diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 02:03:22 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-05 02:03:22 -0800 |
| commit | cb1169349d123ec9f0900bd84fbbdfb276f200ff (patch) | |
| tree | 216b0a9026d98c895b812c3c307743d120f1493f /old/50448-0.txt | |
| parent | f2203855e5e28fa6a41c3abf5be337d7bb166b52 (diff) | |
Diffstat (limited to 'old/50448-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/50448-0.txt | 19342 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 19342 deletions
diff --git a/old/50448-0.txt b/old/50448-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b2e6e9a..0000000 --- a/old/50448-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19342 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542., by -George Parker Winship - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - -Title: The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542. - Excerpted from the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau - of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian - Institution, 1892-1893, Part 1. - -Author: George Parker Winship - -Editor: J. W. Powell - -Release Date: November 14, 2015 [EBook #50448] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CORONADO EXPEDITION *** - - - -Credits: DP Project Manager for Bureau of American Ethnology Projects, RichardW, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Bibliotheque nationale de France (BnF/Gallica) at http://gallica.bnf.fr); high resolution illustrations were made available by The Internet Archive. - - - - - - - [p329] - - THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540–1542 - BY - GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP - - - - - [p331] - - CONTENTS - - -Introductory note … 339 - -Itinerary of the Coronado expeditions, 1527–1547 … 341 - -Historical introduction … 345 - - The causes of the Coronado expedition, 1528–1539 … 345 - - Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca … 345 - - The governors of New Spain, 1530–1537 … 350 - - The reconnoissance of Friar Marcos de Niza … 353 - - The effect of Friar Marcos’ report … 362 - - The expedition to New Mexico and the great plains … 373 - - The organization of the expedition … 373 - - The departure of the expedition … 382 - - The expedition by sea under Alarcon … 385 - - The journey from Culiacan to Cibola … 386 - - The capture of the Seven Cities … 388 - - The exploration of the country … 389 - - The Spaniards at Zuñi … 389 - - The discovery of Tusayan and the Grand canyon … 390 - - The Rio Grande and the great plains … 390 - - The march of the army from Culiacan to Tiguex … 391 - - The winter of 1540–1541 along the Rio Grande … 392 - - The Indian revolt … 392 - - The stories about Quivira … 393 - - The journey across the buffalo plains … 395 - - The winter of 1541–1542 … 399 - - The friars remain in the country … 400 - - The return to New Spain … 401 - - The end of Coronado … 402 - - Some results of the expedition … 403 - - The discovery of Colorado river … 403 - - The voyage of Alarcon … 403 - - The journey of Melchior Diaz … 406 - - The Indian uprising in New Spain, 1540–1542 … 408 - - Further attempts at discovery … 411 - - The voyage of Cabrillo … 411 - - Villalobos sails across the Pacific … 412 - -The narrative of Castañeda … 413 - - Bibliographic note … 413 - - The Spanish text … 414 - - Proemio … 414 - - Primera parte … 416 - - Capitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera - poblacion de las siete çiudades y como Nuño de guzman hiçoa - rmada para descubrirlla … 416 - - Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador françisco uasques - coronado y la segundo relaçion que dio cabeça de uaca … 417 - - Capitulo terçero como mataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan - y fray marcos bolbio huyendo … 418 - - Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendoça hiço - jornada para el descubrimiento de Cibola … 419 - - Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola - … 420 - - Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las - capitanias y salieron en orden para la jornada … 421 - - Capitulo septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el - maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaeçio hasta llegar a culiacan - … 422 - - Capitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y - el recebimiento que se hiço y lo que mas acaeçio hasta la - partida … 423 - - Capitulo nueve como el canpo salio de culiacan y llego el - general a çibola y el campo a señora y lo que mas acaeçio … - 424 - - Capitulo deçimo como el campo salio de la uilla de senora - quedando la uilla poblada y como llego a çibola y lo que le a - uino en el camino a el capitan melchior dias yendo en demanda - de los nabios y como descubrio el rio del tison … 425 - - Capitulo onçe como don pedro de touar descubrio a tusayan o - tutahaco y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y - lo que mas acaecion … 428 - - Capitulo doçe como binieron a çibola gentes de cicuye a ber los - christianos y como fue her^{do} de aluarado a ber las uacas … - 430 - - Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de - tutahaco y dexo campo a don tristan que lo llebo a tiguex … - 432 - - Capitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiguex y lo - que les acaeçio en el camino con niebe … 432 - - Capitulo quinçe como se alço tiguex y el castigo que en ellos - ubo sin que lo ubiese en el causador … 433 - - Capitulo desiseis como se puso çerco a tiguex y se gano y lo - que mas acontencio mediante el cerco … 435 - - Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajeros del - ualle de señora y como murio el capitan melchior dias en la - jornada de tizon … 438 - - Capitulo desiocho como el general procure dexar asentada la - tierra para ir en demanda de quisuira donde deçia el turco - auia el prinçipio de la riqueça … 439 - - Capitulo desinueve como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que - acontecio en el camino … 440 - - Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como - se descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos - partes … 442 - - Capitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el - general llego a quiuira … 443 - - Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se - hiçieron otras entradas debajo del norte … 445 - - Segunda parte en que se trata de los pueblos y prouincias de - altos y de sus ritos y costumbres recopilada por pedro de - castañeda ueçino de la çiudad de Naxara … 446 - - Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sus ritos y - costumbres … 447 - - Capitulo segundo de la prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado - hasta chichilticale … 448 - - Capitulo tercero de lo ques chichilticale y el despoblado de - çibola sus costumbres y ritos y de otras cosas … 450 - - Capitulo quarto como se tratan los de tiguex y de la prouincia - de tiguex y sus comarcas … 451 - - Capitulo quinto de cicuye y los pueblos de su contorno y de - como unas gentes binieron a conquistar aquella tierra … 452 - - Capitulo sexto en que se declara quantos fueron los pueblos que - se uieron en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello … - 454 - - Capitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de - bacas y de las gentes que los habitan … 455 - - Capitulo ocho de quiuira y en que rumbo esta y la notiçia que - dan … 456 - - Tercera parte como y en que se trata aquello que aconteçio a - francisco uasques coronado estando inbernando y como dexo la - jornada y se bolbio a la nueba españa … 458 - - Capitulo primero como bino de Señora don pedro de touar con - gente y se partio para la nueba españa don garci lopes de - cardenas … 458 - - Capitulo segundo como cayo el general y se hordeno la buelta - para la nueba españa … 459 - - Capitulo terçero como se alço Suya y las causas que para ello - dieron los pobladores … 460 - - Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis - en la tierra y el campo se aperçibio la buelta de mexico … 461 - - Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a - culiacan y lo que aconteçio en el camino … 462 - - Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan para dar - quenta a el uisorey del campo que le encargo … 463 - - Capitulo septimo de las cosas que le aconteçieron al capitan - Juan gallego por la tierra alçada lleuando el socorro … 464 - - Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas admirables que - se bieron en los llanos con la façion de los toros … 466 - - Capitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se - podria yr a buscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de - boluer aquella tierra … 468 - - Translation of the narrative of Castañeda … 470 - - Preface … 470 - - First Part … 472 - - Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know - about the Seven Cities, and of how Nuño de Guzman made an - expedition to discover them … 472 - - Chapter 2, of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be - governor, and the second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave … - 474 - - Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and - Friar Marcos returned in flight … 475 - - Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza made an - expedition to discover Cibola … 476 - - Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola … 477 - - Chapter 6, of how all the companies collected in Compostela and - set off on the journey in good order … 478 - - Chapter 7, of how the army reached Chiametla, and the killing - of the army-master, and the other things that happened up to - the arrival at Culiacan … 479 - - Chapter 8, of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the - reception it received, and other things which happened before - the departure … 481 - - Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the - arrival of the general at Cibola and of the army at Señora - and of other things that happened … 482 - - Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Señora, - leaving it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what - happened to Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search - of the ships and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) - river … 484 - - Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or - Tutahaco and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand - river and the other things that had happened … 487 - - Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the - Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows - … 490 - - Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few - men and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex - … 492 - - Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what - happened to them on the way, on account of the snow … 493 - - Chapter 15, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, - without being to blame for it … 494 - - Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it, and of - what happened during the siege … 497 - - Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the - valley of Señora, and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the - expedition to the Firebrand river … 501 - - Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in - peace so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said - there was the most wealth … 502 - - Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of - what happened on the way … 504 - - Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they - discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into - two parts … 506 - - Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general - reached Quivira … 508 - - Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of - other expeditions toward the north … 510 - - Second Part, which treats of the high villages and provinces - and of their habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de - Castañeda, native of the city of Najara … 512 - - Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and - customs … 513 - - Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited - country as far as Chichilticalli … 514 - - Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its - customs and habits, and of other things … 516 - - Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of - Tiguex and its neighborhood … 519 - - Chapter 5, of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and - of how some people came to conquer this country … 523 - - Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen - in the country of the terraced houses, and their population … - 524 - - Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the - cows, and of the people who inhabit them … 526 - - Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information - about it … 528 - - Third Part, which describes what happened to Francisco Vazquez - Coronado during the winter, and how he gave up the expedition - and returned to New Spain … 530 - - Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Señora with some - men, and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New - Spain … 530 - - Chapter 2, of the general’s fall and of how the return to New - Spain was ordered … 531 - - Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the - settlers gave for it … 533 - - Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained - in the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico … 534 - - Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marched to - Culiacan, and of what happened on the way … 537 - - Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give - the viceroy an account of the army with which he had been - intrusted … 538 - - Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he - was bringing reenforcements through the revolted country … 540 - - Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that were - seen on the plains, with a description of the bulls … 541 - - Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, - and of how another more direct way might be found if anyone - was going to return to that country … 544 - - Translation of the letter from Mendoza to the King, April 17, 1540 - … 547 - - Translation of the letter from Coronado to Mendoza, August 3, 1540 - … 552 - - Translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas … 564 - - Relación postrera de Sívola … 566 - - Spanish text … 566 - - Translation … 568 - - Translation of the Relacion del Suceso … 572 - - Translation of a letter from Coronado to the King, October 20, 1541 - … 580 - - Translation of the narrative of Jaramillo … 584 - - Translation of the report of Hernando de Alvarado … 594 - - Testimony concerning those who went on the expedition with - Francisco Vazquez Coronado … 596 - - A list of works useful to the student of the Coronado expedition … - 599 - - - - -[p337] - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PLATE - XXXVIII. The New Spain and New Mexico country … 345 - - XXXIX. The Ulpius globe of 1542 … 349 - - XL. Sebastian Cabot’s map of 1544 … 353 - - XLI. Map of the world by Ptolemy, 1548 … 357 - - XLII. Battista Agnese’s New Spain, sixteenth century … 361 - - XLIII. The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzo de Santa Cruz … 365 - - XLIV. Zaltieri’s karte, 1566 … 369 - - XLV. Mercator’s northwestern part of New Spain, 1569 … 373 - - XLVI. Mercator’s interior of New Spain, 1569 … 377 - - XLVII. Abr. Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1570 … 381 - - XLVIII. Dourado’s Terra Antipodv Regis Castele Inveta, 1580 … 385 - - XLIX. Western hemisphere of Mercator, 1587 … 389 - - L. Northern half of De Bry’s America Sive Novvs Orbis, 1596 … 393 - - LI. Wytfliet’s Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Delineatio, 1597 … 397 - - LII. Wytfliet’s New Granada and California, 1597 … 401 - - LIII. Wytfliet’s kingdoms of Quivira, Anian, and Tolm, 1597 … 405 - - LIV. Matthias Quadus’ Fasciculus Geographicus, 1608 … 409 - - LV. The buffalo of Gomara, 1554 … 512 - - LVI. The buffalo of Thevet, 1558 … 516 - - LVII. The buffalo of De Bry, 1595 … 520 - - LVIII. On the terraces at Zuñi … 525 - - LIX. Middle court at Zuñi … 527 - - LX. Zuñi court, showing “balcony” … 529 - - LXI. Zuñi interior … 531 - - LXII. Zuñis in typical modern costume … 534 - - LXIII. Hopi maidens, showing primitive Pueblo hairdressing … 536 - - LXIV. Hopi grinding and paper-bread making … 539 - - LXV. Hopi basket maker … 543 - - LXVI. Pueblo pottery making … 547 - - LXVII. Pueblo spinning and weaving … 551 - - LXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of P’o-who-gi or San Ildefonso … 555 - - LXIX. Pueblo of Jemez … 559 - - LXX. Ruins of Spanish church above Jemez … 562 - - LXXI. The Keres pueblo of Sia … 569 - - LXXII. The Keres pueblo of Cochití … 571 - - LXXIII. The Tewa pueblo of Nambe … 573 - - LXXIV. A Nambe Indian in war costume … 576 - - LXXV. A Nambe water carrier … 578 - - LXXVI. The Keres pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe … 583 - - LXXVII. The south town of the Tiwa pueblo of Taos … 585 - - LXXVIII. The Tewa pueblo of K’hapóo or Santa Clara … 587 - - LXXIX. The Tewa pueblo of Ohke or San Juan … 589 - - LXXX. A native of San Juan … 592 - - LXXXI. A native of Pecos … 596 - - LXXXII. Facsimile of pages of Castañeda’s relacion … 456 - - LXXXIII. Facsimile of pages of Castañeda’s relacion … 442 - - LXXXIV. Facsimile of pages of Castañeda’s relacion … 466 - - - - -[p339] - -THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1540–1542 - -BY GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP - -INTRODUCTORY NOTE - - -The following historical introduction, with the accompanying -translations, is the result of work in the Seminary of American -History at Harvard University. Undertaken as a bit of undergraduate -study, it has gradually assumed a form which has been considered -worthy of publication, chiefly because of the suggestions and -assistance which have been given with most generous readiness by all -from whom I have had occasion to ask help or advice. To Dr Justin -Winsor; to Professor Henry W. Haynes, who opened the way for students -of the early Spanish history of the North American southwest; to Dr -J. Walter Fewkes, who has freely offered me the many results of his -long-continued and minute investigations at Tusayan and Zuñi; and to -the careful oversight and aid of Mr F. W. Hodge and the other members -of the Bureau of Ethnology, much of the value of this work is due. -Mr Augustus Hemenway has kindly permitted the use of the maps and -documents deposited in the archives of the Hemenway Southwestern -Archeological Expedition by Mr Adolph F. Bandelier. My indebtedness -to the researches and writings of Mr Bandelier is evident throughout. -Señor Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta—whose death, in November, 1894, -removed the master student of the documentary history of Mexico—most -courteously gave me all the information at his command, and with his -own hand copied the _Relación postrera de Sívola_, which is now for -the first time printed. The Spanish text of Castañeda’s narrative, -the presentation of which for the first time in its original language -affords the best reason for the present publication, has been copied -and printed with the consent of the trustees of the Lenox Library in -New York, in whose custody is the original manuscript. I am under -many obligations to their librarian, Mr Wilberforce Eames, who has -always been ready to assist me by whatever means were within his -power. - -The subject of this research was suggested by Professor Channing -of Harvard. If my work has resulted in some contribution to the -literature of the history of the Spanish conquest of America, it is -because of his constant guidance and inspiration, and his persistent -refusal to [p340] consent to any abandoning of the work before the -results had been expressed in a manner worthy of the university. - -Before the completion of the arrangements by which this essay -becomes a part of the annual report of the Director of the Bureau of -Ethnology, it had been accepted for publication by the Department of -History of Harvard University. - - GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP - _Assistant in American History in Harvard University._ - - CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, - _February, 1895._ - - - - -[p341] - -ITINERARY OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITIONS, 1527–1547 - - -1527 - -[Sidenote: June 17] - -Narvaez sails from Spain to explore the mainland north of the Gulf of -Mexico. - -1528 - -[Sidenote: April 15] - -Narvaez lands in Florida. - -[Sidenote: Sept. 22] - -The failure of the Narvaez expedition is assured. - -1535 - -Cortes makes a settlement in Lower California. - -Mendoza comes to Mexico as viceroy of New Spain. - -1536 - -[Sidenote: April] - -Cabeza de Vaca and three other survivors of the Narvaez expedition -arrive in New Spain. - -The Licenciate de la Torre takes the residencia of Nuño de Guzman, -who is imprisoned until June 30, 1538. - -1537 - -Franciscan friars labor among the Indian tribes living north of New -Spain. - -Coronado subdues the revolted miners of Amatepeque. - -The proposed expedition under Dorantes comes to naught. - -[Sidenote: April 20] - -De Soto receives a grant of the mainland of Florida. - -1538 - -[Sidenote: September] - -It is rumored that Coronado has been nominated governor of New -Galicia. - -1539 - -Pedro de Alvarado returns from Spain to the New World. - -[Sidenote: March 7] - -Friar Marcos de Niza, accompanied by the negro Estevan, starts from -Culiacan to find the Seven Cities. - -[Sidenote: April 18] - -The appointment of Coronado as governor of New Galicia is confirmed. - -[Sidenote: May] - -De Soto sails from Habana. - -[Sidenote: May 9] - -Friar Marcos enters the wilderness of Arizona. - -[Sidenote: May 21] - -Friar Marcos learns of the death of Estevan. - -[Sidenote: May 25] - -De Soto lands on the coast of Florida. - -[Sidenote: July 8] - -Ulloa sails from Acapulco nearly to the head of the Gulf of -California in command of a fleet furnished by Cortes. - -[Sidenote: August] - -Friar Marcos returns from the north and certifies to the truth -[Sidenote: Sept. 2] of his report before Mendoza and Coronado. - -[Sidenote: October] - -The news of Niza’s discoveries spreads through New Spain. - -[Sidenote: November] - -Mendoza begins to prepare for an expedition to conquer the Seven -Cities of Cibola. - -Melchior Diaz is sent to verify the reports of Friar Marcos. - -De Soto finds the remains of the camp of Narvaez at Bahia de los -Cavallos. - -[Sidenote: Nov. 12] - -Witnesses in Habana describe the effect of the friar’s reports. - -1540 - -[Sidenote: Jan. 1] - -Mendoza celebrates the new year at Pasquaro. - -[Sidenote: Jan. 9] - -Coronado at Guadalajara. - -[Sidenote: Feb. 5] - -Cortes stops at Habana on his way to Spain. - -[Sidenote: February] - -The members of the Cibola expedition assemble at Compostela, where -the viceroy finds them on his arrival. - -[Sidenote: Feb. 22] - -Review of the army on Sunday. - -[Sidenote: Feb. 23] - -The army, under the command of Francisco Vazquez Coronado, starts for -Cibola (not on February 1). - -[Sidenote: Feb. 26] - -Mendoza returns to Compostela, having left the army two days before, -and examines witnesses to discover how many citizens of New Spain -have accompanied Coronado. He writes a letter to King Charles V, -which has been lost. - -[Sidenote: March] - -The army is delayed by the cattle in crossing the rivers. - -The death of the army master, Samaniego, at Chiametla. - -Return of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar from Chichilticalli. - -[Sidenote: March 3] - -Beginning of litigation in Spain over the right to explore and -conquer the Cibola country. - -[Sidenote: March 28] - -Reception to the army at Culiacan, on Easter day. - -[Sidenote: April] - -The army is entertained by the citizens of Culiacan. - -Mendoza receives the report of Melchior Diaz’ exploration, perhaps at -Jacona. - -Coronado writes to Mendoza, giving an account of what has already -happened, and of the arrangements which he has made for the rest of -the journey. This letter has been lost. - -[Sidenote: April 17] - -Mendoza writes to the Emperor Charles V. - -[Sidenote: April 22] - -Coronado departs from Culiacan with about seventy-five horsemen and a -few footmen. - -[Sidenote: April] - -Coronado passes through Petatlan, Cinaloa, Los Cedros, [Sidenote: -May] Yaquemi, and other places mentioned by Jaramillo. - -[Sidenote: May 9] - -Alarcon sails from Acapulco to cooperate with Coronado. - -The army starts from Culiacan and marches toward the Corazones or -Hearts valley. - -[Sidenote: May 26] - -Coronado leaves the valley of Corazones. He proceeds to -Chichilticalli, [Sidenote: June] passing Senora or Sonora and Ispa, -and thence crosses the Arizona wilderness, fording many rivers. - -The army builds the town of San Hieronimo in Corazones valley. - -[Sidenote: July 7] - -Coronado reaches Cibola and captures the first city, the pueblo of -Hawikuh, which he calls Granada. - -[Sidenote: July 11] - -The Indians retire to their stronghold on Thunder mountain. - -[Sidenote: July 15] - -Pedro de Tovar goes to Tusayan or Moki, returning within thirty days. - -[Sidenote: July 19] - -Coronado goes to Thunder mountain and returns the same day. - -[Sidenote: Aug. 3] - -Coronado writes to Mendoza. He sends Juan Gallego to Mexico, and -Melchior Diaz to Corazones with orders for the army. Friar Marcos -accompanies them. - -[Sidenote: Aug. 25 (?)] - -Lopez de Cardenas starts to find the canyons of Colorado river, and -is gone about eighty days. - -[Sidenote: Aug. 26] - -Alarcon enters the mouth of Colorado river. - -[Sidenote: Aug. 29] - -Hernando de Alvarado goes eastward to Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, and -to the buffalo plains. - -Pedro de Alvarado arrives in New Spain. - -[Sidenote: Sept. 7] - -Hernando de Alvarado reaches Tiguex. - -Diaz and Gallego reach Corazones about the middle of September, and -the army starts for Cibola. - -Coronado visits Tutahaco. - -[Sidenote: September to January] - -The army reaches Cibola, and goes thence to Tiguex for its winter -quarters. The natives in the Rio Grande pueblos revolt and are -subjugated. The Turk tells the Spaniards about Quivira. - -[Sidenote: October] - -Diaz starts from Corazones before the end of September, with -twenty-five men, and explores the country along the Gulf of -California, going beyond Colorado river. - -Diego de Alcaraz is left in command of the town of San Hieronimo. - -[Sidenote: Nov. 29] - -Mendoza and Pedro de Alvarado sign an agreement in regard to common -explorations and conquests. - -1541 - -[Sidenote: Jan. 8] - -Diaz dies on the return from the mouth of the Colorado, and his -companions return to Corazones valley. - -[Sidenote: March] - -Alcaraz, during the spring, moves the village of San Hieronimo from -Corazones valley to the valley of Suya river. - -[Sidenote: April 20] - -Beginning of the Mixton war in New Galicia. - -Coronado writes a letter to the King from Tiguex, which has been lost. - -Tovar and perhaps Gallego return to Mexico. - -[Sidenote: April 23] - -Coronado starts with all his force from Tiguex to cross the buffalo -plains to Quivira. - -[Sidenote: May] - -The army is divided somewhere on the great plains, perhaps on -Canadian river. The main body returns to Tiguex, arriving there by -the middle or last of June. - -De Soto crosses the Mississippi. - -[Sidenote: June] - -Coronado, with, thirty horsemen, rides north to Quivira, where he -arrives forty-two (?) days later. - -[Sidenote: June 24] - -Pedro de Alvarado is killed at Nochistlan, in New Galicia. - -[Sidenote: August] - -Coronado spends about twenty-five days in the country of Quivira, -leaving “the middle or last of August.” - -[Sidenote: Sept. 28] - -The Indians in New Galicia attack the town of Guadalajara, but are -repulsed. - -[Sidenote: Oct. 2] - -Coronado returns from Quivira to Tiguex and writes a letter to the -King. - -[Sidenote: November] - -Cardenas starts to return to Mexico with some other invalids from the -army. He finds the village of Suya in ruins and hastily returns to -Tiguex. - -[Sidenote: December] - -Coronado falls from his horse and is seriously injured. - -The Mixton peñol is surrendered by the revolted Indians during -holiday week. - -1542 - -Coronado and his soldiers determine to return to New Spain. They -start in the spring, and reach Mexico probably late in the autumn. -The general makes his report to the viceroy, who receives him coldly. -Coronado not long after resigns his position as governor of New -Galicia and retires to his estates. - -[Sidenote: April 17] - -De Soto reaches the mouth of Red river, where he dies, May 21. - -[Sidenote: June 27] - -Cabrillo starts on his voyage up the California coast. He dies in -January, 1543, and the vessels return to New Spain by April, 1544. - -[Sidenote: Nov. 1] - -Villalobos starts across the Pacific. His fleet meets with many -misfortunes and losses. The survivors, five years or more later, -return to Spain. - -[Sidenote: Nov. 25] - -Friar Juan de la Cruz is killed at Tiguex, where he remained when -the army departed for New Spain. Friar Luis also remained in the new -country, at Cicuye, and Friar Juan de Padilla, at Quivira, where he -is killed. The companions of Friar Juan de Padilla make their way -back to Mexico, arriving before 1552. - -1544 - -[Sidenote: Nov. 30] - -Promulgation of the New Laws for the Indies. - -Sebastian Cabot publishes his map of the New World. - -1547 - -Mendoza, before he leaves New Spain to become viceroy of Peru, -answers the charges preferred against him by the officials appointed -to investigate his administration. - -[Illustration: XXXVIII. The New Spain and New Mexico Country] - - - - -[p345] - -HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION - -THE CAUSES OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION, 1528–1539 - -ALVAR NUÑEZ CABEZA DE VACA - - -The American Indians are always on the move. Tribes shift the -location of their homes from season to season and from year to year, -while individuals wander at will, hunting, trading or gossiping. -This is very largely true today, and when the Europeans first came -in contact with the American aborigines, it was a characteristic -feature of Indian life. The Shawnees, for example, have drifted -from Georgia to the great lakes, and part of the way back, during -the period since their peregrinations can first be traced. Traders -from tribe to tribe, in the days when European commercial ideas were -unknown in North America, carried bits of copper dug from the mines -in which the aboriginal implements are still found, on the shores -of Lake Superior, to the Atlantic coast on the one side and to the -Rocky mountains on the other. The Indian gossips of central Mexico, -in 1535, described to the Spaniards the villages of New Mexico -and Arizona, with their many-storied houses of stone and adobe. -The Spanish colonists were always eager to learn about unexplored -regions lying outside the limits of the white settlements, and their -Indian neighbors and servants in the valley of Mexico told them many -tales of the people who lived beyond the mountains which hemmed -in New Spain on the north. One of these stories may be found in -another part of this memoir, where it is preserved in the narrative -of Pedro Castañeda, the historian of the Coronado expedition. -Castañeda’s hearsay report of the Indian story, which was related -by an adventurous trader who had penetrated the country far to the -north, compares not unfavorably with the somewhat similar stories -which Marco Polo told to entertain his Venetian friends.