -the secret intrigues of the Pope and the doubtful fidelity of some -Italian princes, whom Venice was inciting to revolt, may have conspired -to palsy his arms in the very moment of victory. - -A little before the sack of Rome, Odo di Foix, lord of Lautrec and -general of France avenged the defeat of his sovereign at Pavia by -capturing this city and subjecting it to an eight day’s pillage. -The edifices were so ruined and the population so thinned that -Leandro Alberti writes;--“The sight of it excited compassion.” It is -melancholy satisfaction to write, that, of the crowds of foreigners who -poured into Italy to plunder and ravage, very few returned to their -native lands. The Peninsula became their sepulchre--of the French -particularly--who to speak truth, seldom committed those excesses which -were common to the Spaniards and Germans. It may be added, too, that -it has always been the misfortune of France to make useless conquests -in Italy. Her army which, after the destruction of Melfi, advanced -to the siege of Naples, counting more than twenty-five thousand men, -was so thinned by pestilential fevers that two months afterwards it -did not contain four thousand men fit for duty. The frightful plague -did not spare Lautrec, and after the treaty of Antwerp only a few -skeletons were permitted to set foot on the soil of France. The army -which deluged Rome with blood met with a more calamitous fate. Shut -up in Naples under the Prince of Orange, governor of that city, it -was attacked and mowed down by a pestilence which was at once the -consequence and punishment of its insane license. Even Francis Bourbon, -count of San Polo, who, the _Bisogni_ having left nothing to plunder, -put the villages and hamlets through which he passed to fire and sword, -was totally defeated and made prisoner in Landriano (1529) by the -ferocious Antonio di Leyva, the scourge of Lombardy. - -The kings becoming weary, the people being drained of their blood, the -necessity of peace was strongly felt. Charles V., who had no title to -greatness, but the extent of his dominions, who was crooked in design -and avaricious of spirit, hastened to form an incestuous union with -the Pope, and the fruit of their embraces was the slavery of Florence. -Cæsar bound himself to immolate the Republic to the vengeance of -Clement and put under Papal pay the hordes of assassins who had already -desolated the greater part of the Peninsula. The bastard Alexander de’ -Medici married a bastard daughter of the emperor; whence the treaty -of Cambray by which France delivered Italy, bound hand and foot to -Charles Fifth, recovering Bourgogne and his children for the shameful -desertion. He ignominiously lost in this treaty the honour which he -preserved stainless in his defeat and capture at Pavia. This king had -strange contradictions in his character. He promised, with apparent -sincerity, liberty to nations and then abandoned them at caprice; he -was hated by people whom he overwhelmed with public burdens, but loved -by the learned whom he protected and honoured. He offered his hand to -the heretics of Germany, and burned under a slow fire the heretics of -France. He invited the Turks into Italy and betrayed the Venitians and -Florentines; but he kept faith with his bitter enemy, granting Charles -V. safe conduct through French territory. - -The pontiff being about to crown Charles in Bologna with the Lombard -and Imperial diadems, the latter ordered the Italian princes, as his -vassals, to pay him homage on that occasion (1530). Alfonso d’Este, -Frederick Gonzaga, the dukes of Urbino and Savoy, and the Marquis of -Monferrato submitted to him; the Republics of Genoa, Siena and Lucca -counted themselves happy in being permitted to retain their old form of -government, and Florence which under the influence of Nicolò Capponi -had elected Christ for its king, now vainly defended by the brave -Ferruccio was forced to humble herself to slavery. That portion of -North Italy which in modern language is called Piedmont was involved -in equal if not greater disasters. On account of its situation between -Austria and France, it was overrun and desolated by barbarian invaders -from 1494 to 1559. “We do not believe,” say the commissioners of Henry -VIII. of England, “that it is possible to find in all Christendom -greater wretchedness than reigns in this country. The best towns are -either in ruins or depopulated. There are few districts in which -food is to be found. The extensive plain, fifty miles in length, -which lies between Vercelli and Pavia, once so fertile in cereals and -wines, is reduced to a desert. The fields are uncultivated; except -three poor women gathering a few grapes, we saw not the shadow of a -human creature. There, they neither sow nor reap; the country sides -are growing wild, and the uncultivated vines are returning to their -primitive state.” - -Charles III., the unfortunate, was ruling over these desolated -provinces and his subjects suffered every species of indignity, outrage -and despotism. To render matters, if possible, a little worse, Gonzaga -urged the Emperor to reduce to a swamp all that wide plain between the -Alps and the Po to form a barrier to French invasion of Lombardy. - -In fine, there was no city in all Italy which was not conquered and -oppressed by foreign armies. Of Genoa I shall speak in its place. It -is worth while to mention Nice, where in 1538 Paul III. held the -congress at which a truce was concluded between Cæsar and Francis I. -Five years afterwards, Francis marched upon and besieged it with the -help of the Turks. This siege is memorable in Italian history for the -heroic spirit of Segurana, but after the death at the sword’s point -of all her bravest defenders, the city was forced to surrender. The -citizens abandoned their homes, though they had obtained a promise of -immunity for their property from pillage by the soldiery. The Turks -kept faith, while the French violated their pledges, thus giving rise -to a general desire among Italians to become subject to the Turks, -from a conviction that they could no longer endure the weight of their -misfortunes. There were writers as Vives, who speaking of Italy, (1529) -sought to discourage this sentiment, telling the Italians that the -Turks would heap worse miseries upon them. But it is incredible that -Soliman could have equalled the endless tortures inflicted by Francis -I. and Charles V. Segni says: “More than two hundred thousand persons -killed in war, more than a hundred cities and important castles sacked -and destroyed, so many thousands of innocent men and women destroyed by -pestilence and famine that one cannot number them, matrons debauched, -maidens ravished, abominable practices with children, an endless -catalogue of crimes against religion and nature committed against each -other by christians, all owe their origin to the implacable enmity of -two men, who were born and have grown old in eternal hatred to each -other. They are not weary of shedding the blood of their fellows; they -continue to fight and will fight to the end of their lives.”[12] He -proceeds:--“Afflicted peoples cannot do better than pray God to destroy -or subject them both to the sway of the grand Turk, so that the world -may come under the power of a single monarch, who, though he be a -barbarian and an enemy to our laws, may give us a little repose wherein -to rear our children to a life, of poverty indeed, but free from the -burdens of our miserable existence.” - -The people of Germany, always restless under the yoke of ancient Rome, -were rising against the Papal power, which had taken the place of -the ancient empire. At the voice of Luther laying bare the festering -diseases of the Roman court, the learned of Italy were moved. The -Pope comprehended that there was no other means of extirpating the -seeds of reform which had already sprung up in Italy but to ally -himself with catholic Spain: she was in the zenith of her glory. -Such captains as Cortes and Pizzaro sailed away with a galley and -returned conquerors of a new world. Who better than the compatriots of -Torquemada could suffocate in blood the free voices of the disciples -of Huss and Wicliffe? From that moment the compact of Charlemagne was -renewed between Charles V. and the Roman theocracy, and through it the -Spaniards tightened their grasp on Milan, Naples, Palermo and Cagliari, -and established their ascendency over the whole Peninsula. - -From Charles V. dates our humiliation and slavery. From his time the -Peninsula has had no proper history. Its vicissitudes and calamities -are only episodes of the great drama enacted by the nations who have -fought against each other for our blood. The council of Trent was -not an act of national life. It grew out of the philosophic spirit -of reform and the scandals of the Roman court, and was initiated by -Germany and France while England was separating herself from the -catholic church. This celebrated synod shows nothing but the conflict -between the church and the empire, between the reformers and the -courtiers of Rome struggling to maintain their privileges, between -the Popes who fought to maintain their abuses and the secular princes -who secretly laboured to shake off the priestly yoke. The Italian -people had no part in it. The religious discussions upon divine grace, -predestination and justification by faith did not reach us, who were -everywhere plotting to recover our independence and freedom. - -In fact this is the century of popular conspiracies, which were always -strangled by degenerate nobles and foreign armies. It is true that the -most illustrious Italians sided with the people and died for their -righteous cause; but these were vain struggles. From the day that -Lorenzino de’Medici, for whom the Spanish power (which Duke Alexander -was consolidating in Italy) was too bitter, formed the design of -restoring the Republic and then, bought by promises of lascivious -embraces, stifled his own purpose, the spark of liberty took fire and -in every city the plebeians rose against their foreign oppressors. - -Such, briefly, was the condition of Italy in the early part of the -sixteenth century, in which she lost that preëminence and reputation -under which she had hitherto flourished. It is necessary to study this -period, because it was then that Europe initiated the great work of her -civil renovation, while in Italy there was desperate strife between -dying liberties and rising tyrannies. Two hostile forces were wrestling -together and shaking men’s souls; the regal and foreign dominion -supported by the nobles, and the generous pride of citizens making -heroic sacrifices to remain a people. Charles V. turned the trembling -balance. Only in that age could have risen the company of Jesus, -who did not, like the monks, constitute a democracy but an absolute -monarchy such as Cæsar was founding on the ruins of our communes. The -disciples of Loyola and the nobles were the sole supporters of the -Austro-Spanish power, and they showed a common solicitude to strengthen -the principles of despotic government. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -ANDREA DORIA AND THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA. - - The Nobles and the People--Andrea Doria and his first enterprises--How - he abandoned France, and went over to the Emperor--Accusations and - opinions with regard to his motives--The laws of the _Union_ destroyed - the popular, and created the aristocratic Government--The objects of - Doria in contrast with those of the Genoese Government and the Italian - Republics--The lieutenants of Andrea and his naval forces--Popular - movements arrested by bloody vengeance. - - -WE turn with painful recollections from the conditions of Italy to -that of the Genoese Republic. Our annals offer us only vicissitudes -of intestine divisions and wars, in which, however, there were heroic -achievements that have rendered the Republic illustrious. - -The history of Liguria is full of the Doria name. There is no modern -family which can boast so many examples of heroism as this house, -and only the Scipios among the ancients are entitled to equal fame. -From the earliest times they were partisans of the empire; while the -Fieschi, after Innocent IV. maintained the cause of the people, drawing -to that side the powerful family of Grimaldi. The Doria and Spinola -formed alliance, and became the leaders of the Ghibellines. From that -moment a warm contest arose between these great families, and it did -not end until, in 1257, the people elected Guglielmo Boccanegra captain -and defender of their liberties. After his death, the hostile nobles -renewed their insane discords; but the people, weary of these domestic -wars and following the examples of other Italian communes, drove -out the nobles, (1340) and created Simon Boccanegra first Doge. The -nobles were by law excluded from this highest office, and even from -the command of a galley;[13] and not a few illustrious families passed -into the ranks of the people by their own election. It is well known -that before the reforms of Doria, the so-called nobles were held in -less honour than distinguished men of the people, because their rank -excluded them from the Dogate and many other offices. The Doria and -Spinola came to power in a revolutionary period, and in violation of -law. This severe prohibition was afterwards modified, but the office -of Doge continued to be a popular prerogative. The principal families -of the people were the Adorni and Fregosi, in whose hands the supreme -offices remained for several centuries, and these names are conspicuous -in our civil conflicts which were so frequent and bitter that in one -year the head of the government was four times changed. In these -calamitous times--redeemed from disgrace by the three manly figures of -Columbus, Julius II., and Andrea Doria,--the Genoese, whose misfortune -has ever been to despise servitude and to be incapable of preserving -liberty, were compelled to invoke the protection of princes strong -enough to curb the ambition of individual citizens. But it was always -stipulated that the franchises of the city should not be impaired, -nor its laws changed; there was, in fact, no true transfer of power. -Whenever we were borne down by foreign arms, it was the work of the -nobility conspiring against the people. - -Even in the time of Louis XII., when Italy was yielding him a tardy -and reluctant obedience, the Genoese rose in rebellion, triumphed over -the plots of the nobles, threw down the government of the royal vicar, -drove out the army of Cleves, assembled in the Church of St. Maria di -Castello, and elected eight tribunes of the people. The nobles were put -to flight, the hostile army routed, and supreme power returned to the -hands of the people. - -The Geonese showed themselves truly great. They drew out of his -workshop Paolo da Novi, a silk dyer, and despite his modest refusals -elected him Doge. Nor did they err in electing the modest operative -to the highest office. “Paolo,” as Foglietta writes, “was a man of -honour and integrity, pure from every vice, and proof against all the -temptations of the great.” His first and sole study was the glory and -unity of the Republic. He, in fact, reconquered some feuds for the -state, particularly Monaco, which the Grimaldi had usurped. - -In the midst of Paolo’s generous designs, Louis XII., to whom the -Geonese nobility had opened the doors of their country, descended -upon him with a formidable army. Genoa was converted into a field -of battle; every plebeian became a soldier, and the valour of the -citizens checked the impetuous advance of the French battalions. But -the patriots were overcome by numbers and discipline; Paolo di Novi was -betrayed and butchered; the people were reduced to slavery. Rodolfo -di Lanoia, to whom Louis committed the government of the city, was -constrained to resign his office,--says Foglietta--on account of the -boundless avarice and insolence of the nobles who struggled to advance -their private interests by ruining the public weal. - -As Boccanegra was the father of our popular liberty so Doria was its -executioner. He wrested the government from the hands of the people, -and committed it to those of the nobles. He momentarily silenced, but -did not destroy, the rage of parties. By depressing the populace, he -cut the nerves of the Republic; he gave us independence in name, but he -destroyed the franchises of the citizens. A great historian has justly -said, that the liberties given us by Andrea Doria are ridiculous; the -future will accept that as the final decision of history. - -Andrea was a soldier from his youth. He learned the rudiments of war -from Domenico Doria, who was of his blood and had distinguished himself -in the court of Innocent VIII. He served successfully under the Pope, -Ferdinando the old of Naples and his son Alfonso II., and sustained -the siege of Rocca Guglelma against Gonsalvo di Cordova. Afterwards he -fought under Giovanni della Rovere, duke of Urbino, and having been -elected tutor of the duke’s son, Francesco Maria, he saved him from the -intrigues of Cæsar Borgia, by taking him to Venice and entrusting him -to the protection of the Venitian senate. - -He allied himself with the party of the Fregosi, who were friends of -his house; and when Doge Ottaviano besieged for twenty-two months -the fortress of Cape Faro, which was held for the French; he fought -single-handed with the brave Emanuel Cavallo, and was slightly wounded -in the contest. - -But his greatest glory was acquired in naval war. His battles with -the Moors and Turks gave him fame and wealth, and after the battle of -Pianosa (1519), in which, with six vessels, he conquered thirteen of -the enemy’s; capturing several with the famous corsair Gad Ali’ he -became the terror of Saracen ships. When the Fregosi were driven from -power and their places taken by the Adorni, Doria, disdaining to serve -under this family, sold his services to France, and took with him six -galleys belonging to the Republic, which he never restored. The motive -of this appropriation of public property was his bitter animosity to -Spain, whose party the Adorni and the Republic had embraced. This -animosity was rendered more violent by the sack of Genoa in 1522 -by the Spanish army, a pillage so horrible that when the authors -of it, Pescara, Colonna and Sforza, presented themselves to Pope -Hadrian humbly asking pardon, the pontiff indignantly repulsed them, -crying,--“I cannot, I ought not, I will not forgive you.” - -Doria was so incensed that he condemned to chains and the galleys, -without hope of redemption, all Spaniards who fell into his hands. - -In the year 1527, Pope Clement VIII. was allied with his most Christian -Majesty, with the Venitians the Florentines and other governments -against the power of Charles. To further the objects of the alliance -Francis sent Lautrec into Italy at the head of forty thousand men, -and Andrea Doria besieged Genoa with a large force. It is not within -our scope to describe how the Republic, through the influence of -Cæsar Fregosi and Doria, went over to the party of France. Francis, -to gratify the wishes of Andrea, entrusted the government to Teodoro -Trivulzio, Antoniotto Adorno, having gracefully retired from the office -of Doge. - -Doria having been created admiral of France, with a salary of -thirty-six thousand crowns, rose to great fame, on account of his -victories and those of his lieutenants. Among these victories, that of -Filippino Doria in the gulf of Salerno, deserves a brief mention, both -because it was won by Italian arms, and because something should be -added to the accounts given by other authors. Lautrec, while besieging -Naples, desired to blockade the port, so as to prevent the supply of -provisions to its defenders, and sent for the galleys of Doria, seven -of which were then in Leghorn, under the command of Filippino Doria -Count of Sassocorbario and Canosa and Andrea’s cousin. - -Naples, surrounded on every side, would have been unable to sustain the -siege, and the viceroy, Hugo Moncada, saw the necessity of breaking -the enclosing lines by some daring undertaking. He collected six -galleys called the _Capitana_ and _Gobba_, (the property of Fabrizio -Giustiniano) one belonging to Sicames, another which was the property -of Don Bernardo Vallamarino, the _Perpugnana_ and _Calabrese_. To -these were added ten brigantines and some smaller vessels. The viceroy -embarked upon the ships twelve hundred Spaniards clad in mail and -commanded by the flower of the officers and barons of the kingdom. -Finally, he himself joined the expedition and gave the command of -the artillery to Gerolamo da Trani and that of the army to Fabrizio -Giustiniano, called the hunchback, a brave Genoese in the pay of Spain. -The latter, knowing the courage and skill of the Ligurian mariners -advised that the Spanish fleet should avoid a close engagement with -Doria; but a contrary opinion prevailed. - -Count Filippino was in the waters of Salerno when the report reached -him that the imperial fleet had left Naples. - -He asked Lautrec to reinforce him with only two hundred infantry. -Of the eight vessels under his command, that is, the _Capitana_, -_Pellegrina_, _Donzella_, _Sirena_, _Fortuna_, _Mora_, _Padrona_ and -_Signora_, he sent the three last under the command of Nicolò Lomellino -out to sea as if they wished to escape, with orders, however, to turn -about, and, driving down before the wind, attack the enemy in the -rear. Filippino with the remaining five vessels awaited the assault of -Moncada, who, trusting to the strength of his fleet and the bravery -of his captains, confidently looked for a signal victory. The galley -of the viceroy closed with the Capitana, the flag-ship of Doria, who, -firing his basilisk, small cannon and falconets, raked the Spanish -vessel from prow to poop with such fatal accuracy that forty armed men -were killed, among whom were the bravest barons of the kingdom, Leo -Tassino, a nobleman of Ferrara, Luigi Cosmano a famous musician, Don -Pietro di Cardona and many others. The batteries of Moncada replied -but did little damage to the Genoese. The _Gobba_, the galley of -Sicames and that of Don Bernardo were more fortunate. They closed with -the _Pellegrina_ and the _Donzella_ and the Spanish soldiers boarded -without difficulty. The _Perpugnana_ and the _Calabrese_ cannonaded the -_Sirena_ until she was forced to surrender. Doria had now lost three -galleys, the _Capitana_ and the _Fortuna_ were in imminent danger of -being boarded, not being able to sustain the attacks of six galleys -and fifteen smaller vessels whose grappling irons were seizing them -on every side. Everything looked propitious for Moncada and victory -seemed secure to him, when the three galleys which Doria had sent to -sea turned their prows and bore down swiftly before the wind. At close -quarters, they poured in a terrible fire which dismasted the Spanish -vessels and strewed their decks with the dead. The viceroy himself -while standing upon the quarter deck of his vessel with his sword -in one hand, and _rotella_ in the other, animating his crews, was -wounded in his right arm by an arquebus, his left thigh was broken by -a falconet and he fell among his men mowed down under the fire-balls -and showers of stones poured in by the Genoese. Having captured the -flag-ship of the viceroy, Lomellino assailed the _Gobba_. Here more -than a hundred arquebusiers were killed, Cæsar Fieramosca lost his life -and Giustiniano was wounded and lost his galley. Filippino Doria now -released from their chains the convicts and the Turkish slaves with a -promise of liberty and sent them to recover the _Donzella_, which they -soon accomplished. They attacked the _Pellegrina_ and the _Sirena_ with -such fury that the _Perpugnana_ and _Calabrese_, seeing further defence -useless, turned their prows and sailed away seaward. The brigantines -were reduced to helpless wrecks and the remainder of the Spanish -vessels found it impossible to continue the conflict. The marquis of -Vasto and Ascanio Fieramosca, after having displayed a most admirable -courage, seeing their galleys reduced to a sinking condition, Gerolamo -da Trani killed, their captains wounded, their soldiers shattered and -pounded by stones and half consumed by fire, gracefully surrendered to -Nicolò Lomellino who was already at close quarters with the _Mora_. -Sicames and Don Bernardo Vallamarino, fighting to the last, were killed -and their ships sunk. All the lancers were killed, but their leader -Corradino escaped with the galley _Perpugnana_. The killed amounted -to more than a thousand and the prisoners were much more numerous. -Among the latter, the ancient chronicles enumerate the marquis Vasto, -Ascanio Fieramosca, the Prince of Salerno, the marquis Santa Croce, -Fabrizio Giustiniano, and other illustrious barons and famous warriors. - -This action was fought on the 28th of April, 1528. It was not long -after this signal victory so fatal to the imperial power and counted so -honourable to the name of Doria--though it was fought by his lieutenant -Filippino--that Andrea changed sides and enlisted under the very power -he had conquered. - -History has not yet given a satisfactory account of the motives which -led Doria, hitherto a violent enemy of Cæsar, to desert the standard -of France and offer his sword to Spain. It was a desertion fruitful -of numberless misfortunes as we shall show in the progress of this -work. It is certain that this change contributed more largely than -anything else to alter the fortunes of Italy, and to reduce her to -slavery under the empire. It induced both peoples and princes to -submit to the Spanish power, Luigi Alamanni, seduced by the influence -of Andrea, adopted that policy, though he was one of the warmest -friends of liberty, and he attempted to persuade the Florentines to -ally themselves with Cæsar. The unfortunate patriot suffered for his -delusion. The people hearing the rumour that he advocated such opinions -compelled him to seek personal safety in exile from Florence. - -Returning to the question, we mention first the reasons put forward by -the historians for the justification of Doria. They tell us that France -had not paid him according to her promises; that Frances I. took away -from him the prince of Orange whom Doria had captured, thus defrauding -the Admiral of the twenty thousand ducats of ransom; that the king -sought to get possession of the marquises Vasto and Colonna with a -like motive; that this monarch granted favours in prejudice of Genoese -rights to rebellious Savona; and that a rumour ran of the king’s having -given this city in feud to Montmorency. - -However, Doria was blamed (according to the testimony of Varchi,) by -the greater part of the Italians, and many accused him of desertion -and treason. They said that his conduct was not dictated by his -resentment at the liberty of Savona, or the slavery of Genoa, which -he himself enslaved, but rather by his boundless appetite for wealth -and honours. Some affirm that Giovanni Battista Lasagna, whom Doria -had sent to Paris to treat for the recovery of Savona, informed him -that the king’s council had determined to deprive him, not only of his -prisoners, but also of his own life, and that this information led him -to enlist under Cæsar. Others, on the contrary, say that the king of -France having heard that Doria intended to abandon his service, sent to -him Pierfrancesco di Noceto, Count of Pontremoli and his esquire, to -dissuade him from that design and to promise payment of the ransom of -Orange and other prisoners as well as the Admiral’s personal salary. It -is difficult to arrive at the truth when testimony is so conflicting. -One fact only is unquestioned: that before the last day of the month of -June, the period at which his contract with France would expire, he -mounted his galley and repaired to Lerici. - -At Lerici, Filippino, having abandoned the blockade of Naples, -joined him, and by the good offices of the marquis Vasto he opened -negociations with Cæsar and entered into the service of Spain, sending -back to Francis the decorations of the order of St. Michael with which -that monarch had honoured him. This desertion to the imperial party -gave to Charles V. (as Segni has sensibly said) the victory in the -Italian strife.[14] - -While these events were passing, there were secret and public -consultations in Genoa, for the purpose of quieting the political -factions, uniting the citizens and organizing the civil government on a -better basis. The chief honours of this undertaking belong to Ottaviano -Fregoso, who in 1520 was engaged in these efforts, acting with Raphael -Ponzoni. For the time these praiseworthy designs were unsuccessful, -because Federico Fregoso, archbishop of Salerno and brother of the -Doge, opposed the project with all his ingenuity and power,[15] going -so far as to drive out from the Cathedral of San Lorenzo those citizens -who had assembled to promote concord. The difficult task was resumed -in 1528, and, amidst the horrors of a pestilence which was mowing -down the population, a union was effected without the coöperation of -Doria, though it is now clearly proved that even France counselled the -measure. On the 12th of December, Doria, contrary to the general wish -of the citizens, including his own relations who were open partisans -of France, presented himself before Genoa, landed his mariners and -without bloodshed liberated the city from the control of the small -French garrison.[16] - -It is painful to see this brave Admiral selling his sword now to the -Pope, now to Naples, now to France, and finally to Spain! It is painful -to see him becoming the ally of foreign oppressors who sought to subdue -our peoples and engulf Italy. History must pronounce him more fortunate -than great. In truth, most of his undertakings were singularly -successful; but his attempts to capture the famous corsair Chisr, -better known under the name of Barbarossa, who was governing Algiers -for Selim with the title of _Begherbeg_, were not crowned with success. -Indeed, a rumour ran that between these two lords of the main there was -a secret contract that they should never meet in pitched battles. It is -certain that Doria conducted his war upon his rival with much coldness -and rather as a neutral than as an enemy. He permitted the pirate to -escape at Prevesa (1539), when he had the power to destroy his fleet. - -This failure of Doria left the fierce corsair to spread the terror of -his name for many years along the Italian coasts, particularly in the -kingdom of Naples, where he had already carried desolation and ruin, -devoting to fire and pillage Noceto, Sperlunga and Fondi. He had been -attracted thither by the beauty of Giulia Gonzaga, who narrowly escaped -his hands by fleeing in her night dress, accompanied only by a single -page. The poor page suffered most, for she caused him to be stabbed -because he had that night either seen or dared too much. - -Doria is also accused of having used every means to excite the Turks -against Venice; and this Republic, through his plotting, was assailed -in her Greek possessions. Doria, by refusing to unite his forces to -those of the Pope and the Venitians, incurred the responsibility for -the capture of seven thousand Christians at the siege of Corfu, the -pillage of the Ionian Islands and of Dalmatia. Having become a blind -devotee of Spain, whose rule in the Peninsula he wished to strengthen, -he refused to fight at Prevesa, because the Venitians had declined to -receive his _Bisogni_ on board their galleys; or, which amounts to -the same thing, in order to let a flood of Turks overwhelm Venice and -render her submissive to the yoke of Spain. All parties accused him of -having promoted the ruin of Christians by the very means to which they -looked for salvation. - -As to the history of his policy in Genoa, if it were our office to -write the life of Andrea, there is much that deserves to be rendered -more clear. It was not a sagacious policy to subject the Republic to -Spain at a time when the seeds of civil concord were springing up. It -was more foolish to permit a foreign ruler to carry on her government, -and despite the entreaties of his relatives to permit Savona to be torn -from the body of the Republic. - -Nor should it be forgotten that soon after this, he, to promote -his own ends, wished to make Genoa a partner in his alienation from -France, though his family favoured the _union_ promoted by the amiable -Trivulzio and the King of France. Truth requires us, also, to assert -that he did not enter the service of Spain with the praiseworthy object -of recovering Savona for Genoa. He drove out the French from Genoa in -September, 1528, but Savona had been from the first of July reconciled -and restored to the Republic, a fact which is proved by a decree of -Francis I. soon to be printed.[17] When Guicciardini wrote that, “among -the motives attributed to Doria for his change of masters, it was -believed that the most probable and the principal one was, not offended -pride for having been too highly esteemed or any other personal -discontent, but the desire to advance his own greatness under the name -of national liberty,” we think the verdict creditable to the first of -our Italian historians. - -But these accusations cannot deprive Doria of the merit of having -refrained from assuming the absolute sovereignty of his country; -though we know that the love of liberty in his fellow citizens must -have been, sooner or later, fatal to such an ambition. In such an open -assault upon popular liberty, he would have found enemies in his own -house, as he did, in fact, when he enlisted in the service of Spain. -This is proved by the documents which Molini[18] found in the French -Archives, and is a conspicuous proof of the profound antipathy of -Liguria to Spain. Doria, knowing well the liberal tendencies of his -fellow citizens, contrived to get princely authority and power without -assuming the name. - -The laws of the _union_ shaped by him changed the face of the Republic. -His chief reform consisted in removing the middle classes from the -public offices by adding new families to the nobility. The gentlemen -resented the elevation of plebeians to their side; the lower classes -complained; for though the law left them free to ascribe themselves -to the nobility, it was soon seen that this law was a new deception. -The constitution of Doria was fashioned with aristocratic aims, and if -it established equality, it was only among the nobles. The people had -neither guaranty nor representation. Leo writes that however wisely -the instrument was framed, it failed to establish the rights of the -plebeians. This class had no more share in the state than the peasantry -of the Riviera, and remained, with its precarious and humble title of -citizenship, subject to the nobility. - -The law which changed a family into a collection of persons, or -_Albergo_, was more than unjust, it was iniquitous. Those who entered -these _Alberghi_ were forced to renounce their own names, however -honourable they might be, to extinguish their own memory and that of -their ancestors, in order to assume the name of the congregation; so -that for example, a Biagio Asereto would be compelled to take the name -of a Vivaldi for no other reason than that the latter name was borne -by more persons. Many truly illustrious and most honourable houses -preferred to remain in the number of the people; and it is related that -of two brothers Castelli; one made himself a noble under the title -of Grimaldi, while the other remained a man of the people under his -christian name Giustiniano. - -It can no longer be denied that the laws of 1528 destroyed the -government by the people and created that by the nobility. The book of -gold was opened every year to eight plebeians of the city and of the -Riviera; but this was not enough to silence the just complaints of that -portion of the people, who until these reforms had always taken part in -public affairs. In 1531, to satisfy the common grievance, forty-seven -families, who before had been left forgotten among the lower class, -were enrolled among the nobles; the expedient did not at all tend to -remove the defects of the constitution. These admissions into the class -who held power were controlled by the caprices of a single person or at -best only a few. Every year eight senators were appointed to select the -eight families for promotion, and in practice each senator selected one -from his friends among the people. The gravest abuses grew out of this, -and the book of gold was often opened to the most vulgar and degraded -plebeians. - -Neither moral nor intellectual qualifications, nor even distinguished -services rendered to the country, could break down the barrier to the -patriciate; but the inscribing of a name often served for the dowers -of Senator’s daughters--nay, it was even sold. - -The new nobles, in order to increase their numbers and to retain the -friendship of the people, inscribed their relatives and friends, -however despicable might be their social condition. There was even a -greater abuse. The chancellors, who kept the book of gold, inscribed -names at their pleasure. In 1560 the names of three families were -ordered to be erased, having been entered without authority. - -These abuses were never fully abolished until the reforms of 1576 which -entirely excluded the people from the public offices. - -We have seen that the reforms of Doria, practically placed the -government in the hands of the nobles. The newly inscribed were few -in number; and things were so arranged that the old patricians always -had the control in the administration. This created a new element of -discord in the hatred which sprung up between the old and the new -nobles. A profound rancour diffused its virus through the body politic, -and clanships grew strong and fought hard against each other. Nothing -was wanting but names; and names are sometimes a great power, by which -to designate the opposing factions. The names were found, and the old -nobles were called the _Portico of San Luca_, and the new, _Portico -of San Pietro_. Both epithets were derived from the places where the -hostile factions were accustomed to assemble. - -The new men, finding that they could not triumph by weight of numbers -in the public councils, resolved to attempt secret ways to their -end. They managed so well that in 1545 they secured the election to -the Dogate of Giovanni Battista de Fornari.[19] The faction of San -Luca raised a great outcry of indignation, but in vain. De Fornari, -a new noble, stepped over their heads into the highest office. They -remembered the humiliation, and afterwards avenged themselves upon the -new Doge. - -From what we have said it will be seen that the laws of Andrea, far -from restoring the Republic, sowed new seeds of discontent between the -nobles, so concordant in their discord, and the people over whom they -ruled. - -Doria, Admiral of Cæsar, conqueror by the arms of his lieutenants in so -many battles, and owner of more than twenty galleys, concentrated all -power in the hands of the old nobility, whom he made blindly devoted to -his interests. It is no marvel that he directed at pleasure the ship of -the Republic. Without the name, he possessed the supremacy and honours -of a prince. Men called him the Father of his country and the Restorer -of liberty. What we have said shows the nature of the liberties which -he gave the State, and they will be further illustrated in the progress -of this history. He loved his country; but he spent all his long life -in establishing a stable despotism in the room of tumultuous liberty. -He loved his country; but obeying the orders which he received weekly -from Cæsar, he enslaved that country to Spain. On the contrary, the -Republic had always better consulted her interests by standing in a -neutral attitude between contending princes. - -Ottaviano Sauli gave eminent proof of such political wisdom when the -Republic sent him as its envoy to the Duke of Milan, and he brought -back and enforced by his advice the counsel of that prince, to keep -neutral and resist the influence of Cæsar in Genoa. The government -preferred this policy, and in its letters to the English king, to -Venice and to Florence, openly avowed that its chief care was to live -in freedom; that it knew the advantages of neutrality, and would not -bow to the will of others; that its single aim was to strengthen and -maintain its integrity and its policy of supporting the independence of -the other Italian Republics.[20] - -These were generous words, and they were supported by deeds. But Doria -willed the supremacy of Spain, and he triumphed. Then Genoa, in the -siege of Florence, favoured the enemies of Italy; even threw a lance at -Siena; extinguished in blood the revolt of Naples, and, with the arm of -Doria, strangled everywhere the voice of national liberty. - -From that moment the robust vigour of the Republic began to decrease, -and the shadows of old age fell on her. The lifeless forms of the -court of Spain took the place of our civil strifes and our heroic -achievements abroad. - -Doria, though naturally disposed to temperate and modest habits of -life, gradually developed the pomp and state of a prince. He lived in -Fassolo, in the houses once given to Pietro Fregoso for his brave deeds -in Cyprus (1373). Doria called from every part of Italy the most famous -architects to embellish this palace. The sculptures of Montorsoli and -of Giovanni and Silvio Corsini da Fiesole, the paintings of Pierin -del Vaga, Pordenone, Gerolamo da Trevigi, Giulio Romano and Beccafumi -rendered this residence famous throughout Italy. Here he was surrounded -by his own soldiers, and received, writes Mascardi,[21] not as a simple -citizen, but as a proud grandee. The same author ascribes to this -luxury of life the origin of the conspiracy of Fieschi; and he approves -ostracism by republics of citizens who affect the manners of princes. - -These mimicries of royalty gave general dissatisfaction; but the -selection of Gianettino di Tommaso as his adopted son and his successor -in the dignity of Admiral, was even more unpopular. - -We find notices of this young man which represent him to have once, -on account of the slender means of his father, kept a shop for the -sale of oil. Afterwards he entered the service of Bernardo Invrea, a -silk-weaver, and remained with him until, being pursued by the sheriff -for some offence, he found it necessary to seek safety on board the -galleys of Andrea, to whom he was allied by blood. - -Taking up from necessity the profession of arms, Gianettino soon -acquired a considerable name for warlike feats marked by enterprise and -audacity. He possessed an intrepidity rather singular than rare. He -soon became haughty and despotic putting on airs fitter for a Castilian -than a Genoese, and decorating himself with a coat of arms as though -supreme authority were already in his hands. The prince, instead of -correcting these excesses, permitted the arrogant youth to lord it over -the plebeians and to indulge his wild caprices at pleasure. - -Count Filippino Doria, as we have seen, contributed to the fame of -Doria. He was of humble fortune until the Duke of Urbino, as a mark of -gratitude for having perilled his life to succour the duke in a single -combat, conferred upon him an estate of the Urbino family. Some other -members of Doria’s house, who had been schooled under him, gave good -proof of their skill and acquired riches and honours which reflected -lustre on their master. Such were Francesco Doria di Giovanni; -Antonio Doria, marquis of Santo Stefano, Aveto and Ginnosa, and one -of the principal generals at the victory of San Quintino; Giovanni -Battista Doria, son of Antonio and heir of his valour; Giorgio Doria, -and Domenico Doria who having abandoned the cloister was called the -_Converso_. - -To these we should add, Andrea Doria d’Alaone; the brothers Cristoforo -and Erasmo Opizio, who as lieutenants of Andrea went in 1534 to the -aid of Messina; Giorgio di Melchiorre; Imperiale di Bartolomeo, lord -of Dolceaqua; Lamba di Alaone; Lazzaro di Andrea; and Scipione di -Antonio, all in repute as brave Admirals; and they sailed so many ships -and gained so many victories that it seemed as if this family claimed -exclusive dominion of the seas. - -When Andrea prepared for any enterprise he commanded, in addition to -the _triremes_ of the empire, not less than twenty _taride_ or large -galleys of his own, manned by his own officers and crews and paid by -the emperor at the rate of five hundred broad ducats of gold per month -for each vessel. He took with him, also, the ships of the Republic, -and those of his relations and of other citizens who chartered their -_panfili_, or vessels of sixty oars, to the emperor of Spain. At the -assault of Prevesa the prince commanded, not to speak of square-sailed -galleons and caracks, twenty-two triremes whose names we find set down -in the chronicles of that period.[22] Antonio Doria, who was only less -illustrious in naval warfare than Andrea--though, as Badaero wrote in -his report to the Venitian senate, he was so fond of traffic that, -when his ships passed from one port to another, they carried so much -merchandise that they looked like merchantmen--had six vessels in his -division. There were many other Genoese ships in this expedition. Two -belonged to Onorato Grimaldi, lord of Monaco; two were the property -of the Cicala, and one each of Centurione, Preve, the Gentile and -Francesco Costa, not to speak of many others. The Fieschi also sent a -vessel, and the Republic furnished twelve. - -In fact there was no distinguished family which did not arm a ship, -but not one of these houses could rival Doria, not even the Cicala -who always kept not less than six galleys in commission. It is worth -while to remind the Italians, who are so prone to forget the glory of -their ancestors, that Andrea was the first to use armoured ships in -battle. In his assault on Tunis, he had in his fleet a galleon called -Sant’Anna, to which he was principally indebted for the victory which -restored Muley-Hassan to his throne. This ship was the first ever clad -with slabs of lead fastened by pivots of bronze. She was built at Nice -in 1530, and was equipped by the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. -She was manned by three hundred warriors and carried many guns. The -solidity of her armour rendered her invulnerable to the enemy’s fire. -There were a large chapel and sumptuous saloons under her decks, and -what seems more strange, ovens so well arranged that they furnished her -crew with fresh bread daily.[23] - -The Republic having broken with France, was prostrated under the -power of Spain and Doria. The citizens were profoundly indignant -at this double servitude. They were prohibited by law, under the -severest penalties, from proposing or advocating any change in the -new constitution of the Republic; so that many, before the attempt -of Fieschi, ardently wished to throw off the yoke and place the -country once more under the protection of France. In 1534, Granara and -Corsanico went to Marseilles followed by many of the people with the -intention of preparing a revolution. The enterprise became known by -Doria, and Granara lost his head. Corsanico was captured by Doria, and, -without the least form of condemnation, hurled into the sea. - -A few months later, Tomaso Sauli who had attempted a similar conspiracy -with Cardinal di Agramonte, in Bologna, was condemned and quartered. -The exiles excelled all others in their devotion to liberty; and in -1536, led by Cæsar Fregoso and Cagnino Gonzaga, with ten thousand foot -and eight hundred horse, they marched to attack Genoa. This is not the -place to relate how after a few skirmishes they broke up their camp; -it is only to our purpose to add that hundreds of citizens who were -suspected of complicity with the exiles lost their heads, while their -houses were levelled with the earth. - -Not only in Genoa, but throughout Liguria these conspiracies abounded; -especially in Chiavari, where the revolt of Fregoso, of which -Stradiotto was the leader, had its origin. Blood whenever it was shed, -far from quenching the thirst for liberty, begot new advocates for -the old supremacy of the people. Soon after, that is in 1539, a pious -priest named Valerio Zuccarello, beloved by the people, was accused -of revolutionary sympathies and leanings to France. He was subjected -to an inquisition and lost his head on the scaffold. The nobility -struggled to maintain its power; the people to regain the inheritance -of which they had been defrauded. The Republic was passing through such -pains as these when Gianluigi Fieschi listened to her complaints and -resolved to avenge them. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -GIANLUIGI FIESCHI. - - Maria della Rovere and her children.--The natural gifts of - Gianluigi.--Andrea Doria prevents his marriage with the daughter - of Prince Centurione.--Gianluigi’s first quarrels with Gianettino - Doria.--Naval battle of Giralatte and capture of the corsair Torghud - Rais--Count Fieschi espouses Eleonora of the Princes of Cybo--The hill - of Carignano in the early part of the sixteenth century--Sumptousness - of the Fieschi palace--Gianluigi, Pansa and other distinguished - men--Female writers--Eleonora Fieschi and her rhymes. - - -MARIA Grasso della Rovere, the spirited niece of Julius II. after the -death of Sinibaldo removed from the city to her castles, first to -those in Pontremoli and Valditaro where she gave birth to Scipione, -and then to Montobbio where she established her residence. In those -days our matrons, when their husbands were fighting abroad or when they -became widows, took active charge of their estates and, laying aside -all elegant recreations, employed their zeal in promoting their family -fortunes. From this came the masculine counsels and splendid examples -which illustrated their history. Of such was Maria della Rovere, -daughter of the Duke of Urbino. - -Emancipated from the luxury and pomp of her Genoese life, she applied -herself, like a good farmer’s wife, to restore the fortunes of her -house and to pay the large debts of Sinibaldo, especially the twelve -thousand ducats of gold due to Sforza for the feud of Pontremoli. Her -chief care, however, was the education of her children. The eldest -of them, Gianluigi, was ten years of age at the death of his father. -The others were Gerolamo, Ottobuono, Camilla (who became the wife of -Nicolò Doria, illegitimate son of Cardinal Gerolamo), Angela, Caterina, -and Scipione, born after his father’s death. There was in addition a -Cornelio, who though illegitimate (his mother was a certain Clementina -of Torriglia), was much beloved on account of his spirited character. -Some report that Sinibaldo had other illegitimate children, and number -among them a Giulio and a Claudia, the latter of whom married into the -family of the Ravaschieri. - -The children were instructed by Paolo Panza, a man of many literary -acquirements, who trained them in liberal studies. - -The ardent spirit of Gianluigi imbibed less from the gentle -instructions of Panza than from the masculine promptings of Maria della -Rovere, who, in the fashion of Spartan mothers, exhorted him not to -forget the paths by which his ancestors reached fame, contending as -Guelphs for the rights of the people. Influenced by such counsels, he -grew up into youth, and acquired strength both of body and mind in -rough exercises of arms and in the chase. He was so skilful in these -arts and in swimming, that the most robust of his rivals could not -excel him. His mother taught him to hate the rule of strangers; and -he must very early have become an enemy to the Dorias, whom he saw -grasping the destinies of the Republic. - -When he was eighteen years of age he took charge of his patrimony, -which the prudence of his mother and the address of his guardian, Paolo -Pansa, had so much improved that it is said to have yielded two hundred -thousand crowns of rent. On the fourth of June, 1535, Charles V. -confirmed his title to the domains of his ancestors, and continued in -him the titles of Vicar-general in Italy, Prince of the empire, Count -of the sacred palace, and imperial councillor. Perhaps it was on that -occasion that he also received from Cæsar the two thousand gold crowns -mentioned by some writers. - -On coming to the city from Montobbio, he was honoured with festive -receptions by all the nobility; his manners and his gentle courtesy -acquired him the love of the best among the people. Bonfadio[24] -describes him as beautiful of countenance, skilful in the use of arms -and the management of horses, remarkable for the beauty and strength of -his body, manly in speech, grateful, obliging and winning to others: -in fine his sweetness of character and vivacity of temper completes -the picture of an Alcibiades, formed for captivating all hearts. In -fact he was called an Alcibiades, and perhaps he was one, the vices -included; it is certain that in patriotism he deserved the name. It -is said that when, mounted upon a bay saddle-horse, caparisoned with -orange-coloured velvet trappings laced in vermillion, and poitrel -of silver, he rode through the narrow and crowded streets of Genoa -followed by his valets and equerries, the people gathered from every -side to do him honour, and he repaid them all with a salute full of -winning courtesy. He dressed with the luxury which had come down to -him from his illustrious ancestry. A picture, which many believe to be -that of Gianluigi, represents him in a black velvet morning gown having -the sleeves slashed, as was the fashion of the time; there is a collar -about his neck with cannon shaped points, and a chain from which hangs -a medallion bearing the motto _Gatto_. His head is covered with a cap, -also of black velvet, surmounted on the left side by a white plume. The -limbs are comely and chaste, the air brave and courteous, the hair of a -mulberry tint, the hands white with fingers long and clean as those of -a virgin, the eyes black and brilliant. Leandro Alberti describes him -as a prudent, brave and eloquent young man. Porzio[25] writes that he -served not without honour in the wars of Lombardy under the standards -of the marquis Vasto. But though fond of glory and successful in arms, -he scorned to seek fame in other enterprises while the times forbade -him to use his sword for national liberty. - -Endowed with such gifts, there was no illustrious family which did -not seek his hand for a daughter. Among the beautiful damsels who in -every part of Italy were ambitious of the title of Countess of Lavagna, -he fixed his eyes upon Ginetta, daughter of Prince Adamo Centurione. -In every maidenly grace she was unrivalled. The prince and his wife -Oriettina, who loved Gianluigi, were delighted to expouse Gianetta -to the most virtuous knight in Genoa. However, difficulties arose -which overthrew the project; and as the misfortunes of Fieschi begin -from this disappointment, we deem it of importance to touch upon some -circumstances which were unknown to, or have been ignored by historians. - -The Prince Centurione was a firm supporter of the Austro-Spanish -rule, and was united to the Dorias. He had fought, as a volunteer and -at his own expense, in the wars of Charles in Germany; and his vast -wealth procured him favours from the principal monarchs. When the -emperor passed through Genoa, his minister asked Doria to lend the -royal visitor two hundred thousand crowns, for his enterprise against -Algiers. The Genoese responded that he would immediately supply his -sovereign with all the money he might need. He presented the money to -the emperor and with it a receipt for its payment. The emperor, not -wishing to be outdone in generosity, tore the receipt in pieces. Prince -Adorno also lent two hundred thousand crowns of gold at one time to -Duke Cosimo. He paid eight hundred thousand pieces for the marquisate -of Steppa and Pedrera, in Spain, and a large sum to marquis Antonio -Malaspina for the estates of Monte di Vai, Bibola and Laula. He bought -other castles in the Langhe; and the Venitian ambassadors reported that -his rents amounted to a million of ducats. - -Memoirs worthy of credit relate that Centurione one day informed Andrea -that he had contracted Gianetta in marriage to the first gentleman in -Genoa, and named Fieschi; to which Doria answered that no gentleman -in Genoa could rank higher than Gianettino, his successor in the -admiralty and heir of all his possessions, adding that Centurione ought -to renounce Fieschi and give the hand of his daughter to the prince’s -nephew. Centurione did not at first consent to break his faith; but the -solicitations of Andrea, with whom he did not wish to be at enmity, -at length triumphed over his scruples and he espoused Gianetta to -Gianettino giving her a dower of seventy thousand gold crowns of the -sun. - -This violation of plighted faith deeply wounded Gianetta who had set -her affections on Gianluigi; and the Princess Oriettina took it so -much to heart that she fell sick, and finding herself near death, as a -last proof of her devotion to the Fieschi family had that life of St. -Catherine written which is still preserved in manuscript in the library -of the Genoese studio. This broken contract of marriage was the first -spark of that great fire which blazed up between Fieschi and Doria.[26] - -The count was gifted with great powers of dissimulation and he did -not permit Doria to perceive that he felt the insult. He carried an -open face and silently matured his vengeance. He contracted greater -familiarity with the new nobles, the old being devoted partisans of -Andrea. - -The haughty arrogance of Gianettino added new fuel to the fire. This -youth forgetful of the humble place from which he had risen, adopted -an insolence of tone and a luxury of life which gave general offence. -The natural insolence of his character had been greatly increased by a -military life and the habit of command. - -The control of twenty galleys, the succession as admiral and the proofs -of personal courage which he had given raised him above the mass of the -citizens;[27] but instead of knightly courtesy he had a scornful and -imperious look, and he never entered the city without being attended -by a cortège of officers and armed men. He affected in a free land the -sumptuous customs of princes. - -The people, whom he thrust aside, hated him; the nobles caressed -him as a means of getting privileges and honours, but they secretly -despised him because he, not content to be their equal, regarded them -as subjects. The plebeians murmured; “why such arrogant assumption in -a land whose laws forbid despotism! He who refuses to treat you as an -equal wishes to make you his slave.[28] See how bravely he drives it -towards princely powers?” - -Thus the people abhorred Gianettino as its future tyrant, and longed -for a favourable moment to strike down the Spanish power and restore -the rule of the citizens. The old prince either encouraged or -regarded without displeasure, the insolent habits of his heir which -were bringing odium upon his house. Gianettino became unboundedly -arrogant after his victory over the Corsair Dragut, or Torghud Rais, -once governor of Montesche. The annals of Liguria give us but few -particulars of this fight, and some modern writers believe that no such -battle was ever fought. We have found in old chronicles the materials -for correcting the errors and supplying the defects of those who have -written upon the subject. This will not lead us beyond the range of our -subject; since the honours showered upon Gianettino for this victory -stimulated Gianluigi to illustrate his own name by deeds not less -worthy of fame, while the pride of the young Admiral grew so high that -he insolently treated the count as his inferior. - -In the spring of 1539, Prince Doria was with the army in Sicily, and -Torghud took advantage of his absence to make a piratical cruise in the -Ligurian sea. Andrea, as soon as he received notice of the movement, -sent his nephew to oppose the Corsair. The latter had already began -his depredations along the coast, and had desolated Capraia, carrying -off seven hundred prisoners and a large Genoese galleon. Gianettino, -having a fleet of twenty galleys and a frigate commanded by a certain -Fra Marco, acted upon his knowledge of the Corsair’s habit of beating -up against the wind, and pursued him by the use of his oars. At the -same time he sent his lieutenant, Giorgio Doria, with six galleys and -the frigate to the bay of Giralatte where he believed the pirate to -have run for shelter. His calculations proved to be accurate. Torghud, -believing these galleys to be the principal fleet of the Genoese, left -two vessels to guard his booty, and sailed to attack Giorgio Doria with -nine ships, two of which he had captured from the Venitians at Prevesa. - -Hearing the sound of the engagement, Gianettino, who was not far -distant, sailed into the waters of Giralatte and joined his lieutenant. -The Corsair seeing himself outnumbered, retired from the contest and -endeavoured to escape; but Gianettino pursued him so closely that he -soon saw flight to be impossible and resolved to sell his life as -dearly as possible. - -He raised his oars to the sound of trumpet and tymbal, according to -Barbary customs and accepted the battle. The numbers and weight of -vessels were equal, and both parties had equal enthusiasm, courage and -obstinacy. But a cannon ball from a Genoese galley opened the side of -the corsair’s flag-ship, and a tempest of fire battered the rest into -shapeless wrecks. Some of the pirates flung themselves desperately -into the waves, and others turned the prows of their shattered vessels -and attempted a new retreat. Among the latter was the terrible pirate -Mami Rais de’ Monasteri, in Africa who had once before been a prisoner -of Antonio Doria and had been liberated on payment of a ransom. -Giorgio pursued him now without success; but with this exception the -whole fleet was captured including the two vessels left by Torghud to -guard his booty. These last were captured by Count Anguillara who was -fighting under Doria’s flag. - -The losses of Doria were small, but that of the enemy was terrible, -since every one of them who swam to shore was mercilessly put to the -sword by the Sicilians. Torghud was made prisoner and the chronicles -say that “after having been well flogged he was put in chains.” He -offered without avail fifteen thousand ducats for his ransom. - -On the 22nd of June 1539, at vespers, Gianettino entered the port of -Genoa with the galleys captured from the corsair. The citizens flocked -in crowds to welcome the victors and two thousand christians who had -been delivered from captivity, and to see the humbled lord of the main. - -Torghud managed with such tact that he obtained admission to the -presence of the Princess Peretta, and addressed her in proud and -threatening terms of reproach for the harsh treatment which he had -suffered; but he soon adopted a humbler tone and begged to be sent to -Messina, where Andrea Doria still remained with his army. This favour -he obtained, and he renewed to Andrea his offer of a heavy ransom, -but still without success. A few years after, his countrymen, who -valued him highly as a commander, offered new terms, and this time -Andrea yielded to the temptation. The commission had not a sufficient -sum to pay the ransom, and borrowed it in Genoa from the noble family -Sopranis, giving as security the island of Tabarca. Thus Torghud, -conquered by Genoese arms and ransomed by Genoese gold, recovered his -liberty and renewed his piracies on the seas to the detriment of all -Christendom. - -It is needless to say that the success of Gianettino aroused a spirit -of emulation in Count Lavagna. But he saw that the Dorias, accusing -him to Cæsar of revolutionary opinions, had shut him out from honours -and official position; and, not wishing to employ his talents in -strengthening the Spanish power in Italy, he sought repose for his -active spirit in domestic enjoyments. - -He married Eleonora, of the family of Prince Cybo, though his mother -at first strongly opposed the alliance, preferring for her son a -more wealthy and illustrious bride. By this marriage Fieschi came -into a certain relationship to Catherine de’ Medici, wife of Henry -II.,--Catherine Cybo, duchess of Camerino and aunt of Eleonora, being -of the blood of the Medici, and therefore of the queen of France. - -The marriage contract was prepared on the 15th of September, 1542 in -Milan by Galeazzo Visconti and Gerolamo Bertobio, notaries, in the -presence of Francesco Guiducci and Giuseppe Girlandoni, representative -of Cardinal Innocent Cybo (the same to whom Philip Strozzi bequeathed -his blood to be made into a pudding) and of Lorenzo and Ricciarda Cybo, -on the one side, and Paolo Pansa the attorney of Count Fieschi on the -other. The dower amounted to hardly nine thousand gold crowns of the -sun and two thousand more for the wedding outfit. The Strozzi papers -contain an act under date of January 18th 1543 written by Bernardo -Usodimare-Granello, scribe of the archepiscopal court of Genoa, by -which Count Gianluigi acknowledges that Rev. Ambrogio Calvi, attorney -and agent of Cybo, had paid four thousand gold crowns of the sun and -deposited five thousand more with the brothers Giuliano and Agostino -Salvaghi who had become securities for the dowry. The act further -acknowledged the payment of one thousand crowns for jewellery and -ornaments and provides that the other should be furnished by Cybo -in silver, gold and gems. In the same act, Count Fieschi pledged as -security for the dowry the castle of Cariseto and its appurtenances, -which he had obtained by purchase, and he promised to obtain the -consent of Cæsar to the transfer of the estate within one year from the -date of the instrument. - -The preparations for the wedding and the festivities connected with the -espousals were on a splendid scale. The flower of the Genoese nobility -came to congratulate the spouses at their residence in Vialata. - -Two powerful families possessed the magnificent hill of Carignano, the -Fieschi, and the Sauli. Each family had there a splendid palace. During -the minority of Gianluigi, silence had reigned in his, while that of -the Sauli had been greatly enlarged and embellished. - -The Sauli were new nobles belonging to the popular party, like the -Fieschi, Farnari, Promontori and Giustiniani; yet few of the nobility, -old or new, equalled them in wealth and gentility of blood. Marcantonio -Sauli, a grave priest, whose life Soprani wrote, had splendidly -adorned his palace, and there the Genoese ladies were wont to meet for -pleasure, and the elders of the city to debate on the affairs of the -Republic. - -At the marriage of Gianluigi, his palace resumed its ancient gaiety, -and the Sauli, surpassed by the Fieschi in magnificence, were filled -with envy; and this was the first cause of those differences and -rivalries which separated these distinguished families. - -Louis XII., who had been the guest of the count’s grandfather, speaking -of the sumptuousness of the palace in Vialata, said that it surpassed -that of his own. And the palace of Fieschi was in fact a kingly -residence. The annalists tell us that the hill of Carignano,[29] on -which it stood, was adorned with fifty villas, houses and gardens. The -principal of these were the palace of Madonna Marisla, the mother of -Cardinal Sauli, those of Nicolò, Giovanni Battista and Giuliano Sauli, -and the houses of Pietro Negrone and Rolando Ferrari. - -From the summit of this hill you have a commanding view of the city, -and of the port crowded with a forest of masts; the villas of Albaro -are spread out before you; gardens and palaces cover the slopes of -gentle declivities, or are scattered along the sides of the mountains -which, swelling skyward, make at once a rampart and a diadem for Genoa. -Valleys and slopes of marvellous beauty attract the eye towards the -shore line, fringed with orange gardens, of Nervi and Recco, until -Portofino, with its wave-washed rocks, closes on that side the charming -basin of the gulf; while westward lie the bewitching shores of Voltri, -Albissola and Savona, closed in the long prospective by Cape Noli -standing boldly in the face of the sea; and throughout the wide horizon -the waving surface is white with cities, castles and villages, which -are garlanded round with orchards and olive groves, reflecting their -verdure in the crystal mirror of the Mediterranean. - -In the centre of this smiling scene, roofed with a sky yet more -bewitching than the landscape, rose the palace of Count Fieschi, faced -with alternate slabs of white and black marble, crowned with two grand -towers, and decorated with emblems and statues on its front and sides. - -In the _Fogliazzi Notarili_, which are preserved in the city library, -there is an instrument dated March 30th, 1468 executed by Luca and -Matteo Fieschi, sons of Daniel and Ginevrina Fieschi, from which we -learn that in front of the palace there lay an open lawn extending -towards the sea, that the villas and orchards of the estate covered -the whole space as far as San Giacomo. On the east, west and south -the grounds were bounded by public streets, and on the north lay the -farms of Francesco del Monte and of the heir of Oberto Della Rovere. -Subsequently to the date of this instrument, Bartolomeo Fieschi added -villas and fields to this estate; but on the southern side it suffered -some detriment from the opening of stone quarries by the government for -which the Doge Battista Fregoso paid damages in 1479. - -We also learn, from the records of _Bailia della Moneta_ in the bank -of St. George, that sixty citizens having, on the 21st of March, 1484 -engaged, to extend the mole of the harbour twenty-five or thirty goe -(a goe was ten palms or nine feet) the Doge and the elders authorized -the rectors of the commune to quarry stone on private property, and for -this purpose some lands were ceded by the same Bartolomeo Fieschi, thus -decreasing the extent of his estate southward, though it did not reach -the sea before this cession. - -Behind the palace, lay a botanical garden which Sinibaldo had enriched -with rare species of plants and beautified with little lakes and -fountains making it, according to Spotorno, among the first of its kind -in Italy. - -Sinibaldo employed excellent architects and builders, whose names have -not come down to us, to decorate and enrich his home, some time before -Paul III., on his return from Nice, lodged here as Fieschi’s guest. The -wrath of man, rather than the hand of time, has so completely destroyed -these monuments that not even the ruins remain for our admiration. The -reader will therefore receive with favour the results of our researches -into the true position and boundaries of the Fieschi palace and -gardens, which in their time were famed for their outward magnificence -and for the sculptures, carved work and pictures within the palace. Of -these works of art all but one have perished from the memory of man. -This was a painting in the vestibule which treated the fable of the -giants hurling thunderbolts at Jupiter and some enterprises of the -Fieschi family. We think it just to inform our readers of its origin -and character. - -The wealthy citizens of Genoa were accustomed, like those of every -part of Italy, to adorn their mansions with paintings allusive to the -exploits of themselves or their families. For example, history has -preserved the memory of an allegory given to Gerolamo Adorno by Paolo -Giovio, which was sketched in colours by Titian, and wrought into a -rich embroidery by Agnolo di Madonna, a Venitian embroiderer. Giovio, -in his brief dialogue, speaks of three emblems which were painted in -many places in the Fieschi palace. The bishop of Nocera writes that -Sinibaldo and Ottobuono, with whom he was on familiar terms, asked him -to execute an allegorical picture, representing the vengeance they had -taken for the death of their brother, Count Gerolamo, whom the Fregosi -had cruelly murdered. This revenge had removed from among the living -the instruments of the deed, Zaccaria Fregoso, Signors Fregosino, -Lodovico and Guido Fregosi. With this bloody reprisal the Fieschi -satisfied their anger, saying that no Fregoso lived to boast that he -had spilled the blood of a Fieschi. - -Giovio represented this tragic vengeance by an elephant attacked by -a dragon. The latter attempts to wind himself about the legs of his -antagonist, so as to pierce his bowels and insert his deadly poison. -But the elephant, knowing by instinct the danger to which he is -exposed, turns himself round and round until he places a rock or a tree -between himself and his enemy. Then he beats the dragon to death. This -allegory was interesting, from the fine contrast of the two animals, -and the Spanish motto, _No vos allabareis_--by which Fieschi would say -to the Fregosi, “You cannot boast of your crime against our blood.” - -Sinibaldo had another allegory executed in the palace of Vialata. He -and Ottobuono were forming an alliance with the Adorni and many of -their partisans urged them to protract the negotiations, since the army -of the king of France was near at hand and Ottaviano Fregoso, supported -by his party, had a very firm hold on the government and would be able -to make a spirited defence if assailed at that moment. - -To this the Fieschi replied that they well knew the time for action, -and on this incident they asked Giovio to execute an allegory. The -artist remembering what Pliny says of the halcyons who await the -spring solstice to make their nests and lay their eggs when the -waves are tranquil, painted a calm sea and a serene sky with a nest -extending from the prow to the poop of a vessel with the heads of the -halcyons raised over the prow and a motto in French--_nous savons -bien le temps_--meaning to say we well know when to make war on our -adversaries; and the chronicler adds, they thus foreshadowed their -triumph over their rivals. - -The Fieschi palace had other allegorical paintings treating various -subjects. Some of them described tender love passages in the lives -of the Fieschi. In one was told the story of a gentlewoman loved by -Sinibaldo. It would seem that she grew jealous and reproached him -with want of fidelity, because he mingled much in the company of -other dames. Sinibaldo, in order to excuse and justify himself with -his mistress, demanded of Giovio an appropriate representation in -allegory. The artist represented a mariner’s compass lying on a chart -with the needle fixed; overhead a blue sky spangled with golden stars, -and underneath the motto, _aspicit unam_. The sense of this allegory -being that, though the heaven is full of beautiful stars, the needle -points to one alone, that is, the North star. The offended dame was -cured of her jealousy. The allegory was much praised, says Giovio, -by many persons, including Fieschi’s secretary, Paolo Panza. We have -already said that the elect of the city came to congratulate Gianluigi -on his return to Carignano, and that the luxury displayed by him on -the occasion of his marriage surpassed all bounds. Some conception of -this luxury may be formed when we remember that Genoa was at that time -the richest city in Italy, and that its wealth found expression in a -prodigality of money so excessive, that Partenopeo in an assembly, at -the time Giovanni Battista Sauli entered upon the magistracy, prayed -the government to impose restrictions on the waste of the national -wealth. In fact, on the 16th of December, 1500, the elders issued -a proclamation forbidding wives to spend on their personal attire -more than a third part of their dowers, and ordained other sumptuary -prohibitions. - -The flower of the Genoese youth frequented the Fieschi palace, not -merely for amusement and pastime, but they cultivated there letters and -polite studies. Liguria had at that period some erudite scholars, who -employed themselves in teaching youth the sciences and eloquence. The -Fieschi did not rank last in these pursuits; and it had become a family -tradition for the sons to cultivate letters, and acquire the doctorate -in law. Gianluigi was versed in every branch of learning, and, though -it has been written that he never had other books in his hands than -the life of Nero and the conspiracy of Catiline, it is certain that -he studied the Latin and Italian masters, especially Tacitus and -Machiavelli. - -Paolo Panza, who wrote the lives of the pontiffs of the Fieschi -family, and graceful Latin and Italian verses of such merit that -Ariosto compared them to those of Trissino and Molza, lived in the -house of Gianluigi, and aided him in his literary pursuits. Through -his instructions the young count acquired a love for learning, and -was led to open his doors to the most cultivated men of his time. And -these were more numerous than might be expected in a city immersed in -commerce and maritime enterprises. Braccelli and Antonio Gallo had -acquired repute as historians: Giacobo de’ Fornari, as a Greek scholar: -Geronimo Palmaro, Bartolomeo Guistiniano, Nicolò da Brignali and -Bartolomeo were men of great learning, and Grimaldi Rosso, who reached -the dogate in 1535, was equally master of medicine, mathematics, and -philosophy. - -These noble examples were followed by Nicolò Senarega Gentile, a -renowned lawyer, Marcantonio Sauli, and P. Ilarione, who wrote -learnedly on the subject of exchanges. We omit Ansaldo Ceba, who was -both a warrior and a poet, because he lived somewhat later; but we must -mention Emanuele Grimaldi, whose pleasing rhymes were published in -1549; Captain Alessandro Spinola, whose literary merits were eclipsed -by his fame in the field, and particularly that obtained at Golletta, -where he was the first to mount the hostile ramparts. Among our warrior -poets we should not pass by the brave Cesare Fregoso, though he had -been killed a few years earlier by the Spaniards. He wrote Latin songs -which were highly praised, but have unfortunately been lost. He was a -man truly great in everything. Matteo Bandello, who took shelter in -his palace, and received from him both protection and honour, bears -testimony which is alike honourable to both protector and protected. -But it would be beyond our province to enumerate all the learned men of -that period. - -Perhaps the reader will be pleased to know something of the famous -women who surrounded the countess Eleonora. She was herself, instructed -in letters, as well as in all those accomplishments which became a lady -of her time. - -Among her friends were Arcangela di Negra, and also the venerable -Battista Vernazza, daughter of the great Ettore, from whose pen we have -treatises, songs and epistles. - -Among the latter her answer to Doctor Tomaso dal Moro, who had -endeavoured to win her to the doctrines of Luther, then being -secretly diffused through Liguria, is singularly charming. Bandello -mentions with praise an Antonia Scarampi,[30] and we may add Peretta -Scarpa-Negrone, whom her contemporaries commend for her skill in -poetry, calling her a new Corinna. Livia Spinola has left us good -rhymes; Maddalena Pallavicini, wife of the marquis of Ceva, wrote -verses which are not without merit, and Placida Pallavicini won the -encomiums of Paolo Foglietta. The first rank in the Pallavicini -sisterhood is due to Argentina, who became the wife of Guido Rangone, -and whose literary accomplishments were the theme of the wisest men of -that period. - -Gerolamo Ruscelli da Viterbo, a literary man of high repute among -his contemporaries, tells us that the greater part of the Genoese -gentlewomen cultivated belles-lettres; and in an epistle which he -published in 1552, he enumerates among the most rare women of Italy -twenty-three of Genoa and six of Savona. He mentions among the first -of Genoese ladies, Pellegrina, Lercari, “a virgin not less virtuous -than beautiful,” and Nicoletta Centurione-Grimaldi, on whom he lavishes -every sort of praise. Among those of Savona he speaks of Leonora -Falletti, countess of Melazzo, as one whose happy compositions had -stimulated the ambition of many learned men. Among the poetesses of -Liguria, are also to be numbered Benedetta Spinola, daughter of Alfonso -marquis of Garessio, and wife of Giovanni Battista, prince of the blood -of Savoy and lord of Racconigi; Claudia della Rovere, countess of -Vinovo in Piedmont; and Caterina Gastodenghi, who enjoyed the praises -of Dolce, Parabasco, and many others. - -The gentle consort of Count Fieschi held the central place in this -circle of cultivated gentlewomen; but unfortunately the rhymes of -Eleonora, which gave her so much credit with her contemporaries, are -no longer in existence. The few specimens of her talent which remain -to us give ample proof of her genius. They were published in Turin -in 1573, with the verses of Faustino Tasso, a Venitian, and of three -other poetesses, of whom one belonged to her husband’s house, that -is, Ortensia Lomellina de’ Fieschi. The others were Nicoletta Celsa -and Laura Gabrielli degli Alciati, Eleonora was not inferior to her -aunt Caterina, duchess of Camerino, who knew Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, -and who found comfort when Paul III. deprived her husband of his -possessions, in the friendship of wise men and in philosophical studies. - -But the genial studies, the love and charms of his wife, did not -enervate the manly spirit of the count. At every step his mother’s -voice reproached him for attempting no daring enterprises. From the -towers of his palace he saw Genoa lying at his feet and seeming to call -him to deliver her. He looked out upon the sea and saw it whitened -with the sails of Gianettino, his rival and the expected despot of his -native land. A sense of magnanimous indignation warmed his bosom. The -son of Sinibaldo, the heir of such an illustrious house, could not -endure the sight of his country sitting under the shadow of a foreign -power, if not enslaved, certainly not free. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE PLOTS OF FIESCHI. - - The political ideas of the sixteenth century--The advice of Donato - Gianotto to the Italians--Generous aims of Gianluigi Fieschi--His - reported plots with Cesare Fregoso disproved--The conspiracy with - Pietro Strozzi a fable--Fieschi has secret conferences with Barnaba - Adorno, lord of Silvano--Pier Luca Fieschi and his part in the - conspiracy of Gianluigi--The Count sends Cagnino Gonzaga to treat with - France--The purchase of the Farnesian galleys--Francesco Burlamacchi. - - -ACCORDING to our belief, a single idea directed the movements of the -Peninsula in the first part of the sixteenth century--the thought -common to all the people of emancipating the country from that foreign -power which was corrupting the national character, literature, and -art. Classic and courtly history has found in these stormy years only -local and isolated conspiracies; few writers, we might almost say none, -have heard, in these risings of peoples crushed under the ambitions of -the great, the mighty groan of a dying nation not yet resigned to her -terrible fate. - -The national Guelph tradition refused to yield place to the new -imperial system which was slowly destroying the old charters of the -communes. There were generous throbs which showed that the old body -politic, though sore wounded, still contained the breath of life; every -city of Italy on the verge of the grave rose up with the last strength -of an expiring man, protested with blood, and died. - -Palermo protested in her hero Giovanni Squarcialupo whose death -consecrated her cause; she renewed her life in the patriotism of the -Abbattelli, who could not turn back her destiny. Naples was lit up -with insurrection. Milan, always foremost in magnanimous enterprises, -raised her head, when Morone incited the marquis of Pescara against the -emperor, and that nobleman first promised to lead the revolution and -then betrayed it to the tyrant. Perugia in vain set up the banner of -the Republic; Florence fought, Siena renewed the memory of Saguntum, -and Lucca burned audacious fires of civil and religious liberty. -There was scarcely a city or village which did not recall its Latin -traditions, and combat the monarchical power which was descending like -a tempest on the whole nation. - -The blood which was poured out like water did not profit our cause. -Some died in battle, some lost their heads on the block, and others -preferred banishment to being witnesses of the national degradation. -Hospitable Venice, who alone was clean from the Spanish leprosy, opened -her doors to the fugitive patriots, and they, having broken their -swords, continued to protest with their pens. Italian statesmen had -good reason to struggle against the growing importance of the house of -Hapsburgh, whose only enemy was France then barely escaped out of her -contests with feudalism and with the English. - -Donato Gianotti, the successor of Machiavelli, as secretary of the -Florentine Republic, wrote a wonderful address to Paul III., in which -he urged that Genoa should be redeemed from the hands of the Dorias and -Spaniards, and the republic and principalities bound in alliance with -France, as necessary measures for the defence of national liberty. The -object of this discourse, so rich in political wisdom, was to warn the -Italians of the danger of neglecting their own interests. - -“They cannot,” he says, “secure their safety except by making -preparations to take up arms against that power _which can only secure -itself in its possessions by enslaving all Italy_.”[31] Gianotti urged -the importance of tempting the confederates of the emperor, and, if -possible, enlisting them in the national cause, and adds: “The State -of Genoa under the authority of Andrea Doria, ought to be reconciled -to the King of France; and I do not believe the Genoese would be -disinclined to it, for their sympathies are for France, and they know -the advantages to a Republic of independence and the free use of -their political power. It was useful to the Genoese, at the moment, -to follow the influence of Doria and, ceasing to be French, to become -imperialists, as a step towards liberty; but at present it would not be -less useful to them to unite, without altering the form of their state, -with the other governments of the Peninsula.” - -Gianotti expressed the hope that the Pope’s authority might induce -Doria to risk his fortunes with those of Italy, and he thinks there -could not be obstacles on the part of the French monarch, because -political prudence would counsel him to ally himself with Genoa, -without seeking to govern her as a subject province: “rather,” he -adds, “the French king should refuse to govern Genoa, as such power -would involve most embarrassments for himself. The French king should -make allies of the Genoese, solely in order to detach them from his -enemies.” He makes a similar suggestion to all the Italian states, -especially Siena and Florence, “who for common interests ought to make -common cause.” He argues that such a policy would free these states -from that dependence on the empire, which some believed necessary -to their existence, and would give them the repute of being able to -live without leaning on foreign support. He advocates the policy -which adjusts itself to the conveniences and changes of the times, -and enforces this reasoning by the conduct and aims of the Emperor -which left the Italians no hope but in war. He advises that arms and -munitions both of offence and defence be acquired with as much haste as -possible; that friendship be cultivated with foreign powers. “_Peace_,” -he concludes, “_may be more fatal than war_, for the former must in -the end subject us to despotism, while war may fortify our present -liberties and restore those of which we have been defrauded.”[32] - -This apparent digression upon the discourse of the Florentine -statesman is very much to our purpose, and that his counsels were -warmly welcomed by the Count Lavagna is manifest, for his scheme is -moulded upon Gianotti’s plan. The Florentine laid down three rules -of policy,--That our provinces, especially Genoa, break with the -Emperor; that they form alliance with France--not to put themselves -in her power, but to keep her from becoming their enemy,--and that, -without seeking material aid from France, all the Republics should make -vigorous preparation for war against the empire. - -On these principles Fieschi constructed his too-much calumniated plot. -Those who have written about it, without studying the character of the -times, rather as romancers than historians, have transmitted us a fable -that he sought the supreme control of the Republic; but he sought no -other end than to bring back the government to its ancient principles. -Revolution in Genoa never aimed at enslaving the people. In those -centuries we had foreign generals and ministers among us, but never -absolute rulers; and if these ministers attempted tyranny, they paid -for their audacity with their blood, like Opizzino d’Alzate, or were -expelled, like Trivulzio and others. - -Gianluigi was not so short-sighted as not to know the temper of the -Genoese, or to forget the lesson of then recent examples. He sought not -to usurp the government and become the oppressor of the people, but to -confer on his native land the blessings of its ancient order. - -Though writers in the pay of Spain accused him of corrupt ambition, -lust of gold and thirst for blood, it is time to render him the tardy -justice of saying that no document can be quoted which proves that he -cherished such infamous projects--projects alien to his gentle and -humane character, to the traditions of his family, and to the spirit -of the Guelph party then supported by the most sound and cultivated -intellects of Italy. - -Sismondi alone, of all historians, seems to us to have comprehended the -real object of Fieschi. “Andrea Doria,” he writes, “had restored the -name of Republic to his country, but not liberty nor independence. He -called to the government a strict aristocracy, of whom Gianettino was -the master. He bound the fate of his country to that of Austria, by -bonds which humiliated the best part of the Genoese. Fieschi planned -his conspiracy in order to deliver the country from the yoke of Spain -and the Dorias.”[33] - -The events we proceed to describe set the seal of truth upon the words -of this illustrious historian. - -Some tell us that Gianluigi plotted, so early as 1537, with Cesare -Fregoso, to place the Republic in the hands of the French king; for -which, Bonfadio adds,[34] he would have lost his head, if Andrea -Doria had not saved him from the rigours of the law. This report was -set on foot by the marquis Vasto, governor of Milan, who, after the -assassination of Cesare Fregoso and Antonio Rancone, the messengers -of King Francis to Soliman, endeavoured to justify his treachery by -declaring, among other things, that he had found in commentaries of -Fregoso, (which he never had in his hands) proofs that Fieschi took -part in that plot. But these pretended conspiracies with the King of -France are now destroyed by very authoritative testimony. If Bonfadio -had remembered that, in 1537, Fieschi was still a lad, he would have -hesitated to adopt that slander. It is known, too, that personal -enmity existed between the families Fregoso and Fieschi of so bitter a -character as to forbid all possibility of common political views and -intimate secret negotiations. The memory of the day, when Doge Giano -Fregoso and his brother Fregosino, encountering Gerolamo Fieschi, -killed him with many blows, was not effaced; nor was it forgotten that -the Fieschi retired to their castles to plan their revenge, collected -three thousand soldiers and besieged the city from the valley of -Bisagno, where the Fregosi were entrenched. A battle was fought, in -which the Doge was defeated. The Fieschi entered the city as victors, -killed Zaccaria Fregoso, dragged his corpse through the populous -streets, and elevated Antoniotto Adorno to the office of Doge. From -that day a mortal hatred had divided the two families. This fact alone -renders the story of a plot with Fregoso highly improbable. - -Bonfadio also accuses Fieschi of having attempted to betray the city to -Pietro Strozzi, which, he says, would have been done, if Bernardino di -Mendozza had not arrived with a strong body of _Bisogni_, in good time -to overthrow the conspiracy. Some add that the count sent one Sacco, -to Strozzi to instigate him to attack Genoa and to act as a guide. The -circumstance deserves investigation. - -In August, 1544, when the emperor had marched into France, Pietro -Strozzi collected an army at Mirandola, with the design of attacking -the territories of Milan in concert with Enghein. Aided by Pierluigi -Farnese, he had already crossed the Po, and entered the province -of Piacenza, where he lay encamped on the slopes of the Ligurian -mountains, when, being assailed by Ridolfo Baglione and imperial troops -sent from Naples, he was forced to fall back to Serravalle, on the -banks of the Scrivia. Here he was overtaken by the prince of Salerno, -and forced to accept battle. The fight was at first favourable to -Strozzi, but in the end he suffered defeat. There were few killed, -because the Italians recognized their brotherhood on the field of -battle, threw down their arms and embraced each other. Strozzi took -shelter with the remnant of his army in the territory of the Republic. -The Fieschi, fearing the rage of a conquered Strozzi, and perhaps an -assault upon Montobbio, fled into the city, and remained there until -Strozzi evacuated his camp in the Apennines. This shows how completely -Bonfadio was in error.[35] - -Though, however, the count of Lavagna (then lord of thirty-three -castles) had no secret correspondence with Fregoso nor Strozzi, he -certainly had political relations with other persons; and this is what -remains after eliminating the falsehoods spread abroad by Spain. - -Having formed the purpose of deposing the old nobility and restoring -the popular government, Fieschi saw that his best policy was to follow -the fortunes of the Adorni, whose party his ancestors, and especially -his father, had zealously supported. The views of Gianluigi found an -echo in the breast of Barnaba Adorno, count of Silvano, of whom we must -briefly speak. - -Silvano is situated in the Val d’Orba in Monferrato, two miles beyond -the Giovi. On the east and west lie the villages of St. Cristoforo, -then a feud of the Dorias, of Montaldeo--honored as the birth-place, -at a later period, of cardinal Mazzarino--and Mornese, a feud of the -Serras; on the south lay Cremolino, possessed by the Dorias; and on -the north the castles of Carpineto, and Montaldo, and the city of -Alessandria. Nearer and almost contiguous to Silvano stood the castles -of Lerma, Tagliolo, Ovada, Rocca Grimaldi, Capriata, and Castelletto -Val d’Orba, also feuds of Barnaba Adorno. - -Silvano was fortified by two large and strong towers, and was the usual -residence of Adorno, who had strong friends and political allies in -all the castles and villages around him. He devoted his early years -to arms, and, rising to the rank of colonel under Cæsar, he acquired -distinction in Provence and in the kingdom of Naples. In the latter he -obtained the feud of Caprarica. Weary of the tumults of war, he retired -to his home and married Maddalena, daughter of the Doge Antoniotto -Adorno. In beauty, this woman was excelled by few persons of her time. - -The quiet of Adorno was disturbed by serious quarrels, especially by -one with count Paolo Pico of Mirandola, who attacked his lands and put -Castelletto to fire and sword. This strife, so bloody in the civil war -which it inflamed, was not less spirited before the tribunals of the -empire; but it is not our province to enlarge on its many vicissitudes. - -Adorno cherished the design of cultivating the popular party, and so -raising the declining fortunes of his house, and he soon began to -attempt plots against the new order in Genoa. - -In this purpose he turned to the count of Lavagna, through the -mediation of a Fra Badaracco, and, after many debates, it was resolved -to unite their forces for the overthrow of the Dorias. Barnaba was to -be elevated to the Dogate, and the count to govern the eastern Riviera -as his father had done before him. They further agreed to place the -Republic under the protection of France, without prejudice, however, -to its liberties, and solely to secure it from the vengeance of Cæsar. -Fra Badaracco, in order to find partisans, held conversations with some -gentlemen whom he supposed to be dissatisfied with the government of -the Dorias. But these persons exposed the matter in the senate: the -friar was arrested, and some letters of Barnaba Adorno were found on -his person. After having been tortured, Bardaracco was decapitated, -having confessed that, besides Adorno, Gianluigi Fieschi and Pietra -Paolo Lasagna were concerned in the conspiracy. The senators, not being -able to obtain proofs of their guilt, decided not to prosecute the -conspirators. - -Having thus failed in his first effort, the count sought new paths -to his end. He saw that it was necessary to have an understanding -with the king of France, as a means of restraining the army which the -emperor had in the territories of Milan, and to secure the capture of -the fleet of Doria, which was the chief prop of the imperial power. It -was plain that these naval and military forces would easily quell any -insurrection, unless the troops of France in Piedmont were directed to -hold the army of Cæsar in check. Gianluigi was induced to enter into an -understanding with France by one of his relatives by blood, of whom we -ought briefly to speak, because his name has been almost forgotten in -our domestic histories. - -A branch of the Fieschi family, expelled from Genoa in 1339, had taken -up its residence in Piedmont and acquired there both possessions and -honours. A certain Giovanni Fieschi--made bishop of Vercelli by Clement -VI., in 1348--gave a share of the temporal government of his diocese to -his brother Nicolò, and conferred upon him some lands and castles. - -We find in the archives of the court at Turin that the Fieschi ruled -in Masserano until 1381, and that Nicolò, Giovanni, and Antonio formed -an alliance with count Verde. Some few years later, or in 1394, -Lodovico Fieschi, also bishop of Vercelli and cardinal, petitioned -Boniface IX. for the repayment of a large sum of money spent by him in -maintaining the rights of his church, and he obtained permission to -alienate from the jurisdiction of the church the castles of Masserano -and Moncrivello, and to confer the feud upon his brother Antonio. This -investiture was confirmed by subsequent popes, especially by Julius -II.; and Alexander VI. added, in 1498, the feuds of Curino, Brusnengo, -Flecchia, and Riva, assigning them to the brothers Innocenzo and Pier -Luca. - -The first of these had a son named Lodovico, and this Lodovico a -daughter named Beatrice, whose hand her father gave to Filiberto -Ferrero, a citizen of Biella, adopting him as a son. - -The Fieschi possessions in this way passed into the family of Ferrero; -and he, having obtained for his son Besso the hand of Camilla, niece -of Paul III., secured the investiture of Masserano, then created a -Marquisate. Whoever is desirous of learning how these feuds came into -the possession of the Ferreri to the exclusion of the male line, and -particularly of Gregory and Pier Luca Fieschi, may consult _Curzio -Giuniore_. - -This Pier Luca II., lord of Crevacuore, where he had an excellent -mint, of whose coinage some specimens are preserved to us, constantly -revolved revolutionary projects, as a means of recovering his lost -dominions, and urged Count Gianluigi to proclaim himself a partisan -of France. It is certain that by the advice of Pier Luca, Gianluigi -bought the Farnesian galleys, of which we shall presently speak. - -The count received Pier Luca at his house in Vialata with every mark -of affection, and lent a willing ear to his suggestions; but fearing -that France would wish to reduce Genoa to the condition of a French -province, he resolved to ascertain the views of the ministers of that -power, and to obtain pledges for the security of popular liberty. - -He entrusted this negotiation to Gian Francesco, (called Gagnino) -Gonzaga of the family of the dukes of Sabbione, a brave soldier, -hostile to the empire. With his uncle Frederick he had fought against -Cæsar at Parma, and later as a colonel of the Florentines in the -celebrated siege of Florence. Being an open partisan of the French, he -was banished from his native land. - -Gonzaga presented himself before the French council of state, and -reminded the ministers of the many services which the Fieschi family -had rendered to the French crown; he showed clearly that the only -means of driving the Spaniards from Lombardy, was to destroy the -communication with their other Italian states: and the first step to -this end would be to remove from power in Genoa the faction of the -Dorias. Fieschi, he added, could accomplish this more easily than any -other person, and he would attempt the enterprise if France would -encourage his efforts, and promise not to lay violent hands on the -Republic. - -Doria had many enemies in Paris. Though the Chancellor Du Prat was -dead and the constable Montmorency was fallen, yet the animosities -awakened by Doria in that court were not buried. Delfino still -remembered that Doria had taken Genoa from the dominion of France and -he meditated vengeance. - -The count of San Polo had not forgotten that Andrea caused his defeat -and captivity at the battle of Landriano, by informing the Spaniards of -the difficulties he was encountering in his retreat. Cardinal Tournon -was unable to pardon Doria for throwing many obstacles in his way when -he went to Rome to attend the conclave assembled to elect a successor -to Clement VIII. Admiral Annebaut hoped to command the army to be sent -for the conquest of Lombardy as soon as the revolution should break out -in Genoa. - -Thus all the ministers, actuated at once by personal and political -motives, favoured the plans of Fieschi. Gonzaga was welcomed with -delight and obtained a solemn promise that the crown of France would -renounce all pretensions to the government of Genoa. He was also -empowered to make use of the French troops in Piedmont in garrison -at Turin, Moncalieri, Savigliano and Pinerolo; and to select in the -port of Toulon such ships as might be adapted to serve the purposes of -Fieschi. - -This negotiation, securing the coöperation of France without -compromising the independence of the country, is highly creditable to -Gianluigi and shows the keenness of his political vision which forecast -all the dangers and complications of foreign assistance. Perhaps he -listened too hopefully to these promises of foreign succour; but if -French diplomatists then deceived him, he afterwards showed that he -lacked neither courage nor will to undertake his revolution without -their coöperation. - -France was at that time prodigal of flattery to Italy. She drew from -us her luxury, her arts and the embellishments of her life; perhaps -also her vices which she repaid to us with usury. She had apparently -no schemes for the overthrow of the Italians, and sincerely, though -not disinterestedly, sought our emancipation from the Spanish power. -We are indebted to her for restraining Cæsar from destroying among us -even the name of liberty; and this explains why our Republics, our -people and our first intellects were so friendly to France. Whatever -secret designs she may have cherished, she promoted popular franchises -in Italy. She encouraged agriculture and commerce, and in war for -the most part abstained from pillage and carnage, so that the people -butchered by the Spaniards cried out, “Would that the French were here -to liberate us from these miscreants!” - -Some tell us that the Count, besides the aid promised, received an -annual sum from France and that he was also salaried by Cæsar. But we -have never found any credible testimony for such statements, and the -authors seem to have spun them out of their own fancies or received -them upon the faith of partisan writers. They should be consigned to -that mass of idle rumours or malevolent slanders which we have set -aside. Of similar cloth is the fable of the journey of Ottobuono, -brother of Gianluigi, to Paris, and also to Rome to ask justice for a -grave injury inflicted upon him by Gianettino. - -In the mean while, Gianluigi lost no opportunity of making partisans. -The times were propitious. The Duke of Piacenza, wishing to restrain -the license of the nobles published a proclamation requiring them -to reside in the city. This command offended not a few who were -feudatories, but not subjects, of the duke. Among these were the -Borromeo of Milan, who possessed Guardasone in the province of Parma, -and the Fieschi who held Calestano. Gianluigi sent a message to the -duke asking that the order might be revoked in his favour. His request -was granted, and he went in person, ostensibly to thank the duke and -render him homage as his feudatory, but in reality to treat for the -purchase of the Farnesian galleys, a measure recommended by Pier Luca -as necessary to the contemplated revolution. - -To conceal his true intent he wrote to the Senate, on the 28th of -September, 1545, that he was in Piacenza to pay homage to the duke, and -that he found nuncios coming there from all the Italian provinces. He -therefore advised that the Republic should also send a representative. -The Senate followed his advice, and charged him with the honourable -office. - -Although the galleys of which we have spoken had already been asked -for by Pietro Strozzi, by Prince Adamo Centurione, and by Cardinal -Sauli, for a nephew who had already paid a part of the price, yet the -duke, knowing the use Gianluigi intended to make of them, gave him the -preference. The purchase was effected on the 23rd of November, 1545. -The galleys were named the _Capitana_, _Vittoria_, _Santa Caterina_ and -_Padrona_, and had on board, in addition to arms and equipments, three -hundred persons condemned for life, one hundred and eighty-five for -various terms of years, and one hundred and eighty Turkish and other -slaves. - -The price amounted to thirty-four thousand gold crowns, to be paid in -several instalments; one third on delivery of the vessels, another on -Lady day, 1546, and the last one year later. The deferred payments were -secured upon the feud of Calestano, with the consent of Gianluigi’s -brother Gerolamo, who was lord of that property.[36] The contracting -parties were, on one side, Paolo Pietro Guidi, president of the ducal -chamber, and Giovanni Battista Liberati, the duke’s treasurer; and the -Count of Lavagna on the other. We must not omit, among the conditions -of the sale, that three of the galleys were to remain for two years -longer in the service of the Apostolic See, Count Fieschi receiving the -Papal bonds held by Orazio Farnese. - -The low price of the galleys is explained by this condition, in virtue -of which they were bound to remain in the port of Civita Vecchia, and -the count was obliged to provide for the maintenance and pay of the -officers and crews without deriving any advantage from the ownership. -Gianluigi assigned the command to Giulio Pojano, who had also commanded -them under Orazio Farnese when the emperor undertook the war of Algiers. - -We are not able to decide with certainty whether, after this purchase, -the count went to Rome, as some affirm. We find however that Duke -Pierluigi, having proclaimed a tournament in Piacenza to take place -on the 21st of February, 1546, and requested that the ladies of his -feudatories should also attend, the countess Eleanora, as well as many -others, complied with the invitation and was presented by her husband -to the duke, who now treated Gianluigi as his equal. - -Duke Farnese announced another tournament for the autumn of the same -year, to celebrate the marriage of Faustina Sforza with Muzio Visconti -Sforza, marquis of Caravaggio. At this festival the flower of the -Italian nobility was gathered together; and in the tournament of the -20th of October, 1546, Nicolò Pusterla and Count Fieschi obtained the -highest honours. - -It is not known what means the duke intended to employ for carrying -out the contemplated revolution. Perhaps both Fieschi and Farnese were -yet undecided. It is not impossible (we have strong testimony for the -theory) that they waited, with the hope of enlisting on their side one -who had even more audacity and strength than themselves, and who would -have brought no mean forces into the alliance. - -One of those reformers who makes centuries glorious was maturing a -scheme of greater scope than that of Fieschi. Francesco Burlamacchi, -born of a noble house in Lucca, had conceived the lofty design of -revolutionizing, under popular auspices, the Tuscan cities oppressed -by Cosimo; allying them to the still surviving republics of Lucca -and Siena; embracing in the new nation Perugia, which since 1540 had -maintained itself under popular government against the Papacy; taking -away from the Apostolic See the temporal power, and restoring the -church to the consecrated poverty of the Gospel. - -He confided in the popular discontent at domestic and foreign tyranny, -and not less in the reformed doctrines which were advocated by the -most distinguished Italians, especially by those of Lucca. He proposed -his scheme to his friends and sought partisans among the Florentine -exiles, the faction of the Strozzi, and even among the German Lutherans -who had at their head Phillip Landgrave of Hesse, and Frederick, duke -of Saxony. Impatient of delay, he went in person to Venice, then -the asylum of the Tuscan and Genoese exiles, and solicited their -coöperation. He made an arrangement with Leone Strozzi, prior of Capua, -by which the latter agreed to support the enterprize; but Strozzi -thought it wiser to procrastinate until the result of the Germanic war -should be known. - -Burlamacchi, having been created commissary of ordnance at Montagna, -resolved to undertake his daring enterprize without waiting longer for -foreign aid. He intended to rouse the people to arms, march rapidly -upon Pisa--whose fortress, commanded by Vincenzo del Poggio, would be -opened to him without bloodshed--to capture Florence, and thence spread -the generous fire of liberty over the Peninsula. - -The revolution was planned with great prudence and all contingencies -were amply provided for. Unfortunately, however, he was obliged in -the exercise of his office as Confaloniere of justice to issue a -proclamation against one Andrea Pezzini who was cognisant of the -conspiracy. This person in order to gratify his malice, revealed the -whole scheme to Duke Cosimo. The government of Luca, mortally terrified -by the Pope and the emperor, arrested Burlamacchi, in August 1546, and -obtained from him by torture a confession of his revolutionary designs. -Luca consigned him to the imperial ministers by whom he was beheaded in -Milan. - -Some confused and scattered papers which we have seen imply that there -were messages and interviews between Gianluigi and Burlamacchi, and -this corresponds with that which Adriani has written of the Lucchese -revolutionist, viz: that he had formed friendship and made allies in -every part of Europe. It is then very probable that he sounded Count -Fieschi, whose enmity to the Spaniards was well known, as one whose -great wealth and numerous dependents would greatly reinforce the -revolution. Fieschi was often at his castle in Pontremoli and it would -have been easy for the two to hold secret interviews without awakening -the least suspicion. It is possible that Fieschi though satisfied of -the good faith of France, believed that nothing could be attempted -in Italy without her active coöperation or, being a Guelph, disdained -to embark in a scheme for the overthrow of the temporal power of the -Papacy. - -These first plots of Fieschi confute the charge, disproved by other -and more direct evidence, made by sacred college of Padua, that he -conspired against the government of the Dorias with the sole object of -destroying Gianettino who was paying court to the countess of Lavagna. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -PAUL THIRD. - - He aspires to grandeur for his family--His hostility to the emperor - and to Doria--He encourages Gianluigi in his designs against the - imperial rule in Genoa--Attempts of Cardinal Trivulzio to induce - Fieschi to give Genoa to France--France is induced by the count to - relinquish her hopes of obtaining Genoa--Verrina and his spirited - counsels--Vengeance of Gianluigi against Giovanni Battista della Torre. - - -ALEXANDER FARNESE was elevated to the Papal throne under the title of -Paul III., not so much for his personal talents as by the influence of -his sister Clara whom he rewarded, as tradition reports, by giving her -poison. - -The old Alexander VI., having by accident made her acquaintance, was -inflamed by her charms with an ardent passion, and found means to open -his heart to her. The cunning Farnese at once saw the delirium of the -gray-headed pontiff and did not yield to his solicitations until he had -promised her brother a cardinal’s hat. When the time for making the -nomination approached, the Pope was disposed to fulfil his pledge; but -he found a spirited resistance in Cæsar Borgia, who having never kept -faith with any one was very unwilling that the holy father should abide -by his promises. The name of Abbott Farnese was cancelled from the -list and another inserted in its place. On the eve of the ordination -of the Cardinals, Clara, suspecting what had happened, passed a night -with the pontiff and when he, drunken with lust and wine, fell into a -profound slumber, she searched his papers and ascertained the truth of -her suspicions. - -Being an adept in copying and reckless of consequences, she rewrote -the list, counterfeiting the Pope’s handwriting, and placed the name -of her brother first on the roll. On the morrow, she put on all her -seducing charms and detained her paramour in his bed until messengers -came to inform him that the concistory was assembled and only waited -his presence. Clara had foreseen that, if he were called in haste, he -would have no time to look over his papers. In fact, he entered the -concistory and gave the list to the secretaries without looking it -over. His surprise was great when the name of Farnese was read out; but -he preferred silence to the exposure of his senile debaucheries. - -It is not our purpose to go over the long career of Farnese. While -yet a youth he had been imprisoned in Sant Angelo for counterfeiting -a brief, and Alexander VI. would have beheaded him if he had not -contrived to escape from prison. We shall not repeat the errors of -his contemporary historians, that he united the black act to his -astronomical learning, and that he thus, through intercourse with -demons, learned many secrets and became skilled in political intrigues. -It is enough to say that, on arriving at the pontifical throne, he -devoted all his efforts to the aggrandizement of his family; and, not -content with obtaining the duchy of Camerino for his bastard son -Pierluigi, intrigued to elevate him to the government of Parma and -Piacenza, and even raised his eyes to that of Milan. - -It was not then a reproach, says Segni,[37] that a Pope had -illegitimate children and sought by every means to confer upon them -wealth and dignities; on the contrary, the Pontiff who aspired to -temporal grandeur was in repute as a man of prudence and sagacity. -Paul III. intrigued for a long time with the emperor to acquire the -duchy of Milan for Pierluigi, though he well knew that Charles, in -occupying Lombardy, had protested that he did not wish to hold it for -his own advantage but for that of Italy. In these intentions he was -confirmed by the influence of the Venitians, the marquis Vasto and -the king of France. The Spanish monarch had already disappointed the -ambition of the duke of Orleans, who aspired to the duchy, and he also -refused it to Pierluigi. But the Pope, after long intrigues to overcome -the scruples of the cardinals, gave his son the investiture of Parma -and Piacenza, making them tributary to the church in the sum of nine -thousand ducats. - -This act created enmity between the Farnesi and the emperor, though -Paul III. had furnished the latter with men and money for his war -against the Duke of Saxony, sending twelve thousand horse under the -command of Ottavio Farnese and Alessandro Vitelli. But the increasing -greatness of Charles, throwing into the shade the prerogatives and -power of the Papal See, the disappointed hope of a principality -and the league of the emperor with England the enemy of the Papacy, -rendered Paul a bitter foe of Spain and awakened in him the ambition to -crush the imperial power. - -Andrea Doria hated the Farnese not less cordially than Charles. He -had opposed the advancement of this family for ten years, and had -frustrated a proposed league between the Papal See and the empire. -He had influenced Charles to refuse the duchy of Milan to Pierluigi, -and subsequently to deny Ottavio, son of Pierluigi, the government -of Tuscany according to a promise the emperor had made when Ottavio -married his illegitimate daughter Margaret, of Austria. Doria urged -against the last scheme that if the Farnese were made masters of -Tuscany they would become powerful enough to lay hands on the Lombard -provinces. - -There were still other motives for Andrea’s jealousy of the power of -the Farnese family. A member of the Doria house named Imperiale being -reduced to extreme poverty had obtained an appointment in the army -of Andrea. He distinguished himself in many actions and rose to the -highest honours and wealth. But having satisfied his military ambition -he became a priest, in which character he was first abbott of San -Fruttuoso and afterwards, through the influence of Andrea, bishop of -Sagona in Corsica. Wishing, however, to advance his worldly interests -he retired into Apulia where he acquired many estates, and was elevated -by Andrea to the government of Melfi, in which he largely increased his -wealth. - -Before his death, remembering the kindness of Doria, he bequeathed to -him all his possessions. The Papal nuncio seized upon and sequestrated -the estates of the bishop, claiming that they belonged by right to the -church. Andrea protested against this insult before the Papal court, -but Rome, being at once a party to the cause and the judge of it, -decided in its own favour and issued a decree despoiling the admiral of -all his rights in the property of his relative. Paul III. fearing the -vengeance of the admiral of the empire, deputed his nephew Alexander -Farnese to offer, as a compensation for the outrage, the power of -nominating a successor to the bishop. Doria disdained to render a -vassal’s homage to a Farnese and ordered Gianettino to assail and -capture the Papal galleys in the port of Genoa. This capture inflamed -the wrath of the pontiff, and as an act of reprisal he arrested some -Genoese who were in Rome, threatening to confiscate their goods unless -his ships were immediately released. The Senate laid the matter before -Andrea, who answered that Gianettino had captured the Papal vessels -solely because he was stronger at sea than his adversary. Afterwards, -in order to avoid complicating the Republic with his private quarrel, -he released the galleys of the pontiff, after having satisfied the -Farnese that he did not lack the power but the will to revenge himself. - -The Pope was induced by Charles V. to restore to Andrea his defrauded -rights; but the Farnese was deeply chagrined and, not being able to -strike openly at the emperor’s favourite, sought secret ways of venting -his displeasure. - -Private ambition, personal mortification and political views united to -stimulate the pontiff to humble the emperor, expel the Spaniards and -crush the Dorias. As it was obviously vain to oppose Cæsar so long as -Genoa, governed by the constitution of Doria, was under the Spanish -influence, he naturally fell in with projects which contemplated a -revolution in the Republic. - -It is certain, says a modern writer, that Paul was skilled in mingling -modern passions with the administration of his venerable office. He -stood between the old world and the new, and he possessed the spirit -of both; and if the election of Clement had not deprived him of the -pontificate for ten years (as he often lamented) perhaps the fortunes -of Italy, which were not yet desperate, might have been saved by his -industry or, at least, would not have suffered total shipwreck. - -At that period several Fieschi families were in a flourishing -state, among them that of Ettore, of the Savignone line, who had -espoused Maria di Gian-Ambrogio Fieschi. From this marriage were -born, Francesco, Giacomo, Nicolò, Paride, Gian-Ambrogio, Urbano and -Innocenzio. Ettore having given some of his property in Rome to Giacomo -and Nicolò, who as priests were stationed in that city, at the death of -the first the father found it necessary to make a journey thither. - -Having presented himself to the Pope he was graciously received and -obtained the bishopric of Savona for his second son. - -In their conferences the Pontiff spoke of the past grandeur of the -Fieschi family, of the hospitality he had received in the palace in -Vialata in the time of Sinibaldo, and expressed surprise that none -of the sons of Sinibaldo, whom he knew to be young men of spirit -and ambition, had sought honours in the Papal court,--honours which -could not be denied to the scions of a noble house, which counted two -successors of St. Peter and four hundred mitred heads in its ancestry. -He also begged Ettore to inform Fieschi that he entertained the most -flattering opinion of their merits, and should be happy to give full -proof of his esteem. - -On his return to Genoa, Ettore informed Gianluigi of the sentiments of -Paul III. and of his nephew the cardinal towards the family, and the -count resolved personally to render thanks to the Pontiff. He visited -Rome, though dissuaded by Panza, in May, 1546 (as Bonfadio tells us). -Some maintain that he went there at other periods, but we find no -authentic evidence to support the assertion. - -Paul received Gianluigi in the kindest manner, and took pains to show -him honour. During their conversations he spoke much of the ancestors -of the count as having been the first citizens of Genoa. He lamented -that the Dorias had overshadowed the family of Fieschi. Andrea, he -said, by his political tact and by refraining from assuming in name the -power which he possessed in reality, had rendered his vast influence -less obnoxious to his countrymen, but that Gianettino would not imitate -this temperate policy nor long delay to place his yoke on the Genoese. -Count Fieschi, he added, would be the first one humbled, as being the -most dangerous enemy to the empire. He intimated that if Gianluigi had -the spirit to oppose the Doria ambition, the support of the Holy See -would not be wanting in the hour of trial. - -He gave a more positive proof of his willingness to act by proposing -that the count should immediately take command of the three galleys -included in the Farnese purchase, which still remained in the service -of the papal government, in order, said he (and he smiled cunningly), -that they may not again be captured by Doria. This conversation, so -familiar and hopeful, greatly encouraged Gianluigi and induced him to -put his designs into immediate execution. - -An event occurred during this visit to Rome which nearly overthrew -all these revolutionary schemes. Cardinal Agostino Trivulzio, who, -as protector of France, lost no occasion for promoting the policy of -that nation, established relations of intimacy with Gianluigi, and -undertook to demonstrate that the difficulties of his enterprise were -such as to render it necessary to concede to France the government -of Genoa. France, he said, would place the count at the head of the -local administration, and would give him the command of six galleys, -equipped on a war footing and maintained at the expense of the crown, -of which he could make such use as seemed best. France would also -station a heavy body of troops at Montobbio, to prevent the advance of -the Austro-Spanish troops, and make Fieschi captain of a cavalry force -with the annual pay of ten thousand crowns. - -These new propositions came through Prince Giano Caracciolo, -governor-general of Piedmont, and had his seal to their authenticity. -They entirely destroyed the previous arrangements made by Gagnino -Gonzaga, and contemplated the subjection of the Republic to a foreign -power. They did not please Gianluigi, who desired to enlarge the -liberties of his country, not to change the masters of the Republic. - -Nevertheless, he asked time for consideration, and without making -further steps in his design he returned to Genoa. Pondering over the -difficulties of his undertaking and the new claims of France, he would -probably have relinquished the enterprise, if Gianettino, who, in the -tone of one who held the dominion of the waves, complained of the -purchase of the Farnese galleys, had not used such bitter and imperious -threats as to inflame anew the resentment of the count. The success -and malevolence of Gianettino, to whom as to the rising sun all eyes -were turned, fortified Gianluigi in his determination to overthrow the -expectant tyrant of Genoa. - -Fieschi having delayed to respond to Trivulzio, the latter, fearing -that the new propositions would discourage the count, sent to him -knight Nicolò Foderato of Savona, a relative of Fieschi, to tell him -that Francis I. would abide by the agreement made with Gonzaga, adding -that he had only to recommend vigilance and prudence in guiding his -ship safe into port. - -Gianluigi was delighted beyond measure at this favourable turn of -affairs. He subscribed the stipulations at once and sent back the -messenger with warm thanks for the generosity of the French monarch. -Francis really desired above everything to recover his lost dominion -over Liguria, but he was persuaded to defer that ambition to a more -favourable combination of circumstances. - -Fieschi now exposed his plans (in this point all the historians agree -and are confirmed by the manuscripts we have seen) to three of his -most devoted friends, Raffaele Sacco, Vincenzo Calcagno and Giovanni -Battista Verrina. He submitted to them the question whether he should -attempt a revolution relying solely on his own forces, or undertake it -in alliance with France. - -Sacco was born of not obscure lineage in Savona, being descended from a -knight of Malta and entitled to the annual gift of a paschal lamb. We -find that a branch of the Sacco family living in Genoa had been united -to the family of Venti, and not long after, in 1363, to that of the -Franchi. Sacco was auditor and judge in the feuds of the count and knew -intimately the feelings of his master. He advised that the French arms -be accepted--an opinion partly explained by his being of Savona. Your -forces, said he, are too weak to oppose those of Doria and the emperor; -and though it may be easy to capture the city by a _coup de main_, it -will be impossible to hold it unless you are promptly reënforced by a -good body of troops. - -Vincenzo Calcagno was beloved by Gianluigi for long and faithful -services. After the warmest protestations of his fidelity and -obedience as a vassal, he spoke at length of the evils of civil war -and foreign intervention which must follow from an attempt to change -the government. He enlarged on the difficulties of the enterprise. -Doria had twenty galleys. The sea coast and nobility were his. Foreign -rule was hateful to the Genoese, but above all that of France. Francis -occupied by home politics, embarrassed in Lombardy and in Naples, -would not bestow a thought on Genoa if he did not hope to acquire his -lost power over her. The nobility are in power and hate revolution, -and even the plebeians would oppose a new order of things unless -proposed by a noble. The people are unwilling to obey men without high -rank, accustomed not to yield even to the nobles without desperate -necessity,--and, stimulated by recent events, they would demand full -control of the government. But granted that the revolution may succeed, -no sooner would the new state be created than the crests of Adorni and -Fregoso would be seen in the foreground. - -These powerful families, still beloved by the people, would never -consent to submit the government to the control of a species of -prince--a thing they have for centuries resisted with their blood--so -that the efforts of the count will not enhance his personal grandeur, -but only promote the interests of rival families; the name of Fieschi -will become a reproach, distrusted by the nobles, despised by the -people and hated by Cæsar. - -Calcagno would have gone on to dissuade the count from the whole scheme -if the impetuous Verrina had not interrupted him with impatience and -anger. - -The family of Verrina was originally of Voltri, and came into the city -in 1475. Stefano Verrina had enrolled himself as a noble attached -to the company or _Albergo_ of the Franchi. John Baptist Verrina di -Vincenzo, a most honourable citizen, was then living in Carignano, -though born near the church of San Siro, not far from the count, and -was managing his affairs. Party spirit and private animosities rendered -him a violent enemy of the old nobles; and he could not digest it that -those who had long been excluded from public offices should, through -the reforms of Doria, be invested with the entire control of affairs. -He had once been rich, but his excessive generosity had wasted his -wealth, and he was now supporting the declining fortunes of his family -upon the liberality of Fieschi. His intellect was of a high order, his -courage that of a hero; his spirit was high and venturous, ever intent -on the loftiest designs. He had assumed for a motto--_The world belongs -to him who will take it_. - -Verrina demonstrated with great force and eloquence that too much -had already been done to leave any pretext for abandoning the -enterprise--that retreat was more dangerous than the battle. - -Revolutionary schemes ought to be executed as soon as formed. The -plans of Fieschi had reached such a stage that the only thing left was -to bring them to completion, to dare everything, to risk life itself -in the struggle. He argued that the enterprise was not difficult; -the Doria ships were idle and their crews scattered along the coasts, -the garrison of the city was reduced to only two hundred and fifty -infantry, many of whom were vassals of the count. The people wanted a -change of government; the Senate was sleeping in imaginary security. It -was folly to procrastinate the hour for delivering the country from the -ambition of Gianettino, when everything was smiling upon their hopes -and nothing but their own hesitation foreboded danger. - -He said that it was useless to ask the aid of the French, who had been -humiliated by the captivity of their king and were getting the worse -in their struggle with Charles V., master of all Germany. The very -example of Doria proved the nature of French sympathy for Italy. Doria -had learned too well that Francis desired to reduce the importance of -Genoa by removing Savona from her jurisdiction, and making the latter -the capital of Liguria. The count, said he, has the means of full -success. Raise the cry of popular liberty, and thousands of swords will -be uplifted for the cause. Let Gianluigi dare to proclaim liberty to -these oppressed multitudes. Let him dare to announce himself as their -liberator. When Cæsar fell, Pompey was not declared a rebel, but the -saviour of Rome. Let our master imitate the high example now, when -every wind is propitious; France friendly, Rome and Piacenza ready for -alliance with us, and the people prompt for action. - -The arguments of Verrina overcame the doubts of the count, and -he resolved to proceed with the general plan then worked out. He -instructed Foderato to communicate to Trivulzio his desire that the -original compact with Gonzaga be observed in every particular. In the -meantime he came into closer relations with Paul III., by means of the -Pontiff’s nephew the cardinal; and to complete all his preparations he -resolved to go to Piacenza and confer with the duke. - -It is of importance to observe that Fieschi, following the counsels of -Verrina, declined the proffer of French troops and galleys. Some paint -this friend of the count as a species of demon. They tell us that he -wished to murder the nobility and appropriate their goods, because he -was overwhelmed with debts, and to raise the count to the office of -Doge, or rather to make him the tyrant of Genoa. In truth, we find -these fables in all the historians, even in the least passionate and -partisan, who seem to have taken no pains to sift testimony, but to -have accepted the Spanish slanders without question. - -In a city like Genoa, but recently deprived of the popular liberty -which she had enjoyed for centuries, the idea of destroying free -institutions could not have entered the brain of a sane politician. -Neither Verrina nor the count were so short-sighted as to believe that -an enterprise which the emperor, with the support of all the nobles, -had found impossible could be easily executed by them. The ancient -story is repeated in our times. The victors have written the history of -the vanquished with the sword. - -This seems to us the place to describe an atrocious deed, which shows, -on the one hand, the great affection of the count for the members of -his family; and, on the other, how deeply he felt injuries and how -terribly he avenged them. The tragedy of which we now speak still -lives in tradition on the spot where it was enacted. We have drawn -the history of it from old documents, which agree in general with the -account written by Bandello, who received it from the lips of Catando -d’Arimini, an intimate friend of Gianluigi.[38] - -We have already stated that Sinibaldo had, besides his legitimate -children, a son named Cornelio and a daughter named Claudia. This -daughter was beautiful and attractive in person and manners. While -yet very young she was married to Simone Ravaschiero di Manfredi. He -was a rich and influential citizen of Chiavari and desired a family -alliance with the Fieschi, in order to secure their assistance against -count Agostino Lando, with whom he was contesting the jurisdiction of a -castle in the duchy of Piacenza. The marriage was celebrated with the -splendour to which the Fieschi were habituated, and Claudia took up her -residence in Chiavari, acquiring through the purity of her life and the -charms of her conversation the admiration of all who knew her. Giovanni -Battista Della Torre, one of the most high-born and wealthy citizens -of the district, paid her such assiduous court that she soon perceived -the object of his attentions. She defended herself with dexterity and -disappointed the hopes of her admirer. The young man, beside himself -with his foolish passion and consuming with amorous fires, studied to -find some means of obtaining by stratagem that which had been denied to -his love. - -He chose the occasion of her husband’s absence in Genoa to adjust his -accounts with Gianluigi, and, by bribing a servant, penetrated into the -chamber of Claudia and concealed himself under her bed. - -The lady was accustomed, when her husband was absent, to require -her maid before she retired to rest to examine all the corners and -hiding-places of her apartments; and on that evening, as if presaging -the danger which was near, ordered the servant to make careful search -whether any one was there concealed. The maid looked under the bed, -and, seeing a man hidden there, uttered a loud cry, at which Claudia -leaped from her couch and ran into her father-in-law’s room. The old -man roused his servants, armed them and went to take vengeance on the -violater of his domestic dominions. But Della Torre, finding his plot -had failed, leaped from a window of considerable height, and, falling, -received severe bruises and wounds. Nor would he have escaped, if some -neighbours who heard the noise of his fall had not come to his relief -and saved him from the fury of Manfredi, by bearing him away to the -house of one of them. - -On the following morning Manfredi sent swift messengers to inform his -son and Gianluigi of what had happened. The count was terribly enraged, -but he concealed his anger and waited to know the nature of Della -Torre’s wounds and what hope there might be of his recovery. Learning -that, though disfigured for life, he would recover from the effects -of the fall, he called to him his brother Cornelio and his cousin -Simone and said to them: “You know, Cornelio, the outrage which Della -Torre has committed against our sister Claudia, and I believe that if -you have the spirit which belongs to your blood you will arrange with -Simone to take such vengeance as the case requires. I have prepared -two galleys, manned by twenty well-armed and brave men each. Set -sail. Three hours before dawn you will be in Chiavari. There, without -any delay, you will assail the house of Della Torre, and if you tear -him into a thousand pieces you will give him that reward which his -crime merits. Having accomplished your purpose, take refuge in my -castles which are near there and of which I give you the countersigns. -Afterwards leave me to provide for everything. Unless you discharge -this duty, you, Cornelio, will never come into my presence lest I kill -you with my own hands; and you, Simone, will be no longer kinsman nor -friend of mine.” - -The two promised to execute his commands, and setting sail, they -arrived at Chiavari at the hour appointed. Having landed, three of -them went to the gates of the town and asked the guardian to admit -them. Once within, the three threw out the drawbridge, and the others, -who were concealed close at hand, thus marched in, threatening the -guardians with death if they raised an alarm. - -They made straight for their enemy’s house, broke down the door, rushed -into the apartment where Della Torre was sleeping and tore him in -pieces. - -Having accomplished their vengeance, they retired to the castle of -Roccatagliata, where the government did not dare to molest them. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -PREPARATIONS. - - Character of the Fieschi family--Gianluigi acquires the friendship of - the silk operatives and other plebeians--The Duke of Piacenza selects - the count to arbitrate his differences with the Pallavicini--Secret - understandings between the count and the duke--Gianluigi puts - his castles in a condition for war--Gianettino Doria, to pave - the way to supreme power, gives Captain Lercaro an order to kill - Fieschi--Industry of Verrina--The decisions of history on the merits - of Fieschi should be made in view of the political doctrines of the - sixteenth century. - - -IN monarchical states great families usually derive their importance -from the head of the nation, who overshadows them all; but in cities -ruled by the people, every house has its peculiar position and -character. In Genoa, families had features and qualities which had -characterized them and given them a distinct history for centuries. -The Adorni and Fregosi always loved authority; the Durazzi were -distinguished for munificence; the Serra for legal learning; the -Pinelli for indomitable energy; the Lomellini for liberality; the Doria -and Spinola for military genius. The Fieschi had always maintained and -guarded, though with a partisan spirit, the popular franchises. - -We find in the annals of this illustrious race a Nicolò and a -Percivale, who, as imperial vicars, granted liberty to the Florentines -and Luchesi. We find in the long history of their political power in -Genoa that the Fieschi never struggled for supreme position as did the -Adorni, Fregosi, Spinola, and Doria. Carlo Fieschi, as the chief of -the Guelphs, was, in 1318, placed at the head of the government, with -Gasparo Grimaldi for colleague, but he never attempted any legislative -or constitutional charges for the sake of remaining in office. Bonfadio -himself, though their enemy, declares that, though the Fieschi -surpassed in power all other families, they never laid hands on popular -rights.[39] They were in Genoa what the Capponi were in Florence. - -This reputation of the counts of Lavagna rendered it easy for Gianluigi -to obtain followers. To cover his true designs, he made no change -in his manners or life, carried an open and jovial countenance, and -studied more than ever to promote domestic tranquility. His palace was -open to all; he was generous with his friends, affable and courteous -to every one. He courted the rich with flattery and blandishments, the -poor with gifts. His table, spread with regal profusion, was free; and -he seemed to have no other cares besides races, the chase and the dance. - -He cultivated friendship with the old nobles, but had greater intimacy -with the new. The Dorias did not complain of the count’s relations -with the new nobility; for, though his house was old and illustrious, -its traditions were Guelph, and the new patricians and the leading -popular families belonged to that party. In his intercourse with -these persons, on whom he relied for assistance, he spoke sneeringly -of the reforms of 1528, which had advanced the Portico of San Luca to -the highest power, created deep-rooted antipathies, and weakened the -Republic. Sometimes he showed a profound passion, and his broken and -threatening tone conveyed a meaning beyond the import of his words. - -Having won the favour of the rich and distinguished popular families, -he cultivated the love of the plebeians. In this, his pleasant and -familiar manner secured him great success. He treated them as his -equals, and, the true Alcibiades of his time, he adapted himself to -their personal characteristics and prejudices. Chronicles tell us -that he watched from his towers to see if the chimneys of the poorer -classes smoked regularly at the hour for preparing food, and sent -provisions whenever this token of a meal was missed on any roof. Such -wise generosity acquired him the affection of the people. The foreign -wars and the stagnation of trade had impoverished a great part of the -citizens, especially the spinners and the silk operatives, then called -Tuscans, of whom there were fifteen thousand in Genoa. - -The history of the manufacture of silk, through which so many Italian -families acquired wealth and rank, has not yet been adequately treated. -The history of trades and crafts in the Peninsula would be a useful -work, and would show that even in the midst of the fiercest contests of -faction, commerce was always held in merited honour and was regulated -by few and simple restrictions;--that merchants and artisans had their -art-unions or corporations with their own laws, arms and masters, that -the trades were thus united in associations as a means of perfecting -their products and as a security against fraud. The historian of our -manufactures would tell us that in Genoa, before 1432, the trade of -silk-weaving had its _capitudini_, or officers, consisting of two -consuls and six councillors, who inspected the quality of the fabrics, -provided for their sale, took charge of the profits and decided -upon the complaints of the operatives. The government issued many -proclamations and made numerous laws to promote the woollen trade; -among which those of Doge Pietro Fregoso are remarkable. He forbade the -operatives, who lived in the quarter still called _Borgo del Lanieri_, -to leave the walls of the city, or carry elsewhere their tools and -skill, under penalty of confiscation of goods and other pains. Some -illustrious men were enrolled and matriculated in the art of silk, -among them Doge Paolo da Novi; and Gianettino Doria himself, when his -father Tomaso fell into poverty, spent his youth among the silk-weavers -of our city. The silk operatives venerated the _Volto Santo_ of San -Cipriano, a circumstance which explains the extraordinary number of -these images which are to be found in Genoa and along the eastern -Riviera. - -Not less prosperous than the silk manufactures were the corders and -beaters of wool, also united into associations. They gave a great -impulse to traffic and navigation. The beginnings of our civilization -were born of industrial arts. The marines artisans, and tradesmen -formed the only army of the Republic when it made war on feudatories -and compelled them to swear allegiance to the commune. These brave -plebeians--to-day operatives, to-morrow soldiers, not more masters of -the shuttle and the oar than of the sword, tempestuous in character -but fervent in faith--created in Genoa fruitful industries and immense -social power; and though in the fury of faction they sometimes shed -blood in the streets of Genoa, they atoned it by giving her, through -formidable fleets, the dominion of the seas. - -Guglielmo Embriaco, the hero of the first crusade, is the -representative of this Genoese thrift and courage. Our armies were -nothing more than associations. Such companies subdued the Euxine. -The Giustiniani captured Scio, Samos, and other islands, and divided -their gains _pro rata_ per man in proportion to the expense which each -had borne; the Cattaneo at Phocis, the Gattilusio at Mytilene, and -the Zaccaria in Negroponte. Elis and Achaia adopted the same rule. -It rarely happened that one who was not inscribed in a trade and -to the commune obtained any position as a master-workman. The very -nobleman who was a Ghibeline outside the walls became a Guelph when he -established his residence in the city; and though from his castles in -the passes of the Apennines he might have once plotted to invade us, -he had no sooner recorded himself as a citizen than he counted it an -honour to guide our fleets and overthrow our enemies. There was at one -time a law which forbade the nobles to command even a ship; and many -great nobles enrolled themselves with the people to open the path to -naval and military authority. - -The mark of these Guelph institutions on the people of Genoa was -deep and enduring. The Genoese of our day are living proof of their -lasting influence. Labour and banking produced immense wealth. The -Genoese became the bankers of Europe. In the year 1200 they drew the -first bill of exchange.[40] It was drawn on Palermo. They diffused the -Arabic system of notation. In 1148 they created, for the conquest of -Tortosa, the first public debts which they afterwards consolidated, -appropriating the city and port customs to pay the interest. They -founded the Bank of St. George, on whose model those of England and -Holland were constructed, and they planted colonies everywhere. Along -the inhospitable coasts of the Caspian and Aral, in Turchestan and -Thibet, the pilgrim was safe in person and property who declared, “I am -a Genoese.” - -We return from this digression to the thread of our narrative. The -long wars had lessened the gains of our trades-people; even the silk -operatives were by the want of markets reduced to extremities. In that -year, too, food was dear throughout Italy; and the merchants who held -grain kept it back from sale in order to raise the price. Gianluigi, -wishing to provide for the pressing wants of so many operatives, -called to him Sebastiano Granara, consul of the weavers, obtained -a list of the most distressed families, and sent them sums of money -with a request to keep secret the name of the donor, and to inform him -whenever they were again in urgent need. - -He frequently requested the artisans and mechanics who were natives of -his lands (they were more than two hundred) to come to him in Vialata, -where he opened to them his granaries, and otherwise succoured them. By -such acts of generosity he acquired the favour of the people, who were -ready, as a proverb has it, “to carry water for him in their ears,” and -to defend his person at their own peril. - -Having by such practices obtained the sympathy of the new nobles and -the humble classes who lived by their daily labour, the count began -to provide the arms and soldiers which he should need, and, with -great tact, availed himself in the exigency of the discords among the -neighbouring governments. - -Pierluigi Farnese, after having obtained from Paul III. the investiture -of Parma and Piacenza, soon found that he had not sufficient forces to -maintain his power in these provinces. Gerolamo Pallavicini, marquis -of Cortemaggiore, and others of that family to whom the duke had -prohibited the trade in salt, raised an armed rebellion. The Rossi, -Sanseverino, Pusterla of Milan, and other feudatories, were supporting -the insurrection. It was also encouraged by Giovanni del Verme, lord of -the Romagna, a personal enemy of the duke, and by Beatrice Trivulzio, -who being incensed against Paul III. for conceding the port of the Po -in Piacenza to Michelangelo Bonaroti, excavated a new harbour, and -deprived the divine architect of his reward. - -The duke collected an army, and, as soon as he felt able to contest -the field, demanded from some of his enemies the restitution of his -dominions in their possession, claiming that these lands and feuds had -been ceded to them by his predecessors to the prejudice of the ducal -rights. The Pallavicini, who were particularly included in this demand, -made such preparations as were possible to secure their own rights and -repel all the duke’s attempts at aggression. - -The estates of the Pallavicini and Fieschi were separated only by a -little stream; and the count seeing a war cloud on the horizon, so -near to his own fields, visited his feuds in the summer of 1546, under -pretence of watching over his property. He spent some time at Lavagna, -Montobbio, and Pontremoli. Here he collected his dependents, formed -them into companies, and held musters and reviews. He would have gone -farther, if the emperor, fearing that the Pallavicini dispute with -Pierluigi would excite a general Italian war, and so distract his -attention from his campaign against the Smacalda league in Germany, had -not sent peremptory orders to Don Ferrante Gonzaga, who had succeeded -to Marquis Vasto in the government of Milan, to pacify the quarrel, -threatening the whole weight of the imperial displeasure against any -who should refuse his mediation. - -The duke was induced to lay down his arms by the shrewd Pontiff, who -did not wish an open rupture with Cæsar, and Count Fieschi was chosen -by Farnese as arbiter of the rival claims. These two--Farnese and -Fieschi--had been on intimate terms some years before, at the time -when the former came to Genoa, (1542), in company with Annibal Caro -and Appollonio Filareto, his secretaries, to pay homage to the emperor -and to ask a congress in the name of the Pope--the congress which took -place in Busseto. - -Fieschi, mindful of old ties, conducted the negociation with so much -dexterity that he obtained from Pallavicini more than the duke had -dared to hope. A friendly and familiar correspondence always continued -between them, as several letters we have had in our hands prove. Among -them there is one of the 3rd of February, 1546--now preserved among the -Farnesian papers in Parma--in which the count recommends to the duke -a master-workman, Giacomo Merello, “a maker of cannon of rare skill -in his profession,” who had a law-suit with another master workman in -Parma. In these letters the count acknowledges that he has received -many favours from the duke. - -In their many interviews in Piacenza, Farnese, who knew what had been -said and done at Rome, spoke freely of his hatred towards Cæsar, who -had openly favoured the Pallavicini, and who was a constant enemy of -the advancement of the Farnese family. He avowed that he was ready to -throw himself into any undertaking which should promise him revenge. -The count in his turn, enlarged on the enmity between himself and the -Dorias, the oppressors of his country, on the plots of Gianettino, -already known to him, and finally asked the assistance and support of -the duke in his contemplated insurrection. It is needless to say that -the duke gave liberal promises of aid in a work which would take away -the influence of the Dorias, his hereditary enemies, and doubtless add -something to his personal importance and wealth. - -Meantime Gianluigi, who could ill tolerate delay, enlisted in his -service a large number of men, then just discharged from the ducal -army, and distributed them among his most remote castles. Having -returned to the city, he kept Farnese advised, by frequent messengers -and letters of all his movements and successes. Some of these letters -are now passing through the press. In one of these, dated the 17th of -April, he complains to the duke that Gianettino had given him an order -from Cæsar to send his fourth galley to cruise for pirates; he speaks -of plots woven for him by the young admiral, and asks the advice of -Farnese. - -The Duke advised that his plans be hurried forward, and mentioned, as -a special inducement, that Renèe, of France, duchess of Ferrara, had -again offered French aid through Pierluigi. But it is certain that the -count made no more use of this offer than he had made of others like it. - -We find in ancient chronicles a statement which would be greatly to -the credit of both Farnese and Fieschi. They had, according to these -writers, laid the foundations of a league common to all the Italian -princes, the object of which was to remove from the Peninsula every -vestige of foreign power; but historical fidelity compels us to say -that we have found no document which clearly proves the fact. In July, -the count went to Montobbio, drilled his vassals in military exercises, -and put his castles in such a state of defence as to be able to resist -a long siege. He then went through, one after another, his principal -feuds. It is worth our while to touch in passing upon the condition of -some of them at the time of which we write. - -Passing along the Eastern Riviera from Genoa, the count would first -enter into Recco. It was then a large borough with three hundred and -seventy-four fires, and he had built in it a superb palace called the -Astrego. He drew from this feud select mariners, to man his galleys. He -visited Roccatagliata and Cariseto, castles of considerable strength. -He added to their defences and supplied them with provisions. We find -that he spent some time at the castle of Varzi, on the slope of Penice, -formerly one of the principal fortresses of the Malaspini, near Bobbio. -He remained longer still in Lavagna. This region, though not then so -prosperous as it was before Frederick II., reduced it to a desert, -(1245) and levelled the fourteen castles which the counts had built -there, was yet a feud of considerable importance, on account of its -slate quarries. - -The Lavagna property included, to say truth, only a little group of a -hundred and thirty-six houses, but the surrounding country was adorned -with many burghs, as Centurion, San Salvatore, the earliest seat of -the Fieschi family, Cogorno and Brecanecca, forming in all five hundred -and seventeen fires and six churches. Besides the valley of Lavagna -was full of little estates and burghs, such as Torre, Vignale, Villa -Fronte, Aveglio, Cortemiglio, Rimaglio, Pregio, Bausalo and Oneto. -Lavagna was the heart of the Fieschi dominion. From this point it was -easy to lay hands on the Lombard provinces or to draw thence men and -arms. In those days the burgh of Sestri, close by, was one of the -most busy points of transit, and was the best station from which to -send goods into Lombardy. Merchandise was transported from Sestri to -Castiglione, and ten miles only remained to Varese, also the property -of the Fieschi. It counted two hundred fires, and was prosperous with -the trade of Lombardy. Then, crossing the Apennines, twelve miles of -travel brought the merchant to Val di Taro, a burgh of one hundred and -fifty houses, which overlooked forty-two villages, subject to Count -Fieschi. - -Having examined his resources and put his castles in a state of -defence, constructing strong outer walls, for those which seemed to him -to be weak, under pretence of “fortifying himself against the Duke of -Piacenza, who was too fond of his neighbour’s property,” he passed over -to Pontremoli. - -Leandro Alberti, who visited this noble and luxurious castle about that -period, says that it stood near the mouth of the Magra, and at the foot -of the Apennines. It was fortified by three fortresses, and numbered -eight hundred houses, while its jurisdiction embraced forty-eight -contiguous burghs, not to mention the valleys of Volpedo, Rosano, -Zeiri, and the hamlets along the banks of the Crania, which counted one -thousand and eight hundred fires. Giustiniani says that the lord of -Pontremoli could easily put under arms two thousand men. - -Gianluigi spent some time here, having conferences with Count Galeotto -Mirandola, the Pusterla and Cybo, the marquises of Valdimagra, the -Bentivoglio, the Strozzi and others, who were restless under the -imperial yoke; and in these negociations he was ably seconded by -Catando d’Arimini and by Giulio Pojano, to whom he had assigned the -command of his galleys. - -The count did not return into the city until the end of autumn. -Pierluigi Farnese, to remove all suspicions of the plot, wrote many -letters to the Genoese government, and took great care to show his -anxiety to render every service or favour in his power. The object of -these letters, which may be said to contain little political wisdom, -was much more grave and serious than their tone implied. The golden -style of Caro, who dictated them, gives them a certain charm; but their -highest value lies in showing how skilfully Pierluigi and Fieschi -planned and worked to elevate their friends to office under the Doria -government, to get the control of public affairs out of the hands of -Andrea, and so pave the way to the success of their great insurrection. - -One fact is very important. The doctors of the law and the magistrates -of the _Ruota_ always possessed large powers in the Republic, and -the practical operations of the government depended almost entirely -on their counsels. When Fieschi had made such military preparation as -seemed sufficient for a revolution, he naturally sought to get the -lawyers on his side, as the only class who could organize and maintain -the new government. By the aid of the Duke of Piacenza, he contrived -to place in the principal offices of the _Ruota_, and even in the -vicarate of the city, men who shared his own political views, and were -distinguished for political sagacity and administrative ability. On the -25th of May, 1486, duke Pierluigi wrote to the Doge and Governors that -M. Hettore Lusiardo, a gentleman and doctor of Piacenza and a person of -great learning, desired to obtain an appointment in the _Ruota_ of the -Republic. And he adds, “I am greatly pleased to see my vassals honoured -according to their merits, and I cheerfully use my influence to advance -them to such positions as they desire. On this occasion I hope your -highnesses may lend a favourable ear to my intercession on behalf of -Messer Hettore, since in employing this person you will at once gratify -me and secure the services of a man worthy of your esteem, as he will -show when put to the proof.” - -In another letter of December 17th, he renewed the same request: -“Writing on another occasion, I have asked your favour for Messer -Hettore Lusiardo, one of my Piacentine gentlemen and doctors, and a -person of rare personal qualities, who desires a place in the _Ruota_ -of your city. Wishing much that he may obtain his request, I repeat my -recommendations in the strongest possible terms; and if you can give -him such a place as he desires, you will not only serve a person worthy -of your confidence and the favour he asks, but also do me a great -pleasure.” - -In another letter of the 24th of November, we read: “M. Bernardo -Alberghetti da Rimini, at whose request I write, is a doctor in law of -much learning, long practice, and strict integrity--qualities which -I know him to possess, both from the reports of others and from my -personal experience, having employed him for many months. He would -still be in my service but that I have no employment of moment for -him, and he deserves something better than a subordinate position. He -wishes to enter into the _Ruota_ of your most noble city as a means of -advancement, and hopes that my recommendation may have some value with -your Excellencies. I esteem him to be, as I have said, a person of most -excellent qualifications, and I doubt not I shall have well served your -interests in sending him to you, and I therefore the more boldly pray -you for love of me to give him your approval.” - -In the same year the official term of the vicar of the city expired, -and the office was of such importance that the conspirators exerted -themselves to fill it with a person entirely devoted to their -interests. On the 13th of September, Farnese wrote: “When Count Fieschi -was last in Piacenza, I warmly recommended to him Mr. Camillo Villa, a -Piacentine doctor in law, and urged him to ask from your Excellencies -in my name the office of vicar in your city for this person. Though -I am certain that the count would not fail in doing me this service, -and believe that I may rely much upon your courtesy to me, and though -I have recently by letter renewed my request to the count, yet I deem -it not discourteous, as the time for filling this post draws near, to -recommend Mr. Camillo directly to your excellencies. Should you grant -my request, you will both secure to your city an officer who will -always serve you well and do me a personal kindness.” - -It is hardly necessary to say that Farnese obtained from the Senate -all these appointments. Secret as were these intrigues, they did not -escape the acute eyes of Panza, who inferred that the count was engaged -in some conspiracy. He therefore took opportunities for watching his -movements and his manners; and finding that the count withdrew from -his former familiarity with his old tutor, he was led by his affection -to admonish him of the dangers before him. But Gianluigi broke off his -reproofs with ill-concealed impatience and answered him with the words -of Cato: “If I believed that the shirt I wear knew the secrets of my -heart, I would tear it off and give it to the flames.” Then checking -his impetuous speech, he added that he would do nothing that should not -be worthy of his own fame and that of his ancestry. - -Panza was not the only person to suspect the count of some conspiracy -against the power of Cæsar. John Vega, ambassador of Spain at Rome, -conceived doubts of his fidelity, and set Ferrante Gonzaga to watch his -movements. - -Gonzaga sent to Prince Andrea his secretary, Maone, with the letters of -Vega and other documents which referred to a conspiracy, believed to be -forming by Gianluigi. - -Andrea rejected the tale as the work of some malignant slanderers, and -replied that he knew Fieschi was not a man to conspire against the -empire. - -Though the purchase of the pontifical galleys was a sharp thorn in the -side of Gianettino, who aspired to an exclusive dominion of the seas, -yet it was not an act sufficiently singular to awaken the suspicions of -the Dorias. - -The most wealthy families were accustomed to arm galleys; and the Sauli -had negociated for the purchase of these same triremes, intending to -use them in their maritime enterprises. - -The behaviour of Fieschi contributed still more to remove from the -minds of Gianettino and the prince every shadow of suspicion. He -frequently visited Andrea and congratulated him that, though more -than eighty years of age, he enjoyed vigorous health; and he was so -affectionate and obsequious to Gianettino that the young admiral tried -to obtain for him a suitable rank in the imperial army. It should not -be forgotten, however, that one motive of Gianettino was, to remove -Fieschi from Genoa, as the only one likely to make an effective -opposition in his personal ambition. It is certain that from the time -Vega declared Gianluigi to be engaged in machinations against the -empire, Gianettino conspired to remove from his path the only person -who could be an obstacle to his own advancement. He only awaited -Andrea’s death to put off the slight mask which he had hitherto worn; -and in expectation of that event he had entrusted to Captain Lercaro -the business of assassinating the count. This was proved by letters -of Gianettino which fell into the hands of Fieschi, and were by him -shown to many persons; though the writers in the interest of the empire -asserted that these documents had been forged by Gianluigi. - -About this time a messenger in the confidence of Cæsar brought word -to the count that Andrea’s solicitations on behalf of his nephew were -about to be successful, and that Gianettino would soon be invested -with absolute power, on the same conditions as those by which Casimo -II. had ten years before been raised to the government of Florence. -This report, whether true or false, was circulated among the friends -of the count, and doubly inflamed their resentment. They resolved, in -their indignation, not to procrastinate longer the deliverance of the -Republic, and to strike down with one blow the ambitious youth who was -conspiring for supreme power. - -The count’s first step was to recall from Civita-Vecchia the fourth -galley under the command of Giacobbe Conte, on pretence of arming it as -a privateer, and sending it to cruise against the Barbary commerce in -the east. He had two other ships ready to sail in neighbouring ports. -With these vessels he was able without exciting suspicion, to bring -into the city the troops concealed in his castles. He placed some of -them on board his triremes; others were concealed in his own house and -those of his fellow-conspirators. - -Verrina was the soul of every movement. He knew all the arts of -ingratiating himself with the plebeians, and winning their sympathies -to the cause of his master. He began to allude in guarded phrases to -the necessity of a revolution in the interest of popular government; -and at the same time contrived to have many vassals of the count -enrolled in the permanent militia of the Republic. Many artisans and -mechanics to whom he gave presents, promised him the service of their -arms to rescue by force a castle of the count from some Florentine -merchants, who, he said, had seized it for debts. He was a man capable -of inventing traps and lures for all sorts of birds, and he enrolled no -one, whom he believed fitted for the work of the conspiracy, until he -had sounded the note best adapted to charm his recruit. - -Calcagno, though he had dissuaded the count from drawing the sword, -was so overcome by his love for his young master, that he was the -most ardent worker in the conspiracy. He was assigned the office of -providing arms and provisions for the troops gradually being collected -and introduced into the city. Sacco was appointed to maintain order -and discipline among these soldiers. Ottobuono, brother of Gianluigi, -was sent to the court of France to secure the sympathy of the French -monarch for the cause of the approaching revolution. - -The Republic was at this moment without a Doge, Giovanni Battista di -Fornari having retired from the magistracy. The galleys were idle and -without crews, because the season was unpropitious for navigation. -There were few of the permanent militia in the city, and these for the -most part were devoted to Gianluigi. Giulio Cybo and other marquises -of Valdimagra, had a considerable force ready to break into the city -at the first opportune moment. The plebeians were ripe for revolution; -the Dorias and nobility without the least suspicion. All things seemed -propitious. - -Such was the condition of Genoa on the eve of the conspiracy. -“Strange,” says Cardinal de Retz, “ten thousand persons in Italy were -awaiting the outbreak of the insurrection, and there was not one to -betray the plot.”[41] - -We ought not, in my judgment, to decide upon the merits of this -conspiracy according to the views of our own time, in which political -movements are discussed on principles of justice, but rather to give -the conspirators the benefit of the opinions and politics of their -own age. The doctrines of Macchiavelli, on which Gianluigi had formed -his principles, aim at the immediate interests of states and derive -principles from facts. The theory of Guicciardini is the same. Whoever -undertakes to philosophise on the political ideas of the sixteenth -century will find that State policy never professed any higher creed -than utility, and that those who were ambitious of repute as statesmen -were not bound by a public moral sentiment to show the justice of -their methods for obtaining desirable ends. Whoever had introduced on -the scenes of state craft abstract maxims of morality would have been -hissed off as a fool. The creed ran thus:--“Do you wish to free your -country? Caress the tyrant and then kill him. Your dagger is sharper -than the eyes of his satellites. Audacity and courage are everything. -He who falters for an instant is undone. Every means is just which -leads to success.” - -Gianluigi held these maxims and he could not lay them aside without -freeing himself from the age in which he lived. It was natural, -therefore, that with his noble intention of destroying the empire of -the Dorias he should use every instrument which seemed adapted to -his purpose. His heart was bursting with suppressed rage; but his -serene look and urbane manners proclaimed him a peaceable and loyal -citizen. His nerves were strung with the spirit of revenge, but his -frank countenance, affable speech and good humour were those of a -mild-mannered and unruffled gentleman. Once only he broke out against -his rival with fierce invectives; but ever after he feigned content -and put to sleep his adversary’s vigilance while meditating his blow. -He knew no other paths to his end than those pointed out by the state -craft of his time. Why should he awaken suspicion in the Dorias when -all his interests said, “Deceive them”? It is folly to arm an enemy who -is delivering himself unarmed into your power. Such, we have said, was -the political morality of the speculative minds of that day. - -In other respects Fieschi was counted virtuous and honourable and -uncorrupted in the bosom of a corrupt society; so that it is very -doubtful whether he had a natural son named Paolo Emilio who was -afterwards a captain in the pay of France, of which fact we find -mention in some memoirs. Fame said of him that he had never punished, -even in the slightest manner, any person in his service or vassalage. - -He deceived the Dorias and betrayed them against faith; but only for a -political object. The high design of overthrowing one who had attempted -his assassination and of liberating his country ought, if it cannot -absolve him, to moderate the condemnation of posterity. Brutus, too, -was a deceiver and he is reputed great. - -Whatever be the ideas of those who read in the nineteenth century, -it is clear that the statesmen of the sixteenth heartily approved of -Fieschi’s work. He was what these times made him. A stranger to the -spirit of the classic revolutions of the earlier part of his century, -to the ascetic revolts of Savonarola, to the paralytic ardours of -Soderini, he drank in with his Guelph principles the dissimulation of -Rome. An Italian and a disciple of Macchiavelli, he wished to liberate -his country without the aid of foreign arms. - -A more favourable time could not have been desired. The outbreak of -the conspiracy would terrify Charles who was deep in the German wars; -Fieschi would be able to form close alliances with France, England, -Denmark and Turkey; he would stir the languid pulses of the Italians -and unite together Rome, Venice, Genoa, Parma and Ferrara; Lucca and -Siena, yet free, were ready to join the Italian confederacy; Naples and -Milan would raise their heads. - -Three centuries more of abject servitude were reserved for Italy. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SUPPER IN VIALATA. - - Bloody propositions attributed to Verrina--The count repulses all - treacherous plans--New schemes--The conspirators introduced into the - city--Gianluigi pays his respects to Prince Doria--Gianettino removes - the suspicions of Giocante and Doria--The supper of Gianluigi--The - guests embrace the conspiracy--Eleonora Cybo and her presentiments. - - -EVERYTHING being now in readiness, the count called together a few of -his most trusted partisans to consult upon the time and plan of their -uprising. - -About this time were celebrated the espousals of Giulio Cybo, prince -of Massa and Carrara and brother of Eleonora Fieschi, with Peretta, -the sister of Gianettino. Verrina proposed that Gianluigi should give -a splendid banquet to the young couple which the Dorias would be -obliged to attend; and, that in the midst of the festivities, assassins -concealed for the purpose should fall upon and butcher them. We find -that Verrina sent a messenger to Milan to make purchases for the -banquet and that with these purchases he introduced into the palace -some chests filled with ammunition, swords, arquebuses, pikes and -halberds.[42] However, the count refused his assent to the proposition -as a violation of the laws of hospitality. - -If we may believe Sigonio, Verrina formed another not less inhuman -project. An ecclesiastic of an illustrious family was about to -celebrate his first mass in the church of St. Ambrogio, and the Dorias, -Adamo Centurione, his son Marco, Figuerroa and other old nobles were -expected to be present. Verrina proposed to follow the example of the -Pazzi in Florence and of Olgiato in Milan and to assassinate them -while kneeling at the altar; then to rouse the city, take possession -of the senatorial palace, crown Fieschi with the diadem of the Doges -and put to the edge of the sword all who offered resistance. But this -atrocious design against the liberties of the republic is denied by -all the historians of the period. Even the writers most partial to the -Dorias tell us that Gianluigi rejected the temptation to assassinate -Gianettino under the shadow of the crucifix, though he was convinced -that he could find no better opportunity of crushing his rival at a -single blow. - -The count abhorred bloodshed. In fact but little was spilled in all -the fierce civil commotions of Genoa. These revolutions resemble wars -of adventurers which have no other aim than to capture the enemy. -There was no fighting to the death; he who refused to yield the field -or broke the lines of his enemy was proclaimed conqueror without more -ado. He who got possession of the government palace seldom punished -his adversaries beyond confiscation of goods and banishment. Our -laws and our history are full of examples. Gianluigi contemplated -such a revolution and could not bring himself to approve schemes of -corruption and slaughter. - -Other propositions were then made. Among these the most prominent was -that of awaiting the period for electing a new Doge, that is the fourth -of the following January. The entire nobility would then be assembled -in the government palace, and a single blow would sever the knot. The -plan seemed every way feasible and Gianluigi was disposed to follow it; -but it was abandoned because it was found Gianettino would be absent -and escape the vengeance of Fieschi. It was at length resolved to make -a bolder attempt on Christmas Eve, 1547 (old style.) - -Orders were therefore issued on this plan to the corporals in the -city and to conspirators in other places, particularly to Gianluca -Fieschi, Giulio Cybo and the marquis of Valdimagra. A number of armed -men were introduced into the city under cover of the festivities of -that day on which the burghers are wont to flock into the city from -every direction. Much artifice was employed in bringing in the troops. -They entered in small bodies and by different gates, some even by -subterranean passages which conducted to the palace of the count. -Some wore the habit of mountaineers, others had various disguises. A -number were loaded with chains under pretence that they were criminals -condemned to serve on the galleys of the count. Some were lodged in -the houses of the conspirators, but the greater part in the palace in -Vialata and neighbouring houses. Still, the main body of the soldiers -was not brought within the walls, but distributed over mount Fasce and -contiguous heights, ready to enter the gates so soon as a smoke should -rise from the hill of Carignano. Such was the good order and discretion -of the conspirators that the Senate had not the faintest suspicion. - -Early in the day count Fieschi, mounted upon a spirited jennet, rode -through the populous streets. He had never appeared so jovial and -composed, his strong will governing his impetuous nature. - -We find in some letters of Sacco,[43] of which we shall speak in -another place, that a personage whose name is concealed held a -conference that day with the count in the palace of Vialata. This -person discoursed of the popular dislike for the Doria government, and -concluded by saying that the count had only to wish it to become master -of Genoa. It is easy to see, that the count brusquely repulsed the -insinuation. Sacco believed that this man had been sent by Gianettino -to pry into the plans and purposes of Fieschi; but it is now certain -that the Dorias were living in entire ignorance of the tempest -gathering over their heads. The unknown personage must have been one of -the spies whom Figuerroa kept on the trail of all the opponents of the -Spanish power in Italy. - -Near the close of the day the count visited several families. He went -to the Doria palace, where, finding in the vestibule the children -of Gianettino with their father, he caressed and kissed them with -much tenderness. After some conversation he drew Gianettino aside -and begged him to make no opposition to the departure of some of his -vessels which were that night to sail for the Levant. He added that if -the vessels should discharge some fire-arms in the port, he hoped the -admiral would give himself no concern. He also requested Gianettino -to interpose his good offices with prince Doria in case the prince -should oppose the count’s plan of privateering. This plan was in fact -a violation of the treaty between the emperor and the Turks, because -the galleys of Fieschi would have sailed from a port over which Doria -was, as the admiral of Cæsar, master and guardian. Gianettino, not from -any love he bore the count, as a modern writer remarks, but because the -favour was of trivial importance, promised to use his influence with -the prince if it should become necessary, and gave to his captains the -order requested by Fieschi. - -Afterwards, Gianluigi went to the apartment of Andrea who was lying in -bed suffering from pains and a fever. It happened that the prince was -at that moment in conversation with Gomez Suarez Figuerroa, who, having -received repeated messages from Gonzaga respecting the conspiracies of -Fieschi, had come to speak of the soldiers taken by the count from the -duke of Piacenza and other facts wearing an ambitious appearance. But -so soon as Andrea saw the count on his threshold, at the sight of the -ingenuous and courteous youth whom he loved almost as a son, he bent -his head to the ear of the minister and whispered,--“Tell me yourself -if it be possible that a base spirit can be concealed under that -angelic countenance.”