[1] But -whatever may have been known before, the information which led to the -expedition of Friar Marcos de Niza and to that of Francisco Vazquez -Coronado was brought to New Spain late in the spring of 1536 by Alvar -Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca. - -In 1520, before Cortes, the conqueror of Motecuhzoma, had made -his peace with the Emperor Charles V and with the authorities at -Cuba, Panfilo de Narvaez was dispatched to the Mexican mainland, -at the [p346] head of a considerable force. He was sent to subdue -and supersede the conqueror of Mexico, but when they met, Cortes -quickly proved that he was a better general than his opponent, and -a skillful politician as well. Narvaez was deserted by his soldiers -and became a prisoner in the City of Mexico, where he was detained -during the two years which followed. Cortes was at the height of his -power, and Narvaez must have felt a longing to rival the successes -of the conqueror, who had won the wealth of the Mexican empire. -After Cortes resumed his dutiful obedience to the Spanish crown, -friends at home obtained a royal order which effected the release of -Narvaez, who returned to Spain at the earliest opportunity. Almost as -soon as he had established himself anew in the favor of the court, -he petitioned the King for a license which should permit him to -conduct explorations in the New World. After some delay, the desired -patent was granted. It authorized Narvaez to explore, conquer, and -colonize the country between Florida and the Rio de Palmas, a grant -comprising all that portion of North America bordering on the Gulf of -Mexico, which is now included within the limits of the United States. -Preparations were at once begun for the complete organization of an -expedition suitable to the extent of this territory and to the power -and dignity of its governor. - -On June 17, 1527, Narvaez, governor of Florida, Rio de Palmas and -Espiritu Santo—the Rio Grande and the Mississippi on our modern -maps—sailed from Spain. He went first to Cuba, where he refitted his -fleet and replaced one vessel which had been lost in a hurricane -during the voyage. When everything was ready to start for the -unexplored mainland, he ordered the pilots to conduct his fleet to -the western limits of his jurisdiction—our Texas. They landed him, -April 15, 1528, on the coast of the present Florida, at a bay which -the Spaniards called Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian -Cabot enables us to identify with Apalache bay. The pilots knew that -a storm had driven them out of their course toward the east, but they -could not calculate on the strong current of the gulf stream. They -assured the commander that he was not far from the Rio de Palmas, -the desired destination, and so he landed his force of 50 horses and -300 men—just half the number of the soldiers, mechanics, laborers, -and priests who had started with, him from Spain ten months before. -He sent one of his vessels back to Cuba for recruits, and ordered -the remaining three to sail along the coast toward the west and to -wait for the army at the fine harbor of Panuco, which was reported to -be near the mouth of Palmas river. The fate of these vessels is not -known. - -Narvaez, having completed these arrangements, made ready to lead his -army overland to Panuco. The march began April 19. For a while, the -Spaniards took a northerly direction, and then they turned toward the -west. Progress was slow, for the men knew nothing of the country, and -the forests and morasses presented many difficulties to the soldiers -[p347] unused to woodcraft. Little help could be procured from -the Indians, who soon became openly hostile wherever the Spaniards -encountered them. Food grew scarce, and no persuasion could induce -the natives to reveal hidden stores of corn, or of gold. On May 15, -tired and discouraged, the Spaniards reached a large river with a -strong current flowing toward the south. They rested here, while -Cabeza de Vaca, the royal treasurer accompanying the expedition, took -a small party of soldiers and followed the banks of the river down -to the sea. The fleet was not waiting for them at the mouth of this -stream, nor could anything be learned of the fine harbor for which -they were searching. Disappointed anew by the report which Cabeza -de Vaca made on his return to the main camp, the Spanish soldiers -crossed the river and continued their march toward the west. They -plodded on and on, and after awhile turned southward, to follow down -the course of another large river which blocked their westward march. -On the last day of July they reached a bay of considerable size, -at the mouth of the river. They named this Bahia de los Cavallos, -perhaps, as has been surmised, because it was here that they killed -the last of their horses for food. The Spaniards, long before this, -had become thoroughly disheartened. Neither food nor gold could be -found. The capital cities, toward which the Indian captives had -directed the wandering strangers, when reached, were mere groups -of huts, situated in some cases on mounds of earth. Not a sign of -anything which would reward their search, and hardly a thing to eat, -had been discovered during the months of toilsome marching. The -Spaniards determined to leave the country. They constructed forges -in their camp near the seashore, and hammered their spurs, stirrups, -and other iron implements of warfare into nails and saws and axes, -with which to build the boats necessary for their escape from the -country. Ropes were made of the tails and manes of the horses, whose -hides, pieced out with the shirts of the men, were fashioned into -sails. By September 22, five boats were ready, each large enough to -hold between 45 and 50 men. In these the soldiers embarked. Scarcely -a man among them knew anything of navigation, and they certainly knew -nothing about the navigation of this coast. They steered westward, -keeping near the land, and stopping occasionally for fresh water. -Sometimes they obtained a little food. - -Toward the end of October they came to the mouth of a large river -which poured forth so strong a current that it drove the boats out to -sea. Two, those which contained Narvaez and the friars, were lost. -The men in the other three boats were driven ashore by a storm, -somewhere on the coast of western Louisiana or eastern Texas.[2] This -was [p348] in the winter of 1528–29. Toward the end of April, 1536, -Cabeza de Vaca, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, Andres Dorantes, and a -negro named Estevan, met some Spanish slave catchers near the Rio de -Petatlan, in Sinaloa, west of the mountains which border the Gulf of -California. These four men, with a single exception,[3] were the only -survivors of the three hundred who had entered the continent with -Narvaez eight years before. - -Cabeza de Vaca and his companions stayed in Mexico for several -months, as the guests of the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. At -first, it was probably the intention of the three Spaniards to -return to Spain, in order to claim the due reward for their manifold -sufferings. Mendoza says, in a letter dated December 10, 1537,[4] -that he purchased the negro Estevan from Dorantes, so that there -might be someone left in New Spain who could guide an expedition back -into the countries about which the wanderers had heard. An earlier -letter from the viceroy, dated February 11, 1537, commends Cabeza de -Vaca and _Francisco_ Dorantes—he must have meant Andres, and perhaps -wrote it so in his original manuscript—as deserving the favor of the -Empress. Maldonado is not mentioned in this letter, and no trace of -him has been found after the arrival of the four survivors in Mexico. -All that we know about him is that his home was in Salamanca.[5] - -[Illustration: XXXIX. The Ulpius Globe of 1542 - -in Possession of the New York Historical Society] - -Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes started from Vera Cruz for Spain in -October, 1536, but their vessel was stranded before it got out of the -harbor. This accident obliged them to postpone their departure until -the following spring, when Cabeza de Vaca returned home alone. He -told the story of his wanderings to the court and the King, and was -rewarded, by 1540, with an appointment as adelantado, giving him the -command over the recently occupied regions about the Rio de la Plata. -The position was one for which he was unfitted, and his subordinates -[p349] sent him back to Spain. The complaints against him were -investigated by the Council for the Indies, but the judgment, if any -was given, has never been published. He certainly was not punished, -and soon settled down in Seville, where he was still living, -apparently, twenty years later.[6] - -While Dorantes was stopping at Vera Cruz during the winter of -1536–37, he received a letter from Mendoza, asking him to return to -the City of Mexico. After several interviews, the viceroy induced -Dorantes to remain in New Spain, agreeing to provide him with a -party of horsemen and friars, in order to explore more thoroughly -the country through which he had wandered. Mendoza explains the -details of his plans in the letter written in December, 1537, and -declares that he expected many advantages would be derived from this -expedition which would redound to the glory of God and to the profit -of His Majesty the King. The viceroy was prepared to expend a large -sum—3,500 or 4,000 pesos—to insure a successful undertaking, but he -promised to raise the whole amount, without taking a single maravedi -from the royal treasury, by means of a more careful collection of -dues, and especially by enforcing the payment of overdue sums, the -collection of which hitherto had been considered impossible. This -reform in the collection of rents and other royal exactions and the -careful attention to all the details of the fiscal administration -were among the most valuable of the many services rendered by Mendoza -as viceroy. The expedition under Dorantes never started, though why -nothing came of all the preparations, wrote Mendoza in his next -letter to the King, “I never could find out.”[7] - -The three Spaniards wrote several narratives of their experiences -on the expedition of Narvaez, and of their adventurous journey from -the gulf coast of Texas to the Pacific coast of Mexico.[8] These -travelers, who had lived a savage life for so long that they could -wear no clothes, and were unable to sleep except upon the bare -ground, had a strange tale to tell. The story of their eight years -of wandering must have been often repeated—of their slavery, their -buffalo-hunting expeditions, of the escape from their Indian masters, -and their career as traders and as medicine men. These were wonderful -and strange [p350] experiences, but the story contained little to -arouse the eager interest of the colonists in New Spain, whose minds -had been stirred by the accounts which came from Peru telling of the -untold wealth of the Incas. A few things, however, had been seen and -heard by the wanderers which suggested the possibility of lands worth -conquering. “A copper hawks-bell, thick and large, figured with a -face,” had been given to Cabeza de Vaca, soon after he started on his -journey toward Mexico. The natives who gave this to him said that -they had received it from other Indians, “who had brought it from -the north, where there was much copper, which was highly esteemed.” -After the travelers had crossed the Rio Grande, they showed this bell -to some other Indians, who said that “there were many plates of this -same metal buried in the ground in the place whence it had come, and -that it was a thing which they esteemed highly, and that there were -fixed habitations where it came from.”[9] This was all the treasure -which Cabeza de Vaca could say that he had seen. He had heard, -however, of a better region than any he saw, for the Indians told him -“that there are pearls and great riches on the coast of the South -sea (the Pacific), and all the best and most opulent countries are -near there.” We may be sure that none of this was omitted whenever he -told the Spanish colonists the story of the years of his residence in -Texas and of the months of his journey across northern Mexico.[10] - - -THE GOVERNORS OF NEW SPAIN, 1530–1537 - -Don Antonio de Mendoza, “the good viceroy,” had been at the head of -the government of New Spain for two years when Cabeza de Vaca arrived -in Mexico. The effects of his careful and intelligent administration -were already beginning to appear in the increasing prosperity of the -province and the improved condition of the colonists and of their -lands. The authority of the viceroy was ample and extensive, although -he was limited to some extent by the audiencia, the members of which -had administered the government of the province since the retirement -of Cortes. The viceroy was the president of this court, which had -resumed more strictly judicial functions after his arrival, and he -was officially advised by his instructions from the King to consult -with his fellow members on all matters of importance. - -Nuño de Guzman departed for New Spain in 1528, and became the -head of the first audiencia. Within a year he had made himself so -deservedly unpopular that when he heard that Cortes was coming -back to Mexico from Spain, with the new title of marquis and fresh -grants of power from the King, he thought it best to get out of the -way of his rival. Without relinquishing the title to his position -in the capital [p351] city, Guzman collected a considerable force -and marched away toward the west and north, determined to win honor -and security by new conquests. He explored and subdued the country -for a considerable distance along the eastern shores of the Gulf of -California, but he could find nothing there to rival the Mexico of -Motecuhzoma. Meanwhile reports reached Charles V of the manner in -which Guzman had been treating the Indians and the Spanish settlers, -and so, March 17, 1536,[11] the King appointed the Licentiate Diego -Perez de la Torre to take the residencia[12] of Guzman. At the same -time Torre was commissioned to replace Guzman as governor of New -Galicia, as this northwestern province had been named. The latter -had already determined to return to Spain, leaving Don Christobal de -Oñate, a model executive and administrative official, in charge of -his province. Guzman almost succeeded in escaping, but his judge, who -had landed at Vera Cruz by the end of 1536, met him at the viceroy’s -palace in Mexico city, and secured his arrest before he could depart. -After his trial he was detained in Mexico until June 30, 1538, when -he was enabled to leave New Spain by an order which directed him to -surrender his person to the officers of the Casa de Contratacion,[13] -at Seville. Guzman lost no time in going to Spain, where he spent the -next four years in urging his claims to a right to participate in the -northern conquests. - -Torre, the licentiate, had barely begun to reform the abuses of -Guzman’s government when he was killed in a conflict with some -revolted Indian tribes. Oñate again took charge of affairs until -Mendoza appointed Luis Galindo chief justice for New Galicia. This -was merely a temporary appointment, however, until a new governor -could be selected. The viceroy’s nomination for the position was -confirmed by the King, in a cedula dated April 18, 1539, which -commissioned Francisco Vazquez Coronado as governor.[14] - -Cortes had been engaged, ever since his return from Spain, in fitting -out expeditions which came to nothing,[15] but by which he hoped to -accomplish his schemes for completing the exploration of the South -sea. His leisure was more than occupied by his efforts to outwit the -agents of the viceroy and the audiencia, who had received orders from -the King to investigate the extent and condition of the estates held -by Cortes. In the spring of 1535, Cortes established a colony on the -opposite coast of California, the supposed Island of the Marquis, at -Santa [p352] Cruz,[16] near the modern La Paz. Storms and shipwreck, -hunger and surfeiting, reduced the numbers and the enthusiasm of the -men whom he had conducted thither, and when his vessels returned from -the mainland with the news that Mendoza had arrived in Mexico, and -bringing letters from his wife urging him to return at once, Cortes -went back to Mexico. A few months later he recalled the settlers -whom he had left at Santa Cruz, in accordance, it may be, with the -command or advice of Mendoza.[17] When the stories of Cabeza de Vaca -suggested the possibility of making desirable conquests toward the -north, Cortes possessed a better outfit for undertaking this work -than any of the others who were likely to be rivals for the privilege -of exploring and occupying that region. - -Pedro de Alvarado was the least known of these rival claimants. He -had been a lieutenant of Cortes until he secured an independent -command in Guatemala, Yucatan and Honduras, where he subdued the -natives, but discovered nothing except that there was nowhere in -these regions any store of gold or treasures. Abandoning this field, -he tried to win a share in the conquests of Pizarro and Almagro. -He approached Peru from the north, and conducted his army across -the mountains. This march, one of the most disastrous in colonial -history, so completely destroyed the efficiency of his force that the -conquerors of Peru easily compelled him to sell them what was left -of his expedition. They paid a considerable sum, weighed out in bars -of silver which he found, after his return to Panama, to be made of -lead with a silver veneering.[18] Alvarado was ready to abandon the -work of conquering America, and had forwarded a petition to the King, -asking that he might be allowed to return to Spain, when Mendoza, -or the audiencia which was controlled by the enemies of Alvarado, -furthered his desires by ordering him to go to the mother country -and present himself before the throne. This was in 1536. While at -court Alvarado must have met Cabeza de Vaca. He changed his plans -for making a voyage to the South seas, and secured from the King, -whose favor he had easily regained, a commission which allowed him -to build a fleet in Central America and explore the South sea—the -Pacific—toward the west or the north. He returned to America early in -1539, bringing with him everything needed in the equipment of a large -fleet. - -[Illustration: XL. Sebastian Cabot’s Map of 1544 - -After Kretschmer] - -Mendoza, meanwhile, 1536–1539, had been making plans and -preparations. He had not come to the New World as an adventurer, -and he lacked the spirit of eager, reckless, hopeful expectation of -wealth and fame, which accomplished so much for the geographical -unfolding of the two Americas. Mendoza appears to have arranged his -plans as carefully as if he had been about to engage in some intrigue -at court. He [p353] recognized his rivals and their strength. Nuño -de Guzman was in disgrace and awaiting a trial, but he was at the -court, where he could urge his claims persistently in person. Cortes -was active, but he was where Mendoza could watch everything that he -tried to do. He might succeed in anticipating the viceroy’s plans, -but his sea ventures heretofore had all been failures. So long as he -kept to the water there seemed to be little danger. Mendoza’s chief -concern appears to have been to make sure that his rivals should -have no chance of uniting their claims against him. Representing the -Crown and its interests, he felt sure of everything else. The viceroy -had no ambition to take the field in person as an explorer, and he -selected Alvarado as the most available leader for the expedition -which he had in mind, probably about the time that the latter -came back to the New World. He wrote to Alvarado, suggesting an -arrangement between them, and after due consideration on both sides, -terms and conditions mutually satisfactory were agreed on. Mendoza -succeeded in uniting Alvarado to his interests, and engaged that -he should conduct an expedition into the country north of Mexico. -This arrangement was completed, apparently, before the return of -Friar Marcos from his reconnoissance, which added so largely to the -probabilities of success. - - -THE RECONNOISSANCE OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA - -Mendoza did not confine himself to diplomatic measures for bringing -about the exploration and conquest which he had in mind. In his -undated “première lettre” the viceroy wrote that he was prepared to -send Dorantes with forty or fifty horses and everything needed for an -expedition into the interior; but nothing was done. - -About this time, 1537–38, Friar Juan de la Asuncion seems to have -visited the inland tribes north of the Spanish settlements. Mr -Bandelier has presented all the evidence obtainable regarding the -labors of this friar.[19] The most probable interpretation of the -statements which refer to his wanderings is that Friar Juan went -alone and without official assistance, and that he may have traveled -as far north as the river Gila. The details of his journey are -hopelessly confused. It is more than probable that there were a -number of friars at work among the outlying Indian tribes, and there -is no reason why one or more of them may not have wandered north -for a considerable distance. During the same year the viceroy made -an attempt, possibly in person, to penetrate into the country of -Topira or Topia, in northwestern Durango,[20] but the mountains and -the absence of provisions forced the party to return. It may be that -this fruitless expedition was the same as that in which, according -to Castañeda, Coronado took part, while Friar Marcos was on his way -to Cibola. It is not unlikely, also, [p354] that Friar Marcos may -have made a preliminary trip toward the north, during the same year, -although this is hardly more than a guess to explain statements, made -by the old chroniclers, which we can not understand. - -As yet nothing had been found to verify the reports brought by Cabeza -de Vaca, which, by themselves, were hardly sufficient to justify the -equipment of an expedition on a large scale. But Mendoza was bent on -discovering what lay beyond the northern mountains. He still had the -negro Estevan, whom he had purchased of Dorantes, besides a number -of Indians who had followed Cabeza de Vaca to Mexico and had been -trained there to serve as interpreters. The experience which the -negro had gained during the years he lived among the savages made him -invaluable as a guide. He was used to dealing with the Indians, knew -something of their languages, and was practiced in the all-important -sign manual. - -Friar Marcos de Niza was selected as the leader of the little party -which was to find out what the viceroy wanted to know. Aside from -his reconnoitering trip to Cibola, very little is known about this -friar. Born in Nice, then a part of Savoy, he was called by his -contemporaries a Frenchman. He had been with Pizarro in Peru, and had -witnessed the death of Atahualpa. Returning to Central America, very -likely with Pedro de Alvarado, he had walked from there barefooted, -as was his custom, up to Mexico. He seems to have been somewhere -in the northwestern provinces of New Spain, when Cabeza de Vaca -appeared there after his wanderings. A member of the Franciscan -brotherhood, he had already attained to some standing in the order, -for he signs his report or personal narration of his explorations, -as vice-commissary of the Franciscans. The father provincial of the -order, Friar Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo, on August 26, 1539,[21] -certified to the high esteem in which Friar Marcos was held, and -stated that he was skilled in cosmography and in the arts of the sea, -as well as in theology. - -This choice of a leader was beyond question an excellent one, and -Mendoza had every reason to feel confidence in the success of his -undertaking. The viceroy drew up a set of instructions for Friar -Marcos, which directed that the Indians whom he met on the way should -receive the best of treatment, and provided for the scientific -observations which all Spanish explorers were expected to record. -Letters were to be left wherever it seemed advisable, in order to -communicate with a possible sea expedition, and information of -the progress of the party was to be sent back to the viceroy at -convenient intervals. These instructions are a model of careful and -explicit directions, and show the characteristic interest taken by -Mendoza in the details of everything with which he was concerned. -They supply to some extent, [p355] also, the loss of the similar -instructions which Coronado must have received when he started on his -journey in the following February.[22] - -Friar Marcos, accompanied by a lay brother, Friar Onorato, according -to Mendoza’s “première lettre,” left Culiacan on March 7, 1539. -Coronado, now acting as governor of New Galicia, had escorted them as -far as this town and had assured a quiet journey for a part of the -way beyond by sending in advance six Indians, natives of this region, -who had been “kept at Mexico to become proficient in the Spanish -language and attached to the ways of the Christians.”[23] The friars -proceeded to Petatlan, where Friar Onorato fell sick, so that it was -necessary to leave him behind. During the rest of the journey, Friar -Marcos was the only white man in the party, which consisted of the -negro Estevan, the Indian interpreters, and a large body of natives -who followed him from the different villages near which he passed. -The friar continued his journey to “Vacapa,” which Mr Bandelier -identifies with the Eudeve settlement of Matapa in central Sonora, -where he arrived two days before Passion Sunday, which in 1539 fell -on March 23.[24] At this place he waited until April 6, in order to -send to the seacoast and summon some Indians, from whom he hoped to -secure further information about the pearl islands of which Cabeza de -Vaca had heard. - -The negro Estevan had been ordered by the viceroy to obey Friar -Marcos in everything, under pain of serious punishment. While the -friar was waiting at Vacapa, he sent the negro toward the north, -instructing him to proceed 50 or 60 leagues and see if he could find -anything which might help them in their search. If he found any signs -of a rich and populous country, it was agreed that he was not to -advance farther, but should return to meet the friar, or else wait -where he heard the good news, sending some Indian messengers back to -the friar, with a white cross the size of the palm of his hand. If -the news was very promising, the cross was to be twice this size, and -if the country about which he heard promised to be larger and better -than New Spain, a cross still larger than this was to be sent back. -Castañeda preserves a story that Estevan was sent ahead, not only to -explore and pacify the country, but also because he did not get on -well with his superior, who objected to his eagerness in collecting -the turquoises and other things which the natives prized and to the -moral effect of his relations with the women who followed him from -the tribes which they met on their way. Friar Marcos says nothing -about this in his narrative, but he had different and much more -important ends to accomplish by his report, compared with those of -Castañeda, who may easily have gathered the gossip from some native. -[p356] - -Estevan started on Passion Sunday, after dinner. Four days later -messengers sent by him brought to the friar “a very large cross, -as tall as a man.” One of the Indians who had given the negro his -information accompanied the messengers. This man said and affirmed, -as the friar carefully recorded, “that there are seven very large -cities in the first province, all under one lord, with large houses -of stone and lime; the smallest one-story high, with a flat roof -above, and others two and three stories high, and the house of the -lord four stories high. They are all united under his rule. And -on the portals of the principal houses there are many designs of -turquoise stones, of which he says they have a great abundance. And -the people in these cities are very well clothed. . . . Concerning -other provinces farther on, he said that each one of them amounted -to much more than these seven cities.” All this which the Indian -told Friar Marcos was true; and, what is more, the Spanish friar -seems to have correctly understood what the Indian meant, except -that the Indian idea of several villages having a common allied form -of government was interpreted as meaning the rule of a single lord, -who lived in what was to the Indians the chief, because the most -populous, village. These villages of stone and lime—or rather of -stone and rolls or balls of adobe laid in mud mortar and sometimes -whitened with a wash of gypsum[25]—were very large and wondrous -affairs when compared with the huts and shelters of the Seri and some -of the Piman Indians of Sonora.[26] The priest can hardly be blamed -for translating a house entrance into a doorway instead of picturing -it as a bulkhead or as the hatchway of a ship. The Spaniards—those -who had seen service in the Indies—had outgrown their earlier custom -of reading into the Indian stories the ideas of government and of -civilization to which they were accustomed in Europe. But Friar -Marcos was at a disadvantage hardly less than that of the companions -of Cortes, when they first heard of Moctecuhzoma, because his -experience with the wealth of the New World had been in the realm of -the Incas. He interpreted what he did not understand, of necessity, -by what he had seen in Peru. - -The story of this Indian did not convince the friar that what he -heard about the grandeur of these seven cities was all true, and he -decided not to believe anything until he had seen it for himself, -or had at least received additional proof. The friar did not start -immediately for the seven cities, as the negro had advised him to -do, but waited until he could see the Indians who had been summoned -from the seacoast. These told him about pearls, which were found near -their homes. Some “painted” Indians, living to the eastward, having -their faces, chests, and arms tattooed or decorated with pigments, -who were perhaps the Pima or Sobaipuri Indians, also visited him -while he was staying at Vacapa and gave him an extended account of -the seven cities, very similar to that of the Indian sent by Estevan. -[p357] - -[Illustration: XLI. Map of the World by Ptolemy, 1548] - -Friar Marcos started on the second day following Pascua Florida, or -Easter, which came on April 6, 1539. He expected to find Estevan -waiting at the village where he had first heard about the cities. -A second cross, as big as the first, had been received from the -negro, and the messengers who brought this gave a fuller and much -more specific account of the cities, agreeing in every respect with -what had previously been related. When the friar reached the village -where the negro had obtained the first information about the cities, -he secured many new details. He was told that it was thirty days’ -journey from this village to the city of Cibola, which was the first -of the seven. Not one person alone, but many, described the houses -very particularly and showed him the way in which they were built, -just as the messengers had done. Besides these seven cities, he -learned that there were other kingdoms, called Marata, Acus, and -Totonteac. The linguistic students, and especially Mr Frank Hamilton -Cushing, have identified the first of these with Matyata or Makyata, -a cluster of pueblos about the salt lakes southeast of Zuñi, which -were in ruins when Alvarado saw them in 1540, although they appeared -to have been despoiled not very long before. Acus is the Acoma -pueblo and Totonteac was in all probability the province of Tusayan, -northwestward from Zuñi. The friar asked these people why they went -so far away from their homes, and was told that they went to get -turquoises and cow skins, besides other valuable things, of all of -which he saw a considerable store in the village. - -Friar Marcos tried to find out how these Indians bartered for the -things they brought from the northern country, but all he could -understand was that “with the sweat and service of their persons they -went to the first city, which is called Cibola, and that they labored -there by digging the earth and other services, and that for what they -did they received turquoises and the skins of cows, such as those -people had.” We now know, whatever Friar Marcos may have thought, -that they doubtless obtained their turquoises by digging them out of -the rocky ground in which they are still found in New Mexico, and -this may easily have seemed to them perspiring labor. It is not clear -just how they obtained the buffalo skins, although it was doubtless -by barter. The friar noticed fine turquoises suspended in the ears -and noses of many of the people whom he saw,[27] and he was again -informed that the principal doorways of Cibola were ceremonially -ornamented with designs made of these stones. Mr Cushing has since -learned, through tradition, that this was their custom. The dress of -these people of Cibola, including the belts of turquoises about the -waist, as it was described to the friar, seemed to him to resemble -that of the Bohemians, or gypsies. The cow skins, some of which were -given to him, were tanned and finished so well that he thought it was -evident that they had been prepared by men who were skilled in this -work. [p358] - -At this point in his narrative Friar Marcos first uses the word -_pueblo_, village, in referring to the seven cities, a point which -would be of some interest if only we could be sure that the report -was written from notes made as he went along. He certainly implies -that he kept some such record when he speaks of taking down the -statements of the Indian who first told him about the seven cities. -It looks as if the additional details which he was obtaining -gradually dimmed his vision of cities comparable to those into which -he had seen Pizarro gather the golden ransom of Atahualpa. - -Friar Marcos had not heard from Estevan since leaving Vacapa, but -the natives told him that the negro was advancing toward Cibola, and -that he had been gone four or five days. The friar started at once to -follow the negro, who had proceeded up Sonora valley, as Mr Bandelier -traces the route. Estevan had planted several large crosses along -the way, and soon began to send messengers to the friar, urging the -latter to hasten, and promising to wait for him at the edge of the -wilderness which lay between them and the country of Cibola. The -friar followed as fast as he could, although constantly hindered -by the natives, who were always ready to verify the stories he had -already heard concerning Cibola. They pressed him to accept their -offers of turquoises and of cow skins in spite of his persistent -refusals. At one village, the lord of the place and his two brothers -greeted the friar, having collars of turquoises about their necks, -while the rest of the people were all _encaconados_, as they called -it, with turquoises, which hung from their ears and noses. Here they -supplied their visitor with deer, rabbits, and quail, besides a great -abundance of corn and piñon seed. They also continued to offer him -turquoises, skins, fine gourds, and other things which they valued. -The Sobaipuri Indians, who were a branch of the Papago, among whom -the friar was now traveling, according to Bandelier, seemed to be as -well acquainted with Cibola as the natives of New Spain were with -Mexico, or those of Peru with Cuzco. They had visited the place many -times, and whatever they possessed which was made with any skill or -neatness had been brought, so they told him, from that country. - -Soon after he encountered these people, the friar met a native of -Cibola. He was a well-favored man, rather old, and appeared to be -much more intelligent than the natives of this valley or those of any -of the districts through which the friar had passed in the course of -his march. This man reported that the lord of Cibola lived and had -his seat of government in one of the seven cities called Ahacus, and -that he appointed men in the other cities who ruled for him. Ahacus -is readily identified with Hawikuh, one of the present ruins near -K’iapkwainakwin, or Ojo Caliente, about 15 miles southwest of Zuñi. -On questioning this man closely, the friar learned that Cibola—by -which, as Bandelier and Cushing maintain, the Indian meant the whole -range occupied by the Zuñi people—was a large city, in which a great -many [p359] people dwelt and which had streets and open squares -or plazas. In some parts of it there were very large houses, which -were ten stories high, and the leading men met together in these on -certain days of the year. Possibly this is one of the rare references -in the accounts of these early visits to Zuñi, to the ceremonials -of the Pueblo Indians, which have been studied and described with -so much care by later visitors, notably by Mrs M. C. Stevenson and -by Dr J. Walter Fewkes of the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological -Expedition. - -This native of Cibola verified all the reports which the friar had -already heard. Marata, he said, had been greatly reduced by the -lord of Cibola during recent wars. Totonteac was a much larger and -richer place, while Acus was an independent kingdom and province. -The strange thing about all these reports is not that they are true, -and that we can identify them by what is now known concerning these -Indians, but the hard thing to understand is how the Spanish friar -could have comprehended so well what the natives must have tried -to tell him. When one considers the difficulties of language, with -all its technicalities, and of radically different conceptions of -every phase of life and of thought, the result must be an increased -confidence in the common sense and the inherent intelligence of -mankind. - -On his way up this valley of Sonora, Friar Marcos heard that the -seacoast turned toward the west. Realizing the importance of this -point, he says that he “went in search of it and saw clearly that -it turns to the west in 35 degrees.” He was at the time between 31 -and 31-1/2 degrees north, just opposite the head of the Gulf of -California. If Bandelier’s identification of the friar’s route is -accepted—and it has a great deal more in its favor than any other -that can be proposed with any due regard to the topography of the -country—Friar Marcos was then near the head of San Pedro valley, -distant 200 miles in a direct line from the coast, across a rough and -barren country. Although the Franciscan superior testified to Marcos’ -proficiency in the arts of the sea, the friar’s calculation was 3-1/2 -degrees out of the way, at a latitude where the usual error in the -contemporary accounts of expeditions is on the average a degree and -a half. The direction of the coast line does change almost due west -of where the friar then was, and he may have gone to some point among -the mountains from which he could satisfy himself that the report -of the Indians was reliable. There is a week or ten days, during -this part of the journey, for which his narrative gives no specific -reckoning. He traveled rather slowly at times, making frequent stops, -so that the side trip is not necessary to fill this gap. The point -is a curious one; but, in the absence of any details, it is hardly -likely that the friar did more than secure from other Indians stories -confirming what he had already been told. - -Friar Marcos soon reached the borders of the wilderness—the country -in and about the present White Mountain Apache reservation in -Arizona. He entered this region on May 9, and twelve days later a -young man [p360] who had been with Estevan, the son of one of the -Indian chiefs accompanying the friar, met him and told the story of -the negro’s death. Estevan had hastened to reach Cibola before the -friar, and just prior to arriving at the first city he had sent a -notice of his approach to the chief of the place. As evidence of his -position or authority, he sent a gourd, to which were attached a few -strings of rattles and two plumes, one of which was white and the -other red. - -While Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were traveling through -Texas, the natives had flocked to see these strange white men and -soon began to worship them, pressing about them for even a touch -of their garments, from which the Indians trusted to receive some -healing power. While taking advantage of the prestige which was -thus obtained, Cabeza de Vaca says that he secured some gourds or -rattles, which were greatly reverenced among these Indians and which -never failed to produce a most respectful behavior whenever they -were exhibited. It was also among these southern plains Indians that -Cabeza de Vaca heard of the permanent settlements toward the north. -Castañeda says that some of these plains Indians came each year to -Cibola to pass the winter under the shelter of the adobe villages, -but that they were distrusted and feared so much that they were not -admitted into the villages unless unarmed, and under no conditions -were they allowed to spend the night within the flat-roof houses. The -connection between these Indian rattles and the gourd which Estevan -prized so highly can not be proven, but it is not unlikely that the -negro announced his arrival to the Cibola chiefs by sending them an -important part of the paraphernalia of a medicine man of a tribe with -which they were at enmity. - -[Illustration: XLII. Battista Agnese’s New Spain, Sixteenth Century - -After Kretschmer] - -There are several versions of the story of Estevan’s death, besides -the one given in Friar Marcos’ narrative, which were derived from -the natives of Cibola. Castañeda, who lived among these people for -a while the next year, states that the Indians kept the negro a -prisoner for three days, “questioning him,” before they killed him. -He adds that Estevan had demanded from the Indians treasures and -women, and this agrees with the legends still current among these -people.[28] When Alarcon ascended Colorado river a year later, and -tried to obtain news of Coronado, with whom he was endeavoring to -cooperate, he heard of Estevan, who was described as a black man with -a beard, wearing things that sounded, rattles, bells, and plumes, -on his feet and arms—the regular outfit of a southwestern medicine -man.[29] Friar Marcos was told that when the messengers bearing the -gourd showed it to the chief of the Cibola village, he threw it on to -the ground and told the messengers that when their people reached the -village they would find out what sort of men lived there, and that -instead of entering the place they would all be killed. Estevan was -not at all daunted when this answer was reported to him, saying that -everything would be right [p361] when he reached the village in -person. He proceeded thither at once, but instead of being admitted, -he was placed under guard in a house near by.[30] All the turquoises -and other gifts which he had received from the Indians during his -journey were taken from him, and he was confined with the people who -accompanied him, over night, without receiving anything to eat or -drink. The next morning Estevan tried to run away, but was overtaken -and killed. The fugitives who brought this news to Friar Marcos said -that most of their companions also had been killed. The Indians who -had followed the friar forthwith began to mourn for three hundred -of their relations and friends, who had perished, they declared, -as a result of their confidence in his forerunner. This number was -undoubtedly an exaggeration. Castañeda heard that the natives of -Cibola kept a few lads from among those who were with the negro, -“and sent back all the rest, numbering about sixty.” The story of -Estevan’s death is reputed to have been preserved among the legends -of the Indians of Zuñi. According to this tradition, the village at -which the “Black Mexican” was killed was K’iakima, a village now -in ruins, situated on a bluff at the southwestern angle of Thunder -mountain mesa; but this is totally at variance with the historical -evidence, which seems to point quite conclusively to Hawikuh, the -first village encountered from the southwest, as the scene of -Estevan’s death.[31] One of the Indian stories of Estevan’s death -is that their wise men took the negro out of the pueblo during the -night, and “gave him a powerful kick, which sped him through the air -back to the south, whence he came!” - -The killing of Estevan made it impossible for Friar Marcos, alone -and unprepared for fighting, to enter the Cibola region. The first -reports of the disaster, as is usually the custom, told of the -death of all who accompanied the negro, and in consequence there -was much wailing among the Indians who had followed the friar. -They threatened to desert him, but he pacified them by opening his -bundles and distributing the trinkets brought from Mexico. While -they were enjoying these, he withdrew a couple of stone-throws for -an hour and a half to pray. Meanwhile, the Indians began again to -think of their lost friends, and decided to kill the friar, as the -indirect cause of the catastrophe. But when he returned from his -devotions, reinvigorated, and learned of their determination, he -diverted their thoughts by producing some of the things which had -been kept back from the first distribution of the contents of his -packs. He expounded to them the folly of killing him, since this -would do him no hurt because he was a Christian and so would go at -once to his home in the sky, while other Christians would come in -search of him and kill all of them, in spite of his own desires to -prevent, if possible, any such revenge. “With many other words” he -[p362] succeeded at last in quieting them and in persuading two of -the chief Indians to go with him to a point where he could obtain -a view of the “city of Cibola.” He proceeded to a small hill, from -which he saw that it was situated on a plain on the slope of a round -height. “It has a very fine appearance for a village,” he writes, -“the best that I have seen in these parts. The houses, as the Indians -had told me, are all of stone, built in stories, and with flat roofs. -Judging by what I could see from the height where I placed myself to -observe it, the settlement is larger than the city of Mexico. . . . -It appears to me that this land is the best and largest of all those -that have been discovered.” - -“With far more fright than food,” the friar says he retraced his way -toward New Spain, by hasty marches. During his journey to Cibola, he -had heard of a large and level valley among the mountains, distant -four or five days from the route which he followed, where he was told -that there were many very large settlements in which the people wore -clothes made of cotton. He showed his informants some metals which -he had, in order to find out what there was in that region, and they -picked out the gold, saying that the people in the valley had vessels -made of this material and some round things which they hung from -their ears and noses. They also had some little shovels of this same -metal, with which they scraped themselves to get rid of their sweat. -On his way back, although he had not recovered from his fright, the -friar determined to see this valley. He did not dare to venture into -it, because, as he says, he thought that those who should go to -settle and rule the country of the seven cities could enter it more -safely than he. He did not wish to risk his own life, lest he should -be prevented from making the report of what he had already seen. He -went as far as the entrance to the valley and saw seven good-looking -settlements at a distance, in a very attractive country, from which -arose a great deal of smoke. He understood from the Indians that -there was much gold in the valley, and that the natives used it for -vessels and ornaments, repeating in his narrative the reports which -he had heard on his outward journey. - -The friar then hastened down the coast to Culiacan, where he hoped, -but failed, to find Coronado, the governor of the province. He went -on to Compostela, where Coronado was staying. Here he wrote his -report, and sent the announcement of his safe return to the viceroy. -A similar notification to the provincial of his order contained a -request for instructions as to what he should do next. He was still -in Compostela on September 2, and as Mendoza and Coronado also were -there, he took occasion to certify under oath before them to the -truth of all that he had written in the report of his expedition to -Cibola. - - -THE EFFECT OF FRIAR MARCOS’ REPORT - -In his official report it is evident that Friar Marcos distinguished -with care between what he had himself seen and what the Indians had -told him. But Cortes began the practice of attacking the veracity -and [p363] good faith of the friar, Castañeda continued it, and -scarcely a writer on these events failed to follow their guidance -until Mr Bandelier undertook to examine the facts of the case, and -applied the rules of ordinary fairness to his historical judgment. -This vigorous defender of the friar has successfully maintained his -strenuous contention that Marcos neither lied nor exaggerated, even -when he said that the Cibola pueblo appeared to him to be larger than -the City of Mexico. All the witnesses agree that these light stone -and adobe villages impress one who first sees them from a distance as -being much larger than they really are. Mexico in 1539, on the other -hand, was neither imposing nor populous. The great communal houses, -the “palace of Montezuma,” had been destroyed during or soon after -the siege of 1521. The pueblo of Hawikuh, the one which the friar -doubtless saw, contained about 200 houses, or between 700 and 1,000 -inhabitants. There is something naïve in Mr Bandelier’s comparison of -this with Robert Tomson’s report that the City of Mexico, in 1556, -contained 1,500 Spanish households.[32] He ought to have added, what -we may be quite sure was true, that the population of Mexico probably -doubled in the fifteen years preceding Tomson’s visit, a fact which -makes Niza’s comparison even more reasonable.[33] - -The credit and esteem in which the friar was held by the viceroy, -Mendoza, is as convincing proof of his integrity as that derived from -a close scrutiny of the text of his narrative. Mendoza’s testimony -was given in a letter which he sent to the King in Spain, inclosing -the report written by Friar Marcos, the “première lettre” which -Ternaux translated from Ramusio. This letter spoke in laudatory terms -of the friar, and of course is not wholly unbiased evidence. It is -at least sufficient to counterbalance the hostile declarations of -Cortes and Castañeda, both of whom had far less creditable reasons -for traducing the friar than Mendoza had for praising him. “These -friars,” wrote Mendoza of Marcos and Onorato, “had lived for some -time in the neighboring countries; they were used to hard labors, -experienced in the ways of the Indies, conscientious, and of good -habits.” It is possible that Mendoza felt less confidence than is -here expressed, for before he organized the Coronado expedition, late -in the fall of this year 1539, he ordered Melchior Diaz to go and see -if what he could discover agreed with the account which Friar Marcos -gave.[34] - -However careful the friar may have been, he presented to the viceroy -a report in which gold and precious stones abounded, and which -stopped just within sight of the goal—the Seven Cities of Nuño de -Guzman and of the Indian traders and story tellers. Friar Marcos had -[p364] something to tell which interested his readers vastly more -than the painful, wonderful story of Cabeza de Vaca. The very fact -that he took it for granted, as he says in his report, that they -would go to populate and rule over this land of the Seven Cities, -with its doorways studded with turquoises, was enough to insure -interest. He must, indeed, have been a popular preacher, and when -the position of father provincial to the Franciscans became vacant, -just now, brother Marcos, already high in the order and with all the -fresh prestige of his latest achievements, was evidently the subject -for promotion. Castañeda, who is not the safest authority for events -preceding the expedition, says that the promotion was arranged by -the viceroy. This may have been so. His other statement is probable -enough, that, as a result of the promotion, the pulpits of the order -were filled with accounts of such marvels and wonders that large -numbers were eager to join in the conquest of this new land. Whatever -Friar Marcos may have sacrificed to careful truth was atoned for, we -may be sure, by the zealous, loyal brethren of blessed Saint Francis. - -[Illustration: XLIII. The City of Mexico about 1550, by Alonzo de -Santa Cruz] - -Don Joan Suarez de Peralta was born, as Señor Zaragoza shows in his -admirable edition of the Tratado del Descubrimiento de las Yndias y -su Conquista, in Mexico between 1535 and 1540, and probably nearer -the first of these five years. In the Tratado, Suarez de Peralta -gives a most interesting description of the effect produced in Mexico -by the departure and the return of the Coronado expedition. He can -hardly have had very vivid personal recollections of the excitement -produced by the reports of Friar Marcos, yet his account is so clear -and circumstantial that it evidently must be the narrative of an -eyewitness, though recorded, it may be, at secondhand. He tells us -that “the country was so stirred up by the news which the friar -had brought from the Seven Cities that nothing else was thought -about. For he said that the city of Cibola was big enough to contain -two Sevilles and over, and the other places were not much smaller; -and that the houses were very fine edifices, four stories high; and -in the country there are many of what they call wild cows, and sheep -and goats and rich treasures. He exaggerated things so much, that -everybody was for going there and leaving Mexico depopulated. . . . . -The news from the Seven Cities inspired so eager a desire in every -one that not only did the viceroy and the marquis (Cortes) make ready -to start for there, but the whole country wanted to follow them so -much that they traded for the licenses which permitted them to go -as soldiers, and people sold these as a favor, and whoever obtained -one of these thought that it was as good as a title of nobility at -the least. For the friar who had come from there exaggerated and -said that it was the best place in the world; the people in that -country very prosperous, and all the Indians wearing clothes and the -possessors of much cattle; the mountains like those of Spain, and the -climate the same. For wood, they burnt very large walnut trees, which -bear quantities of [p365] walnuts better than those of Spain. They -have many mountain grapes, which are very good eating, chestnuts, and -filberts. According to the way he painted it, this should have been -the terrestrial paradise. For game, there were partridges, geese, -cranes, and all the other winged creatures—it was marvelous what was -there.” And then Suarez adds, writing half a century later, “He told -the truth in all this, because there are mountains in that country, -as he said, and herds, especially of cows. . . . . There are grapes -and game, without doubt, and a climate like that of Spain.”