[44] - -After a brief conversation the count retired, mounted his superb jennet -and rode gracefully along the streets. Figuerroa exhausted all his arts -to remove the delusion of Doria but without success. - -Shortly after, Andrea was on the verge of making the discovery by other -means, but in this case, by combinations of chance, Gianettino was the -person to dissipate his apprehensions. Giocante, of the Casa Bianca -family, who had once been in the service of the Venitians, had command -of the permanent militia. - -He had distinguished himself in many actions and especially when -fighting with Doria at the head of a large body of Ligurians in favour -of France against the Bourbons, he raised the siege of Marseilles. -Colonel Giocante had received on this very day several messages -informing him that many soldiers of various detachments had left their -quarters and taken refuge in the house of Fieschi. Doria being in fact, -though not nominally, the head of the republic, Giocante informed him -and Adamo Centurione of what had occurred. As soon as he had read -the letter, Andrea called Gianettino and ordered him to provide for -the emergency; but Gianettino related the conversation he had just -held with the count and reasoned that the momentary desertion of a -few soldiers, who were probably vassals of the Fieschi and wished to -celebrate the day in Vialata, was of no importance. He concluded by -saying that Giocante attached consequence to frivolous matters, and so -entirely removed the suspicions of the prince. - -The restless Verrina was not idle. At nightfall he collected, in the -house of Tomaso Assereto, more than thirty gentlemen whose families -had but recently been inscribed in the book of gold. Fieschi, after -leaving Doria went directly to this place and invited these new -noblemen to sup with him that night in Carignano. Arriving there -many were surprised to find, in place of festive preparations, the -halls filled with arms and armed men, strange faces and the din of -warlike preparation. They looked round for the count, but he had gone -to confer with Verrina and to learn whether he had visited all the -stations and the mustering places of the conspirators, whether the -Senate entertained any suspicions or his near neighbours the Sauli had -obtained any information of the conspiracy. Verrina assured him that -all was prepared and that none of their adversaries suspected their -preparations for revolution, and the count joined his guests. - -These gentlemen, alarmed at finding the palace a camp rather than -a festive hall, gathered about him to learn the cause of these -extraordinary sights and sounds. Then the count changing his careless -look into one of stern purpose and striking the naked table with his -fist, broke out,--“The time so longed for by us, young friends, has at -last arrived. Our native land is to-night in our hands to be liberated -from the tyranny of the few and restored to a popular government. -This is my banquet, these are the festivals to which I have invited -you. You will never be invited to a more honourable feast. With the -approbation of Cæsar, (and if you wish I will show you the proofs and -letters.) Gianettino Doria grown to excessive power and riches has -long aspired to tyranny in Genoa. But finding me an obstacle to his -designs, because I am not less devoted to the public good and the -liberties of the nation than were my ancestors, he employs himself day -and night in conspiring against my life. He has often vainly tried -poison; now he trusts to the secret dagger. Who of you does not swell -with indignation at the insolence of the old nobility, who both in -their private life and in the public offices deprive you of honour and -hold you in derision? I tell you that more bitter and shameful things -are reserved for us. If we suffer so much to-day, what shall we have -when the patricians, with Gianettino at their head, shall have drawn -to themselves all public authority and reduced us to vassalage? You -will become a plebeian herd! Let us then grapple like heroes with evils -which overhang me, yourselves and the country. It is my design to kill -the ambitious tyrant and Doria himself, to capture their galleys, to -occupy the government palace and by destroying a few powerful enemies -to restore popular liberty. - -“Even though the result of this enterprise were doubtful, I have such -confidence in your courage and patriotism, that I believe you would -not leave me to encounter the danger alone. But the city is now in -our power. Three hundred of my bravest men are with me, the greater -part of the soldiers who guard the government palace are my partisans. -The keepers of the gates are for us and await a preconcerted signal. A -galley rides at anchor in the port armed with a body of men unsurpassed -for equipment, strength and courage. One thousand and five hundred -artisans are in arms to follow me. Two thousand men from my castles are -at the gates. As many more from Piacenza will follow them. We have no -enemy before us. The night is serene and everything is propitious. You -will not be companions in the battle but spectators of a victory. Give -your love to your country; raise your courage, your confidence. The -glory and honour of this undertaking are not only yours to share but -yours to dispense.” - -We have preferred to translate from the Latin of Bonfadio[45] this -speech of the count rather than to compose one in the style of -rhetoricians. Bonfadio, who was a witness of that revolt, thus clearly -displays the object of Fieschi to overthrow Gianettino who aimed to -master the republic and to build again the popular government. Still, -we are not able to agree with Bonfadio that the count intended to -assassinate Andrea; because what we have written tends to prove the -contrary, and still more because the murder of the old and decrepit -prince would have provoked universal condemnation, and finally because -the means of escape were left open to him. It was doubtless for the -interests of Bonfadio to receive this fable and incorporate it in his -history, to justify Doria’s sanguinary vengeance. - -The words of Gianluigi powerfully moved his guests. They -enthusiastically offered to share the perils of the enterprise. Two, -Giovanni Battista Cattaneo-Bava and Giovanni Battista Giustiniano, -alone refused to take arms; not because they dissented from the -views of Fieschi, but because they trembled at the sight of muskets -and sabres. Some of their companions drew their daggers and wished -to assassinate the cowards on the spot; but Gianluigi interposed -and contented himself with confining them under guard to prevent -their revealing the conspiracy. This is a new proof of the count’s -unwillingness to shed blood. - -Fieschi then placed, one by one, under the eyes of his companions the -letters of Pierluigi, of cardinal Farnese and of others, which clearly -showed that Gianettino aspired to royal state and, as if already -mounted to a throne, was planning the death of the count. A cry of -indignation burst from the whole company and all swore to liberate the -country and the count from the plots of the common enemy. - -Fieschi then visited his wife whom he found immersed in the most -profound sorrow. The military preparation, the clang of arms and the -crowd filling the palace had too clearly revealed to her that a bloody -enterprise was on foot. He tried to console her, told her for the first -time the long history of his conspiracy and assured her that no danger -lay before him. But Eleonora strove to change his audacious purpose. -She kissed him, she hung upon his neck and exhausted her affectionate -acts to bend his resolute will. Pansa entered at that moment and he, -too, tried to divert him from the undertaking; but with no better -success than the countess Eleonora. Fieschi embraced his beloved spouse -whose tears moved his heart to profound pity; but his preparations were -made, and if he had wished it there was no place for retreat. When the -stern voice of Verrina called him from her arms, the tears disappeared -in an instant from his eye-lashes; the husband vanished and only the -conspirator remained. Eleonora fell lifeless into the arms of Pansa. - -The count returned to the hall, ordered a frugal meal and then -distributed the arquebuses, pikes, spears, swords and coats of mail. -There was a story that at that moment the soot of the chimney caught -fire and that the cries of the countess filled the heart of the count -with painful forebodings. There were other fables; that a flock of -birds rising from the garden below flew off to the left, that during -the day his horse stumbled and nearly threw him from his saddle, that -a dog bayed long and mournfully, that setting his foot carelessly on -the threshold of his palace as he went out he nearly fell down. They -tell us that Calcagno, who was at his side at this moment, said to -him that according to the ancients sinister presages usually foretold -success, and then the count recovered his spirits and drawing his sword -said:--“Let us go,” leading the way to the street. - -Thus far we have in these fables only the mania for classic imitation -which bewildered the historians of Gianluigi, and led them to underrate -his courage. Now come the calumnies. We are told that the count ordered -that whosoever moved from the ranks or hesitated should be run through; -that being asked on the way by a noble, who wished to save some friend, -whether all the nobility were to be butchered, he answered that all -should be slain beginning from his own nearest relatives. It is clear -that these romancers destroyed all confidence in their veracity by such -exaggeration. - -To disprove their partial statements it is only necessary to say that -Gianluigi himself had prevented the assassination of the two nobles who -had refused to follow him. He forbade an attack on the palace of Prince -Doria, and would not even consent that Sebastiano Lercaro should be -killed, though he knew that this person had accepted the commission of -Gianettino to assassinate himself. - -Having drawn up his ranks and exhorted the men to prefer a glorious -death to preserving their lives by cowardice, he sent off one hundred -and fifty infantry to occupy the Borgo de’ Lanieiri, and marched down -the descent of San Leonardo followed by the gentlemen and by the select -part of his troops. The hour was about midnight. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE NIGHT OF THE SECOND OF JANUARY. - - Measures taken by the Count--Occupation of the gate of the Archi - and of San Tommaso--Death of Gianettino Doria--Fieschi did not seek - the death of prince Doria--Schemes of Paolo Lavagna--Taking of the - arsenal--Fall and death of Gianluigi--Flight of Andrea Doria to - Masone--The place where Gianluigi was drowned--The several arsenals of - Genoa--The death of Count Fieschi deemed a misfortune by the Italians. - - -HALTING for a moment at the foot of the hill, near the ancient houses -of the Frangipani, the count sent his brother Cornelio to capture -and hold the gate of the Archi in order to secure a way of retreat -to his castles in case the enterprise should fail. He directed his -brothers Ottobuono and Gerolamo, who had just returned from the court -of France, to hold themselves and their men in readiness to attack -the gate of San Tommaso at a preconcerted signal. The capture of -that strong place being an affair of moment, Calcagno was ordered to -support the attacking party with the main body of the troops. These -were the movements in the city. As for the harbour, Verrina had orders -to work his galley outside of the Mandraccio and up to the gates of -the arsenal, thus laying siege to the ships of Doria. Then Tommaso -Assereto, who, as an officer under Andrea, had the countersigns, was -to enter the arsenal, by fraud or force, on the land side. The great -stress of the enterprise lay in taking these ships of Doria, because -they constituted the emperor’s naval force and were able to command the -Mediterranean. Therefore, to make sure work at this point, the count -sent orders to Scipione Borgognino, one of his vassals and a brave -soldier, to embark the flower of the troops upon some floats which had -been prepared and to storm the arsenal on the sea side, and having -gained the inside to open the gates unless Assereto had already forced -them. - -The count reserved to himself no particular command, but was at liberty -to fly to the point of greatest need. He entered the city through the -gates of St. Andrea, passed down the streets of Prione and San Donato, -gained the piazza of Salvaghi and advancing to the bridge of Cattanei, -now destroyed, waited near Marinella until Verrina should inform him -with a discharge from a bombard that the attack on the arsenal was -began. - -He intended, having occupied the arsenal and mounted crews on the -galleys of Doria, to unite the various corps distributed through the -city and move to the assault of the Doge’s palace, the taking of -which would crown the enterprise with complete success. He employed a -subtle artifice to secure the death of Gianettino. It was reasonably -apprehended that the young admiral, awakened by the din which would -necessarily be made in the harbour and arsenal, would take refuge in -a galley which always rode at anchor under the prince’s palace. To -exclude this mode of flight, a large number of floats heavily laden -were placed, some days before, in front of this ship so as to render it -impossible to move her. Finally, it was agreed and ordered that the cry -used to arouse the plebeians and win their stout arms to the cause of -Fieschi should be:--“_The people and liberty_.” - -This was the general plan of insurrection. At first every movement was -successful. Cornelio occupied the gate of the Archi with but little -bloodshed; but the fortress of San Tommaso proved a serious obstacle -to the conspirators. Captain Sebastiano Lercaro and his brother were -in command there. Both had the reputation of being valiant soldiers, -and they were thoroughly devoted to the Dorias to whom they owed their -rank in the permanent militia. As soon as they saw a large body of men -moving against them and heard the air ring with the name of Fieschi, -they prepared for a vigorous defence. - -Captain Lercaro, who, according to rumour, had accepted a commission -to assassinate Fieschi, knew well that his own life and that of -his masters’ depended upon a successful resistance, and he exerted -himself with such spirit and prowess that he several times repulsed -the assailants with serious loss. But Gerolamo and Ottobuono returned -to the assault with undiminished courage, and Calcagno came to their -succour with reinforcements. The conflict now became too unequal. Many -of the soldiers of the government were killed and wounded, others threw -down their arms, while some turned their swords against those of their -companions who still faced the enemy. - -Lercaro, seeing himself well-nigh abandoned and his brother stretched -at his feet by a blow from a halberd, surrendered to the Fieschi. -Manfredo Centurione, Vincenzo Promontorio, Vaccari and some other -officers and soldiers followed his example. - -The palace of Prince Andrea stood within a stone’s throw of the gate of -San Tommaso which the Fieschi had now occupied. Gianettino, awakened -by the din of arms and fearing that there was a mutiny on his galleys, -determined to go immediately to the arsenal. His consort in vain urged -him with tears not to set foot outside the palace, as though she too -had sad presage of her destiny. In vain Andrea united his prayers to -those of his wife. “This, said the prince, is not a mutiny or quarrel -among our crews. It is the roar of battle.” A relentless destiny drew -the young admiral on to his fate. Still believing that it was some -disturbance among his own crews, he set forth for San Tommaso to obtain -troops to quell the disorder. He had only a page as an escort. The -flicker of his own lamp revealed him to his enemies, and rejoicing at -their good fortune they permitted him to approach and fall into their -net. Arriving at the walls, he demanded in his usual imperious tone -that the door be opened. At that moment, pierced by many pikes, he -fell in a pool of his own blood. It is now known that the first and -fatal blow was dealt by Agostino Bigelotti da Barga, a soldier of the -government. - -Gerolamo Fieschi now began to fortify his position. Gianettino, the -expected tyrant of Genoa, being dead, it was no longer desirable to -assail the Doria palace. The decrepit Andrea was not obnoxious to their -rage. He was in error or spoke falsely who wrote that Fieschi desired -the death of Prince Doria that he might plunder the splendid carvings, -sculptures and furniture of the Doria palace. The government itself by -the mouth of the lawyers of Padua, affirmed that Fieschi did not wish -to assault that house or to vent his wrath against the prince, towards -whom he felt no personal grudge. This is the most splendid testimony -that Gianluigi did not aspire to power but to liberate the Republic. -And if those who undertook to transmit to posterity the memory of -these events had studied the official documents, they could not have -distorted history by such grave errors. It is noteworthy, too, that the -name of France was not uttered on that fatal night. - -Count Gerolamo left his brother Ottobuono to guard the gates and -marched through the principal streets to arouse the people for the -national cause. The word liberty, rung in the ears of people but -yesterday despoiled of rights which they had enjoyed for centuries, -produced a marvellous effect in the deep midnight silence. New crowds -crying, “_Gatto and liberty_” gathered around the Fieschi standard. -The very women who, when the first uproar called their husbands and -brothers into the streets, clung to them with tears, when they heard -the name of Fieschi hushed their sobs and uttered cries of joy. Such -was the power of that name. The night was now dark; the confusion and -the terror became indescribable. The shouts of the populace and the -blare of the trumpets filled the old nobles with mortal dismay, and -closing their massive doors they did not venture to set foot in the -streets. - -Suarez Figuerroa, the minister of Cæsar, who had foreseen the -conspiracy, though he had not believed the outbreak so near, was seized -with a mortal fright, and wandered half insane through the streets in -search of a way of escape from the city. Paolo Lasagna encountered him -and dissipated his personal fears by assuring him that however the -conflict might end, the character which the minister of Cæsar bore -would perfectly protect him from harm, and conducted him to the ducal -palace. Lasagna, though he was not opposed, being a new noble, to the -movement on foot, yet being a follower of the Adorni party, he thought -the occasion propitious for the restoration of his friends to power. -Therefore collecting some of his political sympathisers, he conferred -with them, and they decided to wait until the balance should incline -in favour of one or other of the contending parties. If the attempt of -the Fieschi should be crushed, they would do nothing. But if it should -triumph, then they would unite with the Spinola party and rouse the -city with the cry of Barnaba Adorno. For the present, they would watch -the course of the storm and see whom it destroyed. - -As we have said, the Ducal office was at that time vacant, and -Nicolò Franco was administering the government. Besides Lasagna and -Figuerroa, there were collected about him in the palace Cardinal -Gerolamo Doria and Prince Adamo Centurione who had taken refuge there -at the first sounds of revolution. On receiving intelligence of the -assault on the gate of San Tommaso, they sent to reinforce it Bonifacio -Lomellini, Cristoforo Pallavicini and Antonio Calvi with fifty men -of the Ducal guard. The reinforcement had hardly reached the street -Fossatello when it was surrounded and badly handled. The survivors -with difficulty gained the Centurione palace and took shelter there. -Francesco Grimaldi, Domenico Doria and some other nobles had taken -refuge in this palace. They reproached the fugitive soldiers with their -cowardice and offered to lead them against the enemy. Though but few in -number they advanced boldly against the revolutionists at San Tommaso; -but Calcagno made a vigorous sortie and routed them, killing some and -capturing others. - -The count’s enterprise was moving with full sails. Tommaso Assereto, -who was appointed to carry the arsenal by a _coup de main_, arrived -at the door and giving the countersign was about to enter without -bloodshed, when his enthusiastic men sprang from under cover to enter -with him and the garrison rushing to arms repulsed them with serious -loss. The first attempt having failed, they went to the count who was -awaiting the result of the attack in the street of Maruffi near the -piazza San Pancrazio. He was fretting wrathfully because his ears -had not yet been saluted by the bombard as arranged with Verrina. -At the news of the repulse, he broke into imprecations upon their -cowardice, and ordered Scipione Borgognino to embark at once on the -floats and attack the arsenal by sea, while he in person led the attack -by land. To assail a strong fortress with boats is a very perilous -undertaking and it would not have been attempted but for the fierce -ardour of Borgognino who, though not seconded by the galley of Verrina, -determined to risk the assault. - -Unfortunately the galley of Verrina was stationed in that part of the -port which is called the Mandraccio, and when he attempted to work her -towards the arsenal, she struck full on a sand bank under water, and -held so firmly that their utmost efforts could not get her afloat. -This was the cause of Verrina’s unexpected delay. At length, however, -by superhuman exertion and enthusiasm they succeeded in lifting her -off the bar and, with three other frigates, which had that same night -arrived in port (as we read in the report of the Republic to Ceva -Doria) moved forward to the assistance of Borgognino. The latter -had overcome every resistance and driven the defenders from every -defensible part of the works, and the count, hearing the roar of the -battle within, assailed the gates at the moment Borgognino, beating -down all opposition, rushed into the arsenal and ran to open it to his -leader. - -A more complete success could not have been hoped for by the -conspirators. Of all their attacks that of Assereto only had failed, -and that chiefly because the disaster of the galley had prevented a -simultaneous assault by sea and land. - -The night was dismal; the sea stormy; the cries of the Doria slaves, -the clanking of their chains and the disorder of the assailants -rendered the arsenal a scene of indescribable confusion. The count, -seeing the necessity of preventing revolt among the galley slaves -who were breaking their chains, with his natural audacity threw -himself on board the galley in which the greatest disorder reigned, -manned it with his own men and gave the command of it to some of his -most trusted followers. Order was soon restored and he resolved to -go into the city. He attempted to pass from the _Capitana_ to the -_Padrona_ which was moored by the side of the former. But the shock -of a float suddenly striking against them drove the vessels apart and -the frail and imperfectly fastened bridge which connected them fell, -carrying him with it down into the sea. With him fell the hopes of the -revolutionists. Though the count was an able swimmer, he could not save -himself on account of being encumbered with arms, and in the darkness -and confusion no aid was rendered him. - -This is the history of his death according to the writers of the time, -with the addition that the count and Gianettino perished in the same -moment. But as the water in the arsenal was not deep and the count’s -strength and skill as a swimmer must have enabled him to save himself -in spite of his armour, we are inclined to adopt the opinion of -Campanaceo that he struck his temples against the bridge in falling and -either fell senseless into the waves, or was so weakened by the blow as -to be unable to make any exertion. In fact, when the corpse was taken -from the water the head was found to have suffered a severe contusion. - -Meanwhile, Prince Doria seeing that Gianettino did not return and -hearing the cries and tumult among the galleys, despatched messenger -after messenger to learn the occasion of the unwonted uproar. Captain -Luigi Giulia at length brought him word that the Fieschi were in arms -and the city ringing with their name. The old admiral fumed with -vexation that his decrepitude forbade him to mingle in the fray. He -was induced by the tears of Princess Peretta and the entreaties of his -servants to send his wife into the adjacent convent of the _Canonici -Regolari di San Teodoro_ and the widow of Gianettino with her children -into the monastery of Gesu and Maria. Then mounting on horseback, -escorted by Giulia, Count Filippino and four servants, he rode to -Sestri whence he went upon a small oared bark to Voltri, and thence -sent information of the revolution to the duke of Florence and Gonzaga -in Milan, who were the only zealous partisans of the imperial cause in -Italy. He was then placed in a palanquin and carried to the castle of -Masone, a feud of Adamo Centurione, fifteen miles distant from Genoa in -the heights of the mountains. In this painful journey, he read upon the -faces of his attendants the fate of Gianettino and wept bitter tears, -over it, but his grief was partly soothed by the hope of immolating -the whole Fieschi family to his terrible vengeance. - -The first part of this conspiracy thus ended in a great misfortune; -but it saved the Republic by Gianettino’s death. There can be no doubt -that, had he survived he would have gratified his own lust of dominion -and fulfilled the wishes of Cæsar, who desired to divide Italy into -principalities subject to himself and founded on the ruins of the -republics averse to his empire. - -The body of Gianettino was buried in the subterranean chapel of San -Matteo which is now adorned with the monument of Andrea, a beautiful -work of Montorsoli. - -A brief episode will be permitted us here on the place in the harbour -where Gianluigi was drowned. It is necessary to confute the error of -those who tell us it occurred in the station of Mandraccio. The mistake -arose from the confusion of various arsenals whose true position has -been lost in the great changes wrought by time. The first arsenal of -which we shall speak was nothing more than a small basin near the -piazza Molo, protected in 1276 by a strip of land covered with heavy -stones and palissades. Then galleys were built there. At an earlier -period ships were constructed along the Borgo di Pre, then outside the -walls, particularly in front of the commandery of St. John and near the -basin of St. Limbania. - -It is difficult to comprehend how the Genoese, without any tolerable -dockyards, were able in so short a time to put to sea the memorable -fleets which sailed for Palestine, and the two sent against Pisa in -1120 and 1126. The first Pisan expedition numbered eighty galleys, four -large ships, thirty-five gatti, twenty-eight calabi and other small -craft manned by twenty-two thousand combatants; and the second counted -eighty triremes and forty-three boats. We have credible testimony that -the Genoese equipped, in seven years, six hundred and twenty-seven -triremes; and in 1295, in less than a month, they put to sea two -hundred galleys and other ships of which one hundred and five were -entirely new, and embarked on them thirty-five thousand warriors, eight -thousand of whom were dressed in silk and purple. The founder of the -arsenal of which we speak was a certain Oliverio a cistercense monk of -the Badia of St. Andrea in Sestri. He constructed two roads on that -strip of land, of which we have made mention, leading down to the gate -of the Molo, where there was already a bridge of large stones on which -rose a light-house for the convenience of mariners. In the same year, -Marin Boccanegra raised a high wall around the Borgo di Molo which was -then outside of the piazza of that name. This wall ran from the church -of Our Lady of Grace along the shore to the tower of the light-house, -then, turning, it passed behind San Marco and in front of Bordigotto -famous in popular legends for its fountain of blood and here Boccanegra -excavated the little port which was called Mandraccio. Here was moored -the galley of Fieschi, and the shallowness of the water rendered it -difficult to work her out into the harbour. We find in fact that -though the excavations of Boccanegra are described as very deep, yet -that there was not sufficient water in any part of the Mandraccio to -float heavy galleys. Some years after the attempt of Fieschi, that is -in 1575, that part of the port which lies between the Ponte Cattanei -and the little mole of Mandraccio then called the _Goletta_ was dried -under the direction of the Sicilian engineer Anastasio, and the rocks -lying at the bottom of it were broken up and excavated for the distance -of twenty palms. - -To enlarge this arsenal and protect it from the fury of the waves, -Boccanegra commanded, in 1283 the colossal structure of the Molo -extending it one hundred and fifteen cubits into the sea. On the -opposite side of the arsenal, rose the Ponte Cattanei, called by the -name of the family who built it, and there was a passage by an easy -stair to the Ponte di Mercanzia which led to the Portofranco and the -Custom House. The latter occupied the ground floor of the bank of St. -George, a palace which was adorned in 1262 with some marbles taken from -the palace of the Venitians in Constantinople. To the right of the bank -stood, and still stands, the Ponte Reale and next it those of Spinola, -Legna and Calvi. In the vicinity of this last, the third arsenal was -begun in the period of which we write, and behind it a fourth was -afterwards constructed. - -The third arsenal, situated between the church of S. Fede and S. -Antonio, was built in 1282 and ten thousand marks of the booty taken in -Pisa in 1215 were appropriated for its construction. It was afterwards -doubled in size and half of it was appropriated to the wine trade and -the collection of duties on the same. The other part was used as a -station for galleys. - -Gianluigi on the night of the 2nd of January, passed from the street -of Maruffi by way of Sottoripa to that part of the arsenal which was -used for the trade in wine, and the gate of that part was opened by -his men. From this gate he passed into the back part of the arsenal, -where the Doria galleys lay, and there he was drowned and buried in the -muddy bottom of the dock. He could not have met his fate in the fourth -arsenal, which is the one existing in our day, because it was then -unoccupied. Though begun in 1457 the works had fallen into ruin from -the want of skill in the builders, and, they were not reconstructed -until 1596. - -The news of Fieschi’s death was received by the liberal spirits of -Italy as a national misfortune. Matteo Bandello a month after the event -wrote:--“He was a young man of great heart and excellent speech; his -literary studies and the instructions of the learned and virtuous Paolo -Panza had given him a maturity of judgment wonderful for his years. -There is no learned man of Italy or France who had not commended him -for his rare virtues, his intellectual gifts and the greatness of soul -which led him though so young to combine everything with admirable -prudence for freeing his country from the Spanish yoke.”[46] - -Nor ought we to omit that opinion which, according to the same author, -was expressed by Catando d’Arimini who lived on intimate terms with -the count. Catando said:--“In a conference held at Montebrano by the -Fregosi, you, my masters, justly commended Gian Aloise Fieschi, for he -truly deserved your praise. But I think that the most of you honoured -his memory with your good opinion on the basis of the current estimate -of his great virtues and singular mental accomplishments. But if you -had known him as familiarly as I, the day would be too short to express -your admiration. If I wished to recount to you all his merits, it would -be easy to begin but impossible to finish my discourse. I shall omit -then his birth which opened for him the paths to honour, his boyhood -which impressed all the Genoese with boundless expectation of his -future, the prematurely ripened intelligence which he used in winning -the love of the people and the good will of the nobility, so that the -people adored him and the nobles admired and esteemed him. I forbear to -enlarge on the repute which he had among the peasants of the Eastern -Riviera and in the mountains towards Parma and Piacenza; on the fact -that his vassals never complained of the slightest injustice, and that -he was so liberal when they were in want that they adored him as a -Providence, and that his neighbours had the highest respect for his -wisdom. I pass by his affection for his brothers whom he wished to be -honoured as himself, that he loved and aided his friends with fraternal -warmth and avenged injuries with a prompt hand.” The orator concluded -by saying that the most distinguished proof of Fieschi’s greatness was -that he attempted great enterprises. We shall not dwell on the people’s -grief over the death of Gianluigi. It kept alive his memory in national -songs and mariner’s hymns, which are so full of patriotic fervour that -they deserve to be collected and preserved. To justify this opinion, -we give two stanzas of a popular song preserved in a codex of Beriana -the subject of which is the death of the count, the sorrow felt by the -Genoese at his loss and their high estimate of his merits. - - E se l’alto e magnanimo desìre - La fallace fortuna fece vano, - Non vi si può imputar, non si può dire - Che v’abbi offeso alcun valore umano; - Che per voler nel mondo voi ferire - Non era in terra così ardita mano: - Ma un elemento solo ebbe per sorte - Di farsene sepolcro e darvi morte. - - A gran pianto e dolor restiamo noi - Che seguitiam vostre vestigie in terra: - Perchè rimasti siamo senza voi - Che padre erate agli nomini di guerra, - Come se senza i chiari raggi suoi - Lasciasse il sole in tenebre la terra; - Chi sarà senza voi mai piu giocondo? - Spento il vostro valor fu oscuro il mondo. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -COMPROMISES AND PUNISHMENTS. - - Gerolamo Fieschi continues the insurrection in his own - name.--Consultations at the Ducal palace and fighting at - San Siro.--The news of the death of Gianluigi discourages - the insurgents.--Paolo Panza carries to Gerolamo the decree - of pardon.--Verrina and others set sail for France.--The - African slaves escape with Doria’s galley.--Sack of Doria’s - galleys.--Return of Andrea and his thirst for vengeance.--Decree - of condemnation.--Scipione Fieschi and his petitions to the - Senate.--Schemes and intrigues of Doria to get possession of the - Fieschi estates.--Destruction of the palace in Vialata.--Traditions - and legends. - - -WHEN Verrina had secured possession of the arsenal he landed and -marched to meet the count; but, learning that Gianluigi had entered -the palace on the opposite side, he halted his men and awaited the -orders of his master. He could find no trace of the count from the -moment he had gone on board the Capitana, and after some delay he went -to that vessel and finding her bridge broken began to suspect what -had happened. His courage did not fail him. He immediately ordered -the waters to be searched all around the galley, and having satisfied -himself of the fate of his master would not allow the body to be taken -up lest the sight of it should discourage his men. He left the arsenal -in the charge of Tommaso Assereto and marched into the city, sending -the diver who had found the body to report their great calamity to -Gerolamo Fieschi. At the same time he requested an interview with -Gerolamo in order to devise means to conduct their enterprise without -the inspiration of its master spirit. - -Gerolamo Fieschi, though full of audacity had not a hundreth part of -his brother’s talents. Seeing that the death of Gianluigi had invested -him with the headship of the family, he relied on the fidelity of -his vassals and fellow-conspirators, and resolved to prosecute the -revolution in his own name. But, overburdened by grief and weighty -thoughts, he suffered Verrina’s messenger to depart without any -adequate answer. This neglect lost him the powerful support of -Verrina’s genius and threw the weight of the undertaking upon himself, -a youth with no training or talent for so great an enterprise. He -gathered about him a select body of militia and marched towards the -Ducal palace, hoping to crown the conspiracy by a single blow. - -As we have said some Senators were assembled in this palace; and among -them was the historian Bonfadio in company with Giovanni Battista -Grimaldi. - -A consultation was held after the news of the failure at San -Tommaso, and it was determined to cease offering armed resistance -to the conspirators and to endeavour to restore peace by friendly -negotiations. Some persons offered to be the bearers of a peaceful -message to the count; these were Gerolamo Fieschi and Benedetto -Fiesco-Canevari, both of the Savignone branch of the family; but -leaving the Ducal palace they did not again return thither. - -Cardinal Gerolamo Doria and senators G. B. Lercaro and Bernardo -Interiano-Castagna were then commissioned to carry to the count -a request in the name of the Republic to desist from his violent -proceedings and make known the object of his movement. But the -commissioners having walked a short distance outside of the chancel, -seeing arms and crowds of people, were terrified and turned back. At -the moment, the guard of the palace, not seeing the senators, fired on -the crowd wounding some persons and killing Francesco Rizzo an honoured -citizen. The senators regained the hall, and a new deputation was -appointed consisting of Agostino Lomellini, Giovanni Imperiale-Baliano, -Ansaldo Giustiniani and Ambrogio Spinola, citizens of the highest -rank and reputation. This deputation went in search of the count; but -near the church of San Siro, they found the streets thronged with -insurgents, and a combat occurred between the guard acting as escort -for the senators and the people. It was a confused nocturnal battle and -the soldiers were repulsed and fell back with the deputation. - -In that midnight skirmish, Lomellini, after barely escaping death, -was taken prisoner and conducted to San Tommaso; but he had the good -fortune to make his escape during the same night. The brave Giustiniani -alone refused to yield or fly and demanded permission to pass on, as a -peace messenger, to the quarters of Count Fieschi. He was led to the -presence of Gerolamo and inquired for the Count of Lavagna. Gerolamo -brusquely informed him that there was no longer any Count Fieschi but -himself, and added that until the Ducal palace was delivered to his -forces it would be a waste of words to make propositions. He would talk -of peace after the surrender of the government into the hands of his -partisans. With these words, Giustiniani was dismissed and the troops -ordered to collect in the piazza of San Lorenzo and in front of the -adjacent palace. - -Giustiniani, justly inferred from Gerolamo’s incautious speech that -the rumour of the death of Gianluigi had good foundation, and that -the conspiracy, having lost its able leader, would be easily crushed -under the management of a young man without reputation or the support -of popular affection. He returned to the palace in haste, informed the -senator that Gianluigi was dead, and encouraged them to a spirited -resistance. - -The government recovered its confidence, sent heralds to proclaim -with the sound of the trumpet the death of Gianluigi and ordered the -nobles to arm their servants and dependents. These last orders were -unnecessary. So soon as the trumpeters announced the fate of the great -leader, the multitudes of plebeians were seized with terror, the lines -of the troops thinned rapidly and the squares and streets began to be -deserted. - -The artisans and mechanics, particularly, who were not attached to -Gerolamo by the memory of kindness or by the affection of vassals had -no longer a cause to maintain and they retired in despair to their -homes. It was almost day break. The best and most liberty-loving -citizens felt that the enterprise had fallen into the waves with -Gianluigi, and fearing to be seen in arms when the day dawned and thus -to expose themselves to the vengeance of the patricians, made haste -to abandon the field of victory. Many others who had stood ready to -throw themselves into the ranks of the victors now sought the security -of their own houses. All seemed to accept the unhappy fate of Fieschi -as the judgment of God against the revolution. Uncertainty, panic and -fright filled all breasts. The vassals of the count stood fast from -loyalty to their lord, and the soldiers who had deserted the standards -of the Republic were firm from desperation. A few others heroic -by nature, among them the strong armed and stout hearted Gerolamo -d’Urbino, did not tremble or hesitate but resolved to meet every danger -with steadfast courage. - -The government learned all these things by means of messengers and -spies who circulated among the insurgents, and it was proposed to -attack the forces yet remaining under the standard of Gerolamo. -However, the more prudent part--taking account of the limited number of -their troops, the uncertainty of their fidelity, the ferocity of the -conspirators in whom desperation would increase animosity and courage -and that much blood must be shed in such a contest--thought it more -wise to pursue a policy of compromise and conciliation. - -It happened that just then Paolo Panza appeared before the senate to -protest his entire innocence of any part in the conspiracy which had -been planned and executed under his very eyes, and the fathers knowing -his temperate and conciliatory spirit appointed him with Nicolò Doria -as a commission to ask peace. - -Panza was authorized to offer pardon to Gerolamo and all the other -conspirators and insurgents on condition of their retiring from the -city. The count was at first irresolute. He had not pushed his attack -at once upon the palace and was now falling back and fortifying himself -at the gate of the Archi. The authority of his preceptor finally -prevailed over his ambition and animosity, and he promised to withdraw -his men from the city. The act of pardon was written and subscribed by -Ambrogio Senarega chancellor of the senate and ran as follow:-- - -“The illustrious Signoria and magnificent procurators of the most -serene Republic of Genoa, considering that when sudden tumults occur -in Republics nothing more conduces to the preservation of the state -and the weal of the citizens than to destroy quickly both the causes -and the means of such disorders, which grow more violent by being -protracted; and Count Gio. Ludovico Fieschi having during the past -night, when no one suspected his design, taken possession of two of -the city gates as means for carrying on an insurrection against our -authority; and this movement having created a tumult in our midst and -many citizens having taken up arms in favour of the count to the great -detriment of public order; and an attack having been made during this -night upon the galleys of Prince Doria and most of the said galleys -having been seized and disarmed and Signor Gianettino their captain -killed; for these and many other persuasive and conclusive reasons -believing it their duty to omit no means for restoring tranquility, -and that the best way of making peace is to obtain possession of the -gates without further bloodshed and to remove the insurgents outside -the walls of the city; and being informed that these ends may be gained -by granting a general pardon: Therefore in virtue of these our letters -of grace, pardon and remission, granted under due form of ballot, the -illustrious Signoria and magnificent procurators, supported by the -will of a great part of the citizens who have come to this palace in -the confusion of the night in order to aid in preserving the Republic, -do herewith pardon free and absolve the said count Gerolamo Fieschi -and all his brothers, together with every other citizen or inhabitant -of this city or its jurisdiction and every foreigner of whatever rank -quality or condition, for any and every crime, offence or license -which they have committed in the rebellion raised this night by the -said count, in taking the city gates, attacking the galleys and -whatever else they have said or done with or without arms to give -aid and comfort to this said plot, conspiracy or insurrection. And -we declare that in whatever manner they may have been concerned in -this conspiracy and whatever crimes, including high treason, they may -have committed, none of them, either collectively or singly, shall -be liable to question or trial, to confiscation of goods or personal -harm. We intend that this pardon shall be universal and embrace every -offence whatever, committed in executing the designs of the said Count -Fieschi and we grant herewith the most complete pardon, remission and -absolution.” - -Count Gerolamo, trusting to the good faith of the Republic, spent -a brief hour in Carignano and then set out with his followers for -Montobbio, not wishing to depart from Italy lest the Dorias should -assail his feuds. Ottobuono, Cornelio, Verrina, Sacco, Calcagno and -other leaders of the conspiracy took a more prudent course and set sail -on their galley for France. Mindful that a government rarely or never -pardons treason, they removed themselves from its reach and took with -them the prisoners they had captured at San Tommaso. When they arrived -off the mouth of the Varo they set the captives at liberty; among them -were Sebastiano Lercaro, Manfredi Centurione and Vincenzo Vaccari. By -releasing these prisoners they deprived themselves of a guarranty which -might have saved their lives at a later period. These conspirators were -not the only persons who sailed from the port that morning. - -The convicts and Turkish captives on board the Doria galleys had broken -their chains and they resolved to avail themselves of the universal -confusion to make their escape. The ships of Prince Doria, Antonio -Doria and some other private persons were lying dismantled in the -harbour. In the fury of the tumult the galleys of Andrea were plundered -by the plebeians and by the slaves, and the latter collected with their -booty on board the Capitana which had escaped the fury of the sack. -There was a good reason for this exception. - -This galley, formerly called the Temperanza, had been a Venitian vessel -and the men of Barbary had captured her and four other triremes in -1539, near Corfu in the waters of Paxo, taking prisoner at the same -time the Commandant Francesco Gritti. - -Dragut Rais was so pleased with the sailing qualities and rich -equipment of the Capitana that he made her his flag-ship. Gianettino -Doria captured her in the engagement in which the corsair himself fell -into our hands. On the night of the second of January the African -prisoners to the number of three hundred or more threw themselves on -board this galley, as a piece of their own property, and sailed out to -sea. Though two galleons of Bernardino Mendozza, which were anchored in -another part of the harbour and so escaped the pillage, were sent in -chase at early dawn, the fugitives made good their flight and after a -long voyage arrived safely in Algiers. - -The Doria fleet suffered grave damages in that night pillage, the -furniture and rigging being reduced to a mass of ruins. These disorders -originated with the liberated slaves, and the bad example was followed -by the convicts who afterwards carried confusion and alarm into the -city. Many of the lowest class of the people penetrated into the -foundries and shipyards of Doria, and what they could not carry away -they threw into the sea. During the following days, the convicts were -hunted out in every quarter of the city and taken back to their oars, -and some of the equipments of the ships were recovered by the zealous -efforts of Adamo Centurione whose pecuniary interests were united to -those of Doria. - -It is worth while to observe that the storm of this conspiracy broke -over the ships of Andrea. The government issued a proclamation that -whoever should have taken or should find anything belonging to the -galleys of the prince, as arquebuses, pikes, halberds, visors, helmets, -corselets, axes or any other arms or tool belonging to these vessels, -should within three days consign them to the justices in the Riviera, -or to the agents of Doria in Genoa, or deposit them in the churches of -San Vito and Annunziata. - -Our historians have neglected to describe one of the galleys of Doria -which was a wonderful specimen of Genoese naval architecture. She -was built by Doria in 1539 for the personal use of Charles V. in his -expedition to Tunis, and surpassed all other galleys by fifteen palms -in length and four palms in breadth[47]. She bore three standards of -crimson damask, each twenty-three palms in length and beautifully -embroidered in gold. The one in the midst had in the centre a star -with golden rays and appropriate inscriptions; that at the stern bore -the figure of an angel and the one on the prow a shield, a helmet and -a sword. Besides, there were three flags at the poop also of damask -and thirty palms in length, and another banner of white damask was -embroidered with chalices, pontifical keys and red crosses, with -fitting inscriptions. There were two flags of red damask bearing the -imperial columns and the device--_plus ultra_--invented by the Milanese -Marliano, physician to Charles V. and an excellent mathematician. -The vessel also had twenty-four other flags of yellow damask and -appropriate devices. The saloon was adorned with beautiful arabesques -in blue and gold, and the sides were tapestried with cloth of gold and -silver, hung so as to represent pavillioned domes. The castle on the -poop was covered with exquisite carvings and there were two carpets for -the deck, one of scarlet cloth for daily use and another, for state -occasions, of crimson velvet and brocade of gold. The crew wore satin -jackets. The gun carriages, rigging and other furniture were all in -the most perfect style and finish of the naval art of that period. The -slaves and convicts ruined all these splendid equipments and furniture. - -After this pillage, prisoners of war and other slaves were treated with -greater severity. For, though up to this period the young men served -at the oar, yet many of the Mamalukes, as the Barbary prisoners were -called in Genoa, had some privileges from the government and their -servitude was not of a strict and painful character. Some of them had -the permission to engage in minute traffic within the city and had -their markets in the piazza of the arsenal and the Piano of St. Andrea. -There they shaved and trimmed the beards of the citizens, and none -could equal them in this art. They traded in coffee, sugar, brandy, -pipes, tobacco and game. They practised small frauds in their trade -and some of them grew rich, while many were able to buy themselves -out of bondage. These privileges were now taken away from them, and -were not restored until many years after. In this way the rigours of -slavery were increased among us, though the system was restricted to -the “infidels” who were either bought in Egypt or captured in war. -It is true that a law of the Republic forbade the buying and selling -of slaves in the land of the Sultan; but this provision was evaded -by shipping the captives to Caffa where the Grand Turk sent agents -for the traffic. Our statutes by enacting grave penalties against -slave-stealers, held slaves to be the absolute property of their -masters; and in 1588 it was ruled that in a case of shipwreck the loss -should be distributed _pro rata_ counting all sorts of merchandise -“including male and female slaves, horses and other animals.” - -The government hastened to inform the emperor and Ferrante Gonzaga of -the insurrection. The latter sent Cavalier Cicogna on a mission to the -senate and he himself at the head of a strong force advanced to Voghera -to watch the movements of the Fieschi at Montobbio. All the Italian -princes friendly to the empire congratulated the Republic on its escape -from the conspiracy. Cardinal Cibo, who sent as his messenger Ercole -de Bucchi, the Duke of Florence, by his legate Jacopo de’ Medici, and -the ten conservators of liberty of Siena, by M. Nicodemo, offered their -services and assistance to the government in case of need. - -We find also a letter of Giulio Cybo, Marquis of Massa, in which he -declares that he has collected troops at Borghetto to march to the -assistance of the Republic; but it became known afterwards that these -troops had been massed to aid the Fieschi insurrection. They did not -pertain alone to the Marquis of Massa, but also to Gasparo di Fosnuovo -and other feudatories. We shall presently speak of the congratulations -sent by the Pope and Pierluigi Farnese. - -The government pledged itself to universal amnesty; we shall now -see how it kept faith. Encouraged by the departure of the Fieschi, -the senate despatched Benedetto Centurione and Domenico Doria to -escort Andrea back to the city and to condole with him for the loss -of Gianettino. This last was a piece of hypocrisy, for they secretly -rejoiced over their deliverance from the rising tyrant. Andrea returned -on the sixth of January and was received with regal pomp. We learn from -old documents that the wrathful old man cloaked his vengeance under -the mantle of patriotic zeal, and, assembling the fathers on the very -day of his return, told them in well-rounded phrases that the amnesty, -having been granted under the pressure of necessity and without the -free choice of the senate, ought not to be observed. It was, he said, -of bad example and precedent to treat with rebels; in a free country -the voice of pity and affection ought to be unheeded and the rigour of -the law steadfastly administered. It was needful, to save the Republic -from the perils which still impended, to make terrible examples. The -senate should make haste to prove to Cæsar its zeal by punishing the -outrages perpetrated against ships under his flag; those only deserved -pardon whose participation in the conspiracy had been forced or the -effect of momentary passion. The Fieschi as enemies of the emperor and -rebels against the Republic ought to be condemned to death and their -goods confiscated. In no other way could the senate meet the wishes of -Cæsar and prove their zeal for the public safety. - -Those who did not agree with these sentiments of vengeance rather -than justice did not dare to lift their voices against the will of -Doria. The senate referred the question to a commission of jurists, -who rather than incur the enmity of Doria, devoted themselves to -find a justification for breach of faith and a decree of blood. They -reported:--“The act of pardon is not binding because it was conceded -in a rebellion with the sword at the throat of the nation; and because -it was not granted in a regular session of the senate but by a number -of them casually met and having no power under the laws to make -decrees and issue amnesties.” They further declared that Doria as the -representative of Cæsar could proceed against the rebels, because -neither he nor his master had given any promise of pardon. This opinion -was chiefly invented by Bernardo Ottobuono who exhausted much subtle -argument to procure the condemnation of the Fieschi. His dialectic and -legal skill was at that time in great repute among the partisans of -Spain; now history stirs his forgotten pleadings, only to put a note -of infamy before his name. The senate, having heard the complacent -judgment of its legal advisers, took up the filthy burden and hastened -to be rid of it by condemning the Fieschi. It is a new proof that -Prince Doria possessed an absolute power over the Republic. But this -solicitude for vengeance has crowned his name with an eternal reproach. - -The act of pardon was revoked; the Fieschi and the soldiers who had -deserted the standards of the senate, particularly Gerolamo d’Urbino, -were declared guilty of high treason. The decree of condemnation bore -the date of the 12th of February. We report it in full because, though -rather an act of wrath than of justice, it serves to acquit Gianluigi -of many crimes of which he was afterwards accused. - -“The illustrious Doge and magnificent Governors and Procurators of the -most serene Republic of Genoa. - -“Every state is governed by two things which are divine principles, -reward and punishment, the first encouraging the good to honest living -and love of country and the second withholding the bad from treason and -insurrection. If the reward of well-doing be taken away the motives -for patriotism cease to exist and if criminals are not punished the -ill-disposed are encouraged to continuance in disobedience when new -occasions are presented them. Iterated crimes are the most dangerous, -since they always increase in magnitude and peril, and small beginnings -of treason threaten the safety of Republics. - -“On the night before the third of January in this present year, -Gianluigi Fieschi having secretly assembled armed men and concealed -them in his house, corrupted and enticed some soldiers in the pay of -the Republic, and with his brothers Gerolamo, Ottobuono and Cornelio -and other partners in his guilt, issued forth armed, assailed and -killed many of the guards, seized the gates of the city and cruelly -assassinated Gianettino, lieutenant of Prince Doria, Captain General of -the emperor on the seas; then, uttering seditious cries, they incited -the people to take up arms against the Republic, and induced some of -them to break into the arsenal where lay the unprotected galleys of the -said Prince Doria, the defender of Christianity, and to pillage the -said vessels and liberate their slaves and convicts. - -“Not content with these crimes, the conspirators turned their arms -against the commissioners of the senate, and demanded that this Ducal -palace should be surrendered into their hands, threatening death to -such as should resist their will. Having been admonished to lay down -their arms and cease to disturb the public peace, they refused to -obey until they obtained grace and pardon for themselves and their -accomplices, which condition the senate accepted, believing it the -most speedy remedy for the disorders of the afflicted city, and the -best means of saving public liberty. The said conspirators then -departed from the city, not because of the pardon given by the senate, -but because Gianluigi Fieschi had