[35] - -Second-hand evidence, recorded fifty years after the occurrence, -is far from conclusive. Fortunately, we are able to supplement it -by legal testimony, taken down and recorded under oath, with all -the formalities of the old Spanish law customs. When the news of -Friar Marcos’ journey reached Spain there was much rivalry among -those who claimed the privilege of completing the discovery. Much -evidence was presented and frequent pleas were entered by all the -men who had an active part and leadership in the conquest of the -northern portion of the New World. In the course of the litigation -the representative of the adelantado Hernando de Soto, presented some -testimony which had been given in the town of San Cristobal de la -Habana de la Isla Fernandina—Habana and Cuba—dated November 12, 1539. -There were seven witnesses, from a ship which had been obliged to -put into this port in order to procure water and other supplies, and -also because some persons aboard had become very sick. Each witness -declared that a month or more before—Friar Marcos arrived back in -Mexico before the end of August, 1539—he had heard, and that this -was common talk in Mexico, Vera Cruz, and in Puebla de los Angeles, -that a Franciscan friar named Fray Marcos, who had recently come -from the inland regions, said that he had discovered a very rich -and very populous country 400 or 500 leagues north of Mexico. “He -said that the country is rich in gold, silver and other treasures, -and that it contains very large villages; that the houses are built -of stone, and terraced like those of Mexico, and that they are high -and imposing. The people, so he said, are shrewd, and do not marry -more than one wife at a time, and they wear coarse woolen cloth and -ride on some animals,” the name of which the witness did not know. -Another testified that the common report was that this country “was -very rich and populous and had great walled cities, and that the -lords of the cities were called kings, and that the people were -very shrewd and use the Mexican language.” But the witness to whose -deposition we are most indebted was Andrés Garcia. This man declared -that he had a son-in-law who was a barber, who had shaved the friar -after he came back from the new country. The son-in-law had told the -witness that the friar, while being [p366] shaved, had talked about -the country which he had discovered beyond the mountains. “After -crossing the mountains, the friar said there was a river, and that -many settlements were there, in cities and towns, and that the cities -were surrounded by walls, with their gates guarded, and were very -wealthy, having silversmiths, and that the women wore strings of gold -beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen dresses; and that -they had sheep and cows and partridges and slaughterhouses and iron -forges.”[36] - -Friar Marcos undoubtedly never willfully told an untruth about the -country of Cibola, even in a barber’s chair. But there seems to be -little chance for doubting that the reports which he brought to New -Spain were the cause of much talk as well as many sermons, which -gave rise to a considerable amount of excitement among the settlers, -whose old-world notions had been upset by the reputed glory of the -Montezumas and the wealth of the Incas. Very many, though perhaps -not all, of the colonists were stirred with an eager desire to -participate in the rich harvest awaiting the conquerors of these new -[p367] lands. Friar Marcos was not a liar, but it is impossible to -ignore the charges against him quite as easily as Mr Bandelier has -done. - -Pedro Castañeda makes some very damaging statements, which are -not conclusive proof of the facts. Like the statements of Suarez -de Peralta, they represent the popular estimation of the father -provincial, and they repeat the stories which passed current -regarding him, when the later explorations had destroyed the vision -that had been raised by the reports of the friar’s exploration. -The accusations made by Cortes deserve more careful consideration. -Cortes returned to Spain about the time that the preparations for the -Coronado expedition were definitely begun. Soon after his arrival -at court, June 25, 1540,[37] he addressed a formal memorial to the -King, setting forth in detail the ill treatment which he had received -from Mendoza. In this he declared that after the viceroy had ordered -him to withdraw his men from their station on the coast of the -mainland toward the north—where they were engaged in making ready for -extended inland explorations—he had a talk with Friar Marcos. “And -I gave him,” says Cortes, “an account of this said country and of -its discovery, because I had determined to send him in my ships to -follow up the said northern coast and conquer that country, because -he seemed to understand something about matters of navigation. The -said friar communicated this to the said viceroy, and he says that, -with his permission, he went by land in search of the same coast and -country as that which I had discovered, and which it was and is my -right to conquer. And since his return, the said friar has published -the statement that he came within sight of the said country, which I -deny that he has either seen or discovered; but instead, in all that -the said friar reports that he has seen, he only repeats the account -I had given him regarding the information which I obtained from the -Indians of the said country of Santa Cruz, because everything which -the said friar says that he discovered is just the same as what -these said Indians had told me: and in enlarging upon this and in -pretending to report what he neither saw nor learned, the said Friar -Marcos does nothing new, because he has done this many other times, -and this was his regular habit, as is notorious in the provinces of -Peru and Guatemala; and sufficient evidence regarding this will be -given to the court whenever it is necessary.”[38] - -This is a serious charge, but so far as is known it was never -substantiated. Cortes was anxious to enforce his point, and he was -not always scrupulous in regard to the exact truth. The important -point is that such charges were made by a man who was in the position -to learn all [p368] the facts, and that the accusations were made -before anyone knew how little basis there was for the stories which -were the cause of the whole trouble. Without trying to clear the -character of Cortes, it is possible to suggest the answer to the -most evident reply to his accusations—that he never published the -stories which he says he received from the Indians. Cortes certainly -did persist in his endeavors to explore the country lying about the -head of the Gulf of California. If he ever heard from the Indians -anything concerning the Cibola region—which is doubtful, partly -because Cortes himself complains that if Mendoza had not interfered -with the efficiency of his expeditions, he would have secured this -information—it would still have been the best policy for Cortes -to keep the knowledge to himself, so that possible rivals might -remain ignorant of it until he had perfected his own plans. It may -be questioned how long such secrecy would have been possible, but -we know how successfully the Spanish authorities managed to keep -from the rest of the world the correct and complete cartographical -information as to what was being accomplished in the New World, -throughout the period of exploration and conquest. - -The truce—it can hardly be called a friendship—between Mendoza and -Cortes, which prevailed during the first years of the viceroy’s -administration, could not last long. Mendoza, as soon as he was -fairly settled in his position in New Spain,[39] asked the King for -a license to make explorations. Cortes still looked on every rival -in the work of extending this portion of the Spanish world as an -interloper, even though he must have recognized that his prestige at -the court and in the New World was rapidly lessening. The distrust -with which each of the two regarded the other increased the trouble -which was inevitable so soon as the viceroy, urged on by the -audiencia, undertook to execute the royal orders which instructed -him to investigate the extent of the estates held by Cortes, and -to enumerate the Indians held to service by the conqueror. Bad -feeling was inevitable, and the squabbles over forms of address and -of precedence, which Suarez de Peralta records, were only a few of -many things which reveal the relations of the two leading men in New -Spain. [p369] - -[Illustration: XLIV. Zaltieri’s Karte, 1566] - -We can not be certain what the plans of Cortes were, nor can we tell -just how much he did to carry his schemes into execution, during -the years from 1537 to 1540. Shortly after the men whom Cortes had -established at Santa Cruz were recalled, a decree was issued, in the -name of the audiencia, to forbid the sending of any expedition for -exploration or conquest from New Spain. Cortes declared that he had -at this time, September, 1538, nine good ships already built. He -was naturally unwilling to give up all hope of deriving any benefit -from his previous undertakings, as would be inevitable if Mendoza -should succeed in his projects for taking advantage of whatever good -things could be found toward the north. The danger must have seemed -clear so soon as he learned of the departure of Friar Marcos and the -negro on their journey toward the Seven Cities. There is no means of -knowing whether Cortes had learned of the actual discovery of Cibola, -when he suddenly ordered Francisco de Ulloa to take three vessels -and sail up the coast toward the head of the Gulf of California. The -friar may have sent Indian messengers to the viceroy so soon as he -heard the native reports about the seven cities of Cibola, and it is -possible that the news of his approaching return may have reached New -Spain before the departure of Ulloa, which took place July 8, 1539, -from Acapulco.[40] It seems clear that this action was unexpected, -and that it was a successful anticipation of preventive measures. -In the statement of his grievances, Cortes declares that Mendoza -not only threw every possible obstacle in his way, seizing six or -seven vessels which failed to get away with Ulloa, but that even -after Ulloa had gone, the viceroy sent a strong force up the coast -to prevent the ships from entering any of the ports. When stress -of weather forced one of the ships to put into Guatulco, the pilot -and sailors were imprisoned and the viceroy persistently refused -to return the ship to its owner. About the same time, a messenger -who had been sent to Cortes from Santiago in Colima was seized and -tortured, in the hope of procuring from him information about the -plans of Cortes.[41] - -After Friar Marcos came back from the north and filled the people -in New Spain with the desire of going to this new country, Cortes -realized that he could do nothing, even in the city which he had won -for his King and for Europe, to prevent the expedition which Mendoza -was already organizing. Early in 1540—we know only that he was on -his way when he wrote to Oviedo from Habana[42] on February 5—the -conqueror of Motecuhzoma’s empire left Mexico for the last time, and -went to see what he could gain by a personal application at the court -of His Majesty the Emperor, Charles V. [p370] - -Mendoza had guarded against rival expeditions from his own territory, -and so soon as he knew that Friar Marcos had succeeded in his quest, -he took precautions to prevent the news of the discovery from -reaching other portions of the New World. His chief fear, probably, -was lest De Soto, who had recently received a license to explore the -country between the Rio de las Palmas, in the present Texas, and -Florida,[43] might direct his expedition toward the western limits -of his territory, if he should learn of the rich prospects there. -Although Mendoza probably did not know it, De Soto had sailed from -Habana in May, 1539, and in July, sending back his largest ships, he -began the long march through the everglades of Florida, which was -to end in the Mississippi. Mendoza, with all the formality of the -viceregal authority, ordered that no vessel sailing from New Spain -should touch at any port in the New World on its way back to the -home peninsula, and this notice was duly served on all departing -shipmasters by the secretaries of the viceroy. By the middle of -November, however, despite all this care, a ship from Vera Cruz -sailed into the harbor of Habana. The master declared, on his oath, -that he had been forced to put in there, because sickness had broken -out aboard his vessel soon after the departure from New Spain and -because he had discovered that his stock of provisions and water was -insufficient for the voyage across the Atlantic. Curiously enough, -one of the crew, possibly one of those who had been seized with the -sickness, had in his possession some letters which he had been asked -to deliver to Hernando De Soto, in Habana. Apparently the agent or -friend of De Soto living in Mexico, one Francisco de Billegas, did -not know that the adelantado had left Cuba, although he had arranged -to have the letters carried to Spain and given to the representative -of the adelantado there if De Soto was not found at Habana. De Soto -had taken care that his interests should be watched and protected, in -Spain as well as in the New World, when he started on his search for -the land of wealth north of the Gulf of Mexico, the search on which -Ayllon and Narvaez had failed so sadly. - -It was the regular practice of all the governors and successful -explorers in the colonies of the empire to maintain representatives -in Spain who should look after their interests at court and before -the administrative bureaus. When the news of Friar Marcos’ discovery -reached Europe, accompanied by reports of the preparations which -Mendoza was making for an expedition to take possession of the new -territory, protests and counterclaims were immediately presented in -behalf of all those who could claim any right to participate in this -new field of conquest. The first formal statements were filed with -the Council for the Indies, March 3, 1540, and on June 10, 1541, the -factor or representative of Cortes, whose petition is first among -the papers relating to the case, asked for an extension of six days. -This ends the [p371] documents concerning the litigation, so far -as they have been printed.[44] Petitions, testimony, narratives of -explorations and discoveries, acts taking possession of new lands, -notifications and decisions, appeals and countercharges, were filed -and referred, each claimant watching his rivals so closely and -objecting to their claims so strenuously that the fiscal, Villalobos, -in his report on the case, May 25, 1540, gives as one of the most -conclusive reasons in favor of the advice which he offers to the -Council, that each of the parties has clearly proved that none of the -others have any right to claim a share in the newly discovered region -by virtue of any grants, licenses, or achievements whatsoever. - -Of the various claimants, the representative of the adelantado -Hernando De Soto offered perhaps the best argument. The territory -granted to De Soto extended on the west to the Rio de las Palmas, -and this grant was the same as that previously made to Narvaez. -The discovery had grown out of the expedition of Narvaez, to whose -rights De Soto had succeeded, through the reports which Cabeza -de Vaca carried to New Spain. The newly discovered region was -evidently inland, and this fact disposed of the two prominent -rivals, Cortes and Alvarado. The adelantado had expended large sums -in preparing for this undertaking—a claim advanced with equal vigor -by all the parties, and usually supported by specific accounts, -which unfortunately are not printed—and it was only right that he -should be given every opportunity to reap the full advantage from -these outlays. Most important of all was the fact that De Soto was -already in the country north of the gulf, in command of a large and -well equipped force, and presumably on his way toward the region -about which they were disputing. Because De Soto was there, urged -his representative with strong and persistent emphasis, all other -exploring expeditions ought to be kept away. It was clearly probable -that great and notorious scandals would ensue unless this was guarded -against, just as had happened in Peru. If this precaution was not -taken, and two expeditions representing conflicting interests should -be allowed to come together in the country beyond the reach of the -royal restraint, many lives would inevitably be lost and great damage -be done to the Spaniards, and to the souls of the Indians as well, -while the enlargement of the royal patrimony would be hindered.[45] - -Cortes reached Spain some time in April, 1540,[46] and was able to -direct his case in person for much of the time. He urged the priority -of his [p372] claims under the royal license, dating from 1529.[47] -He told of his many efforts to enlarge the Spanish domain, undertaken -at great expense, personal sacrifice and danger, and resulting in -the loss of relations and friends. From all of this, as he carefully -pointed out, neither His Majesty nor himself had received any proper -benefit, though this was not the result of any fault or lack of -diligence on his part, as he hastened to explain, but had been caused -by the persistent and ill-concealed hostility of the audiencia and -the viceroy in New Spain, “concerning all of which His Majesty must -have been kept heretofore in ignorance.” - -Nuño de Guzman presented his case in person, though perhaps this was -not so much because it was more effective as because his resources -must have been limited and his time little occupied. He was able, -indeed, to make out a very good argument, assuming his right to -the governorship of New Galicia, a province which had been greatly -enlarged by his conquests. These conquests were toward the north, -and he had taken possession of all the land in that direction in -behalf of His Catholic Majesty. He would have extended the Spanish -territory much farther in the same direction, if only his zealous -efforts had not been abruptly cut short by his persecutors, through -whose malicious efforts he was even yet nominally under arrest. Nor -was this all, for all future expeditions into the new region must go -across the territory which was rightfully his, and they could only -succeed by the assistance and resources which would be drawn from his -country. Thus he was the possessor of the key to all that lay beyond. - -The commission or license which Pedro de Alvarado took with him -from Spain the year before these proceedings opened, granted him -permission to explore toward the west and the north—the latter -provision probably inserted as a result of the reports which Cabeza -de Vaca brought to Spain. Alvarado had prepared an expedition at -great expense, and since the new region lay within his grant, his -advocate pleaded, it would evidently pertain to him to conquer it. -Moreover, he was in very high favor at court, as is shown by the ease -with which he regained his position, in spite of the attack by the -Mexican audiencia, and also by the ease with which he obtained the -papal permission allowing him to marry the sister of his former wife. -But Alvarado figures only slightly in the litigation, and he may -have appeared as a party in order to maintain an opposition, rather -than with any hope or intention of establishing the justice of his -claims. Everything seems to add to the probability of the theory that -Mendoza effected an alliance with him very early. It is possible that -the negotiations may have begun before Alvarado left Spain, although -there is no certainty about anything which preceded the written -articles of agreement. Some of the contemporary historians appear to -have been ignorant even of these. [p373] - -[Illustration: XLV. Mercator’s Northwestern Part of New Spain, 1569] - -The Council for the Indies referred the whole matter of the -petitions and accompanying evidence to the fiscal, the licentiate -Villalobos, April 21, 1540. He made a report, which virtually -decided the case, May 25. The parties were given an opportunity -of replying to this, and they continued to present evidence and -petitions and countercharges for a year longer. The final decision, -if any was made, has not been printed, so far as I know, but the -Council could hardly have done anything beyond formally indorsing -the report of Villalobos. The duty of the fiscal was plain, and his -report advises His Majesty not to grant any of the things asked for -by the petitioners. He states that this discovery ought to be made -by and in behalf of His Majesty, since the region was not included -in any previous grant. Although the Crown had forbidden any further -unlicensed explorations, this would not prevent expeditions being -undertaken on the part of the Crown, which is always at liberty to -explore at will. In effect, of course, the report sanctioned the -exploration by Mendoza, who represented the royal interests and -power. An objection was at once entered in behalf of De Soto, using -the very good argument that Mendoza’s expedition would be sent out -either at the expense of the Crown or of his private fortune. If the -former, it was claimed that as the explorer would have the glory in -any event, the Crown ought to save the expense by allowing De Soto, -who had already undertaken the same thing at his own cost, to make -these discoveries, which he promised should redound to as great an -extent to the glory and advantage of the Emperor. If Mendoza was -undertaking this at his own expense, it was evident that he would -desire to recover his outlay. Here he was merely on the same footing -as De Soto, who was prepared to make a better offer to his Royal -Master than Mendoza could possibly afford. In either case there was -the danger of scandal and disaster, in case the two expeditions -should be allowed to come together beyond the range of the royal -oversight. No answer to this appeal is recorded, and the parties -continued to argue down their opponents’ cases, while the viceroy -in New Spain started the expedition which, under the command of -Francisco Vazquez Coronado, discovered the Pueblo Indians of New -Mexico, the Grand canyon of the Colorado, and the bison of the great -plains. - - -THE EXPEDITION TO NEW MEXICO AND THE GREAT PLAINS - - -THE ORGANIZATION OF THE EXPEDITION - -Two classes of colonists are essential to the security and the -permanent prosperity of every newly opened country. In New Spain -in the sixteenth century these two classes, sharply divided and -almost antagonistic—the established settlers and the free soldiers -of fortune—were both of considerable importance. Cortes, so soon -as he had conquered the country, recognized the need of providing -for its settlement by a stable population. In the petitions and -memorials which he wrote in [p374] 1539 and 1540 he continually -reiterates the declaration of the pains and losses sustained on -account of his efforts to bring colonists from Spain to populate the -New World. Whether he accomplished all that these memorials claim is -doubtful, for there are comparatively few references to this class -of immigrants during the years when Cortes was in a position to -accomplish his designs. Mendoza declared that the increase of the -European population in New Spain came largely after his own arrival -there, in 1535, and this was probably true. The “good viceroy” -unquestionably did more than anyone else to place the province on a -permanent basis.[48] - -Mendoza supervised with great care the assignment of land to the -newcomers, and provided tools and stock for those who had not the -means of equipping their farms. As a royal decree forbade the -granting of land to unmarried men, besides directing an increase of -royal favor and additional grants proportionate to the increase of -children, the viceroy frequently advanced the money which enabled -men who were desirous of settling down to get married. When he -came from Spain in 1535, he brought with him a number of eligible -spinsters, and it is quite probable that, after these had found -husbands, he maintained the supply of maids suitable to become the -wives of those colonists who wished to experience the royal bounty -and favor. Alvarado engaged in a similar undertaking when he came out -to Guatemala in 1539, but with less success than we may safely hope -rewarded the thoughtfulness of Mendoza.[49] A royal order in 1538 -had decreed that all who held encomiendas should marry within three -years, if not already possessed of a wife, or else forfeit their -estates to married men. Some of the bachelor landholders protested -against the enforcement of this order in Guatemala, because eligible -white women could not be found nearer than Mexico. To remove this -objection, Alvarado brought twenty maidens from Spain. Soon after -their arrival, a reception was held, at which they were given a -chance to see their prospective husbands. During the evening, one -of the girls declared to her companions that she never could marry -one of these “old fellows, . . . who were cut up as if they had just -escaped from the infernal regions, . . . for some of them are lame, -some have only one hand, others have no ears or only one eye, and -some of them have lost half their faces. The best of them have one -or two scars across their foreheads.” [p375] The story is that one -of the “old fellows” overheard this outburst, reported it to his -friends, and promptly went off and married the daughter of a powerful -cacique. - -Besides assisting his colonists to get wives, Mendoza did a great -deal to foster the agricultural interests of the province. He -continued the importation of cattle, which Cortes had begun, and -also procured horses and sheep from Spain. He writes in one of his -letters of the especial satisfaction that he felt because of the -rapid increase of his merino sheep, in spite of the depredations -of the natives and of wild animals. The chief concern of the -officials of the audiencia had been the gold mines, which yielded -a considerable revenue in certain districts; but Mendoza, without -neglecting these, proved how large and reliable was the additional -revenue which could be derived from other sources. The viceroy’s -success in developing the province can not be shown more clearly -than by repeating the description of New Spain in 1555, written by -Robert Tomson, an English merchant engaged in the Spanish trade. In -the course of a business tour Tomson visited the City of Mexico. His -commercial friends in the city entertained him most hospitably, and -did their best to make his visit pleasant. He refused, however, to -heed their warnings, and his indiscreet freedom of speech finally -compelled the officials of the Inquisition to imprison him, thus -adding considerably to the length of his residence in the city. After -he returned home, he wrote a narrative of his tour, in which he says -of New Spain: - - “As for victuals in the said Citie, of beefe, mutton, and hennes, - capons, quailes, Guiñy-cockes, and such like, all are very good - cheape: To say, the whole quarter of an oxe, as much as a slaue - can carry away from the Butchers, for fine Tomynes, that is, fine - Royals of plate, which is iust two shillings and sixe pence, and - a fat sheepe at the Butchers for three Royals, which is 18. pence - and no more. Bread is as good cheape as in Spaine, and all other - kinde of fruites, as apples, peares, pomegranats, and quinces, at - a reasonable rate. . . . [The country] doth yeeld great store of - very good silke, and Cochinilla. . . . Also there are many goodly - fruits, whereof we haue none such, as Plantanos, Guyanes, Sapotes, - Tunas, and in the wildernes great store of blacke cheries, and other - wholsome fruites. . . . Also the Indico that doeth come from thence - to die blew, is a certaine hearbe. . . . Balme, Salsaperilla, cana - fistula, suger, oxe hides, and many other good and seruiceable - things the Countrey doeth yeeld, which are yeerely brought into - Spaine, and there solde and distributed to many nations.”[50] - -The other class among the colonists of New Spain in the second -quarter of the sixteenth century “floated like cork on the water” on -those who had established their homes in the New World.[51] The men -[p376] who made it possible to live in security on the farms and -ranches of the province had rendered many and indispensable services, -and there was much that they might still do to enlarge its boundaries -and make the security more certain. They were, nevertheless, a -serious hindrance to the prosperity of the settlements. For the -most part they were young men of all sorts and degrees. Among them -were many sons of Spanish noblemen, like Mendoza the viceroy, whose -brother had just succeeded his father as Marquis de Mondejar. Very -much of the extension of the Spanish world by discovery and conquest -was due to the sons of men of rank, who had, perhaps generally, begun -to sow their wild oats in Spain and were sent across the Atlantic -in order to keep them out of mischief at home, or to atone, it may -be, for mischief already done. In action, these young caballeros -were most efficient. By personal valor and ability, they held the -positions of leadership everywhere, among men who followed whom -and when they chose, and always chose the man who led them most -successfully. When inactive, these same cavaliers were a most trying -annoyance to any community in which they happened to be. Armed -with royal letters and comprehensive introductions, they had to -be entertained, at heavy charges. Masters of their own movements, -they came as they liked, and very often did not go away. Lovers -of excitement, they secured it regardless of other men’s wives or -property. - -[Illustration: XLVI. Mercator’s Interior of New Spain, 1589] - -There had been few attractions to draw these adventurers away from -Mexico, the metropolis of the mainland, for some time previous to -1539. Peru still offered excitement for those who had nothing to gain -or lose, but the purely personal struggle going on there between -Pizarro and Almagro could not arouse the energies of those who were -in search of glory as well as of employment. A considerable part -of the rabble which followed Nuño de Guzman during the conquest -of New Galicia went to Peru after their chief had been superseded -by the Licentiate de la Torre, so that one town is said to have -disappeared entirely from this cause; but among these there were few -men of good birth and spirit. Mendoza had been able, at first, to -accommodate and employ those who accompanied him from Spain, like -Vazquez Coronado, “being chiefly young gentlemen.” But every vessel -coming from home brought some companion or friend of those who were -already in New Spain, and after Cabeza de Vaca carried the reports -of his discoveries to the Spanish court, an increasing number came -each season to join the already burdensome body of useless members -of the viceregal household. The viceroy recognized the necessity -of relieving the community of this burden very soon after he had -established himself in Mexico, and he was continually on the watch -for some suitable means of freeing himself from these guests. By 1539 -the problem of looking after these young gentlemen—whose number is -determined quite accurately by the two hundred and fifty or three -hundred “gentlemen on horseback” who left New Spain with Coronado in -the [p377] spring of 1540—had become a serious one to the viceroy. -The most desirable employment for all this idle energy would be, of -course, the exploration and conquest of new country, or the opening -of the border territory for permanent settlement. But no mere work -for work’s sake, no wild-goose chase, would do. These young gentlemen -had many friends near to Charles V, who would have resented any -abuse of privilege or of confidence. A suitable expedition could -be undertaken only at considerable expense, and unless the cost -could all be made good to the accountants in Spain, complaints were -sure to be preferred against even the best of viceroys. So Mendoza -entertained his guests as best he could, while they loafed about -his court or visited his stock farms, and he anxiously watched the -reports which came from the officials of the northwestern province of -New Galicia and from the priests who were wandering and working among -the outlying Indian tribes. When, late in the summer of 1539, Friar -Marcos returned from the north, bringing the assurance that Cibola -was a desirable field for conquest, the viceroy quickly improved the -opportunity for which he had been waiting. Within a month and a half -Mendoza had begun to organize the force which was to conquer this new -country. - -Compostela, on the Pacific coast, was announced as the place at which -the force should assemble. The viceroy desired to have the army begin -its march so soon as the roads were passable in the spring, and he -wished also to relieve the Indians living in the districts between -Mexico and the coast from as much as possible of the annoyance and -loss which would be inevitable if the army started from Mexico and -marched through this territory in a body. How much this forethought -for the Indians was needed appears from Mendoza’s reply to the -accusations against him filed during the visita of 1547, which -showed that all his care had not saved the Indians of Michoacan from -needless injury at the hands of those who were on their way to join -the gathering at Compostela. Incidentally, this arrangement also gave -the capital city an earlier relief from its unwelcome guests. - -Popular as was the expedition to the Seven Cities, there was a little -opposition to the undertaking. When it became evident that a large -force was about to leave the country, some of those who were to -remain behind complained that all New Spain was being depopulated, -and that no one would be left to defend the country in case of an -Indian uprising. When Mendoza reached Compostela, by the middle of -February, 1540, Coronado asked him to make an official investigation -of these complaints. The formal request is dated February 21, and on -the following day, Sunday, the viceroy held a grand review of the -whole array, with everyone ready equipped for the march. As the men -passed before the viceregal party the secretaries made an exact count -and description of the force, but this document is not now known. Its -loss is partly supplied by the sworn testimony of the officials who -were best acquainted with the inhabitants of all parts of New Spain, -[p378] recorded a few days after the departure of the expedition. -They declare that in the whole army there were only two or three men -who had ever been settled residents in the country; that these few -were men who had failed to make a living as settlers, and that, in -short, the whole force was a good riddance.[52] - -The men who assembled at Compostela to start for the Seven Cities -numbered, Mendoza stated at the time of the visita in 1547, “about -two hundred and fifty Spaniards on horseback, . . . and about three -hundred Indians, a few more or less.” Mota Padilla, who must have -used documents of the very best authority, nearly all of which have -since disappeared, gives the number of the force as “two hundred and -sixty horsemen, . . seventy footmen, . . and more than a thousand -friendly Indians and Indian servants.” Herrera, who used official -documents, says that there were one hundred and fifty horsemen and -two hundred footmen. Mendoza’s statement of the number of Indians may -be explained, if we suppose him to have referred only to the friendly -Indians who went on the expedition as native allies. His statement is -made in the course of a defense of his administration, when he was -naturally desirous of giving as small a number as possible. Castañeda -says that there were three hundred horsemen, and this number occurs -in other early narratives. - -Mendoza spared neither pains nor expense to insure the success of the -expedition. Arms, horses, and supplies were furnished in abundance; -money was advanced from the royal chest to any who had debts to pay -before they could depart, and provision was made for the support -of those who were about to be left behind by fathers, brothers, or -husbands. The equipment of the force was all that the viceroy could -desire. Arms and military supplies had been among the things greatly -needed in New Spain when Mendoza reported its condition in his first -letters to the home government. In 1537 he repeated his request -for these supplies with increased insistence. The subject is not -again mentioned in his letters, and we may fairly suppose that he -had received the weapons and munitions of war, fresh from the royal -arsenals of Spain, with which he equipped the expedition on whose -success he had staked so much. It was a splendid array as it passed -in review before Mendoza and the officials who helped and watched -him govern New Spain, on this Sunday in February, 1540. The young -cavaliers curbed the picked horses from the large stock farms of the -viceroy, each resplendent in long blankets flowing to the ground. -Each rider held his lance erect, while his sword and other weapons -hung in their proper places at his side. Some were arrayed in coats -of mail, polished to shine like that of their general, whose gilded -armor with its brilliant trappings was to bring him many hard blows -a few months later. Others wore iron helmets or vizored headpieces -of the tough bullhide for which the country [p379] has ever been -famous. The footmen carried crossbows and harquebuses, while some -of them were armed with sword and shield. Looking on at these white -men with their weapons of European warfare was the crowd of native -allies in their paint and holiday attire, armed with the club and the -bow of an Indian warrior. When all these started off next morning, -in duly ordered companies, with their banners flying, upward of a -thousand servants and followers, black men and red men, went with -them, leading the spare horses, driving the pack animals, bearing the -extra baggage of their masters, or herding the large droves of “big -and little cattle,” of oxen and cows, sheep, and, maybe, swine,[53] -which had been collected by the viceroy to assure fresh food for the -army on its march. There were more than a thousand horses in the -train of the force, besides the mules, loaded with camp supplies and -provisions, and carrying half a dozen pieces of light artillery—the -pedreros, or swivel guns of the period. - -After the review, the army assembled before the viceroy, who -addressed to them an exhortation befitting the occasion. Each -man, whether captain or foot soldier, then swore obedience to his -commander and officers, and promised to prove himself a loyal and -faithful vassal to his Lord the King. During the preceding week the -viceroy had divided the force into companies, and now he assigned -to each its captain, as Castañeda relates, and announced the other -officers of the army. - -Francisco Vazquez Coronado—de Coronado it is sometimes written—was -captain-general of the whole force. “Who he is, what he has already -done, and his personal qualities and abilities, which may be made -useful in the various affairs which arise in these parts of the -Indies, I have already written to Your Majesty,” writes Mendoza -to the Emperor, in the letter of December 10, 1537. This previous -letter is not known to exist, and there is very little to supply the -place of its description of the character and antecedents of Vazquez -Coronado. His home was in Salamanca,[54] and he came to America in -the retinue of Mendoza in 1535. His relations with his patron, the -viceroy, previous to the return of the expedition from Cibola, appear -always to have been most cordial and intimate. In 1537 Coronado -married Beatrice de Estrada, a cousin by blood, if gossip was true, -of the Emperor, Charles V. Her father, Alonso, had been royal -treasurer of New Spain. From his mother-in-law Coronado received as -a marriage gift a considerable estate, “the half of Tlapa,” which -was confirmed to him by a royal grant. Cortez complained that the -income from this estate was worth more than 3,000 ducados, and that -it had been unduly and inconsiderately alienated from the Crown. -Coronado obtained also the estate of one Juan de Búrgos, apparently -one of those who forfeited [p380] their land because they persisted -in the unmarried state. This arrangement likewise received the royal -approval.[55] When, however, “the new laws and ordinances for the -Indies” came out from Spain in 1544,[56] after Coronado’s return -from the northern expedition, one of the sections expressly ordered -an investigation into the extent and value of the estates held by -Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, since it had been reported to the King -that the number of Indians held to service on these estates was very -excessive. Mendoza had to answer the same charge at his visita in -1547. - -Mendoza sent Coronado, in 1537, to the mines at Amatepeque, where the -negroes had revolted and “elected a king,” and where they threatened -to cause considerable trouble. The revolt was quelled, after some -fighting, with the help of the Indians of the district. A couple of -dozen of the rebels were hung and quartered at the mines or in the -City of Mexico.[57] - -In the following August, Coronado was legally recognized as a citizen -of the City of Mexico, where he was one of three witnesses chosen -to testify to the formal recognition by Cortes of the royal order -which permitted De Soto to explore and conquer Florida.[58] A month -later, September 7, 1538, the representative of De Soto, Alvaro -de Sanjurjo, summoned Coronado himself to recognize and promise -obedience to the same royal order, “as governor, as the said Sanjurjo -declared him to be, of New Galicia.” Coronado readily promised his -loyal and respectful obedience to all of His Majesty’s commands, -but observed that this matter did not concern him at all, “since he -was not governor, nor did he know that His Majesty desired to have -him serve in such a position; and if His Majesty should desire his -services in that position, he would obey and submit to the royal -provision for him whenever he was called on, and would do what was -most serviceable to the royal interests.” He adds that he knows -nothing about the government of Ayllon or that of Narvaez, which were -mentioned in the license to De Soto. This part of his statement can -hardly have been strictly true. The answer was not satisfactory to -Sanjurjo, who replied that he had received information that Coronado -was to be appointed governor of New Galicia. The latter stated that -he had already given his answer, and thereupon Sanjurjo formally -protested that the blame for any expenditures, damages, or scandals -which might result from a failure to observe the royal order must be -laid at the door of the one to whom they rightfully belonged, and -that they would not result from any fault or omission on the part -of De Soto. Sanjurjo may have received some hint or suggestion of -the intention to appoint Coronado, but it is quite certain that no -definite steps had yet been taken to supplant the licentiate, De la -[p381] Torre, as governor of New Galicia. Coronado’s answer shows -plainly that he intentionally refused to commit himself when so many -things were uncertain, and when nothing was definitely known about -the country of which Cabeza de Vaca had heard. Mendoza may have -suggested his appointment at an earlier date, but the King apparently -waited until he learned of De la Torre’s untimely death before -approving the selection. The confirmation was signed April 18, 1539, -and at the same time Coronado was appointed to take the residencia of -his predecessor. The King agreed to allow the new governor a salary -of 1,000 ducats from the royal treasure chests and 1,500 more from -the province, with the proviso that the royal revenues were not to -be held responsible for this latter sum in case New Galicia proved -too poor to yield so large an amount. Coronado probably went at once -to his province when he received the notice of his nomination, for -he was in Guadalajara on November 19, 1538, where he approved the -selection of judges and magistrates for the ensuing year by the city -of Compostela, which had held its election before his arrival. At the -same time he appointed the judges for Guadalajara. - -[Illustration: XLVII. Abr. Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1570] - -Coronado probably spent the winter of 1538–39 in New Galicia, -arranging the administration and other affairs of his government. He -entertained Friar Marcos, when the latter passed through his province -in the spring of 1539, and accompanied the friar as far as Culiacan, -the northernmost of the Spanish settlements. Here he provided the -friar with Indians, provisions, and other things necessary for the -journey to the Seven Cities. Later in the spring, the governor -returned to Guadalajara, and devoted considerable attention to the -improvement and extension of this city, so that it was able to claim -and obtain from the King a coat of arms and the title of “city” -during the following summer.[59] He was again here on January 9, -1540, when he promulgated the royal order, dated December 20, 1538, -which decreed that inasmuch as it was reported that the cities in the -Indies were not built with sufficient permanency, the houses being of -wood and thatched with straw, so that fires and conflagrations were -of frequent occurrence, therefore no settler should thereafter build -a house of any material except stone, brick, or unbaked brick, and -the houses should be built after the fashion of those in Spain, so -that they might be permanent, and an adornment to the cities. Between -these dates it is very likely that Coronado may have made some -attempt to explore the mountainous regions north of the province, as -Castañeda says, although his evidence is by no means conclusive. - -About midsummer of 1539, Friar Marcos came back from Cibola. -Coronado met him as he passed through New Galicia, and together they -returned to Mexico to tell the viceroy what the friar had seen and -heard. Coronado remained at the capital during the autumn and early -[p382] winter, taking an active part in all the preparations for -the expedition which he was to command. After the final review in -Compostela, he was placed in command of the army, with the title of -captain-general. - - -THE DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION - -Monday, February 23, 1540, the army which was to conquer the Seven -Cities of Cibola started on its northward march from Compostela.[60] -For 80 leagues the march was along the “much-used roads” which -followed the coast up to Culiacan.[61] - -Everyone was eager to reach the wonderful regions which were to be -their destination, but it was impossible to make rapid progress. -The cattle could not be hurried, while the baggage animals and the -carriers were so heavily laden with equipments and provisions that it -was necessary to allow them to take their own time. Several days were -lost at the Centizpac river, across which the cattle had to be [p383] -transported one at a time. At Chiametla there was another delay. Here -the army camped in the remains of a village which Nuño de Guzman had -established. The settlers had been driven away by a pestilence caught -from the Indians, and by the fierce onslaught of the natives who came -down upon them from the surrounding mountains. The food supply of -Coronado’s force was beginning to fail, and as the tribes hereabout -were still in rebellion, it became necessary to send a force into -the mountains to obtain provisions. The army master, Samaniego, -who had been warden of one of the royal fortresses,[62] commanded -the foraging party. The men found themselves buried in the thick -underbrush as soon as they passed beyond the limits of the clearing. -One of the soldiers inadvertently, but none the less in disregard of -strict orders, became separated from the main party, and the Indians, -who were nowhere to be seen, at once attacked him. In reply to his -cries, the watchful commander hastened to his assistance. The Indians -who had tried to seize him suddenly disappeared. When everything -seemed to be safe, Samaniego raised his visor, and as he did so an -arrow from among the bushes pierced his eye, passing through the -skull. The death of Samaniego was a severe loss to the expedition. -Brave and skillful, he was beloved by all who were with him or under -him. He was buried in the little chapel of the deserted village. The -army postponed its departure long enough to capture several natives -of the district, whose bodies were left hanging on the trees in order -to counteract the bad augury which followed from the loss of the -first life.[63] - -A much more serious presage was the arrival at Chiametla, as the -army was preparing to leave, of Melchior Diaz and Juan de Saldivar, -or Zaldivar, returning from their attempt to verify the stories told -by Friar Marcos. Melchior Diaz went to New Galicia with Nuño de -Guzman, and when Cabeza de Vaca appeared in that province, in May -1536, Diaz was in command of the outpost of Culiacan. He was still at -Culiacan, in the autumn of 1539, when Mendoza directed him to take -a mounted force and go into the country toward the north “to see -if the account which Friar Marcos brought back agreed with what he -could observe.” He left Culiacan November 17, with fifteen horsemen, -and traveled as far north as the wilderness beyond which Cibola was -situated, following much the same route as the friar had taken, and -questioning the Indians with great care. Many of the statements made -by Friar Marcos were verified, and some new facts were obtained, -but nowhere could he find any foundation for the tales of a wealthy -and attractive country, except in the descriptions given by the -Indians. The cold weather had begun to trouble his men seriously -before he reached the limit of his explorations. He pushed on as far -as Chichilticalli, however, but here the snows and fierce winds from -across the [p384] wilderness forced him to turn back. At Chiametla -he encountered Coronado’s force. He joined the army, sending his -lieutenant, Saldivar, with three other horsemen, to carry his report -to the viceroy. This was delivered to Mendoza on March 20, and is -embodied in the letter to the King, dated April 17, 1540. - -Coronado did not allow Diaz to announce the results of his -reconnoissance to the soldiers, but the rumor quickly spread that -the visions inspired by Friar Marcos had not been substantiated. -Fortunately, the friar was himself in the camp. Although he was -now the father provincial of the Franciscan order in New Spain, he -had determined to accompany the expedition, in order to carry the -gospel to the savages whose salvation had been made possible by his -heroic journey of the preceding spring. The mutterings of suspicion -and discontent among the men grew rapidly louder. Friar Marcos felt -obliged to exhort them in a special sermon to keep up a good courage, -and by his eloquence he succeeded in persuading them that all their -labors would soon be well repaid. - -From Chiametla the army resumed its march, procuring provisions from -the Indians along the way. Mendoza stated, in 1547, that he took -every precaution to prevent any injury or injustice being done to the -Indians at the time of Coronado’s departure, and that he stationed -officials, especially appointed for this purpose, at convenient -points on the road to Culiacan, who were ordered to procure the -necessary provisions for the expedition. There are no means of -telling how well this plan was carried into execution. - -A day or two before Easter, March 28, 1540, the army approached -Culiacan. The journey had occupied a little over a month, but when -Coronado, from his lodging in the Cibola village of Granada, three -months later, recalled the slow and tedious marches, the continual -waiting for the lazy cattle and the heavily loaded baggage trains, -and the repeated vexatious delays, we can hardly wonder that it -seemed to him to have been a period of fourscore days’ journey. - -[Illustration: XLVIII. Dourado’s Terra Antipodv Regis Castele Inveta, -1580] - -The town of San Miguel de Culiacan, in the spring of 1540, was one -of the most prosperous in New Spain. Nuño de Guzman had founded -the settlement some years before, and had placed Melchior Diaz in -charge of it. The appointment was a most admirable one. Diaz was -not of gentle birth, but he had established his right to a position -of considerable power and responsibility by virtue of much natural -ability. He was a hard worker and a skillful organizer and leader. -He inspired confidence in his companions and followers, and always -maintained the best of order and of diligence among those who were -under his charge. Rarely does one meet with a man whose record for -every position and every duty assigned to him shows such uniform and -thorough efficiency. The settlement increased rapidly in size and in -wealth, and when Coronado’s force encamped in the surrounding fields, -the citizens of the town insisted on entertaining in their own -homes all of the gentlemen who [p385] were with the expedition. -The granaries of the place were filled with the surplus from the -bountiful harvests of two preceding years, which sufficed to feed -the whole army for three or four weeks, besides providing supplies -sufficient for more than two months when the expedition resumed its -march. These comfortable quarters and the abundant entertainment -detained the general and his soldiers for some weeks.[64] This was -the outpost of Spanish civilization, and Coronado made sure that his -arrangements were as complete as possible, both for the army and for -the administration of New Galicia during his absence. - -The soldiers, and especially the gentlemen among them, had started -from Compostela with an abundant supply of luxurious furnishings -and extra equipment. Many of them were receiving their first rough -lessons in the art of campaigning, and the experiences along the way -before reaching Culiacan had already changed many of their notions of -comfort and ease. When the preparations for leaving Culiacan began, -the citizens of the town received from their guests much of the -clothing and other surplus baggage, which was left behind in order -that the expedition might advance more rapidly, or that the animals -might be loaded with provisions. Aside from what was given to the -people of the place, much of the heavier camp equipage, with some of -the superfluous property of the soldiers, was put on board a ship, -the _San Gabriel_, which was waiting in the harbor of Culiacan. An -additional supply of corn and other provisions also was furnished for -the vessel by the generous citizens. - - -THE EXPEDITION BY SEA UNDER ALARCON - -A sea expedition, to cooperate with the land force, was a part -of Mendoza’s original plan. After the viceroy left Coronado, and -probably while he was at Colima, on his way down the coast from -Compostela, he completed the arrangements by appointing Hernando -de Alarcon, his chamberlain according to Bernal Diaz, to command -a fleet of two vessels. Alarcon was instructed to sail northward, -following the coast as closely as possible. He was to keep near the -army, and communicate with it at every opportunity, transporting the -heavy baggage and holding himself ready at all times to render any -assistance which Coronado might desire. Alarcon sailed May 9, 1540, -probably from Acapulco.