perished in the sea, many of -their followers had deserted them and the troops of the Republic had -recovered one of the gates of the city. - -“These facts show the heinousness of the crime attempted against the -state and what weighty evils were devised to its hurt, and furthermore -that the Republic is still in peril from the consequences of the -pardon extorted by force and without foundation in justice, equity or -religion. The authors of these acts of treason must not escape the -reward of their crimes. - -“Therefore, we the illustrious Doge and magnificent governors of the -most serene Republic of Genoa, having taken our vote in due form of -law, do declare and condemn as traitors, rebels and enemies of the -state, the late Gianluigi Fieschi and his brothers Gerolamo, Ottobuono -and Cornelio, and we banish them perpetually from the dominions of -Genoa and confiscate all their property for the use of the state. We -further order that the Fieschi palace in Vialata be razed to the ground -and we give authority to the rectors of the city to destroy also all -other houses belonging to the Fieschi family, if they shall deem it of -public utility. - -“We further declare and condemn as public enemies and traitors with the -same penalties Raffaello Sacco of Savona, doctor in law and auditor -of the said Gianluigi Fieschi, Vincenzo Calcagno, servant of Fieschi, -and Giacobo Conte, son of the late physician of that name (who was an -Hebrew) and captain of a galley of the said Gianluigi. We decree also -that the houses of the said persons be reduced to ruins. - -“We further declare and condemn as rebels and enemies of the Republic -Giovanni Battista De Franchi--Verrina, Scipione dal Carretto of Savona, -Domenico Bacigalupo, Gerolamo Garaventa and Desiderio Cambialanza; and -we confiscate their goods and authorize the illustrious rectors to -destroy their houses if they shall believe such destruction for the -good of the Republic. - -“We also confiscate the goods of Battista son of the late Pantaleo -Imperiale-Baliano, Geronimo, son of the late Vincenzo Usudimare, of -Gerolamo De Magiolo son of Martino, of Fiesco Botto and Lazzaro De -Caprile, and we banish each of them for fifty years. These persons are -ordered to depart forthwith from the city and the territories of the -Republic and to remain abroad under peril of death. - -“We also declare rebels and banish the undernamed persons for the -periods following their names, varying according to the degree of -their guilt: Francesco Pinello of Gavi for eight years; Francesco -Curlo, Bernardo Celesia, Tommaso de Assereto called _Verze_, Gerolamo -Marrigliano, called _Garaventino_ and Gerolamo Fregoso, son of the -late Antonio, for fifty years each; Battista Giustiniano son of the -late Baldassaro, Paolo Geronimo Fieschi, Francesco Badaracchi and -Pantaleo Badaracchi called Tallone--brothers and butchers in Suziglia, -for ten years each; Gerolamo del Fiesco son of the late Gio. Giorgio -for ten years; Francesco Marrigliano, son of the late Biaggio, barber -in Bisagno, and Andrea di Savignone for five years each; Nicolò -of Valdetaro, Giovanni Battista Retiliaro and Benedetto Botto for -ten years each. All the said persons will be required to leave the -territories of the Republic within fifteen days and to remain beyond -the frontiers for the periods assigned them severally under peril of -death. - -“Whereas the laws of the Republic forbid citizens to hold commerce with -banished persons under heavy penalties, to prevent any from incurring -these penalties through ignorance, we ordain that no citizen whatever -shall hold any intercourse or have any correspondence by messengers or -by letters with the said rebels and exiles, particularly that no one -shall go or send any message to Montobbio under the penalties contained -in the laws. And let every citizen be wary of his conduct, for they who -shall be guilty will be severely punished.” - -Many have written that Scipione Fieschi was also involved in the -condemnation of his brothers; but the documents above given prove the -contrary. This youth was hardly eighteen years of age and was pursuing -legal studies in Bologna according to the custom of Genoese noblemen. -We find in the list of the doctors in law of 1390 the names of Doria, -Spinola, Salvago, Imperiali, Dinegro, Grilli and Montaldi, and, as we -have shown, the Fieschi were conspicuous in legal learning. From a -very early period they had studied law in Bologna. The registers of -illustrious pupils from 1260 to 1300 contains the names of several -Fieschi who attended the lectures of the distinguished jurists of -that school, chief of whom was Jacopo d’ Albenga. About 1348, Emanuel -Fieschi, in order to facilitate the studies of his family in that -city, founded there a perpetual college, and endowed it with a liberal -income. His nephew Papiniano added largely to the endowment. - -When Scipione heard of the events of Genoa, he removed to Valdetaro, -and from this feud of his family wrote to the senate, on the 17th of -January, as follows:-- - -“When I heard of the insurrection in my native city I was more dead -than alive; and if the shedding of my blood or giving my life could -repair the misfortune, your excellencies may be sure I would not shrink -from the sacrifice. I have an intense sorrow of heart that one of my -house should have attempted revolution, and especially a revolt against -the authority of that prince who has always protected and benefited -our family and to whom I hope always to be a good servant. Being most -innocent in this conspiracy, I pray your excellencies to receive and -hold me as a good son of the Republic. Such I am and hope always to -remain, ever willing to expose my life to any peril for the public -good. I pray you not to abandon me as a member of my brother’s family, -to have compassion on my misfortune and not to permit that the fault of -another shall prejudice me or bring me evil. With a heart disturbed and -pained by these events beyond my power to describe, I kiss your hands -and recommend myself to your clemency.” - -We shall hereafter see how the senate was affected by his pathetic -appeal, and how it accepted him as a son. - -Doria, indefatigable in the pursuit of revenge, instituted search for -the corpse of Gianluigi. Few believed he was dead, and Doria feared -that he had escaped into France and was preparing to let loose a new -tempest upon the government. - -After four days of search, the corpse was found by a diver named -Pallino. Doria wished to vent his wrath and awe the people by -suspending the body before the gates of the arsenal; but he did not -dare to run the risk of a new popular outbreak. The body was therefore -returned to its grave in the waves. Two months after Doria caused it -to be fished up again, weighted with a mass of stones, carried out and -launched into the deep sea. - -The vacancy in the office of Doge, created by the resignation of -Giovanni Battista di Fornari, was filled by the election of Bendetto -Gentile. Fearing that the confederates of Fieschi might renew their -insurrection and that it might break out in the very hall of the -senate, the new Doge forbade the wearing of arms in the Ducal palace. -At the same time he sent Ceva Doria as a legate to Cæsar in Germany -(the brothers Luca and Giovanni Battista Grimaldi were already at -that court for other business) to inform the emperor fully of the -perils from which Genoa had escaped and to assure him of her constant -devotion. Ceva Doria had secret instructions to ask the consent of -Cæsar to the absorption of the Fieschi estates by the Republic. The -request particularly regarded Varese, Roccatagliata and Montobbio, -in the last of which Count Gerolamo was fortified. Ceva Doria was -instructed to manage the matter with much dexterity. He was to -represent that Varese and Roccatagliata belonged by ancient rights to -the Republic and that Montobbio was a cause of incessant irritation -and frequent danger to the city; that the Republic would be gratified -if the emperor should wish to honour and reward his faithful servant -Figueroa with some feud; that they had already occupied Roccatagliata, -Varese and Calice and that Ferrante Gonzaga had protested, but that -Domenico Doria, the commissioner of the Republic, had satisfied the -imperial governor that the occupation was necessary to protect these -feuds from the Lords of Lando. Ceva Doria was also instructed to devise -a plan for securing the imperial approval to the confiscation of the -castles of Torriglia and San Stefano. - -When Prince Doria learned of these negotiations with the emperor, not -wishing that the rich estates of his enemy should go into other hands -than his own he sent Francesco Grimaldi to the emperor to oppose the -wishes of the senate and to obtain the best of the Fieschi feuds for -himself. He did in the end obtain the greater part of this property, as -we shall hereafter show. Antonio Doria also prayed the Spanish monarch -to permit him to occupy Santo Stefano, he having bought the Malaspina -claims upon the feud. Antonio at the same time besought the senate to -preserve strict secrecy in this negotiation lest the prince should be -offended on hearing of the intrigue. Ceva Doria complained strongly of -this disagreement between the envoy of the Republic and that of Andrea; -particularly that Grimaldi preserved a surly and reserved manner and -refused to communicate anything of importance to his colleague. - -The emperor sent Don Rodrigo Mendozza to the senate to report his -satisfaction at the escape of the Republic from such grave perils. He -also sent letters to Andrea containing solemn assurances that he would -repair the losses sustained by the prince. At the same time he ordered -Don Ferrante Gonzaga to proceed to the punishment of the Fieschi -without a moment’s delay. The crime for which the imperial governor was -required to proceed against them was that, being vassals of the empire, -they had assailed the emperor’s galleys and admirals. Gonzaga wrote to -the senate and to Doria on the subject, but his proceedings did not -have any result because Andrea and the senate had already decreed the -utter extermination of the Fieschi. Cæsar did not, however, content -himself with this, and, on the 27th of October, 1547, he proclaimed -the Fieschi as rebels and divested them of all their feuds, which he -gave to Andrea to be held for the children of Gianettino. The cession -included Montobbio, Varese, Roccatagliata, Valdetaro, Pontremoli and -Santo Stefano. This first decree did not take full effect, because the -Republic had some of the castles in its power, especially Pontremoli -where the inhabitants had anticipated Gonzaga and surrendered to -Gasparo Di Fornari who occupied it for the Republic. - -Doria was not content with obtaining the greater part of the Fieschi -feuds. He insisted upon the destruction of the sumptuous palace in -Vialata and it was razed to the foundations. The work of demolition -was conducted with such angry haste that a great part of the walls -fell into the gardens of Ambrogio Gazella and the Republic paid for -the removal of the rubbish. A slab of infamy was affixed to a wall -near the ruins bearing a decree that nothing should ever be built upon -the ground where a citizen had conspired against his country. The -inscription no longer exists. The tables now in Vialata refer to rights -of private property. Merciful time has cancelled the records of infamy -against Gianluigi, though he has preserved them against the names of -Vacchero, Raggio, Della Torre and Balbi.[48] The stone (as we find in a -decree of 1715) was torn down, not by order of the Doge but by unknown -hands, about 1712, perhaps by some of Gianluigi’s relatives. - -Ancient tradition tells us that the marbles of the Fieschi palace -were employed to embellish that of the Spinola which was erected on -the ruins of the tower of the Luccoli. It is that edifice faced with -alternate black and white marbles which stands on the piazza Fontane -Morose. We know not whether the tradition be true, but it is certain -that the statues in the palace of Spinola pertain to the family of -its owners. The stones and marbles of Vialata were bought at auction -by one Antonio Roderio and were scattered. The sculptures and other -ornaments of the magnificent fountain which adorned the garden shared -the same fate. They were the work of Giovanni Maria di Pasalo who, -not having been entirely paid for his work by Fieschi, received some -compensation from the Republic. The government took possession of the -furniture and precious vessels which the palace contained not excepting -the silver service which according to a memoir of Count Gianluigi Mario -to the king of France (preserved in Beriana) was valued at one hundred -thousand crowns. - -Nothing remains of the splendid residence of the counts but a narrow -subterranean passage whose architecture is of the fifteenth century. -The walls are brick and it is covered with slate. Time and damp have -nearly destroyed it. A branch of it once extended to the sea where -the battery of Cava was afterwards erected, but not a vestige of this -part now remains. The principal passage led to the valley of Bisagno, -outside the gate of the Archi, and served for a means of retreat from -the city in times of revolution. It is probable that this passage -furnished Gianluigi with the means of introducing into the city, a few -days before the insurrection, the armed men from his castles. - -The imperial party were not content with the ruins of the Fieschi -palace, but wished to destroy all the monuments of the family’s -greatness. Two houses fronting the cathedral were appropriated for the -debts of Fieschi and thus escaped ruin. The very churches were not -spared. The arms surmounted by a cardinal’s hat which Lorenzo Fieschi -had placed in Santo Stefano in 1499 when Donato Benci, a Florentine -sculptor and architect, executed some works in that church, were now -removed. Throughout the Eastern Riviera, the Doria faction glutted -their vengeance upon the dwellings and castles of the Fieschi. In -Chiavari they publicly tore down and threw into the sea an inscription -which attributed the foundation of the church of St. Giovanni to -Bardone Fieschi. - -Nor were the Dorias alone in hastening the destruction of the Fieschi -palace. The Sauli whose quarrel with the Fieschi we have mentioned, had -seen with envious eyes the erection of a palace in their neighbourhood -which outshone the splendour of their own, and they were ambitious -of being sole masters of the hill of Carignano. There were other -stimulants to vengeance. Popular legends tell us (and we count legends -more valuable than the breath which scatters them) that the Sauli -family attended divine service in the church of the Fieschi in Vialata. -One day Bendinelli Sauli, in a friendly manner asked the Fieschi to -delay the service a little in order that his people might be present. -The Fieschi responded:--“If you wish to hear mass at your pleasure, -build a church of your own.” Sauli remembered the discourteous speech -and, in 1481, bequeathed two hundred and fifty shares in the bank of -St. George to be left at interest for sixty years and then expended in -erecting a magnificent church and two hospitals in Carignano. - -The descendants of Bendinello, stimulated by old and new antipathies, -were gratified witnesses of the destruction of the mansion of their -rivals, and near it they erected the church which commemorated the -bequest of their ancestor. As soon as the palace of the Fieschi was -destroyed, Galeazzo Alessi was called to Genoa and in 1552 he commenced -the church of Carignano. The superb basilica cost the Sauli a hundred -thousand gold crowns. It would be a perfect monument to their wealth -and public spirit, if the front were not disfigured by some statues of -inferior workmanship. They embellished their vengeance by a beautiful -christian charity which survives the antipathies out of which it grew. -Stefano Sauli, a descendant of Bendinello, bequeathed another large -legacy to construct the massive bridge which conducts to the church and -unites the two hills. - -But public and private wrath did not fully attain their end. A -beautiful picture of Gianluigi and portraits of Verrina and Sacco -escaped the vandalism of their enemies. In the dark and narrow chapel -of the cathedral near the tomb of the Fieschi family, there is a -picture painted by Luca Cambiaso representing the protectors of Genoa, -St. John the Baptist, St. Lawrence and St. George. In the face of the -last saint you have the features of Gianluigi, and tradition tell us -that the others are Sacco and Verrina. - -It did not occur to Andrea Doria, when he was destroying every trace of -his rival, that the love of friends would entrust the image of the dead -to the holy guardianship of the altar. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE CASTLE OF MONTOBBIO. - - Count Gerolamo declines propositions of the governments--Intrigues of - the imperial party and revolutionary tendencies of the populace--The - Republic is induced by Andrea Doria to assault Montobbio--The - count’s preparations for defence--Verrina and Assereto assigned to - the command of the works--Andrea induces the government to decline - negotiations with Fieschi--Agostino Spinola closely invests the - castle--Mutiny of the mercenaries of the count--He offers to surrender - the castle on condition of security for the lives and property of the - beseiged--Opposition of Doria to this stipulation--The treason of - his mercenaries compels Fieschi to surrender--Doria, notwithstanding - the entreaties of the government, treats the defeated Fieschi - with great cruelty--Punishment of the Count of Verrina and other - accomplices--Raffaele Sacco and his letters--The castle of Montobbio - razed to the foundations. - - -THE castle of Montobbio was a beautiful and strong fortification, -situated ten miles from Genoa, occupying the brow of a mountain, and -looking down on a deep valley closed round with spurs of the Apennines. -The Beriana papers assert that it once belonged to an Obizzo di -Montobbio who sold it, in 1232, to Ansaldo Di Mari. We find no record -of the transfer to the Fieschi family. The torrent of Scrivia on the -south, and the wooded heights encircling it on every side, render the -position naturally impregnable. The rough crests afford no convenient -positions for placing batteries so as to enfilade the redoubts or -batter the walls. In fact, it often held large armies in check. - -Gianluigi had greatly increased its power of resistance by employing in -his works the science of fortifications which was just then invented. -The use of bastions with angles dates from that period. Giuliano da -San Gallo employed them in the fortress of Pisa and Andrea Bergauni at -Nice. The count repaired the curtains and the walls, increasing the -width to fifteen feet, sloped their sides and constructed new bastions. -Portions of the walls which had been damaged by time were repaired, and -new videttes and towers were erected on the flanks. The residence of -the Count was situated on a mass of wall which commanded the whole rock -and was protected against both internal and external assault. - -The senate saw at once that the obstinacy of the count rendered their -task a very difficult one; and as the place was deemed impregnable to -assault they set about plans for obtaining it by other means. They -first sent Paolo Pansa to Montobbio to offer Gerolamo fifty thousand -gold crowns of the sun to surrender the castle; but Fieschi, naturally -distrustful of men who had already violated their solemn pledges of -amnesty, refused to negotiate, replying to Pansa that he held Montobbio -in the name of the king of France and would defend it to the last -extremity. - -The news of the Fieschi movement had alarmed all the friends of the -Spanish power. They anticipated that the rebellion would aid France to -diffuse general discontent in Italy, and their fears were strengthened -by the connection of the conspiracy with French intrigues and -movements. When therefore Fieschi declared that he would hold Montobbio -for France, his enemies did not for a moment doubt that the French king -would accept a castle so conveniently placed for kindling revolutionary -fires in Genoa. There was therefore a general concert of action among -the adherents of the empire to crush out the spark which otherwise -might wrap all Italy in flames. Cosimo collected his forces in Pisa and -put them under the command of Vitelli. He also ordered the immediate -return of Stefano Colonna from Rome, put him at the head of the Ducal -cavalry, and prepared to risk his own person in the imperial cause. -Gonzaga sent a large force to the frontiers of Bobbio under the command -of Ludovico Vistarino. Even the cardinal of Trento sent to Gonzaga to -enquire on what point he should precipitate six thousand men whom he -had collected to aid in crushing the Fieschi. Cæsar ordered Andrea to -invest Montobbio without a moment’s delay, offering to furnish the men -and money for the siege and empowered the admiral to cede Montobbio, -Cariseto and Varese to the Republic. - -The French were not the only enemies before whom Spain trembled. The -adherents of Fieschi in Genoa, threatened a new outbreak. A rumour ran -that Gianluigi was not dead, but had gone to Provence to collect men -and arms, and the fable found such support in the popular affection -for him that it required a long time to dissipate the delusion. The -plebeians were expecting him to come to their deliverance and were on -the alert to second his first assault on the common enemy. Indeed, one -night a cry was raised for the Adorni (the name was synonymous with -popular liberty) and the people rushed to arms to the great fright of -the Dorias. The prince knew the popular faith in Gianluigi and had -lacked the courage to gibbet his body, according to the custom with -traitors, lest it should raise a popular tempest. Bonfadio, though -the instrument of the Doria faction, admits this to have been Doria’s -motive for refraining from putting this seal of treason on his enemy. -The same historian tells us that there was a constant peril of a new -rising, and that to prevent it the city guards were increased and eight -citizens appointed to suggest to the senate the most effectual means -of quieting the people and such additional laws as would meet the -exigencies of the occasion. - -Andrea, stimulated by the messages of the emperor and by his desire -to avenge the blood of Gianettino through the extermination of the -Fieschi, made incessant appeals to the government for the Storming of -Montobbio. The senate yielded to these solicitations and also empowered -Andrea (this we learn from many documents) to undertake the operation -at his own charge and in the name of the emperor. Agostino Spinola was -ordered to mass his troops and closely invest the castle. This soldier -and scholar had followed the imperial fortunes since 1536 when Barnaba -Visconti, Bagone and Fregoso attempted to revolutionize Genoa. After -the expulsion of the French, he held a considerable corps of infantry -against Novi where Origa Gambaro, widow of Pietro Fregosi, a woman of -intrepid character, maintained the war with the aid of French troops. -The valour of Spinola overcame all obstacles. He opposed courage to -courage, treachery to treachery; and having allied himself with the -Cavanna faction in Novi, he defeated and destroyed the French army and -their leader Belforte, and thus restored Novi and Ovada to the Republic. - -In the beginning of April 1547, he collected a considerable body of men -and began to make approaches to the castle of Montobbio. To prevent the -introduction of troops and supplies into the fortress he ordered Lamba -Doria, Bernardo Lomellini and Gabriele Moneglia to seize the passes of -the Apennines and keep close guard on the frontier. Gonzaga rendered -valuable aid in these operations. He sent captain Oriola with a company -of Spanish infantry to Torriglia with orders to assist the Genoese -generals in divising means to approach Montobbio. - -Though the roads were rocky and broken, Spinola brought up many guns -by the way of the Gioghi and along the Scrivia, which is formed by the -confluence of the Laccio and Pantemina under the heights of Montobbio. -Flippo Doria, who had already acquired distinction in naval warfare, -was assigned to the command of the artillery. Andrea required that -Francesco and Domenico Doria should have command of a body of two -thousand infantry. The commissaries of the Republic were Cristoforo -Grimaldo Rosso, and Leonardo Cattaneo, with Domenico De Franchi, and -Domenico Doria for substitutes. - -Count Gerolamo did not lose courage at the sight of these formidable -preparations to assail his stronghold, but applied himself diligently -to increasing his means of resistance. He fortified the approaches, -repaired the curtains, videttes and battlements, and added new bastions -and other works of defence. He had already collected a large body of -mercenaries and to cover Montobbio had garrisoned Cariseto and Varese. -He asked vainly for the assistance of the French troops in Mirandola, -and then turned his attention to negotiations with Pierluigi Farnese. -This duke pretended loyalty to the empire, but he secretly furnished -men and supplies, permitted his vassals in the mountains to enlist -under the standards of Fieschi and instigated the people of Valnura and -Trebbia to obstruct the passes in front of the imperial troops. - -Gerolamo, knowing the worth of Verrina’s advice and courage and the -intrepidity of Assereto and the band of heroes who had taken refuge in -Marseilles, sent many messengers to urge them to share with him the -peril and glory of the siege. These refugees had sent Ottobuono and -Cornelio Fieschi to the court of France to plead their cause, and the -king had received them with marks of favour and promised to restore -their fallen fortunes. The assurances were reiterated frequently, but -the French monarch took no steps to prove his sincerity. Verrina and -Assereto grew weary of the tedious delay and accepted the invitation -of Gerolamo without awaiting the return of the Fieschi, preferring -the risk of battle to begging for aid which was always promised but -never given. They crossed Piedmont and found means to enter Montobbio. -Gerolamo received them with joy and committed the defence to their -hands. Later, Ottobuono came to Mirandola and Verrina and Vicenzo -Varese went there to aid him in urging the French commander to assist -in the defence of the castle. They solicited in vain. This refusal of -France to succour Gerolamo is a new proof that Gianluigi had not agreed -to deliver Genoa into the hands of the French monarch. Francis was -prodigal of promises, but he left the Fieschi to encounter the forces -of the empire alone. - -Spinola planted batteries on a height now called _Costa Rotta_ -near Granara, a village to the west of the castle; but though he -bombarded the citadel for forty days he was not able to gain one inch -of ground, while the fire of the fortress mowed down the flower of -his troops and daily explosions of his own guns added to the loss -of life. Besides, the inclemency of the season and incessant rains -prevented the formation of lines of circumvallation. The besieged were -greatly encouraged, and the soldiers of the Republic proportionately -demoralized, by these circumstances. On the tenth of May the podestà -of Recco was ordered to send to Montobbio as a reinforcement to the -besiegers all the men of that commune between the ages of seventeen -and sixty years. - -On the contrary, Paolo Moneglia and Manfredo Centurione had obtained -possession of Varese, with little loss of life, through the treachery -of its commandant, Giulio Landi, who surrendered it hoping to obtain -the investiture of the feud. But this success by no means compensated -for the losses under the walls of Montobbio. The castle of Cariseto -opposed a vigorous resistance to the troops of the Republic. The people -of that feud destroyed the roads, constructed fortifications and closed -up the passes which led to the place. Boniforte Garofolo succeeded at -length in forcing a path across the rugged summits of the surrounding -hills and stormed the out-lying defences. The attack began at dawn of -the 14th of April. The besieged flocked to the parapets, loop-holes -and barbicans, and with their musquetry and cannon held the assailants -at bay. The battle lasted the entire day. On the morrow, the Genoese -artillery shattered a large tower which fell burying a considerable -part of the defenders under its ruins. This misfortune discouraged the -rest and they offered to make a conditional surrender of the place. -Garofolo demanded a surrender at discretion, and the garrison insisted -upon security for their lives and property. Gian Francesco Niselli, a -friend of Fieschi and Pierluigi Farnese, was by accident in the place -at the time of the assault, and he, seeing the hopelessness of the -defence, sent messengers to Count Paolo Scotti requesting him to obtain -the permission of Farnese for the retreat of the garrison into the -territory of Piacenza. The duke readily consented, and the peasants and -soldiers effected their retreat in the following night. They lit up -fires on the side of the place which the enemy held and retired over -broken and difficult foot-paths through the mountains. - -The duke had been deeply affected at the death of Gianluigi; but -to avoid a rupture with the empire he had sent Ottavio Bajardi to -Ferrante Gonzaga, offering his troops and even his own person to the -imperial cause. But he at the same time contrived to have the Pope -secure him immunity from imperial demands. He sent Agostino Landi, -count of Compiano, to congratulate Doria on his escape from the perils -which had overhung his house and sent back to him a great number of -fugitive slaves, belonging to the Doria galleys, who had taken refuge -in the mountains of Piacenza. He afterwards sent Salvatore Pocino to -the emperor to deny charges of complicity with Gianluigi. The emperor -knew all the facts and received the envoy with great coldness; but the -duke’s son who was in the imperial service pleaded more successfully -for his father. - -Meanwhile, the large imperial army, which had been massed in Varese to -support the siege of Montobbio, kept the duke in constant apprehension -that it might be destined to punish him for his treachery. These fears -were strengthened by the fact that Gonzaga had added to Vistarino -and Oriola five other captains, Sebastiano Picenardi, Lodovico da -Borgo, Pier Francesco Trecco, Osio Casale and Gianfrancesco Ali, with -considerable bodies of troops and strict orders to levy new recruits -in Monticello and Castelvetro, feuds of the duke. To provide for -the danger, Farnese, who had Cornelio Fieschi under his protection, -reorganized the army of twelve thousand infantry which he had collected -in January at Cortemaggiore, sent commissaries to forbid enrolment -of imperial troops in his feuds, fortified the castles in his -jurisdiction, placed six hundred infantry at Borgo, a greater number at -Bardi and ordered Francesco Clerici commanding at Compiano to be on the -alert and in constant readiness for battle. Shortly after he instructed -his commissioner in Venice to ask the consent of that Republic to his -drawing eight thousand arquebuses from Brescia. He was allowed to draw -only five thousand. These operations led to reciprocal suspicions, -rancours and threats between Farnese and the imperial captains, and -Gonzaga, to prevent an open outbreak, recalled Vistarino from Bobbio. - -This measure relieved Farnese from his present peril and he resolved -to take advantage of the siege of Montobbio to get possession, in -advance of the imperial troops, of some feuds of the Fieschi. He seized -Calestano, and then sent Gianantonio Torti with a strong force to -occupy Valditaro. As the Fieschi had some imperial vassals in these -feuds, Farnese informed Gonzaga that he wished to hold them for the -interests and rights of the empire. He did not wait for an answer, -but hurried his troops into the feuds. His designs upon Valditaro were -thwarted by Scipione and Cornelio Fieschi, who threw themselves into -it with about one thousand of their vassals and shut the gates in the -faces of the Ducal forces. He called Scipione to himself in Piacenza -and persuaded him that the forces of his family were too weak to -contend with the empire. Scipione consented that the duke should occupy -the castle in the interest of his family. He returned to his vassals -and persuaded them to enlist in the service of Farnese, who sent his -agent, doctor Giovanni Landemaria, to take possession in his name. The -acts of the notary Bartolomeo Bosoni clearly prove these facts. - -Gonzaga was enraged at this stratagem of Farnese; and in fact the -occupation was of short duration. On the death of Farnese, Valditaro -was created a principate by the emperor and passed to Agostino Landi -whose ancestors had once held it. The inhabitants always retained their -love for the Fieschi house, and remembered long the mild government of -their old masters. They several times conspired to restore Scipione who -was born among them. In 1552, Gonzaga, incensed at these movements, -instigated Landi to dismantle the forts and towers lest they should -afford a place of refuge for the Fieschi. - -More than ten thousand balls had been thrown at Montobbio; but the -Fieschi, safe in their defences, laughed at the rage of the assailants -and their own fire often seriously damaged the enemy. The people of -the surrounding country scarcely concealed their sympathy for the -besieged and furnished the castle with meat and provisions of every -kind. The commissioners of the Republic complained of this and said -that the inhabitants of Bargagli, Stroppa and other villages never -brought even an egg to the camp of the Genoese, while they gave liberal -supplies to the enemy. Spinola, despairing of success in the siege, -united with the commissaries in urging the government to attempt a new -negotiation. - -At this time Doria learned of the death of king Francis, and this -event removed all apprehension that the French would relieve Montobbio -and attack the Spanish power in Italy. The recent victory of the -emperor over Frederick of Saxony at Elbe stimulated Andrea to a more -enthusiastic support of the imperial cause and to make a vigorous -opposition to the proposals of accommodation which the senate assembled -to discuss. He declaimed wrathfully against the shameful cowardice of -making terms with traitors and declared that the Fieschi could hope -nothing from France, because the new king Henry II. could not, if he -wished it, devote any attention in the first month of his reign to the -petty concerns of Montobbio and its handful of defenders. Though the -majority of the senate favoured a treaty with Gerolamo, the powerful -will of Doria prevailed and new troops were sent to Spinola. The prince -sent to the duke of Florence for bombardiers, munitions and other -military material of which there was a scarcity in the army of Genoa. -The duke furnished these and a considerable force of infantry under -Paolo da Castello; Ferrante Gonzaga sent two companies of four hundred -arquebusiers, Filippo Doria was ordered by Andrea to make new surveys -of the heights around Montobbio and to endeavour to place his artillery -in better positions, and this general moved his guns to the less -elevated height called Olmeto in our time and renewed the attack. - -This bombardment produced no better results than the first one and the -siege must have failed had not fortune opened a new and easier road to -victory. A general order forbade any person not in the army to approach -within two miles of the bastions under penalty of death. One day a -soldier of the garrison dressed as a mountaineer was arrested in the -act of examining the works of the besiegers, and on his person were -found letters of Gerolamo to his brother Ottobuono. In these letters -the count declared that he could not continue the defence for more than -three months as his military supplies were insufficient for a longer -period, and he urged Ottobuono to secure the immediate aid of France. -Spinola was greatly encouraged by this discovery of the weakness of -his adversary. He detained the soldier for some days and then, having -seduced him by splendid promises, sent him back to Montobbio with a -false letter of Ottobuono, in which the writer informed the count -of the death of king Francis and declared that the only hope of the -besieged was in an accommodation with the senate. - -This intelligence greatly dispirited the garrison, in whom the want -of supplies and the obstinate courage of the besiegers were beginning -to produce apprehension. But desperation lent them new strength and -they made several bold sorties which seriously damaged the enemy. To -the want of supplies, a new and more dangerous evil was soon added. -The mercenaries collected by Fieschi in the neighbouring feuds, being -poorly fed and receiving no pay, began to murmur and finally refused -to expose themselves to further peril. The count found that his own -life was threatened by these rebellious soldiers, and in letters -written on the 20th of March to Gian Maria Manara in Valditaro he asked -ten faithful men to serve as a guard of his own person. Manara was a -physician by profession and had so much influence with the Fieschi that -they had left him to govern at pleasure the whole valley of the Taro. -He furnished the men and obtained other reënforcements from captain -Mengo da Montedoglio who commanded in Valditaro for Farnese. Gerolamo -also sent a messenger to Cardinal Farnese to ask asylum in the church -of that prelate in case he should be reduced to extremities. In this he -was successful, and the cardinal also wrote to the Duke of Piacenza to -give Gerolamo all possible aid. - -During the first days of May the siege was prosecuted with increased -vigour. The artillery of Filippo Doria poured a storm of shot into the -castle, the walls fell down in large pieces and the outer curtains were -ruined. There were many indications that the resistance could not -long continue. Still, the subordinates of Gerolamo restored during the -night the damage caused by the Ligurian and Florentine guns during the -day and there was no sign of discouragement in the intrepid leaders. -But the mercenaries continued to murmur and to refuse obedience to the -commanders, complaining of their privations and demanding their wages. -The count saw that it was necessary to surrender. Gerolamo Garaventa -and Tommaso Assereto went to the camp of Spinola and offered to yield -the place but on terms which the victors would not accept. - -The Genoese general resolved to make a final assault upon the work. He -sent trumpeters to proclaim that all who wished to save their lives -must come within his lines; all who resisted the assault would be put -to the sword. But though they had been many days in great privation, -only two of the soldiers of Fieschi obeyed the summons. The assault was -begun with great fury and, added to the discontent of the mercenaries, -convinced Fieschi that he must surrender at once. He offered Spinola -the castle on condition that the lives and goods of the defenders -should be respected. - -The senate met in Genoa to consider this proposition and the debate -shows that the Fieschi had many sympathizers in the senate and that -Andrea Doria was the real master of the Republic. After two days of -discussion the senate resolved to accept the offers of Fieschi.The -count, who knew how little value the pledges of the government really -possessed, asked to be secured against the vengeance of Andrea Doria. -The senate promised to secure the assent of Andrea to the negotiation -and applied to him for the purpose. But the prince, who knew that -Gerolamo was now in his power, refused his coöperation and the senate -had not the courage to maintain their position. - -The garrison at Montobbio were greatly distressed by this attitude of -Doria. All means of obtaining provisions were cut off, and they must -soon be reduced by starvation. Still, they held a bold front to the -enemy and resolved to die fighting rather than surrender at discretion. -But the mercenaries broke into open rebellion and the more desperate, -after demanding their pay on the instant, seized a tower which had -hitherto defied all the enemy’s guns and surrendered it to the soldiers -of the Republic. The count and his faithful soldiers were obliged to -take shelter in a wing of the fortress. The treason of the adventurers -(which is spoken of not only in inedited documents but also by Adriani) -took away all hope from the defenders. They resolved to imitate the -garrison of Cariseto and retire by night over the rugged and almost -inaccessible heights in their rear. But Vicenzo Calcagno reminded them -that the count, who was corpulent of body, would not be able to make so -fatiguing a march over wild mountain paths and that the troops of Doria -held all the passes behind them. Assereto and some others resolved -to risk the journey and set out; but after a fatiguing march over -toilsome foot-paths they were surrounded and forced to surrender. The -count who still hoped that the Republic would make good its promises -yielded the castle to Spinola, who entered it with flying banners on -the morning of the 11th of June. - -Spinola, as a faithful servant of Andrea, ordered his Corsicans as soon -as he had taken possession of the works to execute Calcagno, Manara and -some other partisans of the count suspected of having participated in -the murder of Gianettino. Domenico Doria, il Converso, also made some -executions. The rest, including the mercenaries, were held as prisoners -of war. But these last only were permitted to depart on parole. Count -Gerolamo, Verrina and Assereto were reserved for public execution in -the city and were treated with great inhumanity. - -At the news of the surrender of Montobbio, the senate again assembled. -Most of the senators held that one of the first families of Italy, -bound by relationship to the most illustrious houses, ought not to -be plunged into deeper calamity. They plead with Doria. The Fieschi -had been sufficiently punished by the confiscation of their property, -the destruction of their houses and the death of Gianluigi. Why vent -unchristian rage on the heads of Gerolamo and his brothers? They were -unfortunate young men to whom the plots of their brother had been -unknown. Gianluigi had suddenly precipitated them into rebellion -and they deserved pardon for their almost involuntary share in the -conspiracy. Let Doria open his great heart to more generous, to more -magnanimous counsels. Let him imitate the example of Cæsar who would -not condemn to death the Saxon whom he had conquered in battle. - -Doria was deaf to these appeals of the senators. He refused all -compromises. The Fieschi and their companions must die. The writers in -the Doria interest do not disguise this fact. Mascardi says:-- - -“Those who favoured clemency were in the majority. They urged that -forbearance was a necessary quality in governments, that the violence -of Gianluigi mitigated the guilt of his confederates and that the youth -of his brothers ought to extenuate their offence. Andrea Doria was -greatly displeased to see the Republic so basely betrayed, and going -into the senate he spoke with so much force and authority that the -unfortunate men were condemned to death.” - -In the monastery of St. Andrea della Porta lived a sister of the -Fieschi named Suor Angela Catterina. She imitated the example of the -two pious women in her family, of whom we have elsewhere spoken, and -she was held in high esteem. As soon as she heard of the condemnation -of her brother, Gerolamo, she made the most earnest supplications to -the government on his behalf. - -“I could not,” said the afflicted sister, “abandon a brother in such -a terrible calamity. That God, whom human judges ought to imitate, is -compassionate as well as just with sinners. Senators should remember -that Gerolamo was drawn into the conspiracy of his brother without any -previous knowledge of his intentions, and, that he himself has never -plotted against the Republic, that he surrendered Montobbio with the -confident expectation that the senate would spare his life. The senate -should keep faith and pardon this son of Sinibaldo one of the warmest -advocates and defenders of the union and liberty of the country. Let -them remember what Christ said: ‘Blessed are the merciful, for they -shall obtain mercy;’ almost beside myself with grief and more dead than -alive, I fall at the feet of the prince and conjure him by the mercy of -Christ to pardon my poor brother.” It was in vain. She was encouraged -to hope, but the pardon never came. The senate had not the courage to -take the victim out of the hands of Doria. - -The populace was still agitated and full of seditious plans. Though -a deep mystery enveloped the action of the government, the people -suspected the vindictive intention of Doria and threatened revolt. This -led the government to transfer the execution from Genoa to Montobbio. -Two priests were at once despatched to the castle, Gian Maria Paulocio, -one of the officers of the Ruota, and Tommaso Doria, to examine the -prisoners and report their defence to the senate. - -Soon after the _Podesta_ for criminal cases was also sent, under -decree of the 4th of July. This was Polidamante del Majno a man of -considerable talents. The count, Verrina and other leaders were -subjected to the rope torture, a useless barbarity because they -were already condemned to death. Polidamante tried every means to -escape this painful office, and we learn from some letters of his to -the senate that he had protested against being commissioned for the -examination. - -The Republic had begun by declaring the Fieschi guilty of high treason -and denying them trial or defence. He subsequently wrote to the senate: -“If your excellencies do not make some change, I shall be in a very -painful position and people may justly think that I prosecute this -unfortunate affair (maladetta causa) with personal motives. You know -how I laboured to relieve myself from this duty. Therefore I beseech -you to relieve me at once from my present embarrassment by declaring -clearly that we may admit new testimony, or by revoking your second -decree, and proceeding logically by carrying out your first executive -mandate.” The senate solved the difficulty by ordering the punishment -of the prisoners without trial. The common soldiers were pardoned. Some -of the conspirators were condemned to the halter, others to the oar. - -The sentence was executed on the 23rd of July. Desiderio Cangialanza -was the first to mount the scaffold and he was followed by some whose -names history has not preserved. It was too busy with laudations -of Doria and invectives against the fallen. Gerolamo, Verrina and -Assereto, being patricians, were beheaded in the chapel of San Rocco -at the foot of the fortress. Servile as was the age it was forced -to admire the heroic bearing of Verrina whose character was cast in -the old Roman mould. He was twice tortured, but he would not utter -a word about the secrets of the conspiracy. The night preceeding his -execution he spoke with serenity of the doctrines to which he had given -his faith, and encouraged his companions to meet their last hour with -courageous composure. He went to the scaffold with the step rather of a -conqueror than of a criminal. - -The sentence of death embraced the exiles Ottobuono and Cornelio, and, -what is more iniquitous, the youthful Scipione and his descendants to -the fifth generation were banished. Some writers have maintained that -Sacco was also executed at Montobbio. But though the documents relating -to the treaty with Gerolamo are few and it is apparent that many have -been surreptitiously removed from the public archives, yet we have been -so fortunate as to find some letters of Sacco himself which entirely -invalidate this statement. Another person has already printed some of -them. His correspondence with Luigi Ferrero of Savona, in February, -show that he was then in Turin on his way back from France. - -In Turin he was befriended by presidents Catto and Birago. The latter -concealed him in one of his own houses on the banks of the Po. He had -friends, kept up party affiliations, and hoped that the recent death of -the English monarch would occasion a war in Italy. In other letters, -addressed to his wife Alessandra, he alludes to his hope of French -interference and expresses an intention of returning to that court. He -gives her advice for the management of domestic affairs and recommends -her to Nicolò Doria, Antonio De Fornari and Giovanni Gerolamo Salvago. -There is a letter to count Gerolamo Fieschi in which he asks a hundred -crowns and letters of recommendations to the king of France, Delfino, -the admiral and the cardinals Tornone and Ferrara. He exhorts the -count to be diligent in furnishing his fortresses and to put on a bold -front in order to discourage his enemies and inspirit his friends. -The records of the trial show that the Ferrero gave these letters to -the senate. The most important of these epistles is the one written -in July to Pietro Francesco Grimaldi Robio, doctor of the college of -judges, in which he exculpates himself from the charge made by Verrina -of having been the first instigator of the conspiracy. He shows that -Verrina had been the beginning, middle and end of the plot. He says -that if Calcagno were alive, he would fully exculpate him from the -accusations; but as this person was dead it only remained for him to -recite all the facts of the conspiracy. This history he says will show -him to have been innocent. His only fault was that he had been born -in Savona. Had he been a Genoese he would have communicated his first -knowledge of the plot to the senate and thus escaped condemnation, or -be as lightly punished as many of his present accusers. He admits that -he concealed the conspiracy but asks: “Ought I to have denounced the -count, my master and exposed him to death and infamy? If this silence -is a fault, I do not hesitate to accept the responsibility of it, I -have already written to the Doge and I repeat, that if the senate will -send to Turin a person in whom they have confidence I will recite the -whole story of the plot. I do not say this to beg pardon for what I -have done, but to disprove unjust charges heaped upon my name.” These -are the customary phrases of informers. - -These papers show that Sacco was not involved in the condemnation -of his accomplices. For the rest, we are not permitted to know what -was the nature of his revelations, because the most important papers -of this trial are wanting. We believe, however, that some mutilated -documents refer to this matter. We learn from them that a certain -Filippo di Graveggia carried letters under the saddle of a mule to -Parma, Bologna and other cities. - -Having restored order, the government informed its friends of the -taking of Montobbio, especially Duke Cosimo whose aid had been so -valuable to the besiegers. But there were ominous signs of discontent -in all classes of the people in every part of the Republic. The -government sent Tommaso Spinola and Antonio Doria to Henry II. to -condole with him on the death of his father and congratulate him on -his accession to the throne; but the more important part of their -business was to spy out the movements of the Fieschi and to render them -obnoxious at the court where the name was held in such high esteem. - -The fortress of Montobbio shared the fate of the palace in Vialata. The -government, in concert with Doria and Figueroa, decreed on the 11th of -June that it should be levelled with the earth, “so that,” said the -proclamation, “no evidence may remain that any fortification has ever -existed there.” Even the brow of the mountain was ordered to be thrown -into the valley so that no castle could ever be erected on the site. -Whoever should attempt to build there was declared a rebel and his -goods confiscated to the state. - -Prince Doria assumed the charge of this demolition, but the expense was -borne by the Republic. Giovanni Bozzo, podestà of Montobbio, reported -on the 10th of August that Paolo di Mirandola had excavated three mines -under the castle, one on the East side seventy-six palms in length -with openings at the two sides; the second, on the South, ran twenty -palms into the mountain from the bank of the stream, the third, on the -West side where the principal battery had stood, penetrated a distance -of ten palms. Mirandola, he reports, declared that the mines must be -extended as the castle had the strength of steel. The explosion of -these mines blew the whole work to the ground reducing it at once to a -total ruin. - -In our time even the face of nature is changed. Wild weeds grow on that -slope where gardens once bloomed. The daffodils which breathe their -perfume over the place are the only witnesses to ancient culture. A -beautiful lake which lay at the foot of the castle has disappeared. It -probably covered a spot to which tradition gives the name _Lago della -Signora_. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -PIER LUIGI FARNESE. - - The ferocity and excesses of Andrea Doria--The benefits which he - derived from the fall of the Fieschi--The Farnesi participated - in Genoese conspiracies--Schemes of Andrea against the duke of - Piacenza--Landi is instigated by Andrea to kill the duke--The - assassination of Pierluigi--The assassins and the brief of Paul III. - - -THE office of historian becomes a painful one when we are required -to describe some of the actions of Andrea Doria, actions which throw -a shade over his fame, and take away a part of his laurels from the -greatest admiral of Italy. It is a work of simple devotion to truth -to show that Andrea maintained the Spanish power in the Peninsula, -and that he overstepped all bounds in his rage against the defeated -Fieschi. Sismondi says that the prince in destroying his enemies to -avenge Gianettino went to lengths of ferocity unworthy of a great man. - -He had applied to himself that saying of Lorenzo di Medici: “While -there are _Gatti_ in Genoa the Republic will never have peace, and -perhaps on this account found it easier to obtain Medicean aid in -exterminating these _Gatti_.” At all events he gave himself no rest -while the work of destruction remained incomplete. He embraced in his -scheme of vengeance the Strozzi and their allies. - -The activity of Andrea was wonderful. Wherever he had representatives, -public or private, thither flew his messages and messengers. He -neglected nothing at home or abroad. Politics, arms, arts, commerce--he -had his eye on everything--on the exiles especially. Aided by Cosimo, -he set an assassin named Bastiano da Finale to dodge the steps of -Piero Strozzi who was marching to Siena. He employed seven assassins -to murder Ottobuono, Scipione and Cornelio Fieschi. We learn from -Venitian letters preserved in the Tuscan archives that one of these -wretches accompanied by two companions went several times to Venice -to assassinate the brothers of Gianluigi. This correspondence relates -that this assassin was artfully banished from Genoa as a popular -conspirator, as a means of giving him access to the Genoese exiles, -though he was secretly recommended by Doria to the ambassador of the -emperor. Doria would have better provided for his fame if, content with -depriving the Fieschi of the means of revolution, he had declined the -services of bravos and refused the price of blood so lavishly offered -by the emperor. - -After the capture of Montobbio, Doria, under orders from Cæsar invested -the Republic (February 29th, 1548) with the feuds of that place, of -Varese and Roccatagliata. Cristoforo Lercaro had already occupied the -last in the name of Genoa. The cession was made to appear as a gift, -though the Republic already possessed the right of eminent domain -over Roccatagliata and the valley of Neirone. The governor of Milan -held fast to Pontremoli, in order, as Doria advised, to keep that -strong post then the key of the Lombard provinces, in imperial hands. -Gonzaga also occupied Loano, Carrega, Grondona, Borbagia, San Stefano -d’Aveto, Calice, Veppo and other castles, a part of which Charles (June -19th 1548) gave in feud to various partisans of the empire. This was -not imperial munificence, but king-craft and a device to strengthen -the Spanish power in Liguria. Andrea obtained some wealthy feuds, -among them Torriglia, (which was erected into a marquisate) Carrega, -Garbagna, Grondona and ten other castles. San Stefano d’Aveto was ceded -to Antonio Doria who was hiring four galleys to the empire. Ettore -Fieschi, of the Savignone branch, received some feuds as a reward for -not having shared in the conspiracy of his relatives. The castle of -Castelano was ceded to the Duke of Parma. Agostino Landi retained the -burgh of Valditaro. This Landi had promised to assassinate Pierluigi -Farnese whom Doria had condemned to death for his secret intrigues with -Gianluigi. It is worth our while to clear up the history of this part -of Andrea’s vengeance. - -The cities of Parma and Piacenza, having been detached from the duchy -of Milan and put into the hands of the Holy See, were ceded by Paul -III. to his natural son Pier Luigi Farnese who had been legitimated -in 1501 by Julius II. To secure his son in this new duchy, the Pope -supported Charles in the German war and in his expedition to Tunis, -where, aided by Doria the emperor restored the inhuman Muley-Hassan -to the throne which he mounted by the assassination of his twenty-two -brothers. The alliance of Farnese with the empire was cemented by the -marriage of Pierluigi’s son, Ottavio, with Margaret a natural daughter -of Cæsar and widow of Alessandro de Medici. Francis Sforza died and the -duchy of Milan reverted to the empire giving rise to a war with France. -The Pope thought to gain profit for Pier Luigi out of this contest for -the duchy by securing him the investiture, and Cæsar, at the conference -of Busseto, promised to grant the pontiff’s request. The emperor did -not keep his pledge and the Pope began to abandon the imperial cause. -He reproached Charles with the fact that certain prelates devoted to -the empire had proposed in the council of Trent innovations on the -rights of the Papal See, and expressed his discontent with the mild, -treatment of the partisans of Luther in Germany. He went further and -began to intrigue, in 1547, for a league with France against Charles. - -Francis I. at the moment when he was most zealously engaged in uniting -England, Germany and Italy against Spain was stricken by death at -Rambouillet after a twenty years’ conflict with the increasing power of -Charles Fifth. The emperor now saw himself without a rival and hastened -to take advantage of the occasion. He renewed hostilities against the -Duke of Saxony, though his army had been thinned by the withdrawal -of the Papal troops. It is not our purpose to recount the story of -this Germanic war. Charles conducted it to a successful termination -because the affairs of Italy no longer distracted his attention. But -his victories over the league of Smacalda increased the suspicions and -fears of Paul III. who saw that if Charles was successful in Germany -he would be master at the council of Trent. It was no secret that the -emperor designed to take that occasion for avenging himself on the -Pope for sympathy with the Fieschi and France. The Roman court was too -jealous of its prerogatives not to be alarmed at the prospect of having -its power limited by an ambitious monarch favourably disposed towards -the policy of the German reformers. It was thought necessary to remove -the seat of the council to some city nearer to Rome and more under -Papal influence, where Charles could not intrigue nor display his arms -with so much effect. - -Fortune favoured the Pope. Some of the assembled prelates fell sick and -the physicians, especially Fracastoro who was employed by Rome for the -business, reported that a fierce contagion had broken out in the city. -Many of the prelates abandoned Trent in great haste and the council -was removed to Bologna. The cardinals and bishops of the imperial -faction remained in Trent by express order of Charles. The remainder, -thirty-four in number, accompanied the Papal legates. There were mutual -recriminations and the very council assembled to destroy scism was -menaced with a scism in its own bosom. - -Cæsar made angry appeals and intrigued adroitly to secure the -reassembling of the Synod in Trent. The Pope refused, and Charles -avenged himself by that decree of _Interim_, in which he declared -that until the council should be reconvoked in Trent every one was -at liberty to think as he pleased in matters of religion. The decree -occasioned great scandal in the church. - -“It was believed,” says Varchi, “that the emperor wished to restore the -Papacy to the simplicity and poverty of times when prelates did not -meddle with temporal government but contented themselves with their -spiritual functions. The gross abuses and vile practices of the Roman -court had awakened in many an ardent desire for such a reform.” This -gave bitterness to the enmity between the Pope and Charles. The pontiff -directed his hostilities especially against the two imperial ministers -in Italy, Anotonio Leyva and Andrea Doria. On the death of the first, -the whole weight of Papal displeasure fell on the head of the latter, -who earlier in life had received from Rome a consecrated sword and -hat for his victories over the Turks. We have elsewhere shown how the -opposition of Doria to the growth of the Farnese family and his other -acts hostile to Paul III. had led the latter to favour the Fieschi -conspiracy against Doria and Spain. Some deny that Paul favoured the -conspirators and adduced the testimony of Don Appollonio Filareto, -secretary to Pier Luigi Farnese. This secretary, though confined for -three years as a prisoner in Milan and put to torture, steadfastly -denied that the French knew of the plans of Fieschi. But this is -contradicted both by the current opinion of that time and by authentic -and credible documents extant. Charles was so certain of the complicity -of the Pope with Fieschi, that when Paul sent Camillo Orsino to Madrid -to complain to the emperor of the murder of his son Pier Luigi and ask -the restitution of Piacenza to the Apostolic See, he boldly charged the -pontiff with this crime. - -As soon as Andrea learned through the ministers of Cæsar that Paul -had been concerned in the Fieschi movement, and that Pier Luigi had -given material aid to Gianluigi he was inflamed with an ardent desire -to punish old and new treacheries by a signal act of vengeance. From -that hour, Farnese was condemned to the fate of the Fieschi. Moreover, -in gratifying his own passion for revenge, Andrea was furthering the -schemes of Charles. He launched himself into the matter with the ardour -of youth. - -The news that Charles was suffering from a mortal sickness filled Doria -with apprehension of wide-spread conspiracy against Spain in case -of the emperor’s death. Pier Luigi, in fact, as soon as he received -the same intelligence, began to raise troops, fortify castles and -enlist able commanders among whom were Bartolomeo Villachiara, Sforza -Santa Fiore, Sforza Pallavicino and Alessandro Tommasoni da Terni. He -collected arms everywhere. We find in old documents that he bought at -one time four thousand arquebuses, for a gold crown each, from the -celebrated Venturino del Chino, armourer of Gordone in Valtrompia. -Bonfadio tells us that these military preparations awakened grave -suspicions in the neighbouring cities of the empire who feared that -these arms were to be used against themselves. The fear of revolution -was widely diffused. Doria could not be an idle witness of this drawing -of swords in places so near, especially after the share of Farnese in -the Fieschi plot. He had then two motives for prompt action; to secure -the safety of the empire and to avenge the blood of Gianettino. - -Pier Luigi has been traduced by the malice of writers in the Spanish -interest. It is true that Cellini declares him avaricious, and many -historians affirm that he was intemperate and a votary of licentious -pleasures. Even Aretino admonished him to husband more carefully the -strength of his manhood. But the fable of Varchi that he ravished -Cosimo Gheri, bishop of Fano, though repeated in our days has no longer -any supporters. It is now beyond question that the story began with -Pier Paolo Vergerio, a malignant slanderer of Farnese. The slander was -refuted at the time by Bishop Della Casa in the time of Vergerio, and -later by Ammiani, Poggiali, Morandi, Cardinal Quirino and Apostolo -Zeno, not to mention many others. Pier Luigi was great by rank and -by nature. He restrained the arrogance of his nobles and had studied -much to elevate his people to an equality with their lords. He was -supported in these plans by the distinguished literary men who served -as his secretaries; Claudio Tolomei, Giovanni Battista Pico, David -Spilimbergo, Gandolfo Porrino, Giovanni Paccini, Gottifredi, Rainerio, -Zuccardi, Tebalducci, Apollonio and Caro. The last after the death of -his master was pursued by assassins and with great difficulty saved his -life by fleeing into the province of Cremona. - -This open friendship of Farnese for the people, at a time when the -lords were everywhere practising great severity, added to the hatred of -the imperial agents and whetted their desire for vengeance. There was -still another cause of quarrel. The port of the Po at Piacenza had been -ceded by Paul III. to the divine Bonarotti (taking away certain rights -upon it from the Pusterla and Trivulzio) and Bonarotti had rented it -to Francesco Durante, and the nobles taking the sides of the defrauded -parties resolved to wreak their vengeance on the pontiff’s son. A -conspiracy was formed at the head of which were Giovanni Anguissola, -Camillo and Gerolamo Pallavicini and Giovanni Confaloniere. But the -soul of the plot was count Agostino Landi, the same person who informed -the government at Lucca of the conspiracy of Pietro Fatinelli, and thus -betrayed him to death. - -Andrea opened his heart to Landi and showed him the golden promises of -Cæsar. Casoni relates this and he founded it upon irrefragible proofs -which he had in his hands. He adds that the prince pledged to Landi -the hand of the sister of Gianettino for his son with a wealthy dowry. -This marriage afterwards took place. It was important that, after the -assassination of the duke, the duchy of Piacenza should revert to -the empire, and to secure this result Doria intrigued with Gerolamo -Pallavicino, Marquis of Cortemaggiore and Busseto, whose mother and -wife had been held in captivity by Farnese and who was therefore -anxious to punish the affront. The conspirators in Piacenza at first -really intended to establish a popular government; but Doria adroitly -induced them to communicate with Gonzaga. It was not difficult then to -secure the subjection of Piacenza to the empire. - -A warm animosity burned between Gonzaga and the duke on account of -the priorship of Barletta which Gonzaga had obtained for his son to -the exclusion of Horace Farnese. Gonzaga made many attempts upon the -life of Pier Luigi. Annibal Caro, who in July, 1547 was sent by the -latter to Milan informed his master of these plots; but the duke had no -presentiment of his imminent peril. The efforts of Gonzaga, however, -all failed, and with the knowledge of Charles, he sent captain Federico -Gazzino to order the conspirators to proceed with their work. - -On the tenth of December 1547 Giovanni Anguissola went to the castle -which Farnese had erected to command the city and demanded instant -speech of the duke on matters of pressing urgency. Having entered, -Anguissola and his friend Giovanni Valentino threw themselves upon -the duke and killed him with stabs in his face and breast. On leaving -the apartment, the assassin killed a priest and a servant who were -rushing in to ascertain the occasion of the duke’s cries, struck down a -German lancer who threw himself before him and ran to rejoin his fellow -conspirators, who, led by Confaloniere immediately overpowered the -garrison of the citadel. Others, headed by Landi and the Pallavicini -brothers, attacked and soon captured the castle with but little loss of -life. Some mercenaries fleeing from the citadel spread a report that -the Spaniards had attacked the castle; and the plebians, to whom the -very name Spaniards was odious, rose in arms, gathered around Tommasoni -da Terni, captain of the city militia, and marched to the citadel to -recover it by storm. - -The battle could not have been long or doubtful; for only thirty-seven -conspirators were in possession of the fortress. But they invented -an expedient which served them in the stead of force. They hung the -corpse of the duke to the wall and afterwards threw it into the moat. -The sight destroyed the hopes of the people. The conspirators found -means to increase the number of their adherents and to occupy the city. -Captain Ruschino arrived before the gates, according to a previous -understanding, at the head of a considerable body of infantry and -shortly after the castellan of Cremona arrived with reinforcements. -These were followed by Gonzaga himself who took possession in the name -of Cæsar. The vengeance of Doria was complete. - -The Venitians were greatly grieved by these events; indeed, all the -governments in Italy which were unfriendly to the Spanish power were -alarmed at its success. The nobles of Piacenza regretted too late that -they had changed masters without gaining their liberties. Gonzaga had -promised to destroy the citadel, but he increased its strength and it -remained for three centuries. - -Piacenza was never restored to the Farnese in spite of that spirited -discourse which Casa wrote to Cæsar and which we find in his works. -The Pope in full concistory asked an account from the emperor of the -assassination of his son and the seizure of Piacenza, and demanded the -punishment of Gonzaga. But the emperor pleased with his success, paid -no attention either to the threats of the Pope or the appeals of his -son-in-law and Margaret. Gonzaga was not even content with Piacenza -but attempted to grasp Parma also. He moved an army against it, but -the valour of Camillo Orsino rendered his efforts fruitless. To secure -his grandson against Spanish treachery, Paul kept him near his own -person in Rome, until Ottavio, weary of living in privacy put himself -into the power of the ministers of Charles and returned to Parma. The -old pontiff, pricked to the heart by the death of his son and the -fruitlessness of his appeals to other governments against Spain, soon -ended his days in bitterness and sorrow (1549). - -Though the assassins of Farnese obtained rewards from the emperor they -were long the objects of atrocious persecutions from Rome. Anguissola -was created governor of Como; but he sought refuge from many assassins -who dodged his steps in the Pliniana villa which he had constructed. -Beleseur, French ambassador, having encountered him in the Grisons -tried to pierce him in the very palace of the bishop with the dagger -of papal vengance. A certain Rinaldo Rondinello, of the mountains of -Cesena, long followed him in the mantle of a friar; and when this -assassin was punished, many others rose up to take his place, until -Anguissola seeing himself the object of universal scorn and the mark -of every stiletto terminated his miserable life in sorrow and remorse. -Gerolamo Pallavicini who with his brother Alessando and others was an -accomplice in that crime was making the campaign in Flanders in 1552, -in company with his relatives. Eight masked men one day assailed him, -killed all his relatives and left him stretched upon the earth with -five severe wounds. However, he recovered and retired to his castle -of Castiglione di Lodi, which he had obtained from the Fieschi. He -made a vow to marry the first woman whom he should meet. Fate was -propitious and Gerolamina Virotelli, the daughter of a mountaineer and -a woman of more than womanly prudence, made the evening of his life -cheerful. Count Landi died in remorse and bequeathed a rich legacy -to the heir of the murdered Farnese Gonzaga, too, died miserably. -Some assassins, Corsican soldiers of Ottavio Farnese, several times -attempted to kill him; but it was reserved for the Genoese to avenge on -him the death of the Fieschi and Farnese, and his other crimes. Tommaso -Marini and Ottobuono Giustiniani obtained a decree from Charles, that -Gonzaga be subjected to an examination for the robberies with which -he was charged. The emperor acquitted him, but removed him from the -governorship of Milan and the disgrace so wounded him that he died of -his grief. - -These acts of vengeance were followed by others of a fierce character. -In these, Andrea Doria was the instructor. At the death of Pier Luigi -nothing remained for him but to punish the Pope for his complicity with -the Count of Lavagna; but the elevation of Paul and the sanctity of -his office put him out of the reach of personal violence. Other arms -than daggers must be employed, and fortune put them into the hands of -Doria. We must here premise that after the death of Gianluigi, the -Pope, to suppress the rumour that he was accessory to the conspiracy, -sent Andrea a brief, condoling with him for the death of Gianettino. -The fierce Genoese, who well knew the arts of Roman wolves, swallowed -his resentiment and was silent until the time arrived to settle his -account with the successor of St. Peter. As soon as he learned through -Cristoforo Lercaro Di Salvo, captain of Chiavari, that Pier Luigi was -dead, he took that same brief, changed only the names and sent it -back to the author as _his_ letter of condolence for the death of the -pontiff’s son. The injury was great; but the punishment was terrible. - -These punishments and assassinations did not restore order and -confidence. The blood which had been spilled fertilized the soil for a -new harvest of disaster and suffering. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -THE NOBLES AND THE PLEBEIANS. - - Intrigues of Figuerroa and the nobility--The law of Garibetto--New - efforts of Spain to give Genoa the character of a Duchy--The firmness - of the senate and Andrea foils the scheme of Don Filippo--The - reception of the Spaniards by Doria and by the people--Sad story of a - daughter of the Calvi--Don Bernardino Mendozza and his relations with - Prince Doria--Baneful influence of the Spanish occupation. - - -CHARLES V. had long cherished the design of rendering the entire -Peninsula subject to his authority. He was master of the Sicilies and -the Milanese and controlled Tuscany through the servility of Cosimo; -and if he were able to complete the conquest of Genoa, it would be easy -to expel the French army from Piedmont where Henry II. was preparing to -renew the war in Italy. It is true that the emperor through the senate -and Doria actually directed Genoese affairs; but dependence on the will -and favour of individuals did not seem to Charles either a dignified or -durable means of power. The conspiracy of Fieschi had been crushed; but -it had left discontents behind it and a new outbreak was possible at -every hour. Besides, Charles thirsted to be complete master of a city -which was in his view, and in fact, the connecting link between the -kingdoms of Spain and his Lombard provinces. - -Figuerroa, knowing the wishes of his master, opened his views to the -old nobles who were his intimates and drew them over to his wishes. -He terrified them by setting forth the prospect of new conspiracies -and the popular affection for Gianluigi which was still strong in -the city. He told them that Andrea was too decrepit to combat these -approaching perils and that prudence counselled adequate provisions -to suppress revolt. Figuerroa found in the minds of the old nobles, -morbidly sensitive to the least breath of popular commotion, complacent -acquiescence, and he induced some of the faction of San Luca to address -a petition to the emperor in Germany, in which they exaggerated the -Fieschi movement, showed the uncertain faith of many of the Italian -princes and the danger of general revolt and concluded by requesting -that the security of Genoa be provided for by a Spanish garrison and a -more stable form of government. - -The emperor answered the appeal by sending Nicolò Perenoto, lord of -Granveille and imperial councillor, with some engineers, to construct -a fortress on the hill of Pietra Minuta as a rein on the Genoese -populace. This fortification garrisoned by a strong Spanish force would -have secured the imperial power and stifled all attempts at revolution. -But Andrea, who wished to rule Genoa himself, vehemently opposed the -erection of a fortress to be occupied by imperial troops. The prince -desired to be the sole imperial representative in Genoa and to keep the -Spanish crown in a state of dependence upon his loyalty. He therefore -resisted the innovation with all his power, and boldly told Granveille -that he must lay aside the project. When the imperial minister informed -him of the petition sent by the Genoese nobility to the emperor, the -old man called to him the persons chiefly concerned in that business, -reproached them spiritedly for the weakness they had shown in falling -into an imperial trap, and induced them to recant their approval of -this scheme of national humiliation. - -But Granveille still hoped to win Doria’s consent to the wishes of the -emperor, and he frequently sent his engineers to Pietra Minuta for the -purpose of defining the position of the new citadel. The people saw -these surveys, and they one day broke into tumult, rushed to the place -and would have killed Granveille and his engineers if the senate had -not forseen the danger and stationed troops so as to prevent access -to the hill. The emperor was now convinced that he could only carry -out his plans by an open war both with Andrea and the people; and he -therefore wrote to the prince that he would renounce a project which -seemed so distasteful to his admiral. - -Doria on his side pledged himself to reform the government and give -it such a direction as to put it out of the power of a few persons to -reëstablish the popular constitution. He accordingly instituted the -provision called _Garibetto_ which entirely excluded popular families -from political power and gave rise to many civil disorders and finally -to intestine war. It completed the alienation of the masses from -the nobility and destroyed the vital force of the Republic. But the -plebeians, the more they were depressed, burned the more for liberty. -The spirit of revolution sometimes slumbered but was never entirely -extinguished. The opposition of Doria and the threatening attitude of -the populace deterred the Spaniards and the greater part of the old -nobles from carrying out their scheme of building a fortress to overawe -the people. But though Charles bent to the will of our people in that -project, he secured through the prince a more oligarchic form of -government and removed the new nobles from power. This success and the -increasing subservience of Doria inspired Charles with new hope that he -might get Genoa entirely in his power as a first step to the complete -control of the Peninsula. He renewed his efforts with more shrewdness -and contrived a scheme for taking the populace by surprise and lulling -to sleep the vigilance of the old admiral. - -A conference was held in Piacenza by the Duke of Alba, Gonzaga, an -envoy of Cosimo, and Tomaso de’ Marini a Genoese knight. It was agreed -that when Doria had sailed to Spain, to escort the Archduke Maximilian, -Gonzaga should enter the city with a large body of imperial troops and -Cosimo should support the movement with some regiments of infantry. The -pretext for this military concentration was afforded by the fact that -the Prince Don Phillip, called into Germany by his father, would return -with Doria to Genoa and Cosimo and Gonzaga would go thither to pay him -homage. - -Having made these arrangements, the Duke of Alba sailed with Doria for -Spain (July, 1548) in order to prepare other parts of the conspiracy. -But the Genoese fortunately received information of the plot. The Pope, -who, since the death of his son, distrusted the emperor more than -ever, having heard of the conference in Piacenza, instructed Carlo -Orsino, governor of Piacenza, to ascertain what had been done by the -conspirators. Orsino laboured so well that he penetrated the mystery. -Some incautious words of Gonzaga put him on the scent of the movement -and enabled him to inform the Pope of the nature of the emperor’s -plans. Paul communicated this intelligence to Leonardo Strata, a -Genoese noble living in Rome, and Strata immediately wrote to the -senate. The scheme was so bold and unexpected that the senators were -at first disposed to distrust the report. But their doubts were soon -removed. Gonzaga soon after sent a messenger to notify the government -that Don Phillip would soon arrive in Genoa, and to ask quarters in the -city for two thousand cavalry and as many arquebusiers. At the same -time, Cosimo wrote asking permission to pay homage to the prince in -Genoa and to bring as an escort, to protect him against the plots of -Genoese exiles, two regiments of cavalry and two of infantry. Andrea -also wrote from Rosas (October 19th, 1548) a letter to the Doge, which, -as an eloquent proof of his servility to Spain, we give entire:-- - -“I send with this galley Don Michele de Velasco and with him three -quarter-masters whom His Highness the prince desires to have forwarded -in advance of himself, for reasons which you will more fully learn -from his ambassador, Figuerroa. Their mission as you will learn is to -prepare lodgings for this court. It seems expedient for me to write -you these few words, as a citizen, praying you to give me pleasure by -issuing orders that these quarter-masters be allowed to accompany Don -Michele, and assigning them without delay all the lodgings which may be -necessary. - -“Receive them with such marks of esteem as you are accustomed to give -when the honour of princes and the glory of the city are concerned, in -order that His Majesty and this Illustrious Prince, his son, may know -that, not only in this, but in matters of much greater moment, you -are delighted to render him service. For, besides the general repute -which your excellencies will gain by such a course of conduct, the -favour of His Majesty and His Highness will be much greater towards -you, and their love for the Republic will be increased so that they -will the more cheerfully aid her in the hour of need, as hitherto. Your -Excellencies should remember that we have no other light or support -but the great goodness of His Majesty which permits us to live within -his kingdoms without any sense of subjection, and that for this reason -alone the whole city ought to do spontaneously whatever is required -in these circumstances, and all the more that in these matters which -require small sacrifices we shall gain large favour and induce His -Majesty to grant us privileges of greater importance. I know well that -our citizens will interpose obstacles as they are accustomed to do -in such emergencies; but your Excellencies, knowing the convenience -and importance of the matter, will strive to remove all difficulties, -compel all to preserve order and obedience and punish whoever makes -opposition in such a way as to render them a warning and example to -all the rest. I have nothing more to add on this subject; for I am -sure that you, as wise men, will carefully reflect on the duty we owe -the emperor, and voluntarily and cheerfully give those orders that -are required; the more that the stay of the prince will be only for a -few days, and small as the favour will be, His Majesty will reckon it -a great one and always remember your good will and that of the city -towards Himself. His Highness will also be gratified for your prompt -good service and all his suite will leave you greatly pleased by your -hospitality. M. Domenico Doria, the bearer of this letter, will speak -more fully of this concernment to your Excellencies, to whom I commend -me with affectionate solicitude.” - -These simultaneous requests removed the doubts of the senators. They -showed an admirable firmness in refusing quarters for the soldiers of -Gonzaga and Medici. Gonzaga renewed his request and the senate replied -that if he appeared at the gates with more than twenty horses he would -find them shut in his face. He came with three hundred infantry and two -companies of cavalry, but he was obliged to quarter himself outside -of the walls, in Sestri. Cosimo, seeing the firmness of the senate, -relinquished the design of coming. But no one dared resist Doria, and -his Spaniards were received in the city. - -While these events were transpiring Don Phillip sailed out of Spain -with a fleet of fifty-eight galleys, of which nineteen belonged to -Prince Doria and six to Antonio Doria, two to the prince of Monaco -and two to Visconte Cicala. There were forty other vessels of which -six were Genoese. Don Phillip took passage on board the admiral’s -galley, a vessel wonderful for her size, construction and equipment. -The designs of the embellishments were made by Pierino del Vaga, and -executed by Carota and Tasso, Florentine artists. The standards were -painted by Vaga. The gilding, the satins and the rich brocades rendered -the vessel a marvel of beauty. The young prince, astonished by this -magnificence, was prodigal of honours and marks of affection to Andrea, -hoping to captivate the old man and secure his coöperation in the plot -against the Republic. As they neared our coasts, Phillip inquired of -the admiral where he would be quartered in Genoa. The admiral responded -that he hoped to have that honour for his palace in Fassiolo, where the -emperor had been his guest. The young Prince showed dissatisfaction at -the response and rejoined that he wished to reside in the Ducal palace. -“That,” replied Andrea “Is not in my power. Your Highness may ask it -of the senate, though I am of opinion that those who live there will -not willingly evacuate it.” These frank words enraged Phillip, and his -wrath was yet more inflamed immediately after by letters of Gonzaga -which reported that their plan could not be put into execution. The -young prince broke out into angry imprecations; but his preceptor, -the Duke of Alba conjured him to conceal his displeasure lest the -suspicions of the Genoese should be increased, and Phillip constrained -himself to a complacent reception of the messengers of the Republic. - -He landed at Savona and was entertained by Benedetta Spinola, a -beautiful and courteous widow. After a brief stay he proceeded to -Genoa. The princess Peretta received him in the Doria palace with the -highest honour. The Doge and the senators, the Genoese cardinals Doria -and Cybo, Lord Bishop Matera, envoy of the Pope, and the ministers of -other nations went to pay him homage. - -We shall not dwell on the sumptuous reception of Phillip by the -nobility, or the splendour which Doria displayed with his open court -and princely banquets for the Spanish barons. The luxury of the -decorations, the richness of the furniture, the splendour of the -carpets and service of every kind and the wealth sunk in the banquets -of that palace were then the marvel of Italy. Don Phillip and his suite -were filled with admiration by the magnificence of their reception. - -The Genoese populace did not participate in these festivities. -They could ill brook these servile attentions towards those who -were conspiring, not merely to deprive them of political power, -but to take away the independence of the Republic; and, looking on -with ill-concealed rage, they were more than once on the brink of -revolution. On the 3rd of December at midnight, the people rose at the -cry of “_Ammazza, Ammazza_”--kill them, kill them--and rushed to attack -fifty of the _Bisogni_ who were in a tavern of the mole; and they would -have despatched the Spaniards, if Colonel Spinola had not arrived on -the ground with a strong body of infantry in time to quell the tumult. -But the rage of the populace continued. Don Phillip had requested the -city police to arrest a certain Don Antonio d’Arze, a Spaniard guilty -of homicide. After the arrest, he sent eighty Spanish arquebusiers to -conduct the criminal from the prison on board a galley. Near the Ducal -palace, this body of Spaniards met the city guard. The _Bisogni_ had -their matches lit, and the guard, believing that the imperial troops -came to assault the palace, prepared to make a desperate resistance, -and in fact drove the Spaniards back by force. Many of the latter were -wounded and some lost their lives. In a twinkling, the rumour ran that -the Spaniards had attacked the Ducal palace; the people collected in -crowds and would have put the Spaniards to the edge of the sword if the -Doge and two governors of the palace had not mingled in the crowd and -soothed the irritation. Prince Doria himself was carried in a palanquin -through the most populous quarters, and besought the people to lay -aside their hostile intentions. The populace was held in subjection by -force and supplications; but the Spaniards lost no time in returning on -board their ships, and Don Phillip departed dissimulating his animosity -against the city. - -We must here speak of an incident which occurred while Don Phillip was -the guest of the city; though Bandello places it some years earlier. - -In one of the many descents of the Turkish corsair upon the Riviera, -they had captured a Genoese girl about ten years of age, belonging, -says the chronicle, to the illustrious family of the Calvi. Being of -remarkable beauty she was sold by the pirates at a high price to a -merchant who carried her into Spain. Here she grew more beautiful with -years and inspired a son of the Duke of Alba with an ardent passion -which he found means to satisfy. When Don Phillip came into Italy, -the young man was obliged to accompany the cortège; but not wishing -to leave the young woman, he took her on board one of the vessels and -brought her to Genoa. Annina had never forgotten her parents and her -native city; and as soon as she landed, she induced her pages by rich -presents to find her lodgings on the piazza Maruffi, near the palace -of Stefano Fieschi and in the residence of the Calvi. Annina entered -her father’s house with joy, and, seizing a moment when her lover was -occupied with Don Phillip, she dismissed her domestics and revealed -herself to her parents. The embracings, the tears, the transports of -tenderness, cannot be described. But the noble girl broke off these -demonstrations of affection. “It is time that I think of my liberation. -Though loaded with ornaments, I have been hitherto only a slave, and -I owe it to my dignity and my blood to atone in the shadow of the -altar for my dishonourable though forced manner of life. Take me to -a convent before my master learns that I belong to you, and put me -in a cell where none may ever hear my name pronounced.” Her parents -approved her choice and at once sent her to a monastery near the city, -where she was received under another name. She had scarcely departed -when the knight came to find his mistress, and, inquiring for her, -he read in the silence of the pages that she had fled. He was at -the first moment about to wreak his anger on these servants; but he -restrained himself and demanded of the Calvi the restoration of the -girl. An angry contention arose which raised a tumult in that part of -the city. In a few moments the piazza was full of men of both nations. -Among the first to enter the house of Calvi to succour the Genoese was -Giovanni Lavagna, allied by blood to the Fieschi. He was one of the -most reckless warriors of his time. Encountering the Spanish knight at -the head of the staircase surrounded by armed men and threatening the -bystanders, he demanded the cause of his discourteous manners. Alba -replied:-- - -“It does not concern thee, white moor and traitor that thou art!” - -Lavagna was not accustomed to receive abuse with patience, and he -angrily retorted:-- - -“Moorish Jew, thou liest in the throat!” and drawing his sword, threw -himself upon the Spaniard. The fight was of brief duration. Despite -the assistance of his companions, the knight was pierced to the heart. -The Spaniards descended into the piazza and came to blows with the -populace, who killed some and put the others to flight. Lavagna -fearing the vengeance of Phillip took refuge in the province of -Piacenza. - -Don Phillip did not relinquish the hope of reducing Genoa to the -condition of a province, and he was encouraged by Gonzaga, Figuerroa -and the Duke of Alba. The plan of the new fortress was again taken up. -The partisans of Spain reasoned that the popular hostility to Spain -constantly threatened the city with revolution and that so stubborn a -people needed a strong rein. It was reasonable enough they said that -Doria, when he was in the full vigour of life, should have opposed the -erection of the citadel, but now when he was old and infirm almost to -decrepitude he ought no longer to resist the will of Cæsar. - -Charles sent to Genoa a certain Sigismondi Fransino with instructions -to confer with Doria and Centurione and endeavour to gain their -consent to the fortification. Some engineers also came secretly, for -the purpose of selecting the most convenient site. They renounced the -plan of fortifying Pietra Minuta and recommended that the fortress of -Castelletto should be restored. Doria hearing of this new plan and -wishing to finish once for all with these projects for the humiliation -of Genoa, sent Adamo Centurione into Flanders to confer with Cæsar -and convince him that there was imminent peril of losing the Republic -altogether unless these schemes were renounced. Charles made the most -formal pledges that he would put a stop to the intrigue and never again -raise the question. The advice of Don Bernardino Mendozza probably -had more weight with Charles than the remonstrances of Centurione. -Mendozza was a man of infinite cunning and dexterity in politics. He -pointed out to his sovereign the excessive devotion of the Genoese to -the acquisition of wealth, and advised him to employ every artifice to -get their money into the imperial treasury in the form of loans secured -upon lands, privileges, feuds and jurisdictions in Sicily, Naples and -Spain. “Thus,” said the adroit politician, “you will bind the Genoese -to the fortunes of your kingdom by a voluntary chain; since when their -riches are in your hands they will be naturally inclined to increase -and maintain your power. This hold upon their affections will be worth -more than any fortress.” - -This shrewd advice was followed; every inducement was held out to -the wealthy nobles to place their money in the hands of the emperor, -with such securities and guarantees as would infallibly induce other -citizens to follow the example and bind themselves with their fortunes -to Spain. By this expedient Charles seemed to leave the Genoese their -independence, but he really made them tributary to his crown, Phillip -II. pursued this policy with even greater assiduity and it became -hereditary in the Spanish princes. It was in fact for two centuries the -political science by which the court of Spain regulated the affairs -of Italy; and the people found themselves insensibly bound, without -their own action, to the interests and policy of that crown. It must be -said that some give a different version of the affair of the citadel. -Writers of weight tell us that, even in this, Doria was subservient to -Charles; but we cannot believe it possible. His steadfast resistance -to that scheme is more consistent with the greatness and fame of the -illustrious admiral; and, though he was a vehement partisan of the -imperial cause, he could not have wished to become, like Cosimo, its -slave. When the Medici gave up to imperial troops the fortresses of -Florence and Leghorn, he found himself in the hands of a master, and -never digested the retort of Venice, who refused to treat with him -“because he was, in his own house, the servant of another man.” - -We think the truth to be that when Doria saw the unanimity of the -people in opposing the erection of a citadel, he wisely resolved to -support his fellow-citizens, and the people are entitled to the chief -praise for the failure of that scheme. They were not yet corrupted by -the servility of the nobility, and might have renewed the examples of -their ancient valour and prevented the foreign power from striking root -in the Republic. They lost no opportunity of manifesting their profound -dislike of Spain, as Doge Lercaro himself testifies. When Charles gave -to Cosimo the government of Piombino, then in the hands of the Appiani, -the Genoese rose up in arms and demanded of the senate that galleys be -despatched to Elba to expel the Florentines and Spaniards. This time, -too, it was Doria who held back the arms of the people. - -It is easy to see that the new ties between Genoa and Spain were the -principal occasion of our decline. Doria, by breaking the French -alliance and persecuting the men of Barbary (instead of courting their -alliance after the example of Venice) hastened our fall. Our commerce -gradually declined. French and Barbary fleets roved over our seas and -destroyed our marine. The city was put to great straits, and longed -in vain for the only remedy for its maladies, the alliance of France -to open up the commerce of the East. Fieschi, who had courted these -benefits, was remembered the more sadly as disasters multiplied upon -the Republic. - -The government comprehended that some important and energetic -measures must be taken to restore our fortunes; and, after mature -reflection, the senate resolved to attempt the recovery of our Eastern -trade. The only remnant of our extensive possessions in the Levant -was the island of Scio, which was still held by the family of the -Giustiniani. In 1558, Giovanni Di Franchi and Nicolò Grillo were sent -to Constantinople, with eight vessels bearing costly presents for the -Sultan and his principal ministers, to ask a renewal of trade and -treaties of amity and commerce such as the Porte maintained with the -Venitians. - -The Porte was disposed to accept our trade and friendship, but the -king of France raised objections which destroyed the hopes of Genoa. -He showed the Porte that the Genoese were the fast allies of Spain, -and could not remain neutral between Spaniards and Turks; that all the -maritime enterprises of Charles to the damage of the Turks had been -conducted with Genoese fleets; that Doria the greatest of the enemies -of Turkey and the admiral of Spain, lived in Genoa and ruled it at -his caprice; that, in fine, the Porte could not safely listen to the -proposals of the Genoese unless they declared themselves enemies of -Spain. These arguments changed the purpose of Soliman, and he sent the -Ligurian ambassadors home without giving them audience. The Republic -lost hope of reacquiring that commerce with the East which had once -enabled it to triumph over Pisa and Venice. - -Such were the consequences of our fatal bondage to the empire. The -people, guided by infallible instincts, showed in this matter more -wisdom than their rulers. If we had shaken off the imperial embraces, -we might have obtained from the Turks all those privileges which -the Venitians had acquired a few years before; nor should we have -had rivals to contest our gains. The French were falling into civil -commotions which turned their attention from commercial enterprises. -The English seldom showed themselves in our seas. The Dutch had not yet -thrown off the yoke at which they were fretting, and the Venitians soon -after, becoming as inimical as the Spaniards to the Turkish power, were -excluded from Eastern markets. The Levant, still rich in silk fabrics, -might have been a fountain of vast wealth for Genoese merchants. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -PRINCE GIULIO CYBO. - - The revolt of Naples--Andrea Doria subdues it--Plots of the - exiles against his life--Giulio Cybo seizes the feud of Massa and - Carrara--His schemes for revolutionizing the Republic--Conference - of the Genoese exiles in Venice--Capture of Cybo--Doria labours - to have the emperor condemn Giulio to death--Punishment of Cybo - and his accomplices--Letter of Paul Spinola to the Genoese - government--Scipione Fieschi and his disputes with the Republic--Maria - della Rovere--Eleonora Fieschi; her second marriage and death. - - -ANDREA Doria had finally extinguished in Genoa the popular conspiracies -for liberty, and on the ruins of the Guelph Fieschi house had firmly -planted the Spanish tyranny. Still, in every corner of the Peninsula, -the people, not yet corrupted by the servility of the great, cherished -the memory of better days, and scarcely concealed their antipathy to -Spain. The sword of Doria--which is still sacriligiously suspended over -the high altar of the church of San Matteo--was once more stained with -the blood of the people. - -Don Pietro di Toledo, a man of integrity, but haughty and devoted to -Rome, was very solicitous to introduce the Spanish inquisition into -Naples in order to wash out in blood the stains of heresy. Orchine -da Siena, Lorenzo Romano, Montalcino and Vermiglio were preaching -the doctrines of Luther and Zuingle and secretly diffusing the works -of Melancthon and Erasmus. The people learned the intentions of -Toledo, and rose almost to a man, protesting against inquisitors and -martyrdoms. Their protests yielded no fruit and they seized their arms, -deposed the foreign governors and created new magistrates, promising, -however, to maintain their devotion to the empire. Toledo issued a -proclamation that he would proceed to the trial and punishment of -Tommaso Aniello of Sorrento and Cesare Mormile, who were reputed the -leaders of the sedition. The two rebels came before the judges with -such a mass of followers, that the court counted it better policy to -honour rather than punish them. But the viceroy, determined to terrify -Naples, barbarously butchered Gianluigi Capuano, Fabrizio d’Alessandro -and Antonio Villamarino, and threatened capital punishment against any -who should remove the bloody corpses. - -This exasperated but did not awe the populace. They made common cause -with the barons, sent deputies to the emperor and signed a truce with -Toledo until the imperial answer should be known. The truce was worse -than war. The _Bisogni_, who had taken refuge in the castles, not only -destroyed the surrounding houses, but in their frequent sorties killed -all who fell into their hands, and the populace retorted by killing the -Spanish prisoners whom they had captured. - -Toledo saw that he was too weak to make head against the enraged -populace, who were already investing the forts and citadels held by -his troops, and sent for Doria to deliver him from his embarrassment. -Andrea was ill prepared for so grave an undertaking. His galleys were -damaged and without crews; for besides the Barbary slaves who fled in -that fatal night of the Fieschi, the convicts had first sacked the -ships and then taken refuge in the Apennines. But the admiral entered -on the project of aiding Toledo with unwonted zeal. He obtained money -from Prince Centurione, enlisted new crews and officers, and soon had -a fleet ready to sail. The galleys were sent off under his lieutenants -Marco Centurione, son of Adamo, and Antonio Doria. Thanks to these -ships of Doria, Toledo suppressed the revolt in Naples, took capital -vengeance on the leaders and punished the people with heavy taxation. -Yet it has been said that the emperor _pardoned_ the rebels! History -spoke falsehood. Still, this stormy protest of the people saved Naples -from the inquisition. The masses well knew the real object of Toledo. -He sought less to crush heresy than to exterminate the spirit of -liberty. - -The Neapolitans were a few years later silent witnesses of fierce -religious persecution. The inquisition employed such zeal, that to -mention Montalto alone, two thousand persons were butchered and -nearly an equal number condemned to death in eleven days. Tradition -says that the executioner cut them down in the streets, like so many -goats. While, through the assistance of Doria, the Spanish power -took firm root in Italy and crushed the spirit of popular liberty, -(I hope that none will believe my respect for the truth dictated by -antipathy towards the great admiral) not a few daring spirits still -struggled to emancipate the nation and to destroy the prop on which -the emperor leaned. The times were sanguinary; blood was washed out -with blood. The partisans of Fieschi raging for vengeance often -attempted to assassinate Andrea; and the obstacles in their way only -increased their fury. In August, 1547, four men of Valditaro, to whom -Galeotto of Mirandola added eight of his bandits, were sent to Genoa -for the purpose of assassinating Doria while he should be coming out -of his palace. It was intended that a conspiracy organized in the -city should seize the moment for proclaiming a popular government -and maintaining it by force of arms. Galeotto promised to lead the -enterprise in person. He was a terrible man, and his partisans believed -that no enterprise could miscarry which had at its head so practiced -a conspirator and assassin. The histories relate of him that when the -Count Gianfrancesco, a literary man of note, had been restored to the -government of Mirandola by the officers of Julius II., Galeotto, in -a night of October, 1533, scaled the fortress with forty companions, -killed the count who was kneeling before the crucifix, his uncle and -his son Alberto, and then shutting up the dependents of the count -in the prison of the fortress took possession of the government of -Mirandola. Charles V. condemned him to death for this horrid crime; -but Galeotto defended himself alike against the arms and the treachery -of Leyva, and finally surrendered the castle to Henry of France for a -large compensation. - -With such men, the conspiracy did not seem likely to fail of its -principal object. However, the assassins could not find in Genoa safe -hiding for studying the habits of Andrea. Besides, the cunning old man -was on the alert for such plots, and never left his house except under -a strong escort of his faithful dependents. The assassins found it -necessary to save their own lives by a precipitate flight. - -A second attempt at his assassination came to the knowledge of Doria. -Cornelio Bentivoglio, aided by the exiles, especially the Fieschi, -armed a galley with two hundred men and all necessary equipments, with -the design of entering the port by night and attacking the palace of -Doria. At the same time the exiles assisted by Pier Luigi Farnese were -expected to attack the city on the East side. On this occasion, also, -the leader had a reputation which promised success. Bentivoglio was -an audacious and fierce young man, who, having been expelled from the -government of Bologna by his father Costanzo, entered the military -service of France and obtained considerable repute in the art of war. -Perhaps the prince would have fallen under this conspiracy, if his own -counterplot against the Duke of Piacenza had not broken up the plans of -Bentivoglio. - -But the Fieschi party did not lay down their arms or relinquish their -hopes of vengeance. They enlisted Prince Giulio Cybo among others in -their cause. This nobleman having taken up and continued the conspiracy -of Fieschi, to whom he was allied, deserves a place in our history. The -arms of Cybo and Fieschi were the same; the former used more unworthy -means than the latter, but both ended their lives in misfortune -consecrated by patriotism. - -The family of the Cybo was of very ancient, perhaps of, Byzantine -origin. They possessed in the tenth century islands and walled towns. -In 1188, Ermes Cybo subscribed the treaty of peace between the Pisans -and Ligurians. We find in old manuscripts that, in 1261, they had -palaces in the via del Campo. A Guglielmo Cybo, who died in 1311, built -the magnificent church of St. Francis in Casteletto and there was -erected the marble sepulchre of himself and his family. This Guglielmo -rendered important services to the Republic for which he obtained -the privilege of adding to his arms the device of the Republic.[49] -The family produced many other distinguished men, among whom may -be mentioned Innocent VIII. In his youth, this pontiff became the -father of a son named Francesco who was governor of Rome during the -pontificate of Innocent and married Maddalena de’ Medici sister of Leo -X. In the year 1500, Lorenzo Cybo was born of this marriage in St. -Pierdarena, a suburb of Genoa. Lorenzo devoted himself to arms, and in -the Milan war, carried the fortress of Monza by assault. The cardinal -Innocent Cybo, his elder brother, ceded him the county of Ferentillo -and he also governed Vetralla, Giano and Montegiove. Desirous of -enlarging his estates, he married Ricciarda daughter and heiress of -Alberico Malaspina, Marquis of Massa and Carrara and widow of Count -Scipione Fieschi who died in 1520. - -Ricciarda bore Lorenzo several children, one of whom was Eleonora -wife of Gianluigi Fieschi. There were besides, Isabella, who married -Vitaliano Visconti Borromeo, Giulio and Alberico. Giulio, whose career -we shall briefly recount, was born in Rome in 1525, and was educated -in the court of Charles V. where the beauty of his person and the -sprightliness of his intellect acquired him the admiration of the -Spanish courtiers. - -The mother of Giulio, who was in possession of Massa and Carrara, -formed the resolution of transferring the feud to the younger brother, -Alberico. Giulio went to Rome and in vain employed entreaty and -threats to change her purpose. He then resolved to take by force of -arms a property which he believed his own. In 1545, when Ricciarda and -Cardinal Cybo were in Carrara, he attacked the castle of that place at -the head of fifty men and endeavoured to capture his mother. She fled -into the tower and foiled his design. She punished with severity some -vassals who had aided Giulio, and returned to Rome where she ceded -the feud to Alberico. This increased the exasperation of Giulio who -renewed his hostile purposes with greater energy. Cosimo furnished him -some peasant bands of Pietrasanta, and Gianettino Doria supported him -with his fleet. In September, 1546, the disinherited count appeared -before Massa with one thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry. His -partisans in the town, especially the brothers Moretto and Bernardino -Venturini, seized the gate of St. Giacomo and opened it to Giulio, who -was recognized by the people as their rightful master. The fortress -was still held by Pietro Gassani; but Gianettino Doria arrived with -his galleys, landed artillery and forced him to surrender to Paolo -di Castello. The fortresses of Moneta and Lavenza were also given -up to the partisans of Giulio, who, grateful for the assistance of -Gianettino, espoused his sister Peretta. But his reign was of short -duration. Ricciarda appealed to Charles V., who ordered Gonzaga to have -the fortress consigned to Cardinal Cybo. Giulio refused, Cosimo turned -against him, captured him at Agnano, and the young count did not obtain -his liberty until he had ceded the castle (8th March, 1547) which was -occupied by Spanish troops until Ricciarda returned to it two years -later. - -It is probable that Giulio had at this time some intrigues with the -French court. The emperor had declared against him, and he was desirous -of obtaining the support of France by ceding the fortress of Massa. -The partisans of Spain were alarmed at the prospect of having a French -garrison so near to Genoa, and Andrea Doria assisted in forcing Giulio -to relinquish his hold on his father’s domains. - -The young count, full of bitterness for the treatment he had received, -went to Gonzaga in Piacenza (the latter was called to Piacenza by the -assassination of Pier Luigi Farnese) and remonstrated against being -deprived of his inheritance. He received no encouragement from Spain, -who refused to restore the Castle of Massa, and went to Parma and -conferred with Ottavio Farnese who was also soured against the imperial -agents for old and new acts of hostility. He then returned to Rome -and negotiated with his mother, who agreed to recognize him as Lord -of Massa and Carrara for forty thousand gold crowns of the sun. He -borrowed twenty thousand gold crowns upon interest, and pledged the -twenty thousand crowns of the dower of Peretta for the rest. He applied -to Andrea Doria for the dower of his wife; but the prince, having -suspicions of Giulio’s complicity with Fieschi, refused to pay over the -money and neither personal entreaty nor the influence of friends could -induce the prince to satisfy the just demands of Giulio and Peretta. He -alleged that the damages he had suffered in the Fieschi sedition had -rendered it impossible for him to pay so considerable a sum, and wished -to charge Giulio with the expenses of Gianettino’s expedition of Massa. - -The chronicle of Venturini, which we consult, disproves the statements -of those who wrote history without the aid of documents, and renders it -clear that Andrea debited Cybo with all the expenses incurred while the -galleys lay on the coast of Massa, of which he had preserved a minute -account rather as a merchant and usurer than as a Prince. - -Cybo was thus deprived of the means of satisfying his mother and -recovering his paternal inheritance; and he conspired with the king of -France, Duke Ottavio and Signor Mortier to deal a great blow against -the Spanish power, beginningwith Genoa where the Dorias constituted -the prop of Spain. He held many consultations with the Cardinal of -Belais, the exiles Cornelio Fieschi, Paolo Spinola and others. The -confederates fixed on the following plan:--The movement should be begun -in Genoa where the Fieschi had warm friends and the Spaniards were -detested. Ottobuono Fieschi, who though living in Venice had devoted -dependents, should furnish five hundred infantry and Spinola should -introduce into the city and conceal in his house one hundred men of -the valleys; Giulio would send from Massa upon barks a body of men -ostensibly to be enrolled at Milan in the imperial regiment which he -commanded. They believed that Doria would have no suspicion on account -of the close alliance of Cybo with his family, and that all obstacles -would be easily overcome. Some persons were placed by intrigue in the -service of Andrea and Centurione, with instructions to assassinate -them at a preconcerted signal. It was believed that the death of those -two and a few other partisans of Spain would open an easy path to the -overthrow of the imperial power in Genoa. - -Venice was at that period the asylum of all those patriots whom -domestic and foreign tyranny had driven into exile. In the shadow of -the lion of St. Mark, Donato Gianotti wrote his weighty prose and that -wonderful discourse to Paul III. of which we have spoken. There lived -Carnesecchi, Gino Capponi, Vico de’ Nobili, the Strozzi, Varchi, the -good Nardi and Lorenzino de’ Medici. The latter meditated there that -defence of his which has no comparison in our literature. Bartolomeo -Cavalcanti, a man of great talents and eloquence, disgusted with the -government of Cosimo, had voluntarily joined the exiles. There were -also many Genoese who had been expelled from home for complicity with -party broils. Thither went Cybo, Gaspare Venturini, Paolo Spinola and -captain Alessandro Tomasi of Siena, captain Paolo da Castiglione, who -was to have been of the party, pretended to be ill at the moment of -setting out and remained in Rome to betray the conspirators to the -ministers of Spain. - -On Christmas Eve, Cybo collected his partisans in the house of -Gaspare Fiesco-Botto. There were present besides the exiles already -mentioned, the Fieschi brothers, Ottaviano Zino and Count Galeotto di -Mirandola. Cybo spoke warmly of the revolution which he was planning. -He declared that he wished to free the country from the yoke of Spain -and restore to its bosom the virtuous exiles whom he saw around him, -whose only crime was an ardent love of country. He desired to continue -the revolution begun by his unfortunate friend and relative the Count -Gianluigi, and to avenge his untimely fate. Fortune had crushed that -rising too soon to permit him to reënforce Fieschi with the troops -he had collected at Borghetto and ordered to move on Genoa. He had -afterwards pretended to support the Doria party only from motives of -convenience. But he would now throw aside the mask and proclaim them -to be traitors who had bound the Republic and delivered her to the -Spanish tyranny. Everything promised success to the new rising; the -arms were collected, all hearts burning for action and the Dorias -unprepared to encounter the popular storm. Cæsar himself was in no -condition to resist the sudden uprising of an indignant people, leagued -to sweep Italy clean of his barbarian hordes. The exiles were greatly -moved by these bold words, and swore to participate in the struggle for -emancipation. But Cosimo was watching Giulio; and Gonzaga and Doria, -to whom Castiglione had revealed everything, had their eyes on all the -conspirators. The informer paid dearly for his treachery. Venturini -tells us that he himself (perhaps with the connivance of Prince -Alberico) killed the traitor with his own hand. - -The conspirators, true to their promises, abandoned hospitable Venice -and went to the posts assigned them by Cybo. Ottaviano Zino returned -to Genoa, and, while studying to seem idle, laboured incessantly to -prepare the populace for revolt. Paolo Spinola was sent to Garfagnana, -once subject to the Fieschi, where he hoped to find ardent partisans. -Others on similar missions travelled to other places. Cybo, who had -supreme command, obtained through the aid of Montachino a dependent -of Scipione Fieschi, three thousand gold crowns. The French agents -gave him countersigns for the Governor of Mondovi, Candele, who was -instructed to support the movement with two thousand infantry. He -then travelled through Ferrara and Parma to Pontremoli. The governor -of that feud, Pietro Dureta, encountered him at the ford of the Magra -and attacked him. Cybo drew his sword and raised the cry of _Gatto_ -hoping to raise the vassals of Fieschi; but he was struck in the head -by a halberd, received a wound in his right hand and fell lifeless -to the ground. He was sent to Milan under a strong guard and Nicolò -Secco was appointed to prepare the process against him. The letters of -the Fieschi which were found on his person left no room to doubt his -guilt. Some tell us that he was several times tortured and confessed -that Farnese, Maffei, Ghisa and the Pope himself were accomplices in -the plot, and that the Fieschi and Farnese were its instigators. The -emperor did not wish to execute Cybo; and we find evidence in documents -of the period that even the bloodthirsty Gonzaga made every exertion -to save him. On the other hand Graneville and Doria laboured