[65] [p386] - -This port had been the seat of the shipbuilding operations of -Cortes on the Pacific coast, and it is very probable that Alarcon’s -two ships were the same as those which the marquis claimed to -have equipped for a projected expedition. Alarcon sailed north to -Santiago, where he was obliged to stop, in order to refit his vessels -and to replace some artillery and stores which had been thrown -overboard from his companion ship during a storm. Thence he sailed to -Aguaiauale, as Ramusio has it, the port of San Miguel de Culiacan. -The army had already departed, and so Alarcon, after replenishing -his store of provisions, added the _San Gabriel_ to his fleet and -continued his voyage. He followed the shore closely and explored many -harbors “which the ships of the marquis had failed to observe,” as he -notes, but he nowhere succeeded in obtaining any news of the army of -Coronado. - - -THE JOURNEY FROM CULIACAN TO CIBOLA - -Melchior Diaz had met with so many difficulties in traveling through -the country which the army was about to enter, on its march toward -the Seven Cities, and the supply of food to be found there was -everywhere so small, that Coronado decided to divide his force for -this portion of the journey. He selected seventy-five or eighty -horsemen, including his personal friends, and twenty-five or thirty -foot soldiers. With these picked men, equipped for rapid marching, -he hastened forward, clearing the way for the main body of the army, -which was to follow more slowly, starting a fortnight after his own -departure. With the footmen in the advance party were the four friars -of the expedition, whose zealous eagerness to reach the unconverted -natives of the Seven Cities was so great that they were willing -to leave the main portion of the army without a spiritual guide. -Fortunately for these followers, a broken leg compelled one of the -brethren to remain behind. Coronado attempted to take some sheep with -him, but these soon proved to be so great a hindrance that they were -left at the river Yaquimi, in charge of four horsemen, who conducted -them at a more moderate pace. - -Leaving Culiacan on April 22, Coronado followed the coast, “bearing -off to the left,” as Mota Padilla says, by an extremely rough way, -to the river Cinaloa. The configuration of the country made it -necessary to follow up the valley of this stream until he could find -a passage across the mountains to the course of the Yaquimi. He -traveled alongside this stream for some distance, and then crossed -to Sonora river.[66] [p387] The Sonora was followed nearly to its -source before a pass was discovered. On the northern side of the -mountains he found a stream—the Nexpa, he calls it—which may have -been either the Santa Cruz or the San Pedro of modern maps. The party -followed down this river valley until they reached the edge of the -wilderness, where, as Friar Marcos had described it to them, they -found Chichilticalli.[67] - -Here the party camped for two days, which was as long as the general -dared to delay, in order to rest the horses, who had begun to give -out sometime before as a result of overloading, rough roads, and -poor feed. The stock of provisions brought from Culiacan was already -growing dangerously small, although the food supply had been eked -out by the large cones or nuts of the pines of this country, which -the soldiers found to be very good eating. The Indians who came to -see him, told Coronado that the sea was ten days distant, and he -expresses surprise, which Mr Bandolier has reëchoed, that Friar -Marcos could have gone within sight of the sea from this part of the -country. - -Coronado entered the wilderness, the White Mountain Apache country -of Arizona, on Saint John’s eve, and in the quaint language of -Hakluyt’s translation of the general’s letter, “to refresh our -former trauailes, the first dayes we founde no grasse, but worser -way of mountaines and badde passages.”[68] Coronado, following -very nearly the line of the present road from Fort Apache to Gila -river, proceeded until he came within sight of the first of the -Seven Cities. The first few days of the march were very trying. The -discouragement of the men increased with the difficulties of the way. -The horses were tired, and the slow progress became slower, as horses -and Indian carriers fell down and died. The corn was almost gone, and -as a result of eating the fruits and herbs which they found along the -way, a Spaniard and some of the servants were poisoned so badly that -they died. The skull and horns of a great mountain goat, which were -lying on the ground, filled the Europeans with wonder, but this was -hardly a sign to inspire them with hopes of abundant food and gold. -There were 30 leagues of this travailing before the party reached the -borders of the inhabited country, where they found “fresh grass and -many nutte and mulberrie trees.” - -The day following that on which they left the wilderness, the advance -guard was met, in a peaceable manner, by four Indians. The Spaniards -treated them most kindly, gave them beads and clothing, and “willed -[p388] them to return unto their city and bid them stay quiet in -their houses fearing nothing.” The general assured them that they -need have no anxiety, because the newcomers had been sent by His -Spanish Majesty, “to defend and ayde them.” - - -THE CAPTURE OF THE SEVEN CITIES - -The provisions brought from Culiacan or collected along the way were -now exhausted, and as a sudden attack by the Indians, during the last -night before their arrival at the cities, had assured the Spaniards -of a hostile reception, it was necessary to proceed rapidly. The -inhabitants of the first city had assembled in a great crowd, at -some distance in front of the place, awaiting the approach of the -strangers. While the army advanced, Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who -had been appointed to Samaniego’s position as field-master, and -Hernando Vermizzo, apparently one of the “good fellows” whose name -Castañeda forgot, rode forward and summoned the Indians to surrender, -in approved Castilian fashion, as His Majesty commanded always to -be done. The natives had drawn some lines on the ground, doubtless -similar to those which they still mark with sacred meal in their -ceremonial dramatizations, and across these they refused to let the -Spaniards pass, answering the summons with a shower of arrows. The -soldiers begged for the command to attack, but Coronado restrained -them as long as he could. When the influence of the friars was added -to the pleas of the men—perhaps without waiting for the command or -permission—the whole company uttered the Santiago, the sacred war -cry of Saint James, against the infidels, and rushed upon the crowd -of Indians, who turned and fled. Coronado quickly recalled his men -from the pursuit, and ordered them to prepare for an assault on the -city. The force was divided into attacking parties, which immediately -advanced against the walls from all sides. The crossbowmen and -harquebusiers, who were expected to drive the enemy back from the -tops of the walls, were unable to accomplish anything, on account -of their physical weakness and of accidents to their weapons. The -natives showered arrows against the advancing foes, and as the -Spaniards approached the walls, stones of all sizes were thrown -upon them with skillful aim and practiced strength. The general, in -his glittering armor, was the especial target of the defenders, and -twice he was knocked to the ground by heavy rocks. His good headpiece -and the devotion of his companions saved him from serious injury, -although his bruises confined him to the camp for several days. The -courage and military skill of the white men, weak and tired as they -were, proved too much for the Indians, who deserted their homes after -a fierce, but not protracted, resistance. Most of the Spaniards had -received many hard knocks, and Aganiez Suarez—possibly another of the -gentlemen forgotten by Castañeda—was severely wounded by arrows, as -were also three foot soldiers. - -[Illustration: XLIX. Western Hemisphere of Mercator, 1587 - -After Nordenskiold] - -The Indians had been driven from the main portion of the town, and -with this success the Spaniards were satisfied. Food—“that which -we [p389] needed a great deal more than gold or silver,” writes -one member of the victorious force—was found in the rooms already -secured. The Spaniards fortified themselves, stationed guards, and -rested. During the night, the Indians, who had retired to the wings -of the main building after the conflict, packed up what goods they -could, and left the Spaniards in undisputed possession of the whole -place. - -The mystery of the Seven Cities was revealed at last. The Spanish -conquerors had reached their goal. July 7, 1540, white men for -the first time entered one of the communal villages of stone and -mud, inhabited by the Zuñi Indians of New Mexico.[69] Granada was -the name which the Spaniards gave to the first village—the Indian -Hawikuh—in honor of the viceroy to whose birthplace they say it bore -a fancied resemblance. Here they found, besides plenty of corn, beans -and fowls, better than those of New Spain, and salt, “the best and -whitest I have seen in all my life,” writes one of those who had -helped to win the town. But even the abundance of food could not -wholly satisfy the men whose toilsome march of more than four months -had been lightened by dreams of a golden haven. Friar Marcos was -there to see the realization of the visions which the zealous sermons -of his brethren and the prolific ardor of rumor and of common talk -had raised from his truthful report. One does not wonder that he -eagerly accepted the earliest opportunity of returning to New Spain, -to escape from the not merely muttered complaints and upbraidings, in -expressing which the general was chief.[70] - - -THE EXPLORATION OF THE COUNTRY - - -THE SPANIARDS AT ZUÑI - -Some of the inhabitants of Hawikuh-Granada returned to the village, -bringing gifts, while Coronado was recovering from his wounds. The -general faithfully exhorted them to become Christians and to submit -themselves to the sovereign over-lordship of His Majesty the Spanish -[p390] King. The interview failed to reassure the natives, for they -packed all their provisions and property on the following day, and -with their wives and children abandoned the villages in the valley -and withdrew to their stronghold, the secure fastness on top of -Taaiyalone or Thunder mountain. - -As soon as he was able, Coronado visited the other villages of -Cibola-Zuñi, observing the country carefully. He reassured the few -Indians whom he found still living in the valley, and after some -hesitation on their part succeeded in persuading the chiefs to come -down from the mesa and talk with him. He urged them to return to -their homes below, but without success. He was more fortunate in -obtaining information regarding the surrounding country, which was -of much use to him in directing further exploration. Then as now -the rule held good that the Indians are much more likely to tell -the truth when giving information about their neighbors than about -themselves. - - -THE DISCOVERY OF TUSAYAN AND THE GRAND CANYON - -A group of seven villages, similar to those at Cibola, was reported -to be situated toward the west, “the chief of the towns whereof they -have knowledge.” Tucano was the name given to these, according to -Ramusio’s version of Coronado’s letter, and it is not difficult to -see in this name that of Tusayan, the Hopi or Moki settlements in -northeastern Arizona. - -As soon as everything was quiet in the Cibola country, about the -middle of July, Don Pedro de Tovar was ordered to take a few horsemen -and his company of footmen and visit this district. Don Pedro spent -several days in the Tusayan villages, and after he had convinced -the people of his peaceable designs, questioned them regarding the -country farther west. Returning to the camp at Cibola within the -thirty days to which his commission was limited, Tovar reported that -the country contained nothing to attract the Spaniards. The houses, -however, were better than those at Cibola. But he had heard stories -of a mighty river and of giant peoples living toward the west, and so -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was instructed to go and verify these -reports. Cardenas started, perhaps on August 25. He had authority for -eighty days, and within this term he succeeded in reaching the Grand -canyon of Colorado river, which baffled his most agile companions in -their efforts to descend to the water or to discover some means of -crossing to the opposite side. He returned with only the story of -this hopeless barrier to exploration westward. - - -THE RIO GRANDE AND THE GREAT PLAINS - -The first expedition toward the east was sent out August 29 in -charge of Don Hernando de Alvarado. Passing the rock of Acuco or -Acoma—always a source of admiration—Alvarado reached the village and -river of Tiguex—the Rio Grande—on September 7. Some time was spent -in [p391] visiting the villages situated along the stream. The -headquarters of the party were at Tiguex, at or near the site of the -present town of Bernalillo, and here a list was drawn up and sent -to the general giving the names of eighty villages of which he had -learned from the natives of this place. At the same time Alvarado -reported that these villages were the best that had yet been found, -and advised that the winter quarters for the whole force should be -established in this district. He then proceeded to Cicuye or Pecos, -the most eastern of the walled villages, and from there crossed the -mountains to the buffalo plains. Finding a stream which flowed toward -the southeast—the Canadian river, perhaps—he followed its course -for a hundred leagues or more. Many of the “humpback oxen” were -seen, of which some of the men may have remembered Cabeza de Vaca’s -description. - -On his return, Alvarado found the army-master, Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas, at Tiguex, arranging winter quarters sufficient to -accommodate the whole force in this region.[71] Coronado, who had -made a trip to examine the villages farther south, along the Rio -Grande, soon joined his lieutenants, leaving only a small force at -Cibola to maintain the post. The whole of the advance party was now -in Tiguex, and orders had been left at Cibola for the main body to -proceed to the eastern settlements so soon as they should arrive from -Culiacan and Corazones. - - -THE MARCH OF THE ARMY FROM CULIACAN TO TIGUEX - -The main portion of the army remained at Culiacan, under the command -of Don Tristan de Arellano, when the general started for Cibola -with his small party of companions. The soldiers completed the work -of loading the _San Gabriel_ with their surplus equipment and with -provisions, and busied themselves about the town for a fortnight -after the departure of their general. Some time between the first and -middle of May, the army started to follow the route of the advance -party. The whole force marched on foot, carrying their lances and -other weapons, in order that the horses and other beasts, numbering -more than six hundred, might all be loaded with provisions. It had -taken Coronado and his party of horsemen, eager to push on toward -their destination, more than a month to make the journey to Corazones -or Hearts valley. We can only guess how much longer it took the -slowly marching army to cover this first half of the distance to -Cibola. The orders which the general had left with Arellano were that -he should [p392] take the army to this valley, where a good store -of provisions had been found by Melchior Diaz, and there wait for -further instructions. Coronado promised to send for his soldiers as -soon as he was sure that there was a country of the Seven Cities for -them to conquer and settle. - -In the valley of Corazones, which had been given its name by Cabeza -de Vaca because the natives at this place offered him the hearts -of animals for food, Arellano kept the soldiers busy by building a -town on Suya river, naming it San Hieronimo de los Corazones—Saint -Jerome of the Hearts. A small force was sent down the river to the -seacoast, under the command of Don Rodrigo Maldonado, in the hope -of communicating with the ships of Alarcon. Maldonado found neither -signs nor news of the fleet, but he discovered a tribe of Indian -“giants,” one of whom accompanied the party back to the camp, where -the soldiers were filled with amazement at his size and strength. - -Thus the time passed until early in September, when Melchior Diaz -and Juan Gallego brought the expected orders from the general. -Gallego, who carried the letter which Coronado had written from -Granada-Hawikuh on August 3, with the map and the exhibits of the -country which it mentions, continued on to Mexico. He was accompanied -by Friar Marcos. Diaz had been directed to stay in the new town of -San Hieronimo, to maintain this post and to open communication with -the seacoast. He selected seventy or eighty men—those least fitted -for the hardships and struggles of exploration and conquest—who -remained to settle the new town and to make an expedition toward the -coast. The remainder of the army prepared to rejoin their general at -Cibola, and by the middle of September the start was made. - -After a long, rough march, in which little occurred to break the -daily monotony, the soldiers reached the pueblo settlements. The bad -weather had already begun, but the men were eager to continue their -journey in spite of the snow and the fierce, cold winds. After a -short rest, the force proceeded to Tiguex, where comfortable quarters -were awaiting them, and in these they quickly settled for the winter. - - -THE WINTER OF 1540–1541 ALONG THE RIO GRANDE - - -THE INDIAN REVOLT - -The first winter spent by white men in the pueblos of New Mexico -was a severe one. Fortunately for the strangers, however, they were -comfortably domiciled in the best houses of the country, in which the -owners had left a plentiful supply of food, and this was supplemented -by the livestock brought from New Spain. - -[Illustration: L. Northern Half of De Bry’s “America Sive Novus -Orbis,” 1596] - -During the late autumn the Indians assumed a hostile attitude toward -their visitors, and were reduced to peaceful inactivity only after -a protracted struggle, which greatly aggravated the conquerors. The -Spanish story of this revolt is clear—that the Indians suddenly -surprised the Europeans by attacking the horses and mules of the -army, killing or driving off a number of them, after which the -natives [p393] collected their fighting force into two of the -strongest villages, from one of which they were able to defy the -soldiers until thirst compelled them to abandon the stronghold. -The defenders attempted to escape by stealth, but the sentries of -the besieging force discovered them and aroused the camp. Many of -the Indians were killed by the soldiers during the flight which -followed, while others perished in the icy waters of the Rio Grande. -During an attack on the second village, a few of the Spaniards who -had succeeded in making their way to the highest portion of the -buildings, escaped from their perilous position by inducing the -native warriors to surrender. The Indians received an ample promise -of protection and safety, but the captain of the attacking party was -not informed of this, and in obedience to the general’s orders that -no prisoners should be taken, he directed that the captives should -be burned as a warning to the neighboring tribes. This affair is -a terrible blot on the record of the expedition and of those who -composed it. In condemning it most severely, however, English readers -should remember that they are only repeating the condemnations which -were uttered by most of the men of rank who witnessed it, which -were repeated in New Spain and in old Spain, and which greeted the -commander when he led his expedition back to Mexico, to receive the -cold welcome of the viceroy. - -The Spaniards have told us only one side of the story of what was -happening along the Rio Grande in the fall of 1540. The other side -will probably never be heard, for it disappeared with the traditions -of the Indian villagers. Without pretending to supply the loss, it -is at least possible to suggest that the preparations by which the -army-master procured the excellent accommodations for the force must -have appeared very differently to the people in whose homes Cardenas -housed the soldiers, and to those who passed the winter in these snug -quarters. Castañeda preserved one or two interesting details which -are as significant as is the striking fact that the peaceful natives -who entertained Alvarado most freely in September were the leaders of -the rebellion three months later. - -As soon as Coronado’s men had completed the reduction of the -refractory natives, and the whole country had been overawed by the -terrible punishment, the general undertook to reestablish peaceful -relations and confident intercourse between his camp and the -surrounding villages. The Indians seem to have been ready to meet him -almost half-way, although it is hardly surprising to find traces of -an underlying suspicion, and a readiness for treacherous retaliation. - - -THE STORIES ABOUT QUIVIRA - -While this reconciliation was being effected, Coronado heard from one -of the plains Indians,[72] held as a slave in the village of Cicuye -[p394] or Pecos, the stories about Quivira, which were to add so -much to the geographic extent of the expedition. When the Spaniards -were about to kill this Indian—“The Turk,” they called him[73]—he -told them that his masters, the people of Cicuye, had induced him -to lead the strangers away to the pathless plains, where water was -scarce and corn was unknown, to perish there, or, if ever they should -succeed in finding the way back to the village settlements, tired and -weak, to fall an easy prey to their enemies. - -This plan was shrewdly conceived, and it very nearly succeeded. -There is little reason why we should doubt the truth of the -confession, made when the Indian could scarcely have hoped to save -his life, and it affords an easy explanation of the way in which -the exaggerated stories of Quivira originated and expanded. The -Turk may have accompanied Alvarado on the first visit to the great -plains, and he doubtless told the white men about his distant home -and the roving life on the prairies. It was later, when the Spaniards -began to question him about nations and rulers, gold and treasures, -that he received, perhaps from the Spaniards themselves, the hints -which led him to tell them what they were rejoiced to hear, and to -develop the fanciful pictures which appealed so forcibly to all -the desires of his hearers. The Turk, we can not doubt, told the -Spaniards many things which were not true. But in trying to trace -these early dealings of Europeans with the American aborigines, we -must never forget how much may be explained by the possibilities of -misinterpretation on the part of the white men, who so often heard -of what they wished to find, and who learned, very gradually and in -the end imperfectly, to understand only a few of the native languages -and dialects. And besides this, the record of their observations, on -which the students of today have to depend, was made in a language -which knew nothing of the things which it was trying to describe. -Much of what the Turk said was very likely true the first time he -said it, although the memories of home were heightened, no doubt, by -absence and distance. Moreover, Castañeda, who is the chief source -for the stories of gold and lordly kings which are said to have been -told by the Turk, in all probability did not know anything more than -the reports of what the Turk was telling to the superior officers, -which were passed about among the common foot soldiers.[74] The -present narrative has already shown the wonderful power of gossip, -and when it is gossip recorded twenty years afterward, we may -properly be cautious in believing it. - -Coronado wrote to the King from Tiguex, on April 20, 1541, as he says -in his next letter, that of October 20. The April letter, written -just before the start for Quivira, must have contained a full and -official account of all that had been learned in regard to the -country toward [p395] the east, as well as more reliable details -than we now possess, of what had happened during the preceding fall -and winter. But this April letter, which was an acknowledgment and -answer to one from Charles V, dated in Madrid, June 11, 1540, has -not been found by modern students. When the reply was dispatched, -the messenger—probably Juan Gallego, who had perhaps brought the -Emperor’s letter from Mexico—was accompanied by Pedro de Tovar, who -was going back to Corazones valley for reinforcements. Many mishaps -had befallen the town of San Hieronimo during the year, and when -the messengers arrived there they found it half deserted. Leaving -Don Pedro here, Gallego hastened to Mexico, where he raised a small -body of recruits. He was leading these men, whose number had been -increased by some stragglers and deserters from the original force -whom he picked up at Culiacan, toward Cibola and Quivira, when he met -the expedition returning to New Spain. It was during this, probably -his fifth trip over the road from Mexico to our New Mexico, that he -performed the deeds of valor which Castañeda so enthusiastically -recounts at the very end of his book. - - -THE JOURNEY ACROSS THE BUFFALO PLAINS - -April 23, 1541, Coronado left the Tiguex country and marched toward -the northeast, to the plains where lay the rich land of Quivira. -Every member of the army accompanied the general, for no one was -willing to be left behind when such glorious prospects of fame -and fortune lay before them. A few of the officers suggested the -wisdom of verifying these Indian tales in some measure before -setting the whole force in motion and abandoning their only sure -base of supplies. It seems as if there must have been other reasons -influencing Coronado beyond those revealed in Castañeda’s narrative; -but, if so, we do not know what they were. The fear lest he might -fail to accomplish any of the things which had been hoped for, -the absence of results on which to base a justification for all -the expense and labor, the thought of what would await him if he -should return empty handed, are perhaps enough to account for the -determination to risk everything and to allow no possible lack of -zeal or of strength to interfere with the realization of the hopes -inspired by the stories of Quivira. - -Guided by the Turk, the army proceeded to Cicuye, and in nine days -more they reached the buffalo plains. Here began the long march -which was to be without any guiding landmarks. Just where, or how, -or how far the Spaniards went, I can not pretend to say. After a -month and more of marching—very likely just thirty-five days—their -patience became exhausted. A second native of the plains, who -accompanied the Spaniards from the pueblo country, had declared from -the first that the Turk was lying, but this had not made them trust -the latter any less. When, however, the Indians whom they found -living among the buffalo herds began to contradict the stories of -their guide, suspicion was aroused. The Turk, after much persuasive -cross-questioning, [p396] was at last induced to confess that he had -lied. Quivira, he still insisted, existed, though it was not as he -had described it. From the natives of the plains they learned that -there were no settlements toward the east, the direction in which -they had been traveling, but that toward the north, another good -month’s journey distant, there were permanent settlements. The corn -which the soldiers had brought from Tiguex was almost gone, while the -horses were tired and weak from the constant marching and buffalo -chasing, with only grass for food. It was clearly impossible for -the whole force to attempt this further journey, with the uncertain -prospect of finding native tribes like those they had already seen as -the only incentive. The general held a council of his officers and -friends, and decided to select 30 of the best equipped horsemen who -should go with him and attempt to verify the new information. - -After Coronado had chosen his companions, the rest of the force was -sent back to Tiguex, as Castañeda relates. The Indians whom they met -on the plains furnished guides, who led the soldiers to the Pueblo -settlements by a more direct route than that which the Turk had -taken. But the marches were short and slow, so that it was the middle -of July before they were again encamped alongside the Rio Grande. So -far as is known, nothing of interest happened while they were waiting -there for the return of the general. - -Coronado and his companion horsemen followed the compass needle -for forty-two days after leaving the main force, or, as he writes, -“after traveling across these deserts for seventy-seven days in all,” -they reached the country of Quivira. Here he found some people who -lived in permanent settlements and raised a little corn, but whose -sustenance came mainly from the buffalo herds, which they hunted -at regular seasons, instead of continuously as the plains Indians -encountered previously had done.[75] - -[Illustration: LI. Wytfliet’s “Vtrivsqve Hemispherii Delineatio,” -1597] - -Twenty-five days were spent among the villages at Quivira, so that -Jaramillo, one of the party, doubtless remembered correctly when he -said that they were there after the middle of August.[76] There was -[p397] nothing here except a piece of copper hanging from the -neck of a chief, and a piece of gold which one of the Spaniards was -suspected of having given to the natives, which gave any promise -of mineral wealth, and so Coronado determined to rejoin his main -force. Although they had found no treasures, the explorers were fully -aware of the agricultural advantages of this country, and of the -possibilities for profitable farming, if only some market for the -produce could be found. - -Students of the Coronado expedition have very generally accepted -the location of Quivira proposed by General Simpson, who put the -northern point reached by Coronado somewhere in the eastern half of -the border country of Kansas and Nebraska. If we take into account -the expeditions which visited the outer limits of the Quivira -settlements, this is not inconsistent with Bandelier’s location of -the main seat of these Indians “in northeastern Kansas, beyond the -Arkansas river, and more than 100 miles northeast of Great Bend.”[77] - -It is impossible to ignore the question of the route taken by -Coronado across the great plains, although the details chiefly -concern local historians. The Spanish travelers spent the summer -of 1541 on the prairies west of the Mississippi and south of the -Missouri. They left descriptions of these plains, and of the people -and animals inhabiting them, which are of as great interest and -value as any which have since been written. Fortunately it is not of -especial importance for us to know the exact section of the prairies -to which various parts of the descriptions refer. - -From Cicuye, the Pecos pueblo, Coronado marched northeast until he -crossed Canadian river, probably a little to the east of the present -river and settlement of Mora.[78] This was about the 1st of May, -1541. From this point General Simpson, whose intimate knowledge -of the surface of the country thirty-five years ago makes his map -of the route across the plains most valuable, carried the line -of march nearly north, to a point halfway between Canadian and -Arkansas rivers. Then it turned east, or a trifle north of east, -until it reached one of the tributaries of the Arkansas, about 50 -miles or so west of Wichita, Kansas. The army returned by a direct -route to Cicuye or Pecos river, striking that stream nearly east of -Bernalillo-Tiguex, while Coronado proceeded due north to Quivira on -the Kansas-Nebraska boundary. - -Mr. Bandelier has traced a route for the march across the plains -which corresponds with the statements of the contemporary narratives -somewhat more closely than does that of General Simpson.[79] Crossing -[p398] Canadian river by a bridge, just south, of where Mora river -enters it, the Spaniards, according to Bandelier, marched toward -the northeast for ten days, until they met the first of the plains -Indians, the Querecho or Tonkawa. Thence they turned almost directly -toward the rising sun. Bandelier thinks that they very soon found -out that the guides had lost their reckoning, which presumably means -that it became evident that there was some difference of opinion -among the Indians. After marching eastward for thirty-five days or -so, the Spaniards halted on the banks of a stream which flowed in the -bottom of a broad and deep ravine. Here it was computed that they had -already traveled 250 leagues—650 miles—from Tiguex. They had crossed -no other large river since leaving the bridge over the Canadian, and -as the route had been south of east, as is distinctly stated by one -member of the force, they had probably reached the Canadian again. -There is a reference to crossing what may have been the North Fork -of the Canadian, in which case the army would now be on the north -bank of the main river, below the junction of the two forks, in the -eastern part of Indian Territory. Here they divided. The Teya guides -conducted the main force directly back to the Rio Grande settlements. -Coronado went due north, and a month later he reached a larger river. -He crossed to the north bank of this stream, and then followed its -course for several days, the direction being northeast. This river, -manifestly, must be the Arkansas, which makes a sharp turn toward -the northeast at the Great Bend, east of Fort Dodge, flowing in that -direction for 75 miles. Jaramillo states that they followed the -current of the river. As he approached the settled country, Coronado -turned toward the north and found Quivira, in northeastern Kansas, -not far south of the Nebraska boundary.[80] - -The two texts of the Relacion del Suceso differ on a vital point;[81] -but in spite of this fact, I am inclined to accept the evidence of -this anonymous document as the most reliable testimony concerning -the direction of the army’s march. According to this, the Spaniards -traveled [p399] due east across the plains for 100 leagues—265 -miles[82]—and then 50 leagues either south or southeast. The latter -is the reading I should prefer to adopt, because it accommodates -the other details somewhat better. This took them to the point of -separation, which can hardly have been south of Red river, and was -much more likely somewhere along the North Fork of the Canadian, not -far above its junction with the main stream. From this point the army -returned due west to Pecos river, while Coronado rode north “by the -needle.” From these premises, which are broad enough to be safe, I -should be inclined to doubt if Coronado went much beyond the south -branch of Kansas river, if he even reached that stream. Coronado -probably spent more days on his march than General Simpson allowed -for, but I do not think that he traveled nearly so far as General -Simpson supposed. Coronado also returned to Cicuye by a direct route, -which was about two-thirds as long as that of the outward march. -The distances given for various portions of the journey have a real -value, because each day’s march was paced off by a soldier detailed -for the purpose, who carefully recorded the distance covered. - - -THE WINTER OF 1541–1542 - -By October 20, 1541, Coronado was back in Tiguex, writing his -report to the King, in which he expressed his anxiety lest the -failure to discover anything of immediate material profit might -react unfavorably on his own prospects. Letters and dispatches from -Mexico and Spain were awaiting him at Tiguex. One of these informed -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas of the death of his brother, by which -he became heir to the family estates. Cardenas had broken his arm -on the plains, and this injury was still troubling him when he -received permission to return to New Spain. He was accompanied by -the messengers carrying letters to the viceroy and by ten or twelve -other invalids, “not one of whom could have done any fighting.” -The party had no trouble, however, until they reached Suya, in -Corazones valley, the settlement which had taken the place of San -Hieronimo. Pedro de Tovar had reduced the already feeble garrison at -the latter post by half, when he took away the reinforcements six -months before. The town had been much weakened by desertions, as -well as by the loss of its commander, the invaluable Melchior Diaz, -before this. The Indians quickly discerned the condition of the -town, and its defenders were unable to maintain friendly relations -with the surrounding tribes. When Cardenas reached the place, he -found everything burned to the ground, and the bodies of Spaniards, -Indians, and horses lying about. Indeed, he seems barely to have -saved the invalids accompanying him from being added to the number -of the massacred. The party succeeded in making its way to Cibola in -safety, and from there they returned to Tiguex, where they found the -general seriously ill. By this time the winter was [p400] fairly -begun, but the season, fortunately, was much less severe than the -preceding one. - -Two parties formed in the Spanish camp at Tiguex during the winter of -1541–42. The men who had seen Quivira can hardly have brought back -from there much hope of finding gold or other treasure by further -explorations in that country. But there were many who had not been -there, who were unwilling to give up the ideas which had been formed -during the preceding months. When the general parted from his army -on the plains, he may have promised that he would return and lead -the whole force to this land, if only it should prove to be such as -their inclination pictured it. Many persisted in the belief that a -more thorough exploration would discover some of the things about -which they thought the Turk had told them. On the other hand, there -were many besides the leader who were tired of this life of hardship, -which had not even afforded the attractions of adventure and serious -conflict. Few of them, doubtless, had wives and estates waiting to -welcome them home, like their fortunate general, but most of the -gentlemen, surely, were looking forward to the time when they could -win wealth and glory, with which to return to old Spain, and add new -luster to their family name. Castañeda gives a soldier’s gossip of -the intriguing and persuading which resulted in the abandonment of -the Pueblo country, and Mota Padilla seems to support the main points -in his story. - - -THE FRIARS REMAIN IN THE COUNTRY - -When it was determined that the army should return to Mexico, the -friars who had accompanied the expedition[83] resolved to remain in -the newly discovered regions and continue their labors among the -people there. Friar Juan de Padilla was the leader of the three -missionaries. Younger and more vigorous than his brethren, he had -from the first been the most active in constantly maintaining the -oversight and discipline of the church. He was with Tovar when the -Tusayan country on the west was discovered, and with Alvarado during -the first visit to the Rio Grande and the buffalo plains on the -east. When Coronado and his companion horsemen visited the plains -of Kansas, Friar Juan de Padilla went with him on foot. His brief -experience in the Quivira country led him to decide to go back to -that district, when Coronado was preparing to return to New Spain. -If the Indians who guided Coronado from Quivira to Cicuye remained -in the pueblo country during the winter, Padilla probably returned -with them to their homes. He was accompanied by Andres Docampo, a -Portuguese, mounted on a mare according to most accounts, besides -five Indians, negroes or half-bloods, two “donados” or lay brethren, -Indians engaged in the church service, who came from Michoacan and -were named Lucas and Sebastian, a mestizo or half-blood boy and two -other servants from Mexico. [p401] - -[Illustration: LII. Wytfliet’s New Granada and California, 1597] - -The friar was successful in his labors until he endeavored to enlarge -the sphere of his influence, when the jealousy, or possibly the -cupidity, of the Indians led them to kill him, rather than permit -the transference to some other tribe of the blessings which he had -brought to them.[84] - -Friar Juan de la Cruz is not mentioned by Castañeda nor by Jaramillo, -but Mendieta and Mota Padilla are very clear in their accounts of -him. He was an older man than the others, and had been engaged in -missionary work among the natives of the Jalisco country before he -joined this expedition. Coronado left him at Tiguex, where he was -killed, according to Mota Padilla. The date, in the martyrologies, -is November 25, 1542. Many natives of the Mexican provinces stayed -in the Pueblo country when Coronado abandoned it. Some of these were -still at Cibola when Antonio de Espejo visited it in 1583, while -others doubtless made their way back to their old homes in New Spain, -and they may have brought the information about the death of Friar -Juan. - -Friar Luis Descalona, or de Ubeda as Mota Padilla calls him, was -a lay brother, who selected Cicuye or Pecos as the seat of his -labors in New Mexico. Neither the Spanish chronicles nor the Indian -traditions which Mr Bandelier was able to obtain give any hint as to -his fate or the results of his devotion to the cause of Christianity. - - -THE RETURN TO NEW SPAIN - -The army started on its return from Tiguex to Cibola and thence -to Culiacan and Mexico early in the spring of 1542. The march was -without interruption or diversion. As the soldiers reentered New -Galicia and found themselves once more among settlements of their -own race, beyond the reach of hostile natives, the ranks dwindled -rapidly. The men stopped to rest and to recruit their strength at -every opportunity, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that -Coronado was able to keep together the semblance of a force with -which to make his entry into the City of Mexico. Here he presented -his personal report to the viceroy. He had little to tell which could -interest the disappointed Mendoza, who had drawn so heavily on the -royal treasure box two years before to furnish those who formed the -expedition with everything that they might need. Besides the loss in -his personal estate, there was this use of the royal funds which had -to be accounted for to the [p402] officials in Spain. It is the best -proof of the strength of Mendoza’s able and economical administration -that no opposition ever succeeded in influencing the home government -against him, and that the failure of this expedition, with the -attendant circumstances, furnished the most serious charge which -those who had displayed hostility toward him were able to produce. - -When Coronado reached the City of Mexico, “very sad and very weary, -completely worn out and shamefaced,” Suarez de Peralta was a boy on -the streets. We catch a glimpse of him in the front rows of a crowd -watching an execution, this same winter of 1542–43, and we may be -sure that he saw all that was going on, and that he picked up and -treasured the gossip of the city. His recollections give a vivid -picture of the return of the expedition, when Coronado “came to kiss -the hand of the viceroy and did not receive so good a reception as he -would have liked, for he found him very sad.” For many days after the -general reached the city the men who had followed him came straggling -in, all of them worn out with their toils, clothed in the skins of -animals, and showing the marks of their misfortunes and sufferings. -“The country had been very joyous when the news of the discovery of -the Seven Cities spread abroad, and this was now supplanted by the -greatest sadness on the part of all, for many had lost their friends -and their fortunes, since those who remained behind had entered into -partnerships with those who went, mortgaging their estates and their -property in order to procure a share in what was to be gained, and -drawing up papers so that those who were to be present should have -power to take possession of mines and enter claims in the name of -those who were left behind, in accordance with the custom and the -ordinances which the viceroy had made for New Spain. Many sent their -slaves also, since there were many of these in the country at this -time. Thus the loss and the grief were general, but the viceroy felt -it most of all, for two reasons: Because this was the outcome of -something about which he had felt so sure, which he thought would -make him more powerful than the greatest lord in Spain, and because -his estates were ruined, for he had labored hard and spent much -in sending off the army. Finally, as things go, he succeeded in -forgetting about it, and devoted himself to the government of his -province, and in this he became the best of governors, being trusted -by the King and loved by all his subjects.” - - -THE END OF CORONADO - -We do not know what became of Vazquez Coronado. The failure of the -expedition was not his fault, and there is nothing to show that he -ever sought the position which Mendoza intrusted to him. Neither is -there any evidence that Mendoza treated him with any less marks of -friendship after his return than before. The welcome home was not -cordial, but there are no reports of upbraiding, nor any accusations -of negligence or remissness. Coronado soon gave up his position -as [p403] governor of New Galicia, but we need not suppose that -he was compelled to resign. There was every reason why he should -have desired to escape from a position which demanded much skill -and unceasing active administration, but which carried with it no -hope of reward or of honor. It is pleasant to believe that Coronado -withdrew to his estates and lived happily ever after with his wife -and children, spending his leisure in supervising the operations on -his farm and ranch, and leading the uneventful life of a country -gentleman. The only break in the monotony of which we happen to -know—and this is the only part of this belief for which there is -the slightest evidence that it is correct—came when he was accused, -in 1544 and again in 1547, of holding more Indians to labor on his -estates than were allowed by the royal regulations. We do not even -know the outcome of this accusation. Vazquez Coronado sinks into -oblivion after he made his report to the viceroy in the autumn of -1542. - - -SOME RESULTS OF THE EXPEDITION—1540–1547 - - -THE DISCOVERY OF COLORADO RIVER - - -THE VOYAGE OF ALARCON - -Coronado found no gold in the land of the Seven Cities or in Quivira, -but his search added very much to the geographical knowledge of -the Spaniards.[85] In addition to the exploration of the Pueblo -country of New Mexico and Arizona, and of the great plains as far -north as Kansas or Nebraska, the most important subsidiary result -of the expedition of 1540–1542 was the discovery of Colorado river. -Hernando de Alarcon, who sailed from Acapulco May 9, 1540, continued -his voyage northward along the coast, after stopping at the port of -Culiacan to add the _San Gabriel_ to his fleet, until he reached -the shoals and sand-bars at the head of the Gulf of California. The -fleet which Cortes [p404] had sent out under the command of Ulloa -the previous summer, turned back from these shoals, and Alarcon’s -sailors begged him not to venture among them. But the question of a -passage by water through to the South, or Pacific, sea, which would -make an island of the California peninsula, was still debated, and -Alarcon refused to return until he had definitely determined the -possibility of finding such a passage. His pilots ran the ships -aground, but after a careful examination of the channel, the fleet -was floated across the bar in safety, with the aid of the rising -tide. Alarcon found that he was at the mouth of a large river, with -so swift and strong a current that it was impossible for the large -vessels to make any headway against it. He determined to explore -the river, and, taking twenty men in two boats, started upstream on -Thursday, August 26, 1540, when white men for the first time floated -on the waters of the Colorado. Indians appeared on the river banks -during the following day. The silence with which the strangers -answered the threatening shouts of the natives, and the presence -of the Indian interpreters in the boats, soon overcame the hostile -attitude of the savages. The European trifles which had been brought -for gifts and for trading completed the work of establishing friendly -relations, and the Indians soon became so well disposed that they -entirely relieved the Spaniards of the labor of dragging the boats -up the stream. A crowd of Indians seized the ropes by which the -boats were hauled against the current, and from this time on some of -them were always ready to render this service to their visitors. In -this fashion the Spaniards continued northward, receiving abundant -supplies of corn from the natives, whose habits and customs they -had many excellent opportunities for observing. Alarcon instructed -these people dutifully in the worship of the cross, and continually -questioned them about the places whose names Friar Marcos had heard. -He met with no success until he had traveled a considerable distance -up the river, when for the first time he found a man with whom his -interpreter was able to converse. - -This man said that he had visited Cibola, which was a month’s journey -distant. There was a good trail by which one might easily reach -that country in forty days. The man said he had gone there merely -to see the place, since it was quite a curiosity, with its houses -three and four stories high, filled with people. Around the houses -there was a wall half as high again as a man, having windows on each -side. The inhabitants used the usual Indian weapons—bows and arrows, -clubs, maces, and shields. They wore mantles and ox hides, which -were painted. They had a single ruler, who wore a long shirt with -a girdle, and various mantles over this. The women wore long white -cloaks which completely covered them. There were always many Indians -waiting about the door of their ruler, ready in case he should wish -for anything. They also wore many blue stones which they dug out of a -rock—the turquoises of the other narratives. They had but one wife, -and when they died all their effects were buried with them. When -[p405] their rulers ate, many men waited about the tables. They -ate with napkins, and had baths—a natural inference from any attempt -to describe the stuffy underground rooms, the estufas or kivas of the -Pueblos. - -[Illustration: LIII. Wytfliet’s Kingdoms of Quivira, Anian and Tolm, -1597] - -Alarcon continued to question the Indian, and learned that the lord -of Cibola had a dog like one which accompanied the Spaniards, and -that when dinner was served, the lord of Cibola had four plates -like those used by the Spaniards, except that they were green. He -obtained these at the same time that he got the dog, with some other -things, from a black man who wore a beard, whom the people of Cibola -killed. A few days later, Alarcon obtained more details concerning -the death of the negro “who wore certain things on his legs and arms -which rattled.” When asked about gold and silver, the Indians said -that they had some metal of the same color as the bells which the -Spaniards showed them. This was not made nor found in their country, -but came “from a certain mountain where an old woman dwelt.” The -old woman was called Guatuzaca. One of Alarcon’s informants told -him about people who lived farther away than Cibola, in houses made -of painted mantles or skins during the summer, and who passed the -winter in houses made of wood two or three stories high. The Indian -was asked about the leather shields, and in reply described a very -great beast like an ox, but more than a hand longer, with broad feet, -legs as big as a man’s thigh, a head 7 hands long, and the forehead -3 spans across. The eyes of the beast were larger than one’s fist, -and the horns as long as a man’s leg, “out of which grew sharp points -an handful long, and the forefeet and hindfeet about seven handfuls -big.” The tail was large and bushy. To show how tall the animal -was, the Indian stretched his arms above his head. In a note to his -translation of this description, Hakluyt suggests, “This might be the -crooke backed oxe of Quivira.” Although the height and the horns are -clearly those of a buck deer, the rest of the description is a very -good account of the bison. - -The man who told him all this was called ashore, and Alarcon noticed -an excited discussion going on among the Indians, which ended in -the return of his informant with the news that other white men like -himself were at Cibola. Alarcon pretended to wonder at this, and -was told that two men had just come from that country, where they -had seen white men having “things which shot fire, and swords.” -These latest reports seemed to make the Indians doubt Alarcon’s -honesty, and especially his statements that he was a child of -the Sun. He succeeded in quieting their suspicions, and learned -more about Cibola, with which these people appeared to have quite -frequent intercourse. He was told that the strangers at Cibola called -themselves Christians, and that they brought with them many oxen -like those at Cibola “and other little blacke beastes with wooll and -hornes.” Some of them also had animals upon which they rode, which -ran very swiftly. Two of the party that had recently returned from -Cibola, had fallen in with two of the [p406] Christians. The white -men asked them where they lived and whether they possessed any fields -sown with corn, and gave each of them little caps for themselves and -for their companions. Alarcon did his best to induce some of his men -to go to Cibola with a message to Coronado, but all refused except -one negro slave, who did not at all want to go. The plan had to be -given up, and the party returned to the ships. It had taken fifteen -days and a half to ascend the river, but they descended with the -swift current in two and a half. The men who had remained in the -ships were asked to undertake the mission of opening communication -with Coronado, but proved as unwilling as the others. - -Much against the will of his subordinates, Alarcon determined to make -a second trip up the river, hoping to obtain further information -which might enable him to fulfill the purposes of his voyage. He took -“three boats filled with wares of exchange, with corne and other -seedes, hennes and cockes of Castille.” Starting September 14, he -found the Indians as friendly as before, and ascended the river, as -he judged, about 85 leagues, which may have taken him to the point -where the canyons begin. A cross was erected to inform Coronado, -in case an expedition from Cibola should reach this part of the -river,[86] that he had tried to fulfill his duty, but nothing more -was accomplished.[87] - -While Alarcon was exploring the river, one of the ships was careened -and repaired, and everything made ready for the return voyage. -A chapel was built on the shore in honor of Nuestra Señora de -Buenaguia, and the river was named the Buenaguia, out of regard for -the viceroy, who carried this as his device. - -The voyage back to Colima in New Spain was uneventful. - - -THE JOURNEY OF MELCHIOR DIAZ - -In September, 1540, seventy or eighty of the weakest and least -reliable men in Coronado’s army remained at the town of San -Hieronimo, in the valley of Corazones or Hearts. Melchior Diaz -was placed in command of the settlement, with orders to maintain -this post and protect the road between Cibola and New Spain, and -also to attempt to find some means of communicating with the fleet -under Alarcon. After he had established everything in the town as -satisfactorily as possible, Diaz selected twenty-five of these men -to accompany him on an exploring expedition to the seacoast. He -started before the end of September, going into the rough country -west of Corazones valley, and finding only a few naked, weak-spirited -Indians, who had come, as he understood, from the land on the farther -side of the water, i. e., Lower [p407] California. He hurried -across this region and descended the mountains on the west, where -he encountered the Indian giants, some of whom the army had already -seen. Turning toward the north, or northwest, he proceeded to the -seacoast, and spent several days among Indians who fed him with the -corn which they raised and with fish. He traveled slowly up the coast -until he reached the mouth of a river which was large enough for -vessels to enter. The country was cold, and the Spaniards observed -that when the natives hereabouts wished to keep warm, they took a -burning stick and held it to their abdomens and shoulders. This -curious habit led the Spaniards to name the river Firebrand—Rio del -Tizon. Near the mouth of the river was a tree on which was written, -“A letter is at the foot of this.” Diaz dug down and found a jar -wrapped so carefully that it was not even moist. The inclosed papers -stated that “Francisco de Alarcon reached this place in the year ’40 -with three ships, having been sent in search of Francisco Vazquez -Coronado by the viceroy, D. Antonio de Mendoza; and after crossing -the bar at the mouth of the river and waiting many days without -obtaining any news, he was obliged to depart, because the ships were -being eaten by worms,” the terrible _Teredo navalis_.