with all -their power to secure his punishment. In fact, so soon as Doria heard -of this plot, committed rather in intention than act and excusable by -the youth of the conspirator, “the prince (I use the words of Porzio) -inflamed to wrath by the offence and full of vengeful animosity, -disregarded the double tie which bound him to the young man, and made -incessant appeals to Cæsar for the blood of his relative.” - -Many Italian and foreign princes asked grace for the prisoner, and -the emperor was at first undecided; but severity triumphed over -mercy--Doria desired vengeance and he obtained it. The victim met his -fate with manly intrepidity. He was beheaded and his body exposed -between two wax candles in the public square. Nearly all the historians -are in error regarding the time of his execution. The chronicle of -Venturini declares that it occurred on the 18th of May, 1548. He was -scarcely twenty years of age. Porzio says:--“His courage and military -capacity inspired all who knew him with the conviction that, if he had -not perished in boyhood, he would have become one of the first captains -of his age. He made a single mistake: that of endeavouring to expel -one foreigner with another--to drive out the Spaniards in order to -establish the French in Italy.” - -Zino was not more fortunate in Genoa. His friends urged him to flee -from the city; but he, wrapped in false security, refused to follow -their advice. He was arrested and his mangled limbs were found one -morning on the piazza of the Ducal palace. Other accomplices lost their -property by confiscation or fell in other countries under the dagger -of assassins employed by Doria, to whom none could deny the right of -inflicting punishment at his own pleasure. He made free use of this -privilege of his position. It is certain that he was implicated in the -assassination of Luciano Grimaldi, Lord of Monaco, whom Bartolomeo -Doria Marquis of Dolceacqua killed with thirty-two stabs. Andrea -bequeathed this form of justice to his successor. So far as we know, no -one has ever been able to explain why Giovanni Andrea Doria imprisoned -his secretary Antonio Ricciardi da Loano, whom Spotorno calls one of -the brightest intellects of Liguria. The unhappy victim after being -buried for a long time in a dungeon, without being able to soothe -his angry master or ever learn the cause of his punishment, became -desperate and committed suicide by dashing out his brains against the -walls of his cell. - -We do not know the fate of Paolo Spinola who was declared a rebel and -fled to Venice. There is in the Genoese archives a letter from him -written the 6th of April, 1548 to the Genoese government. It paints in -vivid colours the triple slavery of Genoa to Charles V., Doria, and the -bank of St. George which, having lands and jurisdiction of a peculiar -character, was a state within the state. - -Spinola writes:-- - -“Your Excellencies having made a public proclamation, calling upon -me to render before you an account of my conduct within the term of -one month under pain of being declared a rebel, and this proclamation -having only at this moment come to my knowledge, I am constrained to -ask you as just persons--which I suppose you to be--to extend the time -and give me proper space for presenting myself before you, placing me -in fact in the same position I would occupy if the summons bore the -present date. And, as I know that all cities have malignant citizens -and Genoa above all others, (there being many among you who are opposed -to your peace and liberty) so that poor people are no longer free -except in name and your Excellencies can give no real security to -property and persons, it is necessary that men ask better guarantees -than those of the government from the persons who are masters of our -liberties. Andrea Doria being the chief of these our masters, prince -both in name and fact, and having more power than your Excellencies, -and I knowing him to be a mortal enemy of my family, I pray you if -you grant my first prayer to hear also the second, which is that you -furnish me a safe conduct of the said Andrea Doria promising me freedom -from all molestation, direct or indirect, on his part that of any -persons dependent upon him. Furthermore, for as much as the emperor, -to your shame and mine, takes more thought for the concerns of your -city than for his subject provinces, being in name our friend but in -fact our master and lord, and since I must pass through his dominions -to reach your city, I also ask the safe conduct of Don Ferrante, the -imperial lieutenant general in Italy, in the same terms as the former. -Further, having learned that the administration of the bank of St. -George has, contrary to all right and precedent, added its authority to -your summons, I ask that the said administration send me a safe conduct -of like tenor with the others above requested. So soon as I receive -these several safe conducts, I shall feel myself secure against the -malevolence of individuals, and will immediately place myself in your -hands and abide your just judgment.” - -We have esteemed it our duty to give the letter of the illustrious -exile. We leave comment and criticism to other pens. - -Among those condemned for contumacy to decapitation and confiscation of -goods was Scipione Fieschi. The sentence pronounced against him gave -rise to a legal cause which has no equal either in its duration or the -fame of the jurists who conducted it. Rolando a Valle was the advocate -of Fieschi, and the claims of the Republic were maintained by Giovanni -Cefalo, Tiberio Sigiano, Nervio, Menocchio and the college of Padua. -The case was contested with singular pertinacity, and most princes were -interested for one or the other party. - -Scipione after the death of Gianluigi, not being able to return to -Loano which was bequeathed to him by his father, because the Dorias -had seized the feud, took refuge in Valditaro and there, as we have -seen, induced the people to put themselves into the hands of Pier -Luigi Farnese. He afterwards visited Rome, where the Pope received him -privately and treated him with great affection. At a subsequent period -he was the guest of Giulio Cybo in Massa and the two were warm friends. - -When Cybo was arrested Scipione saw that it was necessary that he -exculpate himself before Cæsar, and he asked an imperial audience -through Francesco Barca, but the request was not granted. On the -contrary, when the emperor learned that Scipione was charged, in the -Cybo process, with being one of the chief accomplices he ordered -Suarez, by decree of March 14th, 1550, to institute proceedings against -him. He was cited to appear in Genoa for trial and obtained a safe -conduct; but afterwards he remembered the breach of faith with Gerolamo -and declined to appear. The case against him was conducted by Giovanni -Giacomo Cybo-Peirano, and after the death of this advocate, it was -carried on by his son. Doria himself employed an advocate to watch -the progress of the trial and hasten its completion. In the meantime -Scipione passed into France and entered the service of Henry II. He did -not however take up a permanent residence there, the jurists of Padua -having advised him to reside alternately at Rome, Venice and Mirandola. -We know that he was accused of receiving and favouring exiles from -Genoa, of capturing Spanish ships with his own galleys, of condemning -the prisoners to the oar and plundering the works of art which these -vessels were transporting to the empress Augusta. The archives of Spain -are full of accusations of similar character; but they are the fictions -of informers. - -Figuerroa gave his decision on the 28th of January, 1552, but for some -reason it was not confirmed by the emperor, and this gave Scipione -strong hopes of being reinstated in his father’s domains. But Doria and -the Republic employed influences which overcame the imperial scruples -and Ferdinand confirmed the sentence on the 12th of April, 1559, in -such terms as to destroy all the hopes of Fieschi. - -Nevertheless, in the treaty of Castel Cambrese, Phillip II. who had -succeeded to the crown of Spain, stipulated with Henry II. of France, -that all those who had been punished with confiscation for aiding -either crown should be reinstated in their property, particularly -mentioning Ottaviano Fregoso and Count Scipione and declaring them as -fully restored to their rights as though they were parties to the -treaty. Phillip further pledged himself to secure the restoration -to Scipione of those feuds which had been seized by the empire or -the Republic. The Spanish monarch issued his decree to the senate of -Milan ordering the surrender of Pontremoli to Fieschi; but it was not -carried into effect. The senate held that the condemnation was a just -punishment for a double treason committed both by Scipione and his -brothers and refused to obey the imperial decree. The queen of France -who had a high esteem for the young Scipione interceded for him, and -Ferdinand moved by her powerful entreaties on the 13th of July, 1552, -invested the count with Varese, Montobbio and Roccatagliata; at the -same time he signed some other decrees in his favour. These various -decrees gave rise to the controversy before the tribunals, with -Scipione on one side, and the Republic and the possessors of the feuds -on the other. The count maintained the nullity of his condemnation, -while the Republic insisted on its legality and maintained that -Scipione had lost all claims to the property confiscated for his -treason, and that the decrees of the emperor were without force or -validity. Finally, on the 2nd of August, 1574, the emperor Maximilian -gave his decision against the claims of Scipione and absolved the -Republic, Antonio and Pagano Doria, Ettore Fieschi (of the Savignone -branch) and Count Claudio Landi, who were in possession of the lands -and castles of the Fieschi. - -We shall speak of Ottobuono Fieschi in another place. It is enough to -say here that, after the fall of Montobbio and the union of Valditaro -with Piacenza, he went to the court of Farnese, where he lived for some -time. He afterwards went to Mirandola under an escort of ducal cavalry, -and waited there for brighter days. Maria della Rovere shut herself -up in the castle of Calestano. The governor of Parma requested her in -the name of the duke to leave that residence, in order to relieve Pier -Luigi from the charge of sustaining herself and sons. The suspicions -of the imperial party respecting the duke were about this time turned -into certainty. Cesare della Nave, of Bologna, a man of good education -who had been created ducal commissary in Valditaro, divulged the fact -that Manara had been instructed by Pier Luigi to render all possible -assistance to Gerolamo at Montobbio. Maria then went to Rome, and -afterwards spent some time in Parma, where she dictated her will on the -23rd of October, 1553. She bequeathed all her property to her daughter -Camilla, wife of Nicolò Doria who afterwards as we shall see took up -the conspiracy of Gianluigi. Maria lived for several years after the -date of her will. The registers of the notary Antonio Roccatagliata -show that Camilla only entered upon the inheritance of her mother on -the 26th of September, 1561. - -As for Panza, we find in some old manuscripts, for which we are -indebted to the courtesy of the learned Baron Giacomo Baratta, that -about 1550, he was archpriest in the parochial church of Rapallo. -Probably the preceptor of Gianluigi, after the destruction of his -master’s family, retired to some spot secluded from political tumults -and ended his days in the practice of those virtues which adorned his -previous life. - -The memory of Eleonora wife of Gianluigi has been blackened by recent -accusations. After the death of her husband, beside herself with grief -she threw herself into the arms of her mother. The Strozzi papers -contain a petition addressed by her to Charles V. in which she sets -forth that her dower was secured upon the feud of Cariseto, and prays -that the emperor may command Gonzaga to deliver it to her with all -its appurtenances in satisfaction of her claims against the estate of -Gianluigi Fieschi. Perhaps she did not obtain her request; for we learn -from confused notices that she did not recover her dower for some years -after when she invested it in the bank of St. George. - -Some years after Gianluigi’s death, she married Chiappino Vitelli. Her -husband was the son of that Nicolò who was killed by Braccolini for -stabbing his own wife, Gentilina, while she lay in bed beside him. -Chiappino was a brave soldier and a captain of some repute. He was a -friend of Cosimo, followed the fortunes of the empire and received -for his warlike virtues the investiture of Cetona with the title of -marquis. He distinguished himself in the affair of Pignone with the -Moors, in the liberation of Malta from the siege of the Turks, in -Flanders and in Holland. Phillip II. gave him the principal charge -of the last named war. He was at this time of monstrous obesity, and -having received several wounds had to be carried in a palanquin to -visit his trenches. While making the round of his work the Bisogni, -who fretted at being commanded by an Italian, threw him down into the -foss, (1575). On receiving intelligence of his death, Eleonora gave -up her life to pious duties, and entered the convent of the Murate in -Florence, a foundation noted for the illustrious women who fled to it -for peace, some of whom were members of her own family. - -We find evidence that she lived in the same cell which had sheltered -Caterina Sforza Riario--the heroic mother of the heroic Giovanni of the -black bands--until new were constructed for her at her own expense. -She ended her days here in 1594, and Alberico I., prince of Massa and -Carrara caused her mortal remains to be placed, with an appropriate -inscription, beside those of her aunt Catterina, widow of Gio. Maria -Varano Duke of Camerino, who with a courage more than manly sustained -the siege of her castles by Mattia Varano. - -The name of Eleonora was rendered immortal not only by her love of -letters, but also by her splendid charities, of which the Monte di -Pietà of Massa is a living monument. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -SIENA, THE FIESCHI AND SAMPIERO. - - Ravages of the Barbary Corsairs--Bartolomeo Magiocco and the Duke of - Savoy--The conference of Chioggia--Siege of Siena--Doria assassinates - Ottobuono Fieschi--Sampiero di Bastelica and his memorable fight with - Spanish knights--Revolts in Corsica--Vannina d’Ornano--The Fieschi - faction unites with Sampiero--Ferocity of Stefano Doria--Sampiero is - betrayed--Pier Luca Fieschi and his career. - - -THE cause of the empire vacillated in Germany, and the defeat of -Chiusa followed the rout at Lorene. Charles barely escaped the grasp -of the elector of Saxony, and retreated ill in mind and worse in -body to Villach in Carinthia. The Duke of Alba and Doria put forth -extraordinary exertions to provide him with money and reënforcements, -and Doria’s solicitude for the empire brought new calamities upon the -Republic. When his ships were absent in the imperial service, Dragut -landed at Rapallo, (July 6th, 1550) sacked the town, killed women and -children and carried off the flower of the population. A young peasant -named Bartolomeo Magiocco, having with difficulty escaped from the -town, bethought him of the peril of his betrothed, rushed through the -crowds of pirates, entered the house where she lay asleep, took her up -in his strong arms and bore her safely through a shower of Mussulman -bullets to the top of Mount Allegro. Other pirates infested our waters, -and our towns were so often pillaged that the inhabitants fled into -the mountains and left the coasts deserted and uncultivated. There -was not a hamlet which escaped pillage. The Duke of Savoy Emanuele -Filiberto while fortifying Mont Albano, Sant Opizio and Villafranca -came near falling into the hands of the Africans. A renegade Calabrian, -named Occhiali, hearing that the duke was in Villafranca, landed the -crews of several galleys at night, surrounded the ducal residence, and -awakened its master with the roar of arms. Emanuele escaped by a secret -passage unknown to the assailants. The victor of San Quintino could -ill digest it that he had been compelled to turn his back on a pirate. -He collected around him his pages and esquires, and the first peasants -whom he met, and assailed the Moors. They responded with such vigour -as to drive back his little band and he himself, after fighting long -with obstinate courage, was disarmed and captured; but two Savoyard -gentlemen set him at liberty at the price of their own captivity. -Occhiali returned to his ships loaded with booty and prisoners. -We learn from the chronicle of Miolo that the lords of Morseleto, -Gusinengo and Berra and the castellano of Valperga lost their lives in -this battle, while among the prisoners were seventy-five of the first -gentlemen of Savoy. - -The duke mortified at his failure and particularly that two gentlemen -who had risked their lives for him should remain in the hands of the -Corsairs, was forced to offer as a ransom two thousand gold crowns of -the sun. The pirate required that, besides the payment of this sum, -the Duchess of Savoy should visit him and permit him to do homage by -kissing her hand. “This,” said he, “will render me famous throughout -Europe.” Strange union of African barbarity with the chivalry of the -middle ages! The Count of Savoy was not willing that the duchess -should humble herself in the presence of this renegade stained with -the most horrid crimes; but the prince felt deeply the misfortune of -his faithful courtiers and resorted to an artifice which secured their -liberation without humiliating the princess. A woman having the general -appearance of the duchess was clothed in her robes, taken on board the -moorish galley and with great pomp presented to the pirate, who fell on -his knees, kissed her hand with knightly grace, released the captives -and sailed back to Africa the happiest rover of the main. - -While Charles was struggling with adverse fortune in Germany and -the Turkish fleets were desolating the coasts of Italy, Ferrante -Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno, formed a league with the Duke of Somma -and endeavoured to deliver Naples from the Spanish yoke. A conference -was held with the legates of France at Chioggia in which all those who -hated the Aragonese power participated. There were the Cardinals of -Ferrara and Tornone, Termes, Selves, the Count of Mirandola, Cornelio -Bentivoglio, Giulio Veri, and in fine nearly all the exiles. The -Cardinal of Tornone and Termes discouraged the Neapolitan revolution, -and the confederates turned their attention to Siena. Venice, as in -most occasions stood neutral. But Siena, irritated by recent wrongs -inflicted by imperial ministers, took part in the conference and Count -Pitigliano abandoned the standards of Cæsar and promised to carry the -city over to the side of France. As we have said France was to most -Italians the symbol of our independence, and whether or not she wished -us well she made copious promises, “according,” writes Macchiavelli, -“to the habit of that nation.” - -Siena expelled Don Diego Urtado di Mendozza with his Spanish garrison -and established a free government; but the emperor at once despatched -the Marquis of Marignano to punish the rebellion, and France sent -Pietro Strozzi to make a diversion in favour of the city. - -On the 16th of June, 1554, the Duke of Florence wrote to the government -of Genoa:-- - -“Your Excellencies will have learned that Pietro Strozzi, with about -four thousand infantry and three hundred horse, is advancing to unite -with the troops of Mirandola and then to penetrate into Tuscany -and make a diversion in favour of Siena. Being resolved to make a -spirited resistance, I have sent the Marquis of Marignano with about -two thousand infantry and seven hundred horse from my army, who will -encamp to-night at Pescia and advance to-morrow to fight the enemy at -the first good opportunity. I write to your Excellencies, as faithful -allies, to give you an account of our proceeding and to ask you to -add to our troops, for this emergency the one thousand Germans who -are stationed at Spezia, sending them forward direct to Pietra Santa -or embarking them for Leghorn, as shall seem to you most expeditious. -I promise you that as soon as this affair shall be terminated, your -troops shall be returned to you with any part of my own that you may -need. I earnestly entreat your instant coöperation in this matter, -which, as you will see, concerns our common interest and safety. Above -all act promptly for celerity is everything, as we are on the brink of -an engagement with the enemy.” - -The Republic, forgetful of the generous sympathy of Siena in its own -straits and the solidarity of the two peoples, granted the request of -Cosimo and hastened to prop the declining fortunes of Spain. - -Siena was defended by the bravest Italians of that period. Of many -illustrious names it will suffice to cite only those of Cornelio -Bentivoglio, who succeeded Termes in the supreme command, his -brothers Giovanni and Antongaliazzo--the first of whom was killed at -the battle of Marciano and the second taken prisoner--the Orsini, -Giovanni Vitelli, Adriano, Baglioni, Don Carlo Caraffa, Count Muzio da -Tolentino, Lionetto da Todi, an Avogardo, a Martinengo, Sampiero di -Bastelica and the Genoese Aurelio Fregoso--once a captain in the French -service--and Ottobuono Fieschi. Some other Genoese fought on the side -of Spain, against the brave city, among whom besides Doria (of whom we -shall speak presently) were Alberico Cybo Malaspina, who commanded the -troops of the Holy See. Phillip II. afterwards rewarded him for this -service by creating him prince of the empire and of Massa and Carrara. - -The defence of Siena is one of the most brilliant episodes of Italian -history. The very women, led by Laudomia Forteguerri and Faustina -Piccolomini emulated the valour of ancient times. But it was all -fruitless. Leone Strozzi was killed at Piombino, Pietro his brother was -routed at Marciano, and the city, deprived of reënforcements by Doria, -who beat off the French fleet, was forced to yield. The remnant of the -defenders, reduced from forty thousand inhabitants to six thousand, -repaired to Montalcino where they set up their fallen Republic. - -The she-wolf of Siena had fallen into the jaws of the Florentine -lion, but the French troops under the command of Flaminio Orsino, -Pietro Strozzi, Port’ Ercole, Orbetello and Talamone remained to be -vanquished, and the Count Marignano moved upon them with a strong army. -Andrea Doria supplied provisions and artillery and his forty galleys -prevented the reënforcement or retreat of the French by sea. Marignano -carried the fortress of Sant’Ippolito by storm, and successively -the castles of Avvoltojo and Stronco fell into his hands. Chiappino -Vitelli, captain in the pay of Orsino, distinguished himself greatly at -Stronco. Strozzi found his position untenable and retired with Orsino -to Montalto, a castle belonging to the Farnese, situated near the -sea. This retreat discouraged the friends of Siena and all the towns -which had favoured them surrendered to the imperials. At Avvoltojo, -Ottobuono Fieschi was taken prisoner and delivered to Andrea Doria. -Neither his own great age, nor the memory of his bloody vengeance -against the Fieschi family, softened the spirit of the admiral. It is -enough to make one’s heart bleed to think that he who had often spared -the lives of Turkish pirates, who treated the inhuman Barbarossa with -courtesy and released Dragut from his chains, ordered Ottobuono to be -brought to him enclosed in a sack and barbarously butchered before his -eyes. - -The murder of this brave warrior, captured while fighting for -national independence, deepened the resentment in the Genoese already -exasperated by the sanguinary vengeance taken against the Fieschi and -the perversion of the Republic. Nor was Genoa alone in opposing the -Doria government; the Ligurians generally shared the feeling of the -capital and the Corsicans, suffering under the despotism of our nobles, -began to show signs of revolt. - -Fregoso and Sampiero shared the perils of Ottobuono in the siege of -Siena. Aurelio Fregoso and Fieschi had laid aside their hereditary -enmity at Mirandola and set out together for the seat of war. Eleonora, -widow of Gianluigi, had sealed this new friendship by giving in -marriage to Fregoso her sister-in-law Lucrezia Vitelli. Aurelio was -a soldier of great merit and was afterwards honoured for his valour. -Siena enrolled him among her citizens, Francesco Maria, Duke of Urbino, -invested him with the feud of St. Agata, and Cosimo himself treated him -as an intimate friend. - -Sampiero, Fregoso’s companion in the vicissitudes of a stormy career, -was the most formidable soldier and captain of his time. The example -of the Fieschi whom he had known in Rome, Mirandola, Siena and France, -led him to draw his sword against the Genoese government; and therefore -we may be permitted to touch upon the overthrow of his family in a -struggle which dyed his native rocks with Genoese blood. - -Sampiero was born in humble fortune at Bastelica (whence his surname), -and having studied the military art in his youth left his native island -and went to Rome. Here, none excelled him in strength and courage. -There is a tradition that an Orsini wished to deprive him of this -honour and for the purpose challenged him to a joust with a wild bull. -The young and reckless Samperio accepted the contest and cut down his -ferocious antagonist. He served successively the Florentines against -Pisa and the king of France. In the latter service his exploits in -Catalonia and Provence raised him to high reputation. The famous -defiance of Barletta is far less entitled to fame than his great -duel at the battle of Perpignano; but what great Italian writer has -preserved the memory of that deed? - -On the evening of the tenth of October 1542, five hundred Spanish -knights issued from Perpignano with flying colours, and challenged -the besieging army to fight them man for man. Sampiero heard the -defiance and collected about him some of his bravest knights, among -whom were Pecchia da Borgo, Francesco da Verona, Ceccone da San -Zenese, Bartolomeo da Fano and other Italians to the number of fifty. -He led this little band to the tent of Delfino the French general, -and obtained permission to put his fifty against the five hundred -Spaniards. The French barons were astonished at his audacity, but -Sampiero without waiting to hear their objections dashed down upon the -Spaniards with such impetuosity as to hurl them backward at the first -shock. In endeavouring to retire the vanquished knights broke their -ranks and fell into a confusion which enabled the victors to kill many -and capture a larger number without the loss of a man. - -After this victory, which would be memorable in any age, the Italians -returned to their tents, where the Marshal of France received them with -great honour, the flower of his knights greeting them with trumpets -and acclamations. Delfino received them one by one and gave them rich -presents--especially Sampiero, to whom he gave a rich gold chain. - -The fame which he had acquired obscured the memory of his humble birth, -and he was counted worthy to espouse Vannina, daughter and heir of -Francesco, Marquis of Ornano. He served afterwards in the French army -of Piedmont and Paul III. received him at his court with every mark of -affection, when after the death of Pier Luigi he was collecting men and -captains to avenge the assassination. - -The Genoese, suspecting intrigues between the Fieschi and the Pope, -seized Sampiero and he only recovered his liberty after urgent -solicitations of France in his behalf. This imprisonment filled him -with indignation and he resolved to revolutionize Corsica. He landed -in the island, under the protection of French and Turkish fleets, at -the head of a fine body of Italian soldiers and in a few days wrested -it from the Genoese, who had lost the affection of the people by -extortion and robberies under the name of imposts collected by bands -of thieves called tax and excise officers. The Genoese government -again erred by refusing friendly offers made by France. Termes, before -moving to the support of the Corsicans, prayed the Republic to ally -itself with France on terms which would preserve its independence, -and he pledged himself in this case to suppress revolt in Corsica. -The influence of Doria was powerful enough to secure the rejection of -this proposition, and though he was eighty-six years of age he, with -Agostino Spinola for colleague, undertook to crush the rebellion. -Both parties fought with equal valour; but the siege of Siena called -Doria from the Island to the coast of Tuscany, and Termes had not a -sufficient force to conquer the Ligurian power in Corsica. - -At that time, Count Scipione Fieschi lived in the court of Catherine -de’ Medici, regent of the kingdom of France. The Republic sent there -Tobia Pallavicini and Gerolamo Lomellini, under pretence of promoting -amicable relations with that crown, but in reality to intrigue against -the Fieschi. But Catherine who had induced Henry II. to insert in the -treaty of Castel Cambrese stipulations in favour of the family, had -not changed sympathies and, instead of yielding to the influence of -the Genoese ambassadors, opened negotiations for the restoration of -Scipione to his ancestral rights. - -Finding the Republic utterly averse to her wishes, she conceived a -strong animosity against it, and supported the movements of the Fieschi -and other exiles with a vigour which must have produced great results, -if the peace with Spain and the Huguenot war had not recalled all her -attention to home affairs. - -Sampiero was one of the warmest friends both of the Fieschi and the -Queen regent, and discontented with peace he incessantly stimulated the -exiles to some noble enterprise. Leaving his wife in Marseilles, he -visited the courts of Italy and Navarre, and even sailed into Africa to -solicit the coöperation of the Turks. He visited the court of Soliman, -who, struck with his valour, loaded him with presents and dismissed him -with flattering promises. - -The Republic was on the alert and took measures to thwart the schemes -of the exiles. Poison and daggers had failed, and the Dorias invented -another expedient. Sampiero returning from the East learned that his -wife Vannina, under the influence of priest Michelangelo Ombrone and -Agostino Bacigalupo, had sailed for Genoa. These messengers had been -suborned by the Genoese government to decoy Vannina into Genoa under -pretence that she might recover the confiscated feud of Ornano and -obtain her husband’s pardon, for whose head the Senate had offered a -reward of five thousand crowns. - -This news inflamed Sampiero with the greater wrath that it was likely -to create the belief that she went there by his advice and so to injure -his fellow exiles. He lamented his misfortune to Pier Giovanni da -Calvese, who had been the companion of his journey into the East, and -Calvese informed him that he had known the fact for some days, but had -concealed it lest he should share the fate of Florio da Corte, whom -Sampiero had killed. - -Sampiero was so angry that he ran his companion through and left him -dead on the spot. On arriving at Marseilles, he learned that the Queen -had sent Antonio San Fiorenzo in chase of Vannina, and that she had -been overtaken at Antibo and confined in the castle of Zaisi near -Aix. Sampiero started at once for the castle with the intention of -taking his wife under his own care, but the Count of Provence fearing -that he would do her mischief left her to choose her own course. The -magnanimous woman did not hesitate a moment to put herself entirely in -the power of her husband. - -He was mortally wounded by the suspicion of the Corsicans that her -voyage to Genoa had been a treachery of his own, and he had no means of -exculpating himself but by taking vengeance for the crime on the person -of the offender. But he loved Vannina passionately and for some days -patriotism and affection contended for the mastery in his bosom. But -Vannina knew his perplexity, and came to his relief by imploring death -at his hands. She gathered about her the servants of her household and -her younger son Antonfrancesco (Alfonso was in the French court) and -addressing her husband in passionate terms, she said: “kneel before -me, and show to these persons that you still love me, that I am worthy -of you. Call me donna, Madonna.” Sampiero comprehended her thought and -fell at her feet covering her hands with tears and kisses. Then they -entered into a private apartment, and what passed between them there -is known only to God. The servants heard sighs, sobs, kisses; then a -shriek followed by a deep silence. Sampiero mounted his horse and rode -swiftly to Paris. By killing Vannina he satisfied the Corsicans of his -fidelity, and more, that no affection could withhold him from punishing -the guilty. - -The hatred of Sampiero to the government of Genoa was doubled by the -part it had played in this tragedy of his domestic life. He obtained -the permission of the French Queen to undertake the war of Corsica, -and formed friendship among the Genoese exiles who shared his views, -“especially,” says Osino, “with a Gerolamo Fieschi and Cornelio -Fregoso. The latter used every argument and artifice to entice Cosimo -to favour the enterprise and even attempt it in his own name and -interest.” Cosimo temporized; and Sampiero, little accustomed to count -up obstacles or enemies, passed into Corsica with only two ships and a -few companions. One asked him:--“In case your ships should be lost, in -what could you trust for safety?” Sampiero replied: “I trust only to my -sword.” - -He seized the castle of Istria, routed the Genoese at Corte, and Terra -del Commune, opened its gates to his little band. It would be long -to recount all the battles which he fought against trained troops, -always winning victories. The battles of Vescovado and Pietra di -Caccia kindled a general revolution in the island. In the last, the -Genoese killed were more than three hundred, and they lost many more -as prisoners. Among the latter Sampiero found a Giovanni Battista -Fieschi (of the Savignone branch) and, instead of treating him as a -conquered enemy, entertained him with friendly courtesy in memory of -kindness done him by the Fieschi in France. In fact the Fieschi had -never refused him any favour; and when he sent Leonardo da Corte and -Anton Padovano da Brando to Paris, in quest of aid, Scipione Fieschi -had induced the Queen to give twelve thousand crowns and some troops. - -The Fieschi favoured Sampiero because they believed trouble abroad -would render revolution easier at home. The energy and valour of this -warrior would have given the Republic infinite trouble, if treachery -had not interrupted the progress of his brilliant vengeance. Though -the forces of the senate in Corsica were large and had been reënforced -by German and Spanish infantry, they seemed powerless before the -revolution. Two causes rendered them impotent; the desperate ardour -of the islanders goaded to madness by the agents of the Bank of -St. George, and the absence of the popular element in the Genoese -administration. A people unaccustomed to arms, removed from all share -in the government, and jealously watched by a dominant oligarchy, is -not apt to rush enthusiastically upon death in defence of the power -of a few patricians. Finding the war going constantly against them, -the senators resolved to send into Corsica Stefano Doria, Lord of -Dolceaqua, and they expected him to sink the rebellion in a deluge -of fire. He was indeed a man of extraordinary military talents, and -his ferocity was still greater. Charles V. prized his soldierly -qualities, and Phillip II. created him colonel and knight of St. James -of Campostella. Emanuele Filiberto, also, of whom he was a feudatory, -covered him with honours, made him councillor and captain-general, and -entrusted him with the defence of Nice against the Turks. He acquired -distinction in the battles of Ceresole and Cuneo, and this induced the -Republic to select him for the Corsican war. - -He accepted the appointment with great confidence, and swore to -exterminate the whole Corsican people. He said:--“when the Athenians -captured the city of Melas, after a siege of seven months, they -butchered all the inhabitants over fourteen years of age and -repopulated the island. The Corsicans merit a like punishment, and we -should imitate the example. Such vigour prepared the Athenians for the -conquest of the Pelopenesus, Greece, Africa, Sicily and Italy; and -only by exterminating their enemies did they acquire glory for their -arms. I know it will be said that such severity violates the rights of -peoples and the laws of humanity; but why listen to such follies? I -only ask that they shall be made to fear us, and, in comparison with -the applause of Genoa, I despise the judgment of posterity to which the -simple appeal.” - -On these principles, Doria burned and devastated half the island, but -he did not conquer Sampiero. The conspirator in brief pauses of the -battle, assembled the people in Bozio and laid the foundations of a -Republic in the fashion of that of Sambucuccio di Alando. Doria was -recalled; Vivaldi and Defornari who followed him accomplished nothing -of moment. - -The senate, despairing of victory in war, resorted to plots against -the life of Sampiero. He was riding one day with his son Alfonso -towards the castle of Rocca, when Raffaele Giustiniani, assailed him -with a band of horsemen. Among the assailants, were some Corsicans -who had deserted Sampiero, particularly Ercole da Istria and three -brothers Ornano. They attacked him in a disadvantageous position in -the valley of Cavro; but Sampiero told his son to save himself by -flight and plunged into the thick of his enemies. He prostrated Gian -Antonio Ornano with the fire of his arquebus, and was grappling with -his enemies when he was killed by a musket ball in the shoulder. It was -believed that Vittolo, his esquire, corrupted by the Genoese general, -fired the fatal shot. His death did not dishearten the Corsicans; -they fought two years longer under Alfonso, then only seventeen years -of age. But finally both parties grew tired of the war and terms of -accommodation were settled. The exiles now lost all hope of recovering -their country. - -Though the Fieschi and their partisans were dead and Count Scipione -disinherited, it is not probable that Andrea Doria forgot that Pier -Luca Fieschi had advised Gianluigi to form an alliance with France; -but perhaps others anticipated him in that part of his vengeance. -We have seen that Paul III., having given his niece in marriage to -Ferrero, invested him with the Marquisate of Masserano which belonged -to Fieschi. The latter, indignant at this robbery, ceased to pay the -annual tribute to the Pope for Crevacuore. Paul, for this, and, says -the papal brief, “Also for falsifying money in his unlawful mints and -other crimes,” condemned him, deprived him of his feud and gave it also -to Ferrero. But neither the sentence, papal briefs or excommunications -sufficed to expel Pier Luca from his castle, which he afterwards sold -to the Duke of Savoy, (1548.) The duke took an oath that neither he -nor his descendants would cede the whole or any part of the county of -Fieschi to Ferrero or any person of his race. Gregory XIII. absolved -him from this oath, and in spite of Pier Luca the feud reverted to -Basso Ferrero and Clement XVII. erected it into a principate. - -We do not know how Pier Luca died; but the manuscripts we consult speak -of his end as miserable. Almost all the Fieschi patrimony in Piedmont -fell into the power of the Ferrero, who treated their subjects with a -severity which strikingly contrasted with the paternal government of -their old masters and led to many seditions and revolts. Urban VIII., -moved by the loud complaints of the people, deprived Prince Filiberto, -son of Basso, of his entire state, and his son, also named Basso, was -only permitted to assume the government through the interposition of -Duke Feria and Victor Amedeus II. We have before us a letter of the -latter, dated January 23rd, 1632, urging the people of Crevacuore to -accept Basso “who is not responsible for the faults of his brother and -father.” But the new Basso was no better than the old. Alexander VII. -removed him from the government and ordered the destruction of the two -fortresses of Masserano and Crevacuore. Here we pause; for the history -of these feuds is no longer within the range of our subject. - -The Doria and imperial faction did not rest while one of the Fieschi -conspirators breathed the vital air. Even Giulio Pojano, who commanded -the galleys of Gianluigi, fell into snares set for him by that party. -He was accused of plotting against the life of Fulvia da Coreggio, wife -of Count Lodovico Mirandola, arrested by her orders and strangled in -prison. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -JACOPO BONFADIO. - - Bonfadio executed in prison and his body burned--Errors in regard to - the year of his death--The causes of his arrest and punishment--He was - not guilty of the vices ascribed to him--The true cause of his ruin - was his Annals--The pretence for his condemnation was his Protestant - opinions. - - -A PAINFUL episode of literary history is closely connected with the -Fieschi conspiracy, and it has not yet been fully described. If -that Bonfadio, with whose name the reader of these pages has grown -familiar, the Bonfadio who was condemned for infamous crimes to an -infamous punishment, was indeed an innocent man, the fact is one of -great importance. We are able to add something to the history of this -foreign[50] writer of Ligurian story whose fate illustrates that maxim -which affirms:--The causes of great events are always imperfectly -known; because those who are close at hand know only so much as persons -whose interests require concealment of the truth choose to tell; and -those who are distant interpret facts by passion, interest, caprice or -previously formed opinions. - -Genoa was the first Italian commune in which history was written by -persons whom the government appointed for that purpose. As early as -1157, the great Caffaro wrote the annals of his country for that -period in which he had been a witness of her acts, and read them to -the elders, who ordered that his writings should be deposited in the -archives of the city and commissioned the chancellor of the commune -to continue the history. This was done down to 1264, and special -additions were subsequently made embracing a period of thirty years. -The increasing rudeness of the times, civil commotions in the city and -frequent changes in the form and personnel of the government, arrested -the progress of the annals near the close of the thirteenth century. -Paolo Partenopeo revived the work in 1528. The senate appointed him -to read rhetoric, especially the works of Aristotle on government, -“because,” says Partenopeo, “politics should be publicly taught in a -free city.” He wrote the annals of Genoa, and Bonfadio succeeded him in -the same office. - -Bonfadio was born in Gorzano, near Brescia, and led a life of -vicissitudes and suffering. He was secretary to Cardinal Bari in Rome -and afterwards served Cardinal Ghinucci. Beset with many misfortunes, -which are unconnected with our subject, he wandered to Naples, Venice -and elsewhere, and finally through Count Martinengo was invited to -Genoa as a public reader of Aristotle. In Genoa his fate seemed to -change, and he wrote cheerfully of his pleasant sojourn and especially -of the gentle dames of our city. “It seems to me,” he says, “that even -the Turkish female slaves entitle Genoa to be called the city of love.” - -He lived long with Stefano Pinelli and was on terms of intimacy with -Azzolino Sauli. G. B. Grimaldi, Domenico Grillo, Cipriano Pallavicini -and other young men of high birth and studious tastes. His reputation -in all branches of learning induced the senate to give him the -coveted office of public annalist from the year 1528. He entered -on it with pleasure and completed his task in a brief period; and -though he laments that the eagerness of the senate to see the work -did not give him time to clothe his narration with such a diction -as becomes history, yet in beauty of style and skill in arrangement -few Italian[51] histories can be compared with it. We must regret -that the work only comes down to the year 1550, in which he met his -unfortunate death. In that year he was torn from his studies and his -friends and condemned to the flames; and though many gentlemen laboured -with the greatest earnestness to save him, on the 19th of July he was -beheaded in prison (this his friends secured as a favour) and his body -was committed to the flames. We find the record in the books of the -condemned kept by the _Compagnia della Misericordia_. - -Casoni erred, therefore, in stating that he was executed in 1582, as -also Tuano who fixes it in 1560, in which he is followed by Konning -and Bayle. Nor less inaccurate are Pagano Paganini, Cesare Caporale, -Chevalier Marini, Scipione Ammirato and Crescimbeni who tell us that he -died by fire, since his body was only burned after death. - -We know that the _Biblioteca Civica_ of Genoa contains some rhymes of -an ascetic character which are usually attributed to Bonfadio, at the -end of which a marginal note says that he died in prison July 20th, -1561. This raised doubts about the year of his death and some have -argued that he was not beheaded at all but died a natural death. A -little experience in reading ancient manuscripts will enable any one -to see at a glance that this note belongs to a period much later than -the sixteenth century. Nor can that record by an unknown amanuensis be -compared for authenticity with the catalogue of the condemned kept by -the _Compagnia della Misericordia_. We pass over the rhymes. Except a -few sprightly lines, they show the devoted ardour of a monk rather than -the philosophic penetration and chaste diction of Jacopo. - -The cause of his severe punishment was from the beginning involved in -obscurity, and the lapse of centuries has seemed to increase rather -than dissipate the darkness. He has been accused of dishonourable and -illicit love and of having disclosed state secrets. Others tell us that -powerful rivals in love caused his ruin, and still others that he had -incurred the enmity of powerful families who instigated his arrest and -condemnation. His biographers give us no light; rather they increase -the confusion. But the opinion has prevailed that he was executed for -illicit amours. The writers who maintained this opinion were of no -great weight, and it is time to show the inconclusiveness of their -judgment. - -The statutes of Genoa attached the penalty of death to the crimes of -Attic venery, heresy and witchcraft, for one of which Bonfadio must -have been punished. No one accuses him of the last two. Tuano, who is -quoted among those who charge him with lustful crimes, says nothing -clearly but only that “Bonfadio was punished for an offence which it is -prudent to conceal” (_ob rem tacendam_). But, besides that many things -are better concealed, it is important to remember that Tuano, who did -not even know the year in which Bonfadio was executed is a suspected -authority in Italian affairs. Paolo Manuzio leaves us in equal -uncertainty; in his golden Latin song he says that Bonfadio perished -for a crime over which the sword of justice could not slumber, but -he does not define the singular offence which he also says would not -tarnish the glory of his name. The only one of his contemporaries who -openly accuses him is the base Marini, whose verses, worshipped both -by princes and the populace, invested falsehood with the appearance of -truth. Cardano took up the tale and no one has yet destroyed the basis -of the calumny. The judicious and impartial critic knows how little -value is to be attached to any statement by Cardano; nor can a verse -of the author of the Adonis be accepted as a guide for the opinions of -posterity, especially since Garuffi has so severely criticized him for -traducing the memory of so great a writer as Bonfadio. - -One must know little of the low morals of an age which put a price upon -sin and absolved offences before they were committed, to doubt that -the vice with which Bonfadio is charged prevailed to a fearful extent. - -Genoa, though she had the forms of a Republic, was no better than -the rest of Italy. Let us admit then, for a moment, that Bonfadio -fell into the common sin. It was neither so new nor scandalous to -the senate as to have led to his death by fire. Such a charge was in -the sixteenth century little less than ridiculous. We have gone over -many volumes of the criminal _Ruota_ of the time, and, though we have -studied diligently, we find not a single case of severe punishment for -that crime. Whether no cases are found because proofs of such beastly -crimes are difficult to find, or because the vice was universal, is -hard to decide. We find that a Francesco Spinola called the _Caboga_, -who was brutally addicted to the vice was, not burned, but sent to the -frontiers a few years after the death of Bonfadio. Though in 1479, -a master workman in coral, who had violated a girl in Albaro was -quartered with red hot irons, the severe sentence was not for the rape, -but because he had afterwards killed his victim. It is not probable -then that the government was severe against so common a crime, or would -have condemned to the flames for it a man of such talent and position -as Bonfadio. Had this been his only offence, his numerous friends in -the senate would have encountered little difficulty in saving his life. -Andrea Doria so lauded in Bonfadio’s immortal pages, who controlled all -the affairs of the Republic, whose will was mightier than law, would -have saved him from death. We must therefore believe that the blow -which felled him came from a higher hand than Genoese law, from a hand -with which it was idle to contend. This conclusion will help us to find -elsewhere the true cause of his condemnation. - -The most credible authorities of the time tell us that he was innocent -of these vices, and they add that he suffered for secret reasons of -state. Some even among these writers seem to have been borne down by -current opinion and doubt if he were not guilty, but they add that -it was only the pretext for his punishment. Such is the opinion of -Giammatteo Toscano who wrote indignant verses against the Genoese for -the murder of Jacopo. Caporali declared Bonfadio innocent. Ottavio -Cossi and Ghilini tell us that having offended in his writings some -very exalted persons, he was accused of infamous ardours. It is -probably true that he incurred the enmity of illustrious families whose -names were blackened in his history; Zilioli confirms this theory when -he says that Bonfadio’s history was _mortal_ to its author. Boccalini -states the case with much greater clearness, blaming the pen of -Bonfadio for having impeached the honour of great houses, adding that -an historian should imitate vine-dressers and gardeners: that is to -say, should speak only in the full maturity of events, when the great -who had done evil are dead and their children incapable of vengeance. -He enforces his theory by the example of Tacitus who preferred -violating the laws of history to running risk of personal danger. In -expressing these cowardly sentiments (an historian ought to tell the -truth and to throw down his pen when that becomes impossible) Boccalini -did not express his true opinions, and he was afterwards run through by -the Spanish ambassador in Venice for writing freely against Spain. - -Laying aside as untenable the opinion of Marini and Cardano, we agree -with those who deny that Bonfadio had fallen so low, and we find -support in the testimony of Ortensio Landi, a contemporary of our -author and a man of great talents, who fell into disgrace at Rome for -evangelical opinions. He tells us that Bonfadio was condemned on false -testimony; and this was the belief of the learned of that period. -There is in fact nothing to support the theory that he was guilty -except the assertions of writers of little reputation for truth in -other matters, who were, indeed, only servile retailers of calumnies -which their authors wished perpetuated beyond the tomb. The nature of -the penalty, the secrecy of the trial and the position of the accused -were calculated to impress the popular mind with the belief in a crime -against nature--a crime which famous examples, especially that of -Brunetto Latini, showed to be the vice of _literary men and public -teachers of youth_. There is, besides, in man an instinct which finds -guilt where the axe falls. The public and the historians forgot one -fact, Bonfadio read his lectures in a church and his auditors were not -young boys. He says that he had “many aged listeners and more merchants -than Students.” - -The true cause of his condemnation must be sought in his _Annals_. He -probably blamed pretty freely some persons who expected great praise. -This opinion is adopted by Teissier among foreign writers, and in Italy -by Fontanini and Mazzucchelli besides those already mentioned. - -A careful reading of Scipione Ammirato will show that he really does -not differ from these writers. “He was punished,” says Ammirato, “for -teaching political principles contrary to those of his time and place,” -although Bonfadio supported the Doria and Spanish party and opposed -those who fought for more liberal government. - -We must now enquire what persons offended by the bias of Bonfadio were -sufficiently powerful to satiate their vengeance in his blood? - -The times were unpropitious to literary freedom. Offences of the -pen were punished by the dagger or by banishment. Boccalini was -assassinated in Venice; Sarpi fell under a stiletto aimed by Rome. -Oberto Foglietta was banished from Genoa, and if the government could -have put hands on him he might have gone to the scaffold. Every -independent writer was the target of powerful malevolence. So fell -Bonfadio. In describing the conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi, he used -unmeasured terms of reproach against that noble family and praised -beyond all limit the Dorias and the Spanish government. His treatment -of the Fieschi, whose fate nearly all lamented and who still had -powerful friends in the Senate, provoked the vengeance of the partisans -of Gianluigi and popular liberty and also of those nobles who were -hostile to Doria and Spain. All other attempts to avenge the dead had -failed, and they turned fiercely upon the historian who had outraged -the memory of the vanquished. They charged him with a crime which must -be punished by fire and secured his condemnation. - -Nor did the rage of his enemies cease with his death; for they made -every exertion to prevent the publication of his _Annals_; and, -though the times were quiet and the Doria interest clamoured for the -publication, their enemies kept the work locked up in the public -archives. It was not published until 1586, (in Pavia by Gerolamo -Bartoli) that is thirty-six years after the death of its author. Though -Bayle and Papadopoli assert that Bonfadio himself published it, this -statement must be put down among the numerous errors of his biographers. - -We have seen what was the probable reason for the attack of Bonfadio’s -enemies; it remains to investigate the pretext which they put forth, -since the charge of Attic venery cannot be entertained. Two other -crimes were punished among us by fire; and as there is no ground -for supposing him accused of witchcraft or magic, we are forced to -conclude that he was charged with holding the new religious doctrines -which were then striking root in Italy. This opinion, so diverse from -that hitherto held, may seem bold and we will briefly consider its -probability. - -It is well known that the revival of letters paved the way for -religious reform. It is known, too, that Italy, seeing herself -deprived of political liberty, turned her attention to religious -freedom as the foundation of free institutions. In fact, the reformers -among us sought mainly to restore democracy to the church. The first -accents of religious liberty were heard on the banks of the Verbano -and the teachers were Bernardino Ochino da Siena and Pietro Martire. -Lucca, Pisa, Vicenza and Modena embraced the new doctrines, and Ferrara -received as a guest in 1535, Calvin, the friend of Renata. - -In the court of this duchess, were found the most distinguished of the -reformers, among whom were Celio Secondo Curione and the beautiful -Olimpia Morato, a miracle of virtue and wisdom. The religious community -of Naples contained no less illustrious disciples all of whom belonged -to the highest families of the land. Some maintain that Vittoria -Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara, was of the number; Giulia Gonzaga and -Isabella Manriquez certainly were; the latter found an asylum among -the Lutherans. It is believed that Princess Lavinia della Rovere, of -the house of Urbino, and Margaret of Savoy, wife of Emanuel Filiberto, -embraced the new doctrines. - -In those days the most cultivated Italians professed the boldest -doctrines. Vasari tells us that Leonardo da Vinci had formed such -heretical opinions that he accepted no religion whatever. Castelvetro, -accused of heresy, with great difficulty escaped the grasp of the -inquisition. Bishop Pietro Paolo Vergerio and his brother Giovanni -Battista, whose condemnation was written by the same pen which drew -the fatal capitulation of Forno; Guglielmo Grattarolo, Gerolamo Zanchi -a canon of the Lateran, Giovanni Montalcino, the Sozzini of Siena, -the brothers Scipio and Alberico Gentile and many other distinguished -literary men held the views of the reformers. Paul III., appalled by -the rapid progress of the new ideas, with his bull of April 1543, -established the tribunal of the Inquisition in every city, Venice -did not wish to suffer it; but Rome strangled Giulio Ghirlanda and -Francesco di Rovigo, and all the reformers (among them are mentioned -Trissino, Flaminio, Soranzo and Bembo) were forced to flee into exile. - -Many noble men fell in Rome; Fannio Aonio Paleario and the Venitian -Algieri. The church was saved by sword and fire; and the ecclesiastical -writers agree with us in this:--It was the Inquisition that extirpated -the new doctrines in Italy; without this intervention of force, the -intellectual character of the Italians, the well-known licentiousness -of the Popes, the habit of our poets to sport at friars and nuns, and -the denial by our republics of infallibility to the Apostolic See, must -have combined to promote the complete triumph of the religious reform. - -The church always had great power in Genoa. As early as 1253, the -friars of San Domenico executed a Master Luco as a heresiarch and -confiscated his goods. The church grew so arrogant that three years -later, Fra Anselmo, chief inquisitor, demanded that certain rules of -his should be incorporated among the statutes of the Republic. The -consuls refused to gratify him and the inquisitor excommunicated the -city and its district. The government sent ambassadors to the Pope -without success; it was forced to humble itself and register on its -statute books laws dictated by a priest. In 1459, a decree of the -Republic granted every facility and privilege to the father inquisitors. - -The bull of Paul III. inflamed our inquisitors with extraordinary -zeal. The partisans of the new creed were increasing rapidly, and the -fathers resolved to convert or exterminate them. Among the heretics, -to say nothing of laics, was Cardinal Federico Fregoso whose books -on the psalms had been entered in the index. The prior of San Matteo -was accused of heresy in Bonfadio’s time and cited to appear before -the inquisition in Rome, in spite of the friendship and protection -of Doria and the government. It has never been clearly proved that -Bonfadio shared the views of the reformers, but everything conspires -to the support of that theory. However that may be, his opinions were -certainly such as to afford his enemies a pretext for the accusation. -He hated the priests and spoke and wrote bitterly against them. His -letters, which give him the first place in that branch of Italian -literature, show that he was opposed to all religious orders and -particularly the regular clergy called _Theatine_, who reciprocated the -sentiment and spoke of his death as a judgment of God. His annals and -the freedom of his speech made him many other enemies in Genoa, but -though they were powerful he despised them. Carnesecchi warned him -that one of them had established himself near his person and exhorted -him to be cautious. Bonfadio replied:--“The man of whom you write to -me from the Roman court always disliked me.... His eyebrows are shorn, -and he never laughs; wherefore I doubt that He who can do all things -is able to make the man good. He has done an evil work, but it was his -own proper work, and if he has poisoned the fruits of my labours that -was inevitable, because he bears a serpent in his bosom.” The serpent -uncoiled himself and Bonfadio was undone. It was not difficult for his -enemies to fasten upon him the charge of heresy, adducing as proofs his -intimacy with wicked or heretical men whom Rome had already doomed. -Among the first-class was Nicolò Franco, of Benevento, who perished -on the scaffold in Rome, prophesying the same fate for Pietro Aretina -whom that age, after loading him with honours and riches, blasphemously -called divine. Among the second class, that is those whom the church -accused of heresy, were the Martinengo, who all belonged to the party -of reform. We may mention Ortensia Martinengo, countess of Barco; Celso -Martinengo, whose letters to Angelo Castiglione carmelite of Genoa -(written for the purpose of converting Angelo to the new party) are -extant; Count Ulisse Martinengo who went to Antwerp as the minister of -the Italian church there when Gerolamo Zanchi declined the appointment. -Bonfadio was even more intimate with Lord Bishop Carnesecchi who -embraced the views of Luther in the school of Vermiglio and Ochino in -Italy and of Melancthon in France. Carnesecchi was executed in Rome in -precisely the same mode as Bonfadio in Genoa. - -Bonfadio writing to Carnesecchi praises his divine talents and -adds:--“As the Romans preserve the statue which fell from heaven, so -may God preserve you for the edification of many and put off to a -distant day the fading of one of the first lights of Tuscan virtue. -May God enable you to be happy and live with that cheerfulness which -characterized you when we were together in Naples.” - -He was also very intimate with Giovanni Valdes a Catalan, who was among -the first advocates of Luther’s opinions. After the death of Valdes, -he wrote:--“Whither shall we turn, now that Valdes is no more? This is -a great loss for us and for Europe; for Valdes was one of the rarest -men in Europe. His writings on the epistles of St. Paul and the psalms -of David are abundant proof of his ability. He was without controversy -a complete man in deed, word and counsel. His little spark of soul -kept alive his weak and emaciated body; his great part, that pure -intellect, as if outside of his frame, was continually uplifted to the -contemplation of truth and divine things.” - -These words make it highly probable that Bonfadio held the doctrines -of the man he so highly esteemed, and show us that this friendship for -the enemies of Rome afforded sufficient ground for a charge of heresy. -This will seem very credible, when we remember that a canon of the -inquisition declared that the smallest evidences were sufficient for -conviction of heresy; a nod, suspicion or common report, especially -in the case of a man of letters, of whom Paleario wrote that the -inquisition was _sicam districtam in literatos_ (a dagger drawn against -literary men.) - -We conclude then that the religious views of Bonfadio and his -friendship with the reformers gave his enemies the arms with which -they slew him. The court of Rome had its hands in the business, and by -the same act avenged its political friends, the Fieschi, and punished -a friend of the reformation. The records of Bonfadio’s trial were -never seen, and there is no proof that the criminal _Ruota_ of Genoa -condemned him. This is a new proof that the whole transaction was the -secret work of the agents of the inquisition. The records of such a -trial were not required to be filed in the archives of the state. -Nor is this all; the agents of Rome had the right to conduct the -trial without the participation of the civil power, whose duty was to -render a blind obedience to the orders of the religious tribunal. This -explains why the Dorias who had unlimited power over the government, -were powerless to save Bonfadio, when he was charged with holding the -opinions of the reformers, among whom we are disposed to number him, -accepting the authority of Gerdesio a contemporary whose statement to -that effect was not contradicted in his time. - -Whatever views our readers may entertain of the merits of the contest -between the Fieschi and Doria, it is certain that the cruelties of the -latter provoked reprisals by the friends of the former, and Bonfadio -the illustrious but partial historian of the conspiracy, was one of -the most conspicuous victims. As Bonfadio succeeded Partenopeo in the -office of public instruction, Giammatteo followed Bonfadio. The Jesuits -enticed him, two years after his election, into their fraternity and -they intrigued with such success that the instructors of our youth were -chosen from their number, and men of genius were no longer employed by -the Republic. - -It is true that Tasso was invited to Genoa with the offer of a liberal -salary; but it was the work of private citizens not of the government. -Torquato received the call with pleasure but he did not accept the -office. In 1614, Lucilio Vanini, the Italian Spinosa, opened public -schools among us. He pursued the system of Bonfadio with such success -that many young men were affected with heretical views and the teacher -was forced to seek his personal safety in exile. He took refuge in -France; but he was discovered and perished in the flames. Unfortunately -his doctrines had taken root among us. To omit many, the painter -Cesare Conte, the friend of Cambiaso, Chiabrera and Paolo Foglietta, -was arrested in 1632, by the sacred office and ended his days in the -dungeon of the ducal palace. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE SPANISH DOMINION IN LIGURIA. - - The Fieschi at the court of France--Louis XIV supports their - claims--Bad effects of the law of Garibetto--Severe laws against the - Plebeians--Death of Andrea Doria--Estimate of his public services--New - commotions--Magnanimity of the people--The old nobles make open war on - the Republic--Treaty of Casale in 1576--The Spanish power in Italy, - particularly in Liguria--Aragonese manners corrupt our people--New - taxes and customs--The nobility accepts the fashions, manners and - vices of the Spaniards--Change of the character of the Genoese - people--Last splendours of Italian genius. - - -IT is not our purpose to follow Count Scipione in his wanderings; -we shall only speak of so much of his exile as is necessary to the -narration of the last of the Fieschi drama. He married Alfonsina, -daughter of Robert Strozzi and Maddalena de’ Medici, and obtained many -marks of esteem from the royal house of France, whom he and Strozzi -served. Elizabeth, wife of Charles IX., treated him with the same -familiarity as Catherine de’ Medici. He distinguished himself at the -siege of Rochelle, and Henry III. knighted him in the order of _Saint -Esprit_. - -Scipione left a son, Francesco, Count of Lavagna and Bressuire, who -fell at the head of his troops in the siege of Monte Albano (1621), and -from whose marriage with Anna Le Veneur a noble family was born. The -eldest, Charles Leo, married Gillona de Harcourt, (1643), who bore him -Gianluigi Mario, a name which the Genoese Republic never forgot. Louis -XIV. took him under his protection, and demanded of the Republic the -restoration to Mario of his ancestral domains. The Senate refused, and -he sent a formidable fleet, commanded by Segnalai (1684), who bombarded -the city, and ruined churches, monuments and palaces. Innocent XI. -interposed without effect; the fierce monarch required that the Doge -and four senators should supplicate mercy in Paris; that the Republic -should disarm its galleys and pay a hundred thousand crowns to Count -Fieschi. The Republic abandoned by Spain, was forced to accept these -conditions, and Louis on his part promised no longer to support the -pretentions of the Fieschi. Count Gianluigi Mario died in 1708, without -offspring, and the counts of Lavagna in the line of primogeniture ended -with him. - -We have spoken in another place of the addition to our statutes of the -law called in derision, _Garibetto_,[52] the effect of which was to -exclude the new nobles and the men of the people from political power. - -The artifice was this: The old and new nobles in equal numbers filled -the public offices, and, the latter being the more numerous class, the -individuals of it held the highest office less frequently than the -individuals of the old nobility. The rule was distasteful for many -reasons: it was not made in a lawful way, but imposed by the authority -of Andrea Doria, when many of the nobles themselves (says Doge Lercaro) -were opposed to the measure; and it was contrary to the wishes of the -vast majority that a few patricians should have almost exclusive claims -upon the Dogate. - -The people were little pleased that they were now totally excluded from -that office, to which formerly they alone were eligible, while the -plebeians[53] fretted at the insolence of the patricians and Spanish -gentlemen among us. - -There were new conspiracies. The spies of the emperor learned that a -Fra Clemente of the order of St. Francis had brought back from France -some schemes for a revolution and Suarez communicated the information -to the Senate. The friar was arrested at Ceva and, having been -tortured, he declared that De Fornari was intriguing with the king -of France to promote a revolution in Genoa. De Fornari, the same who -had been elected Doge against the wish of the old nobles, and who was -therefore very obnoxious to that party and idolized by the people, was -captured and confined in Antwerp. - -Such movements led the Senate to distrust the people more than ever -and to deprive them of the right to bear arms. In fact, when Agostino -Pinelli was Doge, Italian troops were no longer trusted with the -custody of the ducal palace; but the Republic enlisted Swiss, German -and Trentine mercenaries. Giocante Della Casa Bianca who had commanded -the guard for twenty-five years, gave up his sword to a German -adventurer and accepted a subordinate position. - -Besides, though the plebeians did not revolt or renew the conspiracies -of Fieschi and Cybo, the Senate endeavoured to ruin all those who were -pronounced friends of the ancient popular system. Oberto Foglietta -having published in Rome, where he resided (1556), two books on the -Genoese Republic, in which he exalted the popular citizens over the -patricians, declaring that the first had served the country with -greater fidelity than the second, the government declared him guilty of -felony and punished him with banishment and confiscation of goods. Many -years after, Giovanni Andrea Doria, to whom he dedicated his eulogies -of illustrious Ligurians, procured the revocation of the sentence. -While the Senate banished Foglietta, it praised to the skies the -ignoble treatise of Pellegro Grimaldi, who, though a Republican, taught -us to beg the favour of princes, and the logic of Lovenzo Capelloni, -who, adhering consistently to the party of the victors, declared that -the Holy See owed its fame to the house of Borgia. - -On the 25th of November, 1560, Andrea Doria died, having lived almost -one hundred and one years. The nobles called him the father of his -country; but Cosimo, the old, was equally flattered. The plebeians with -more sense surnamed Andrea _Good Fortune_, because except in a very few -cases, his plans were always successful. He was the first admiral of -his time and conquered everybody but himself; sad proof of which are -the misfortunes of Fieschi, Farnese, Cybo and a long list of exalted -names. He bore arms against his country, to dissolve, he said, its -alliance with France; but the act was equally in his own interest after -he had deserted the French service. - -If he emancipated us from France, he took away the popular franchises -and established the Spanish tyranny. He did not wish the office of -Doge; but being the minister of Charles V. in Italy and the lord -of the Main, it did not become him to descend to an office of less -rank. The magnanimity of his own heart and the temper of his fellow -citizens alike forbade him to assume the supreme power of a prince -in Genoa. That was probably destined in his mind for Gianettino, and -only the Fieschi conspiracy saved us from that fate. If Doria had -wielded his sword and shed his blood for Italy as he did for foreign -masters, he might perhaps have saved us three centuries of humiliation. -Foglietta proposed to him a more generous service; to despoil himself -of galleys, giving them or selling them to the Republic--an example -which other citizens would imitate--so that Genoa, having fifty ships -in her service, could hold French and Spaniards at bay and use the -seas for her commerce. Such a course would have given Andrea the -glory of Ottaviano Fregoso, who by destroying the forts of the Faro, -showed that he loved his country better than his personal dignity and -interest. But the Republic saw in her waters a fleet which belonged -to her sons, while she lacked ships to protect her coasts from the -pirates of Barbary. The splendid scheme of Foglietta came to nothing; -Andrea spent his life in keeping the seas open for French and Spaniards -and in maintaining foreign powers. He preserved to Genoa the name of -independence, but it was a mockery. Though he put on our necks the yoke -of Spain, he was great and strong enough to be the only minister and -agent of that power. - -A great soldier in the service of the enemies of Italy, he stripped -the Republic of her popular power, founded an oligarchy on the ruins -of liberty and closed the glorious epopee of Genoese conquests in an -endless succession of domestic conspiracies and political contentions. -Such is our estimate of Andrea. We believe that now that the angry -passions which his actions evoked have ceased to glow, the sentence of -history should be written with impassable justice. After his death, -the Fieschi party again took courage. They attempted to remove the old -nobles from power and in 1560 (writes Doge Lercaro) conferences were -openly held in many places, especially in the house of Basadonne, so -that it was necessary to refer the matter to the Senate. Finally, the -nobles of San Pietro, headed by Matteo Senarega, a man of much legal -learning and political experience whom the arrogance of Doge Gianotto -Lomellini had driven from the secretaryship of state, resolved to renew -the Fieschi movement, humble the patricians and destroy the Spanish -power. The contest began in the election of Doge, each party wishing -to elect one of their own number, and they came to blows. The Porch of -St. Luca was supported by its large army of vassals, by the arms of -Spain and by the galleys of Prince Giovanni Andrea Doria. The porch of -St. Pietro had the support of the populace who hoped to regain their -old place in the political system of the Republic. In the midst of the -quarrel (1572) Galeazzo Fregoso arrived with two large triremes, and -after an enthusiastic reception by the people announced that the king -of France would give support to the popular cause. - -Scipione Fieschi also repaired two ships in order to support the -revolution. But both found an invincible repugnance in the people -to a revolution supported by foreign arms, and relinquished the -enterprise. The people trusting in their own stout arms, revolted under -the leadership of Sebastiano Ceronio, Ambrosio Ceresa and Bartolomeo -Montobbio, sons of the people. However, the life and soul of the -insurrection was Bartolomeo Coronato, who though noble by birth, -patriotically espoused the popular cause. They occupied the city, -closed the streets with barricades and shut up the patricians in their -houses. These movements lasted for a month, the deputies of the people -demanding that the laws of 1547 be abolished and the most worthy of -the citizens inscribed in the book of gold. The Doge trembled at the -audacious demand and the Senate saw no escape from its perplexity until -Giovanni Battista Lercaro entered the hall and said:--“Since you have -not been able to save the country from its peril and are ignorant of -the art of governing, yield your places to better men. Elevated to your -offices by the spirit of faction and personal interest, you are unfit -to rule.” - -These words of Lercaro, a man of great dignity and a noble of the -porch of San Luca, frightened the Senate who promptly declared their -willingness to follow his advice. But the plebeians always generous to -their own hurt, answered:--“We have not taken arms for political power. -We only want the law of Garibetto revoked.” Whereupon the Senate took -fresh courage, annulled the odious law, added three hundred families to -the nobility, abolished an unpopular excise duty upon wine and raised -the daily wages of the weavers three soldi. The populace were satisfied -and returned to their daily duties, while the nobles of San Pietro who -had feared a popular tempest managed the movement with so much address -that they obtained complete control of the state. - -But the noblemen of San Luca, as indignant after, as pusillanimous -before the peril, refused to recognize the new laws and, abandoning -the city, retired first to their castles and afterwards collected -at Finale, then in the power of Spain. Here they declared open war -against the Republic, and failing to obtain assent to their demands by -the mediation of princes and even of the Pope, they invoked foreign -arms to desolate the country. A powerful fleet commanded by John of -Austria, brother of king Phillip, sailed into our waters. The old -nobles, knowing the hatred of our people to Spain, required that the -expedition should sail under Ligurian colours; but this did not secure -the success of the enterprise. Meanwhile Giovanni Andrea Doria, heir -of the political opinions of his Grandfather as well as his riches and -rank, stormed the castles of Spezia, Porto Venere, Chiavari, Sestri and -Rapallo; and without listening to proposals of peace proceeded to the -conquest of the western Riviera, capturing Noli and Pietra. - -The nobility, whose remittances from Spain came in very slowly, was -reduced to such extremities as to be unable to continue the war. -Giacomo Durazzo was Doge. Prospero Fattinanti took his place and a -compromise was effected through the ambassadors of the Pope, the -emperor and the king of Spain assembled in Casale in 1576. The accord -of the two parties of the nobility excluded the people from all -political power. The plebeians were enraged at this new betrayal of -their cause, and Matteo Senarega who had laboured so hard to promote -popular rights, prophesied that the bondage of the plebeians would -be eternal. He wrote:--“He who is oppressed by a prince yields to -necessity and to destiny, with the consolation that a change of masters -may lighten his burdens; but he who sinks under the despotism of a few, -assuming the name of a Republic, loses his disgust at the tyranny in -the sound of a word and under a sweet delusion wears his chains for -ever.” - -The old and new nobles now intrigued with such success as to destroy -the spirit of popular liberty; and Coronato, whom Lercaro though of the -opposite faction praises so highly, lost his head on the scaffold. On -the other hand, Prince Giovanni Andrea Doria, who had dyed his sword -so often in the blood of his fellow citizens, was called, “_Preserver_ -of the liberties of his country.” To this day he holds that rank in -history; but our history must be re-written. - -We have seen that the reforms of Andrea destroyed the popular -constitution, placed all political power in the hands of the -patricians, and opened the doors of the Republic to Spanish supremacy. -When the city of Finale, exasperated by the lust and avarice of Alfonso -Del Caretto, shook off his yoke, the dispossessed lord appealed as -an imperial vassal to the Diet of Augusta; and the emperor, far from -favouring the Republic, which had taken part in the fall of Alfonso, -decided that the marquis should be restored to his feud, compelled -Genoa to pay him for the damage he had suffered. The Republic clamoured -against the sentence, it is true; but when a few years later Gabrielle -Della Cueva, duke of Albuquerque, and governor of Milan, garrisoned -Finale, Genoa had not courage to oppose the measure, and suffered a -foreign power to intrench itself in the very heart of Liguria. At the -death of Marquis Francesco (1598), the line of Carretto became extinct, -and the Senate allowed Finale to pass into the possession of Spain, -who, not content with this, assassinated Ercole Grimaldi, in order to -become master of the principate of Monaco, (1614.) - -Conquests and wars were finished, and Genoa had scarcely strength to -keep down domestic revolt, and resist the aggressions of immediate -neighbours. The greater part of the conspiracies which for almost a -century disturbed the dreams of our masters, had no other object than -to restore the popular constitution. The free systems were falling -throughout the Peninsula. The people hoped when the council of Trent -was opened that it would not only correct the gross abuses of the Papal -court, but restore the church itself to its ancient democratic forms. -But when the council closed, it was found that no innovation had been -effected, that a few vices had been forbidden; but the Church remained -a monarchy, as Gregory VII. and Innocent III. had left it. Not content -with this, the Papacy, with its famous bull _In cœna domini_ (1567), -endeavoured to attach all the powers of the world to its triumphal car. -The fall of the communes was complete, and the Latin principle was -strangled by the monarchial and foreign element. - -The Italian states, for the most part subject to foreign powers, were -changing into monarchies. Italy was a province of Spain; and yet so -detestable was that power that Navagero tells us, Paul IV. never -spoke of the emperor or the Spaniards without calling them “heretics, -robbers, accursed of God, children of Moors and Jews, offscouring of -the earth,” and bewailing the fate of Italy compelled to serve such -vile masters. Spain left such fierce antipathies behind her that the -interjection “Cursed be Spain,” came down to our times. A wise Pope, -Sixtus V., who tried to oppose the imperial power, died by poison -(1590). For two centuries, the decrees which regulated Italian -politics came from Madrid. Naples and Milan groaned in chains; the -lords of Mantua, Ferrara, and Parma, gloried in their shameful bondage. -Venice herself purchased peace by ignoble sacrifices. Of Rome I do not -speak. That she was badly governed, witness the incessant revolts of -her people, the conspiracy of Benedetto Accolti, and the obsequies of -Paul IV. - -Emanuele Filiberto, who won for Austria the battles of San Quintino -and Gravelines, consolidated with his victories the foreign dominion; -and, educated in the school of Phillip II., he extinguished liberty in -Savoy by abolishing his states general, and bathed his valleys with the -blood of the Vaudois. The Republics of central Italy saw their last -days in the same terrible period; Florence was in the grasp of Cosimo, -Pistoia under the guns of a fortress; Arezzo paid with her liberties -for favouring the imperial army; Lucca bought with money and the blood -of Burlamacchi a short reprieve; Siena more generous than all others -fought to the last extremity and perished, like Saguntum, among her -own ruins. Thus while in the middle of the sixteenth century the great -nations were consolidated which now control Europe, Italy was dying -and dying by the fault of her own sons. The treaty of Castel Cambrese -recognized and sealed the foreign dominion. - -From that moment, the love of letters ceased to be a worship. The form -was polished; but the spirit was stifled. Our most illustrious artists, -forced to live upon the patronage of foreign princes, preferred the -security of servile ease to the dignity and modesty of true art. The -money of the great seduced them to abandon truth and the people without -whom genius is neither great nor productive. Pleasure for courtiers -was their only aim. The country was dying, but no voice sang the hymn -of death; no one gave history those pages of heroism which save the -dignity of vanquished nations. On the contrary, Giovio with unblushing -brow eulogized his golden pen; Casa sang in honour of the Charles V. -whom he had once satirized. Alamanni apologized to the emperor for his -famous verse saying that it is the poet’s office to lie, and Cellini -himself could write:--“I work for pay.” - -In this general decline, the ideas of Fieschi did not utterly die. Some -generous souls continued to protest. Let it suffice to cite Tassoni -and Campanella, the last of whom in his conspiracy against Spain was -supported not only by many barons but also by the Visir Cicala, a -Calabrian renegade (though of Ligurian descent) who promised to land -Turks in the kingdom. Nor would we forget that some of our nobles in -Genoa tried to tear up the poisonous plant which had taken root in the -Republic; as, for example, Agostino and Francesco, Pallavicini, Nicolò -Doria, who married a sister of Gianluigi Fieschi, and Agostino Vignolo -who during the Piedmontese wars intrigued with lord bishop Brissac to -aid the French arms. - -But the Spanish government, which was destroying letters and arts, -struck its roots more deeply every day and we reached such depths -of degradation, we tremble in writing it, that the Senate issued a -decree in the Spanish language and consented that it should be used in -lectures and sermons. The plebeians, groaning under a double slavery, -sometimes appealed to Spain against the arrogant despotism of the -patricians; but the appeal reacted against the petitioners and Doctor -Ligalupo, a man of much learning and great virtue, was imprisoned for -life. - -In the reports of the Venitian ambassadors to the Senate, the condition -of Genoa is described in a few fit words; Badoero writes:--“They hate -the Spanish nation as strongly as possible and matters stand thus:--the -people see only France; those in power see only Spain, and none seem to -think of the common weal.” - -With the loss of liberty our manners became dissolute. Courtesans -were held in honour. Imperia in Rome. Tullia in Venice were courted -by men of genius. Catarina da S. Celso, Vanozza, Borgia and Bianca -Capello married into illustrious houses. To speak of Liguria alone, a -brief of Pope Clement VII. to the archbishop of Genoa and the prior -of S. Teodoro, exhorts these prelates to unite with the government in -reforming the cloisters, because the nuns have become utterly dissolute -from contact with every sort of persons. The Genoese nuns had infamous -repute throughout Italy. Bandello says:--They go where they please -and when they return to the cloister say to the abbess “Mother, by -your permission, we have been to divert ourselves.” It seems that -subterranean passages were opened between the cloisters of nuns and -friars. In our times, when the convent of S. Brigida was torn down, in -the open walls were found skeletons of children who had been buried -there as soon as born. Cardinal Bembo justly said that “all human -vices and crimes were perpetrated in the cloisters under cover of a -diabolical hypocrisy.” - -On the fourth of September 1551, another brief on the corrupt morals -of the convents was issued by Julius III., but it produced no effect. -Gregory XIII., in a third brief of the first of July, 1583, made a -new attempt to correct the gross immoralities of the cloister and -the fruitlessness of his efforts is shown by the fact that he issued -another soon after. The Aragonese license, penetrating the palace -and the sanctuary, corrupted everything exalted or sacred; and then -gradually diffused itself among the people, who had hitherto been so -virtuous that the magistracy of Virtue, instituted in 1512, had no -occasion to make regulations in regard to popular morals. - -Before the Fieschi insurrection extraordinary imposts and forced loans -were unknown. The customs were collected on principles of equity. It -was wonderful to see the finances in healthful equilibrium, while -the strife of faction raged so fiercely. The city added a fleet and -an army to its forces at the cost of only four hundred and seventeen -thousand lire, and the entire income of the government was only four -hundred and thirty-five thousand lire. Love of country and not private -interest ruled the hearts of the citizens; public services were either -gratuitous or very slightly paid. In 1461, the annual pay of the Doge -was less than twelve thousand lire, with three thousand more for office -and secret expenses; that of the commander of the city guards was only -four thousand lire; and other salaries were in proportion. - -But purity of manners disappeared when the foreign power was -consolidated, and the mechanism of the State was altered to suit -the character of our masters. To pervert the plebeians, the Senate -established the lottery (the first in Italy) in 1550, under the name -of _Borse della Ventura_ and it was so profitable to the treasury that -an impost of sixty-thousand lire was collected from it, and the sum -was increased year by year until it reached three hundred and sixty -thousand. - -Genoa, like Venice, committed the great error of oppressing her -dependencies with heavy imposts instead of treating them with generous -liberality. As early as 1539, a tax of four denari was levied on -every pint of wine and it soon after increased to eight soldi on each -mezzarola. Later, that is in 1588, the duty on salt was raised to a -crown per mina. Three per cent. was imposed on incomes, and a tax -was levied on fruits, and also on paper of which a large amount was -exported to foreign countries. These taxes were light in comparison -with the murderous taxation of our times, but they were none the less -annoying to citizens unused to the visits of tax-gatherers. It had not -been customary to drain the money of the poor, but the rich paid in -proportion to their splendid fortunes or new columns were opened in the -bank of St. George. - -The governors of this bank, seeing the Republic restricted to a few -families and the Ottoman power becoming master of the seas, wisely -returned to the state (1562) Corsica, the cities of Ventimiglia and -Sarzana, with its strong castles, the burgh of Levanto and the populous -valley of Teico. - -Our rich citizens lent their fortunes at high interest to the -government of Spain; but the industries which had been the life of the -people gradually declined. - -In the first years of the century, Liguria was in its most flourishing -condition. The smallest hamlets had profitable industries and trade. -On the Western Riviera, Taggia was famous for its Muscatelle wines -which Alberti says were not inferior to those of Candia and Cyprus. -The trade in them was very active. Oneglia was prosperous, and Diana -sometimes produced twenty thousand barrels of oil in a single year. -Albenga, though its air was unwholesome (whence the proverb of the -time,) “Albenga piana, se fosse sana si domanderebbe stella Diana,” was -rich in the produce of its fruitful soil. There was universal movement, -industry, wealth. But it was of short duration; the new system of -government dried up all the fountains of our riches. In 1597, Genoa -was reduced to sixty-one thousand inhabitants; Savona which had once -counted thirty-six thousand citizens, in 1560 numbered only fourteen -thousand, and in 1625, the number had fallen to eight thousand. The -decrease was in this proportion throughout the Republic. Campanella -had good cause to say to Genoa:--“Leave your markets, your gains, your -barren glories! Blush for the riches of your citizens which contrast so -terribly with the misery of the Republic.” - -The foreign influence slowly killed the manly virtues of the Genoese. -Italy no longer existed. We had a corrupt people in a corrupt state. -All care was given to externals; every free thought was a crime; we -were vile and called our vileness love of peace, and our indolence, -moderation; religion had become a superstition, and the rites of the -church merely a ladder to worldly preferment. Luxury and parade were -unparalleled; but poverty was seen through the pompous vestments. The -first born was rich, but his brothers were usurers or celibates in the -cloisters. In their vanity and degradation, the great forgot that they -had a country. Trade seemed ignominious to our princes and nobles, -and they believed that their names at the foot of a bill of exchange -would make a bad figure in history. This beggared many families to whom -false pride closed the paths by which their fathers had become great. -Knightly virtues disappeared; noble blood alone opened the paths to -eminence, and this was carried to such extremes that our patricians -refused to have for archbishop Belmosto, only because his name was not -in the book of gold. They were at once proud and ridiculous. In 1576, -a Nicolò Doria became Doge and first took the title of _Serenissimo_ -and severe penalties forbade even the notaries to call other persons -than nobles--however illustrious and wealthy they might be--by the -title _Magnifico_. The notarial profession[54] itself was pronounced -in certain cases ignoble and mechanical. In the smaller towns the same -folly prevailed. In Ventimiglia and Finale, there were streets, porches -and walks to which the plebeians were not admitted. Genoa was only a -shadow, a pretence of a Republic. - -Our wars and intestine struggles, our magnanimous enterprises abroad, -were succeeded by a servile tranquility. Our masters preferred their -gilded saloons to the dust of honourable fields; they lent their money -at usurious interest, and got titles and degrading premiums for their -baseness. There were, it is true, some naval engagements, but there -were no real wars. And this was the supreme misfortune; for long peace -wastes the strength of peoples and destroys both the habit and the -courage of noble enterprises. There lingered among us arts, letters, -wealth and trade; but the manly virtues were extinct. - -The foreign leprosy gradually changed the character of our plebeians; -they began to tremble before the powerful from whom they were separated -by an immense interval. The two classes had nothing in common but vices -and the habit of servility. Universal corruption produced great crimes -and long catalogues of malefactors were often published. Nor was this -in Liguria alone; all the provinces of the Peninsula were involved in -a common demoralization. Assassins and robbers collected, not merely -in bands, but in armies, and desolated the country and even the -cities. They were led by trained warriors such as Alfonso Piccolomini, -Corsietto del Sambuco--who ventured to the very gates of Rome--and -Marco Sciarra who in Calabria took the title of king. Let no one -suppose that the numerous altars, crucifixes and images of Mary prove -the piety of our ancestors. They are witnesses for quite the contrary; -in the midst of innumerable crimes perpetrated in open day, these -religious emblems protected the citizen from the knife of the assassin -who was too superstitious to smite him at the foot of the altar. - -Religion was then only a superstition and a terror. A multitude of -books appeared full of the wildest vagaries that fanaticism ever -produced. For example, there were the prophecies of S. Brigida -threatening the city with destruction! and through such follies the -cunning generation of men, who live upon hypocrisy, mystery and the -dead, amassed large fortunes. Their instructions were idle speculations -and appeals to human fears. In those days, patrician and jesuit -intrigues collected their followers in a little church situated in the -_Corsa del Diavolo_ and bound themselves by an oath to support for -public offices only those of their own faction. An opposite faction -organized, and from their standard--a black crucifix--were called _Moro -delle Fucine_. This was the origin of those pagan saturnalia which -survive in our times under the name of _Casaccie_. - -Duplicity, fraud and treachery took the place of frank and fearless -honesty. Entire towns were infected with these vices like a species -of leprosy. The inhabitants of Borsonasca acquired a wide reputation -for shrewd frauds and deceptions. They understood every sleight of -hand, learned foreign tongues and imitated them with admirable skill; -they had cunning artifices for getting other people’s purses, and they -travelled in every country in Europe. Though born in the woods, they -entered boldly the palaces of nobles and even of princes, dressed -as physicians, merchants, bishops and cardinals. They sold charms, -medicines, false titles and privileges with such perfect art that they -often acquired extravagant wealth and high rank.[55] - -Italy, sore wounded, did not die at once. Latin virtue and civilization -were so tenacious of life, that whereas nations usually grow barbarous -with the loss of liberty, Italy, trodden by foreign and domestic -tyrannies, preserved a remnant of her culture, and, though barren of -political genius, adorned her sunset with the splendours of science and -art. - -It was then that speculative philosophy achieved its greatest triumphs -among us. Pomponaceo, Telesio, Cardano, Bruno and Campanella, -precursors of Cartheusius and Bacon, opened new roads for the progress -of the sciences. Strange, too, but true, when Italy was perishing, she -produced her greatest soldiers--soldiers who led every other people -but their own to victory. The age of our prostration and servitude -produced Trivulzio, Medici, Gonzaga, Farnese, Colonna, Doria, Spinola, -Strozzi, and Orsini. - -But Genoa, perhaps the last to die, was the first to rise; the day -came when, purified by suffering, she found strength to avenge -in a tempestuous uprising of her people the shame of her long -humiliation.[56] - - - - - INDEX. - - - Abbatelli, the, conspirators in Palermo, 87 - - Adorno, Antoniotto, retires from the Dogate in 1527, 43; - raised to the Dogate by the Fieschi, 92 - - ----, Barnaba, Lord of Silvano, 94, 165 - - ----, Maddalena, Countess of Silvano, 95 - - ----, Prospero, conquers the Fieschi in 1476, 7 - - Alba, Duke of, sails with Doria to Spain, 246, 250, 281 - - Albenga, Jacopo di, distinguished jurist, 195 - - Alberti, Leandro, quoted, 30, 67, 136, 332 - - Alcibiades, Fieschi compared to, 66, 127 - - Alessi, Galeazzo, architect of the church of Carignano, 202 - - Alexander VI., Pope, 97, 107, 108 - - ---- VII., Pope, 298 - - Anguissola Giovanni, 236, 237, 239; - his death, 240 - - Ariosto, Lodovico, praises the verses of Panza, 82 - - Aristotle taught in Genoa by public lectures, 300 - - Assereto, Tommaso, co-conspirator of Fieschi, 154, 160, 166, 168, 193, - 209, 218; - executed by the government, 220, 223 - - - Balbi, inscription to his infamy, in a rear wall of the Ducal palace, - 199 - - Bandello, Matteo, quoted, 83, 121, 173, 252, 329 - - Barbarossa, Barbary corsair, 50, 287 - - Bastelica, Sampiero, Corsican revolutionist, 285, 287-98 - - Bavaria, princes of, 2, 10 - - Belcœur, French ambassador in the Grisons, 239 - - Belmosto, Archbishop of Genoa, 333 - - Boccanegra, Guglielmo, Captain of the People, 38, 41 - - ----, Maria, 171 - - ----, Simone, first Doge of Genoa, 39 - - Bona, Duchess, 7 - - Bonfadio, historian, 25, 66, 91, 92, 93, 113, 126, 156, 177, 207, 234, - 299 - - Boniface IX., pope, 12, 97 - - Bonnivet, French general, invades Italy, 25 - - Borgia, Cæsar, intrigues of, 41-2, 106 - - Borgognino, Scipione, storms the arsenal of Doria, 161, 167 - - Borganasca, village in the Apennines, craftiness of its people, 336 - - Bourbon, Constable of, 29 - - Bourbons, the, 153 - - Bourgogne, Dukes of, 2 - - Braccialina, Gentilina, murdered by her husband, 279 - - Braculli, historian, 82 - - Brutus, Gianluigi Fieschi compared with, 146 - - Burlamacchi, Francesco, his revolutionary schemes, 104 - - - Caffaro, first Genoese annalist, 299 - - Calcagno, Vincenzo, co-conspirator of Fieschi, his origin and - character, 116; - at first opposed the conspiracy, 117; - his part in it, 143, 158; - supports the attack on S. Tommaso, 160, 162, 166; - sails with other conspirators to Marseilles, 183; - condemned to banishment, 192; - killed by Spinola after the surrender of Montobbio, 220 - - Calvi, Annina, touching history of, 252 - - ----, Antonio, 166 - - Calvin, guest of the Duchess of Ferrara, 309 - - Cambiaso, Luca, painter, 202, 315 - - Campanaceo, historian, 25, 169 - - Campanella, writer and conspirator of Spain, 328, 333, 336 - - Capello, Bianca, famous courtesan, 329 - - Capelloni, Lorenzo, historian, 26, 319 - - Capponi, family of, in Florence, 126, 268 - - Capuano, Gianluigi, victim of Toledo in Naples, 260 - - Caracciolo, Giano, Governor-General of Piedmont, 115 - - Caraffa, an Italian reformer, 27 - - Cardano, Italian author, 303, 306, 336 - - Caretto, Marquis of, 16, 325 - - Carnesecchi, writer of the sixteenth century, 268, 312, 313 - - Caro, Annibale, author, 132, 137, 236, 237 - - Casoni, Genoese annalist, 27, 236, 301 - - Castelvetro, Lodovico, reformer, 309 - - Castiglione, 269, 270, 312 - - Catando d’Arimini, friend of Fieschi, 137, 174 - - Catilini, Fieschi compared with, 17, 23 - - Cato quoted by Fieschi, 140 - - Cellini, Benvenuto, artist, 29, 235, 328 - - Centurione, Prince Adamo, 67; - promises his daughter in marriage to Fieschi, 68, 101, 149, 153, - 166, 185, 254, 261 - - ----, Benedetto, 188 - - ----, Gianetta, daughter of Prince Adamo, 67; - espoused to Gianettino Doria, 69 - - ----, Grimaldi Nicoletta, authoress, 84 - - ----, Manfredo, 183, 211 - - Charlemagne, 35 - - Charles III. of Savoy, 33 - - ---- V., Emperor, 20; - his election, 24; - great only in the extent of his dominions, 31; - the humiliation of Italy dates from his reign, 36; - his acquisition of Milan, 109, 111, 119, 146, 185, 230, 231, 234, - 237, 242, 245, 254, 262, 266, 279, 281, 283, 328 - - ---- IX. of France, 322 - - Clement V., Pope, 11 - - ---- VI., Pope, 96 - - ---- VII., Pope, 26, 32, 329 - - ---- VIII., Pope, 43, 99, 297 - - Colonna, Roman patricians, 28, 42 - - ----, Stefano, 206 - - ----, Vittoria, supposed to have been a Protestant, 309 - - Columbus, Christopher, 39 - - Conspiracies prevalence of, 36 - - Conte, Giacobbe, commander of Fieschi’s galleys, 142, 192 - - Coreggio, Fulvia, Countess of Mirandola, 298 - - Corsairs, Turkish and Barbary, 282, 283 - - Cosimo, Duke, 68, 104, 105, 169, 187, 206, 226, 229, 245, 265, 269, - 284, 293 - - Cybo, Cardinal, 74, 187, 250, 264, 265 - - ----, Caterina, Duchess of Camerino, 74, 85, 280 - - ----, Eleonora, her marriage with Count Fieschi, 74, 265; - her literary accomplishments, 85; - her second marriage, 279; - retires to a convent, 280 - - ----, Prince Giulio, 144, 148, 150, 188; - his conspiracy and misfortunes, 263 et seq. - - ----, Maddalena, received the profit of the sale of indulgences, 23 - - ----, Ricciarda, 74, 264, 265, 266 - - - Dandolo, Francesco, Doge of Venice, 14 - - Della Casabianca, Giocante, suspects the plot of Fieschi, 153, 318 - - ---- Rovere, Bartolomea, 19 - - ---- Rovere, Francesco Maria, 41, 59 - - ---- Rovere, Maria, mother of Count Fieschi, 20; - masculine vigour of her character, 64, 65; - her last days, 278 - - ---- Torre, Giovanni Battista, his passion for a sister of Fieschi, - 121; - attempts violence to gain his end, 122; - killed by the Fieschi, 124 - - Di Negro, Arcangela, her character and literary accomplishments, 15, - 83, 194 - - Doria, Andrea, 19; - account of his family and services, 38 et seq.; - his desertion of the French standard, 47; - his relations with the Barbary pirates, 50; - his vengeance against the Fieschi, 188; - quenches revolt in Naples, 261; - his death, and estimate of his character, 41, 228, 317 - - ----, Antonio, 59, 197, 226, 230, 261, 277 - - ----, Ceva, 167, 196, 198 - - ----, Domenico, 41, 69, 166, 188, 197, 209, 220, 248 - - ----, Filippino, 43, 44, 59, 169 - - ---- Francesco, 59, 209 - - ---- Cardinal Gerolamo, 65, 166, 178 - - ---- Gianettino, adopted son of Andrea, his early life, 58; - ostentation and insolence, 69; - naval successes, 70-1; - captures the Pope’s vessels in Genoa, 111; - his death, 163 - - ---- Giorgio, 59, 71 - - ---- Giovanni Andrea, 191, 272, 319, 325 - - ---- Lamba, 208 - - ---- Nicolò, 328, 333 - - ---- Pagonio, 277 - - ---- Princess Peretta, 148, 169, 250, 266 - - ---- Tommaso, 128, 222 - - Dragut (Torghud Rais), Barbary pirate, conquered and taken by - Gianettino Doria, 71; - flogged after capture, 73; - released by Andrea Doria, 73, 287; - Genoese bankers lend him the ransom money, 73; - pillages Rapallo, 281 - - - Emanuele Filiberto of Savoy, his narrow escape from the pirate - Occhiali, 282, 295, 309, 327 - - Embriaco, Guglielmo, hero of the first crusade, 129 - - Erasmus, reformer, 260 - - - Farnese, Alessandro, 107, 111 - - ---- Cardinal, 157, 217, 271 - - ---- Clara, mistress of Pope Alexander VI., 107 - - ---- Orazio, 102, 103, 214, 237 - - ---- Ottavio, 109, 212, 231, 239, 267 - - ---- Pierluigi, Duke of Piacenza, 93, 209, 230; - enters into the Fieschi conspiracy, 101; - his disputes with feudatories, 131; - conspiracy instigated against him by Doria, 233; - murdered by Giovanni Anguissola, 237, 263, 275, 337 - - Ferrara, Cardinal of, 225, 283 - - Ferrero, Besso, 97, 297 - - Fieschi, Adriano, Cardinal, 9 - - ---- Angela Caterina, 65, 221 - - ---- Antonio, 96 - - ---- Bardoni, 201 - - ---- Bartolomeo, 77, 78 - - ---- Beatrice, 17, 97 - - ---- Camilla, 65, 278 - - ---- Carlo, 12, 17, 126 - - ---- Claudia, 65; - insulted by Della Torre, 122 - - ---- Cornelio, brother of Gianluigi, 65; - kills Della Torre, 124; - captures the gate of the Archi, 160; - retires into France, 183, 191, 209, 214, 224, 229, 268 - - ---- Danielo, 13, 77 - - ---- Emanuel, 195 - - ---- Ettore, 14, 112, 230, 277 - - ---- Francesco, 13, 112, 316 - - ---- Gerolamo, brother of Gianluigi, 65, 92, 102, 160, 162; - attempts to carry on the revolution, 177; - treats with the Senate, 177; - retires to Montobbio, 183; - defends Montobbio against Genoa, 205; - is executed as a traitor, 220, 223 - - ---- Giacomo, 12, 13, 17, 112 - - ---- Gianluigi, compared with Catilnie, xvii.-xxiii.; - his family, 8, 9, 13, 38; - his character and early life, 19, 65 et seq., 145; - his tragic death, 168; - estimation in which he was held in Italy, 173-5 - - ---- Innocenzo, 97, 112 - - ---- Lorenzo, 201 - - ---- Luca, Cardinal and General, 11, 13 - - ---- Ortensia Lomellina de, poetess, 85 - - ---- Ottobuono, brother of Gianluigi, 65, 80, 101, 132, 143, 160, 162, - 181, 183, 189, 209, 216, 224, 229, 268, 277-8, 285; - executed by order of Doria, 287 - - ---- Ottobuono (Pope Hadrian V.), 10, 17 - - ---- Scipione, brother of Gianluigi, 64, 65; - writes to the Senate for pardon, 195, 214, 224, 229; - his litigation against Genoa, 274, 290 - - ---- Sinibaldo, father of Gianluigi, 13, 64, 78 - - ---- Sinibaldo (Pope Innocent IV.), 9, 13 - - Figuerroa, Gomez Suarez, Spanish minister in Genoa, 149, 152, 165, - 197, 226, 243, 276, 318 - - Finale, Marquises of, 19 - - Foderato, Nicolò, 115, 120 - - Foglietta, Oberto, Genoese historian, xxvi., 40, 41, 307, 319, 320 - - Fornari, Antonio de, 225 - - ---- Francesco de, 296, 318 - - Forteguerra, Laudomia, Sienese heroine, 286 - - Francis I. of France, 25, 26, 34, 43, 115, 210, 215, 231 - - Fregosi, family of, hostile to the Fieschi, 19, 79, 92; - its power in Genoa, 39; - driven from power by the Adorni, 42 - - Fregoso, Aurelio, 285, 287 - - ---- Cesare, 19, 43, 62, 83, 91, 208 - - ---- Cornelio, 293 - - ---- Frederico, 49, 311 - - ---- Galeazzo, 322 - - ---- Giano, Doge, 92 - - ---- Ottaviano, 19, 49, 80, 276, 320 - - ---- Pietro, 208 - - - Gad Ali, Barbary pirate, 42 - - Gianotti, Donato, 88, 268 - - Giovio, Paolo, 79, 80, 328 - - Giustiniani, family of the, 75, 129, 257 - - ---- historian of Genoa, 2, 137 - - ---- Ansaldo, 178 - - ---- Fabrizio, 44, 46 - - ---- Giovanni Battista, 157, 193 - - Gonzaga, Cagnino, 62, 98, 115, 152 - - ---- Ferrante, Spanish governor of Lombardy, 132, 140, 169, 187, 197, - 198, 206, 212, 216, 230, 237, 238, 240, 245, 266, 321 - - ---- Giulia, her escape from the corsair Barbarossa, 50; - embraced reformed opinions, 309 - - Gregory VII., Pope, 326 - - ---- XIII., Pope, 297, 330 - - Grimaldi, family of the, 12, 38, 40, 54, 60, 82, 272 - - ---- Ercole, 325 - - ---- Francesco, 166, 197 - - ---- Giovanni Battista, 177, 196, 301 - - Guercio, Enrico il, 5 - - Guicciardini, the historian, 52, 144 - - - Harcourt, Gillona di, 316 - - Henry II. of France, 74, 215, 242, 262, 276 - - ---- III. of France, 316 - - ---- VII. of France, 11 - - ---- VIII. of England, report of his ambassadors on the state of - Lombardy, 33 - - Huss, 35 - - - Imperiali, family of the, 110, 178, 193, 194 - - Innocent III., Pope, 326 - - ---- IV., Pope, 17 - - ---- VIII., Pope, 264 - - ---- XI., Pope, 317 - - - Julius II., Pope, 39, 97, 230, 262 - - ---- III., Pope, 330 - - - Laudi, Agostino, 121, 212, 214, 230 236, 240 - - Lasagna, Pier Paolo, 96, 165 - - Lautrec, Odo, 30, 43 - - Lavagna, Counts of, 1-21 - - Leo X., Pope, false praises of, 22; - not the Reviver of Letters, 23 - - Lercaro, Cristoforo, 229, 241 - - ---- Doge, 256, 317, 321, 324 - - ---- Sebastiano, 159, 162, 183 - - Leyva, Antonio, 31, 233, 262 - - Lomellini, Agostino, 178 - - ---- Bernardo, 208 - - ---- Gerolamo, 290 - - ---- Nicolò, 44 - - Louis XII. of France, 18, 40, 76 - - ---- XIV. of France, 317 - - Luther, Martin, 35, 259, 312, 313 - - - Macchiavelli, Nicolò, 24, 29, 82, 88, 144, 146, 284 - - Malaspina, family of the, 3, 14, 68, 264, 285 - - Mami Rais, pirate, 72 - - Manufactures, prosperity of, in Genoa, 128 - - Marini, Tommaso, 240, 245, 301, 303 - - Mario, Gianluigi, 200 - - Martinengo, family of the, 312 - - Martire, Pietro, reformer, 309 - - Mascardi, Agostino, xxvii., 58, 221 - - Medici family, 24, 25, 32, 36, 248, 256, 264, 337 - - ---- Giulio, 24 - - ---- Lorenzino, 36, 268 - - Melanchthon, reformer, 259, 313 - - Mendoza, Bernardino, 92, 184, 254 - - Mendoza, Don Diego, 284 - - ---- Don Rodrigo, 198 - - Michelangelo, artist, 22 - - Mirandola, Galeotto, 137, 262, 269, 283 - - ---- Paolo, 227 - - Monaco, Lords of, 249 - - Moncada, Hugo, 43-4 - - Monferrato, Marquises of, 5, 13, 16, 25, 32 - - Montorsoli, artists, 58, 170 - - Morato, Olimpia, embraced reform, 309 - - - Nardi, Jacopo, historian, 268 - - Navagero, 27, 326 - - - Occhiali, pirate, his singular treaty with the Duke of Savoy, 283 - - Ochino, Bernardino da Siena, reformer, 259, 309, 313 - - Olgiato, Milanese conspirator, 149 - - Orange, Prince of, 31 - - Ornano, Vannina, wife of Sampiero, 289; - attempts to go to Genoa, 291; - her tragic death, 293 - - Orsini, family of the, 28, 234, 246, 285, 337 - - - Paleario, Aonio, reformer, 310, 314 - - Pallavicini family, 16-17, 84, 132, 166, 290, 301, 328 - - ---- Camillo, 236, 238 - - ---- Gerolamo, 131, 236, 238, 240 - - ---- Maddalena, 84 - - ---- Placida, 84 - - ---- Tobia, 290 - - Panza, Paolo, tutor of Gianluigi Fieschi, 2, 65, 74, 82, 113, 140, - 158, 173, 180, 205, 278 - - Partenopeo, Ugo, author, 20, 300, 315 - - Paul III., Pope, 34, 78, 85, 88; - shameful manner of his elevation, 107; - his character and ambition, 110; - his enmity to Doria, 111; - encourages the Fieschi conspiracy, 114, 120, 230, 232, 234; - his brief to Andrea Doria on the death of Giannettino, 239; - the revenge of Doria, 240, 241, 289, 310, 311 - - ---- IV., Pope, 326, 327 - - Perenoto, Nicolò, 243 - - Pescara, Marquises of, 24, 42, 87 - - Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, 104 - - ---- II. of Spain, 245, 249, 255, 276, 279, 286, 295, 327 - - Piccolomini, Faustina, Sienese heroine, 286 - - Pojano, Giulio, 103, 137, 298 - - Pompanaceo, author, 336 - - Ponzio, Camillo, author, 67, 153, 271, 272 - - - Renée, Duchess of Ferrara, 134, 309 - - Retz, Cardinal, 144 - - Romano, Giulio, 58 - - - Sacco, Raffaele, fellow conspirator with Fieschi, 93, 116, 143, 151, - 183, 192, 202, 224 - - Salvaghi family, 75, 194, 225 - - Sauli family, 75, 76, 140, 201 - - ---- Azzolino, 301 - - ---- Marcantonio, 75, 82 - - ---- Stefano, 202 - - ---- Tommaso, 62 - - Savonarola, Gerolamo, 146 - - Savoy, Dukes of, 25, 32, 297, 309 - - Scarampi, Antonia, literary lady, 83 - - Sciarra, Marco, brigand chief, 335 - - Segni, author, 34, 109 - - Sforza family, 6, 7, 26, 103, 231, 280 - - Sicames, 44 - - Siena, brave defence of, 286 - - Sigonio, Carlo, author, xxvi., 149 - - Sismondi, historian, 90, 228 - - Sixtus IV., Pope, 7 - - ---- V., Pope, 326 - - Soderini, Pietro, 146 - - Sodoleto, Jacopo, 27 - - Soliman, Sultan, 34, 92, 258, 291 - - Sopranis, 73, 75 - - Spinola family, 12, 38, 39, 125, 126, 165, 172, 194, 337 - - ---- Agostino, 207, 290 - - ---- Benedetta, poetess, 84, 250 - - ---- Livia, poetess, 84 - - ---- Paolo, 268, 269, 270, 273 - - ---- Tommaso, 226 - - Spinosa, 315 - - Strozzi family, 104, 137, 228, 268, 279, 337 - - ---- Alfonsina, wife of Scipione Fieschi, 316 - - ---- Leone, 286 - - ---- Pietro, 92, 101, 229, 284, 286 - - ---- Roberto, 316 - - - Tacitus, 82, 305 - - Tassino, Leone, 45 - - Tassoni, Alessandro, 328 - - Tasso, Faustino, 85, 249 - - ---- Torquato, 315 - - Telesio, 336 - - Toledo, Don Pietro, 259 - - Torghud Rais (Dragut), pirate, 71, 73, 281 - - Tornone, Cardinal of, 99, 225, 283 - - Trissino, 82, 310 - - Trivulzio family, 90, 131, 236, 337 - - ---- Agostino, 114, 120 - - ---- Teodoro, 43 - - Tuano, author, 301, 303 - - - Urban VIII., Pope, 297 - - Urbino, Dukes of, 28, 32, 59, 64, 287 - - Usodimare, Gerolamo, 193 - - - Vaccari, Vincenzo, 183 - - Vaga, Pierino, artist, 58, 249 - - Valdimagra, Marquises of, 137, 144, 150 - - Varchi, Benedetto, 48, 233, 235, 268 - - Vasto, Del, Marquises, 46, 49, 67, 91, 109, 132 - - Vega, Giovanni, 140 - - Vergerio, Pier Paolo, 235, 309 - - Verrina, co-conspirator of Fieschi, 116, 143, 148, 154, 158, 160, 183, - 193, 202, 209, 220, 223, 225 - - Vinci, Leonardo da, 309 - - Visconti family, 14, 74, 208 - - Vistarino, Lodovico, 206, 212 - - Vitelli, Allessandro, 109, 206 - - ---- Chiappino, 279, 286 - - ---- Giovanni, 285 - - ---- Lucrezia, 287 - - - Wicliffe, reformer, 35 - - Women, literary, in Genoa, 83 - - - Zaccaria family, 129 - - Zanchi, Gerolamo, 310, 312 - - Zeno, Apostolo, 235 - - Zino, Ottaviano, 269, 272 - - Zuingle, 259 - - - END. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] I refer to the letter of Count Persigny on the Roman questio - -[2] The author alludes to Guerrazzi’s life of Andrea Doria.--Translator. - -[3] Purgatorio, Canto XIX. - -[4] Federico Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi, p. 2. - -[5] Et quod obedissent Comuni Genuæ, et sponderent in Genua -habitaturos.--_Archives of Genoa._ - -[6] Federico Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi, p. 7. - -[7] Paolo Panza, Vito d’Innocenzo IV. - -[8] Dante, Purgatorio, Canto XIX. - -[9] Federici, Della famiglia Fieschi. - -[10] The gold crown referred to was worth about eleven francs. - -[11] Bernardo Segni. Istorie Fiorentine. Lib II. - -[12] Istorie Florentine, Lib. XI. - -[13] Oberto Foglietta. Discorso sul governo, Popolare di Genova, p. 35. - -[14] Istorie Florentine, Lib. II. - -[15] Oberto Foglietta. Discorso, etc., p. 156. - -[16] Molini. Documenti di Storia Italiana, vol. ii., p. 54. - -[17] Bernabo Brea. Documenti sulla congiura del Fiesco. - -[18] Molini. Documenti di Storia Italiana, Vol. ii., p. 60. - -[19] A pun was circulated by the wits to the effect that henceforth -only that kind of bread would go to the oven. Casoni, Annali. Fornari, -root Forno, an oven.--_Translator._ - -[20] Archives of Genoa. - -[21] Conguira di Luigi Fieschi. Naples, 1836, p. 5. - -[22] Guazzo. Istorie. Venice, 1545, p. 329. - -[23] Jacomin Basio. Dell’Istoria della sacra religione di S. Giovanni -Gierosolimitano. Parte III. Lib. VIII, p. 150. - -[24] Annali di Geneva. Capslago, p. 135. - -[25] Dell’Istoria d’Italia dell’anno, 1547, p. 24. - -[26] Casoni. Annali della Republica di Genova, Lib. V. p. 250. - -[27] Casoni. Annali, etc. Lib V. p. 158. - -[28] Porzio ut sopra, p. 206. - -[29] See Giustiniani, annali di Genova. - -[30] Novelle, passim. - -[31] The reader will hardly fail to notice the identity of this -language with that used by Cavour in 1859. See Hilton’s Brigandage in -South Italy. Vol. ii, p. 7. - -[32] Discorso delle cose d’Italia e Papa Paolo III. - -[33] Storia della liberta in Italià, Milano, tomo II., p. 122. - -[34] Annali, p. 136. - -[35] Annali, p. 138. - -[36] Scarabelli, Guida di monumenti artistici di Piacenza. Lodi, p. 83. - -[37] Istorie Fiorentine, Lib. XI. - -[38] Bandello, Novelle. Parte II., xxxviii. - -[39] Annali, p. 135. - -[40] See Canale. Storia di Genova, vol. ii., p. 167. Edition of Le -Monnier. - -[41] Congiura del Conte Fieschi. - -[42] Archives of Genoa. - -[43] Archives of Genoa. - -[44] Porzio. Dell’Istoria. etc. p. 218. - -[45] Bonfadio, anali p. 152. - -[46] Bandello, Novelli. Parte II, XXXVIII. - -[47] The palm referred to is equal to ten inches. - -[48] The curious tourist will find on a rear wall of the Ducal palace -in Genoa two marble slabs bearing inscriptions to the infamy of Della -Torre and Balbi.--Translator. - -[49] Documents in the archives of Massa and Carrara. - -[50] Bonfadio, though Italian, was not Genoese--Translator. - -[51] The annals of Bonfadio were written in Latin--Translator. - -[52] A Genoese word, derived from _Garbo_, polished, courteous, -polite,--usually applied to manners.--Translator. - -[53] This is enumerative of _three classes_, the nobles, the people, -and the plebeians; is common in Italian histories.--Translator. - -[54] Notaries still constitute professional class in Genoa.--Translator. - -[55] I find an euphemism current in Genoa which confirms the text. -A doubt respecting a man’s honesty is expressed thus: “_He is of -Borsonasca._”--Translator. - -[56] The author refers to the expulsion of the Austrians in 1746, of -which revolution he has also written the history.--_Translator._ - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Conspiracy of Gianluigi Fieschi,, by -Emanuele Celesia - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSPIRACY OF GIANLUIGI *** - -***** This file should be named 50656-0.txt or 50656-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/6/5/50656/ - -Produced by Giovanni Fini, Shaun Pinder and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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