[88] - -Diaz determined to cross the river, hoping that the country -might become more attractive. The passage was accomplished, with -considerable danger, by means of certain large wicker baskets, which -the natives coated with a sort of bitumen, so that the water could -not leak through. Five or six Indians caught hold of each of these -and swam across, guiding it and transporting the Spaniards with -their baggage, and being supported in turn by the raft. Diaz marched -inland for four days, but not finding any people in the country, -which became steadily more barren, he decided to return to Corazones -valley. The party made its way back to the country of the giants -without accident, and then one night while Diaz was watching the -camp, a small dog began to bark and chase the flock of sheep which -the men had taken with them for food. Unable to call the dog off, -Diaz started after him on horseback and threw his lance while on the -gallop. The weapon stuck up in the ground, and before Diaz could stop -or turn his horse, which was running loose, the socket pierced his -groin. The soldiers could do little to relieve his sufferings, and he -died before they reached the settlement, where they arrived January -18, 1541. A few months later, Alcaraz, who had been placed in charge -of the town when Diaz went away, abandoned Corazones valley for a -more attractive situation on Suya river, some distance nearer Cibola. -The post was maintained here [p408] until late in the summer, -when it became so much weakened by dissensions and desertions that -the Indians had little difficulty in destroying it. The defenders, -with the exception of a few who were able to make their way back to -Culiacan, were massacred. - - -THE INDIAN UPRISING IN NEW SPAIN, 1540–1542 - -Of the arguments advanced by those who wished to hinder the -expedition which Mendoza sent off under Coronado, none was urged more -persistently than the claim that this undertaking would require all -the men available for the protection of New Spain. It was suggested -by all the parties to the litigation in Spain, was repeated by Cortes -again and again, reappeared more than once during the visita of -1547, and was the cause of the depositions taken at Compostela on -February 26, 1540. These last show the real state of affairs. The men -who were withdrawn constituted a great resource in case of danger, -but they were worse than useless to the community when things were -peaceful. The Indians of New Spain had been quiet since the death of -De la Torre, a few years before, but signs of danger, an increasing -restlessness, unwilling obedience to the masters and encomenderos, -and frequent gatherings, had been noticed by many besides Cortes. -There were reasons enough to justify an Indian outbreak, some of -them abuses which dated from the time of Nuño de Guzman, but there -is every reason to suppose that the withdrawal of Coronado’s force, -following the irritation which was inevitably caused by the necessity -of collecting a large food supply and many servants, probably brought -matters to a crisis. Oñate, to whom the administration of New Galicia -had again been intrusted during the absence of his superior, began to -prepare for the trouble which he foresaw almost as soon as Coronado -was gone from the province. In April he learned that two tribes had -rebelled and murdered one of their encomenderos. A force was sent to -put down the revolt. The rebels requested a conference, and then, -early next morning, surprised the camp, which was wholly unprepared -for defense. Ten Spaniards, including the unwary commander, and -nearly two hundred native allies were killed. Thus began the last -and the fiercest struggle of the Indians of New Spain against their -European conquerors—the Mixton war. - -[Illustration: LIV. Matthias Quadus’ Fasciculus Geographicus, 1608 - -After Nordenskiold] - -Oñate prepared to march against the victorious rebels, as soon as -the news of the disaster reached him, but when this was followed by -additional information from the agents among the Indians, showing -how widespread were the alliances of those who had begun the revolt, -and that the Indians throughout the province of New Galicia were -already in arms, he retired to Guadalajara. The defenses of this -town were strengthened as much as possible, and messengers were -dispatched to Mexico for reenforcements. The viceroy sent some -soldiers and supplies, but this force was not sufficient to prevent -the Indians—who were animated by their recent successes, by their -numbers, by the knowledge of the weak points as well as of the -strong ones in their oppressors, and [p409] who were guided by -able leaders possessing all the prestige of religious authority—from -attacking the frontier settlements and forcing the Spaniards to -congregate in the larger towns. - -There was much fighting during the early summer of 1540, in which -the settlers barely held their own. In August, the adelantado Pedro -de Alvarado sailed into the harbor of La Natividad. As the news of -his arrival spread, requests were sent to him from many directions, -asking for help against the natives. One of the most urgent came -from those who were defending the town of Purificacion, and Alvarado -was about to start to their assistance, when a message from Mendoza -changed his plans. The two men arranged for a personal interview -at Tiripitio in Michoacan, where the estate of a relative afforded -Alvarado a quasi neutral territory. After some difficulties had -been overcome, the terms of an alliance were signed by both parties -November 29, 1540. Each was to receive a small share in whatever -had already been accomplished by the other, thus providing for any -discoveries which might have rewarded Coronado’s search before this -date. In the future, all conquests and gains were to be divided -equally. It was agreed that the expenses of equipping the fleet and -the army should offset each other, and that all future expenses -should be shared alike. Each partner was allowed to spend a thousand -castellanos de minas yearly, and all expenditure in excess of this -sum required the consent of the other party. All accounts were to be -balanced yearly, and any surplus due from one to the other was to be -paid at once, under penalty of a fine, which was assured by the fact -that half of it was to go into the royal treasury. - -Mendoza secured a half interest in the fleet of between nine and -twelve vessels, which were then in the ports of Acapulco and of -Santiago de Colima. Cortes accused the viceroy of driving a very -sharp bargain in this item, declaring that Alvarado was forced to -accept it because Mendoza made it the condition on which he would -allow the ships to obtain provisions.[89] Mendoza, as matters turned -out, certainly had the best of the bargain, although in the end it -amounted to nothing. Whether this would have been true if Alvarado -had lived to prosecute his schemes is another possibility. Alvarado -took his chances on the results of Coronado’s conquests, and it is -very likely that, by the end of November, the discouraging news -contained in Coronado’s letter of August 3 was not generally known, -if it had even reached the viceroy. - -The contract signed, Alvarado and Mendoza went to Mexico, where -they passed the winter in perfecting arrangements for carrying out -their plans. The cold weather moderated the fury of the Indian -war somewhat, without lessening the danger or the troubles of the -settlers in New Galicia, all of whom were now shut up in the few -large towns. Alvarado returned to the Pacific coast in the spring -of 1541, and as soon as [p410] Oñate learned of this, he sent an -urgent request for help, telling of the serious straits in which he -had been placed. The security of the province was essential to the -successful prosecution of the plans of the new alliance. Alvarado -immediately sent reinforcements to the different garrisons, and -at the head of his main force hastened to Guadalajara, where he -arrived June 12, 1541. Oñate had received reports from the native -allies and the Spanish outposts, who were best acquainted with the -situation and plans of the hostile Indians, which led him to urge -Alvarado to delay the attack until he could be certain of success. -An additional force had been promised from Mexico, but Alvarado -felt that the glory and the booty would both be greater if secured -unaided. Scorning the advice of those who had been beaten by savages, -he hastened to chastise the rebels. The campaign was a short one. On -June 24 Alvarado reached the fortified height of Nochistlan, where he -encountered such a deluge of men and of missiles that he was not able -to maintain his ground, nor even to prevent the precipitate retreat -of his soldiers. It was a terrible disaster, but one which reflected -no discredit on Alvarado after the fighting began. The flight of the -Spaniards continued after the Indians had grown tired of the chase. -It was then that the adelantado tried to overtake his secretary, -who had been one of those most eager to get away from the enemy. -Alvarado was afoot, having dismounted in order to handle his men and -control the retreat more easily, but he had almost caught up with his -secretary, when the latter spurred his jaded horse up a rocky hill. -The animal tried to respond, fell, and rolled backward down the hill, -crushing the adelantado under him. Alvarado survived long enough to -be carried to Guadalajara and to make his will, dying on the 4th of -July. - -This disaster did not fully convince the viceroy of the seriousness -of the situation. Fifty men had already started from Mexico, -arriving in Guadalajara in July, where they increased the garrison -to eighty-five. Nothing more was done by Mendoza after he heard -of the death of Alvarado. The Indians, emboldened by the complete -failure of their enemies, renewed their efforts to drive the white -men out of the land. They attacked Guadalajara on September 28, and -easily destroyed all except the chief buildings in the center of -the city, in which the garrison had fortified themselves as soon as -they learned that an attack was about to be made. A fierce assault -against these defenses was repulsed only after a hard struggle. The -miraculous appearance of Saint Iago on his white steed and leading -his army of allies, who blinded the idolatrous heathen, alone -prevented the destruction of his faithful believers, according to -the record of one contemporary chronicler. At last Mendoza realized -that the situation was critical. A force of 450 Spaniards was raised, -in addition to an auxiliary body of between 10,000 and 50,000 Aztec -warriors. The native chieftains were rendered loyal by ample promises -of wealth and honors, and the warriors were granted, for the first -time, permission to use horses and Spanish [p411] weapons. With the -help of these Indians, Mendoza eventually succeeded in destroying or -reducing the revolted tribes. The campaign was a series of fiercely -contested struggles, which culminated at the Mixton peñol, a strongly -fortified height where the most bitter enemies of the Spanish -conquerors had their headquarters. This place was surrendered during -the Christmas holidays, and when Coronado returned in the autumn of -1542, the whole of New Spain was once more quiet. - - -FURTHER ATTEMPTS AT DISCOVERY - - -THE VOYAGE OF CABRILLO - -Mendoza took possession of the vessels belonging to Alvarado after -the death of the latter. In accordance with the plans which the two -partners had agreed on, apparently, the viceroy commissioned Juan -Rodriguez Cabrillo to take command of two ships in the port of La -Natividad and make an exploration of the coast on the western side of -the peninsula of Lower California. Cabrillo started June 27, 1542, -and sailed north, touching the land frequently. Much bad weather -interfered with his plans, but he kept on till the end of December, -when he landed on one of the San Lucas islands. Here Cabrillo died, -January 3, 1543, leaving his chief pilot, Bartolome Ferrel or -Ferrelo, “a native of the Levant,” in command. Ferrel left the island -of San Miguel, which he named Isla de Juan Rodriguez, on January 29, -to continue the voyage. In a little more than a month the fleet had -reached the southern part of Oregon or thereabouts, allowing for an -error of a degree and a half in the observations, which said that -they were 44° north. A severe storm forced the ships to turn back -from this point. - -The report of the expedition is little more than an outline of -distances sailed and places named, although there are occasional -statements which give us valuable information regarding the coast -Indians.[90] Among the most interesting of these notes are those -showing that the news of the expeditions to Colorado river, and -perhaps of the occupancy of the Pueblo country by white men, had -reached the Pacific coast. About September 1, 1542, a party from -the fleet went ashore near the southern boundary of California. -Five Indians met the Spanish sailors at a spring, where they were -filling the water casks. “They appeared like intelligent Indians,” -and went on board the ships without hesitation. “They took note -of the Spaniards and counted them, and made signs that they had -seen other men like these, who had beards and who brought dogs and -cross-bows and swords . . . and showed by their signs that the other -Spaniards were five days’ journey distant. . . . The captain gave -them a letter, which he told them to carry to the Spaniards who they -said were in the interior.” September 28, at San [p412] Pedro bay, -Ferrel again found Indians who told him by signs that “they had -passed people like the Spaniards in the interior.” Two days later, -on Saturday morning, “three large Indians came to the ship, who told -by signs that men like us were traveling in the interior, wearing -beards, and armed and clothed like the people on the ships, and -carrying cross-bows and swords. They made gestures with the right arm -as if they were throwing lances, and went running in a posture as -if riding on horseback. They showed that many of the native Indians -had been killed, and that this was the reason they were afraid.” A -week later, October 7, the ships anchored off the islands of Santa -Cruz and Anacapa. The Indians of the islands and also of the mainland -opposite, near Santa Barbara or the Santa Clara valley, gave the -Spaniards additional descriptions of men like themselves in the -interior. - -The rest of the year 1542 was spent in this locality, off the coast -of southern California, and then the voyage northward was resumed. -Many points on the land were touched, although San Francisco bay -quite escaped observation. Just before a severe storm, in which one -of the vessels was lost, forcing him to turn back, Ferrel observed -floating drift and recognized that it meant the neighborhood of a -large river, but he was driven out to sea before reaching the mouth -of the Columbia. The return voyage was uneventful, and the surviving -vessel reached the harbor of Natividad in safety by April 14, 1543. - - -VILLALOBOS SAILS ACROSS THE PACIFIC - -Cortes and Alvarado had both conceived plans more than once to equip -a great expedition in New Spain and cross the South sea to the isles -of the Western ocean. After the death of Alvarado, Mendoza adopted -this scheme, and commissioned Ruy Lopez de Villalobos to take command -of some of the ships of Alvarado and sail westward. He started on -All Saints day, the 1st of November, 1542, with 370 Spanish soldiers -and sailors aboard his fleet. January 22, 1547, Friar Jeronimo de -Santisteban wrote to Mendoza “from Cochin in the Indies of the King -of Portugal.” He stated that 117 of the men were still with the -fleet, and that these intended to keep together and make their way as -best they could home to Spain. Thirty members of the expedition had -remained at Maluco, and twelve had been captured by the natives of -various islands at which the party had landed. The rest, including -Ruy Lopez, had succumbed to hunger and thirst, interminable labors -and suffering, and unrelieved discouragement—the record of the -previous months. This letter of Friar Jeronimo is the only published -account of the fate of this expedition. - -The brief and gloomy record of the voyage of Villalobos is a fit -ending for this story of the Coronado expedition to Cibola and -Quivira, of how it came about, of what it accomplished, and of what -resulted from it. Nothing is the epitome of the whole story. The -lessons which it teaches are always warnings, but if one will read -history rightly, every warning will be found to be an inspiration. - - - - -[p413] - -THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA - - -BIBLIOGRAPHIC NOTE - -A perusal of the narratives of the expeditions of Coronado and of -Friar Marcos of Nice, which were translated by Henri Ternaux-Compans -for the ninth volume of his Collection de Voyages, convinced me -that the style and the language of these narratives were much -more characteristic of the French translator than of the Spanish -conquistadores. A comparison of Ternaux’s translations with some -of the Spanish texts which he had rendered into French, which were -available in the printed collections of Spanish documents in the -Harvard University library, showed me that Ternaux had not only -rendered the language of the original accounts with great freedom, -but that in several cases he had entirely failed to understand what -the original writer endeavored to relate. On consulting Justin -Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, in the second -edition, I found that the Spanish manuscript of the Castañeda -narrative, from which most of our knowledge of Coronado’s expedition -is derived, was in the Lenox Library in New York City. The trustees -of this library readily granted my request, made through Dr Winsor, -for permission to copy the manuscript. The Lenox manuscript is not -the original one written by Castañeda, but a copy made toward the end -of the sixteenth century. It contains a number of apparent mistakes, -and the meaning of many passages is obscure, probably due to the -fact that the Spanish copyist knew nothing about the North American -Indians and their mode of living. These places I have pointed -out in the notes to my translation of the narrative, and I have -called attention also to the important errors and misconceptions in -Ternaux’s version. Diligent inquiry among the custodians of the large -Spanish libraries at Simancas, Madrid, and at Seville where the Lenox -manuscript was copied in 1596, has failed to bring me any information -in regard to the original manuscript. The Lenox copy is the one used -by Ternaux. - -The Spanish text of the Relación Postrera de Sívola is printed now -for the first time, through the kindness of the late Señor Joaquin -García Icazbalceta, who copied it for me from a collection of papers -in his possession, which formerly belonged to the Father Motolinia, -the author of a very valuable description of the Indians of New -Spain. In the preface to this work, dated 1541, Motolinia says that -he was in communication with the brethren who had gone with Coronado. -The Relación Postrera appears to be a copy made from a letter written -to some of the Franciscans in New Spain by one of the friars who -accompanied Coronado. [p414] - -In the bibliography are the references to the exact location of the -Spanish texts from which I have translated the other narratives. I am -not aware that any of these have been translated entire, although Mr -Bandelier has quoted from them extensively in his Documentary History -of Zuñi. - -There is one other account of the Coronado expedition which might -have been included in the present volume. Mota Padilla wrote his -Historia de la Nueva Galicia two centuries after the return of -Coronado, but he had access to large stores of contemporary documents -concerning the early history of New Spain, most of which have -since been destroyed. Among these documents were those belonging -to Don Pedro de Tovar, one of the captains in Coronado’s army. -Mota Padilla’s account of this expedition is nearly if not quite -as valuable as that of Castañeda, and supplements the latter in -very many details. The length of the narrative and the limitations -inevitable to any work of this nature forced me to abandon the idea -of translating it for the present memoir. Much of the text of Mota -Padilla will be found, however, in the notes to the translation of -Castañeda, while the second half of the historical introduction is -based primarily on Mota Padilla’s narrative, and a large portion of -it is little more than a free rendering of this admirable work. - - -THE SPANISH TEXT[91] - - Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola conpuesta por Pedro de Castañeda - de Naçera. Donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y - costumbres, la qual fue el Año de 1540. - - Historia del Conde Fernando Gonzales impressa. - - -PROEMIO. - -Cosa por sierto me parece muy magnifico señor liçeta y que es -exerçiçio de hombres uirtuosos el desear saber y querer adquirir -para su memoria la noticia berdadera de las cosas acasos aconteçidos -en partes remotas de que se tiene poca noticia lo qual yo no culpo -algunas personas especulatiuas que por uentura con buen çelo por -muchas ueces me an sido inportunos no poco rogadome les dixese y -aclarase algunas dudas que tenian de cosas particulares [~q] al -bulgo auian oydo en cosas y casos acontecidos en la jornada de -cibola o tierra nueba que el buen uisorey que dios aya en su gloria -don Antonio de Mendoca ordeno y hiço haçer donde embio por general -capitan a francisco uasques de coronado y a la berdad ellos tienen -raçon de querer saber la uerdad porque como el bulgo muy muchas ueces -y cosas que an oydo y por uentura a quien de ellas no tubo noticia -ansi las hacen mayores o menores que ellas son y las que son algo -las hacen nada y las no tales las hacen tā admirables que pareçen -cosas no creederas podría tan bien [p415] causarlo que como aquello -tierra no permanecio no ubo quien quisiese gastar tienpo en escrebir -sus particularidades porque se perdiese la noticia de aquello que no -fue dios seruido que gosasen el sabe por que en berdad quien quisiera -exercitarse en escrebir asi las cosas acaeçidas en la jornada como -las cosas se bieron en aquellas tierras los ritos y tratos delos -naturales tubiera harta materia por donde pareçiera su juiçio y creo -que no le faltara de quedar relaçion que tratar de berdad fuera tam -admirable que pareciera increyble. - -y tambien creo que algunas nobelas que se quentan el aber como a -ueinte años y mas que aquella jornada se hiço lo causa digo esto -porque algunas la haçen tierra inabitable otros confinante a la -florida otros a la india mayor que no parece pequeño desbario pueden -tomar alguna ocaçion y causa sobre que poner su fundamento tambien -ay quien da noticia de algunos animales bien remotos que otros con -aber se hallado en aquella jornada lo niegan y afirman no aber tal -ni aberlos bisto otros uariã en el rumbo de las prouincias y aun en -los tractos y trajes atribuyendo lo que es de los unos a los otros -todo lo qual a sido gran parte muy magnifico señor a me mober aunque -tarde a querer dar una brebe noticia general para todos los que se -arrean de esta uirtud especulatiua y por ahorrar el tiempo que con -inportunidades soy a quexado donde se hallaran cosas por sierto -harto graues de crer todas o las mas bistas por mis ojos y otras -por notiçia berdadera inquiridas de los propios naturales creyendo -que teniendo entendido como lo tengo que esta mi pequeña obra seria -en si ninguna o sin autoridad sino fuese faboreçida y anparada de -tal persona que su autoridad quitase el atrebimiento a los que sin -acatamiento dar libertad a sus murmuradores lenguas y conoçiendo yo -en quanta obligacion siempre e sido y soy a v[~r]a md humilmente -suplico de baxo de su anparo como de berdadero seruidor y criado -sea recebida esta pequeña obra la qual ba en tres partes repartida -para que mejor se de a entender la primera sera dar noticia del -descubrimiento y el armada o campo que hiço con toda la jornada con -los capitanes que alla fueron la segunda los pueblos y prouinçias que -se hallaron y en que rumbos y que ritos y costumbres los animales -fructas y yerbas y en que partes de la tierra. la terçera la buelta -que el campo hiço y las ocaciones que ubo para se despoblar aun -que no licitas por ser el mejor paraje que ay para se descubrir -el meollo de la tierra que ay en estas partes de poniente como se -uera y despues aca se tiene entendido y en lo ultimo se tratara de -algunas cosas admirables que se bieron y por donde con mas facilidad -se podra tornar a descubrir lo que no bimos que suelo mejor y que no -poco haria al caso para por tierra entrar en la tierra de que yba -en demanda el marques del ualle don fer^{do} cortes de baxo de la -estrella del poniente que no pocas armadas le costo de mar plega a -n[~r]o señor me de tal graçia que con mi rudo entendimiento y poca -abilidad pueda tratando berdad agradar con esta me pequeña obra -al sabio y prudente lector siendo por v[~r]a md aceptada pues mi -intincion no es ganar gracias de buen componedor ni retorico salbo -querer dar berdadera [p416] noticia y hacer a v[~r]a md este pequeño -seruicio el qual reciba como de berdadero seruidor y soldado que se -hallo presente y aunque no por estilo pulido escrebo lo que paso lo -que a oydo palpo y bido y tratrato. - -siempre beo y es ansi que por la mayor parte quando tenemos entre -las manos alguna cosa preciosa y la tratamos sin inpedimento no -la tenemos ni la preçiamos en quanto uale si entendemos la falta -que nos haria si la perdiesemos y por tanto de continuo la bamos -teniendo en menos pero despues que la abemos perdido y carecemos del -benefficio de ella abemos gran dolor en el coraçon y siempre andamos -ymaginatibos buscando modos y maneras como la tornemos a cobrar y -asi me pareçe acaeçio a todos aquellos o a los mas que fueron a la -jornada quel ano de n[~r]o saluador jesu christo de mill y quinientos -y quarenta hico francisco uasques coronado en demanda de las siete -ciudades que puesto que no hallaron aquellas riqueças de que les -auian dado notiçia hallaron aparejo para las buscar y principio de -buena tierra que poblar para de alli pasar adelante y como despues -aca por la tierra que conquistaron y despoblaron el tiempo les a dado -a entender el rumbo y aparejo donde estaban y el principio de buena -tierra que tienan entre manos lloran sus coracones por aber perdido -tal oportunidad de tiempo y como sea sierto que ben mas lo honbres -quando se suben a la talanquera que quando andan en el coso agora que -estan fuera cognoçen y entienden los rumbos y el aparejo donde se -hallauan y ya que ben que no lo pueden goçar ni cobrar y el tiempo -perdido deleytanse en contar lo que bieron y aun lo que entienden -que perdieron especial aquellos que se hallan pobres oy tanto como -quando alla fueron y no an dexado de trabajar y gastado el tienpo sin -probecho digo esto porque tengo entendido algunos de los que de alla -binieron holgarian oy como fuese para pasar adelante boluer a cobrar -lo perdido y otros holgarian oy y saber la causa porque se descubrio -y pues yo me ofrecido a contarlo tomarlo e del principio que pasa asi. - - -PRIMERA PARTE.[92] - - -_Capitulo primero donde se trata como se supo la primera poblacion -de las siete çiudades y como Nuño de guzman hiço armada para -descubrirlla._ - -en el año y quinientos y treinta siendo presidente de la nueba españa -Nuño de guzman ubo en su poder un indio natural del ualle o ualles -de oxitipar a quien los españoles nombran tejo este indio dixo que -el era hijo de un mercader y su padre era muerto pero que siendo el -chiquito su padre entraua la tierra adentro a mercadear con plumas -ricas de aues para plumages y que en retorno traya un mucha cantidad -de oro y plata que en aquella tierra lo ay mucho y que el fue con el -una o dos ueçes y que bido muy grandes pueblos tanto que los quiso -comparar con mexico y su comarca y que auia uisto siete pueblos muy -grandes donde auia calles de plateria y que para ir a ellos tardauan -desde su tierra quarenta dias y todo despoblado y que la tierra por -do yban no [p417] tenia yerba sino muy chiquita de un xeme y que -el rumbo que lleuaban era al largo de la tierra entre las dos mares -siguiendo la lauia del norte debaxo de esta notiçia Nuño de guzman -junto casi quatrosientos hombres españoles y ueinte mill amigos de -la nueua españa y como se hallo a el presente en mexico atrabesando -la tarasca que es tierra de mechuacan para hallandose el aparejo -quel indio deçia boluer atrabesando la tierra hacia la mar del norte -y darian en la tierra que yban a buscar a la qual ya nombrauan las -siete ciudades pues conforme a los quarenta dias quel texo decia -hallaria que abiendo andado doçientas leguas podrian bien atrabesar -la tierra quitado a parte algunas fortunas que pasaron en esta -jornada desque fueron llegados en la prouincia de culiacan que fue -lo ultimo de su gouernaçion que es agora el nueuo reyno de galiçia -quisieron atrabesar la tierra y ubo muy gran dificultad porque la -cordillera de la sierra que cae sobre aquella mar estan agra que por -mucho que trabajo fue inposible hallar camino en aquella parte y a -esta causa se detubo todo su campo en aquella tierra de culiacan -hasta tanto que como yban con el hombres poderosos que tenian -repartimientos en tierra de mexico mudaron las boluntades y de cada -dia se querian boluer fuera de esto Nuño de guzman tubo nueua como -auia benido de españa el marques del ualle don fernando cortes con el -nueuo titulo y grandes fabores y prouinçiones y como nuño de guzman -en el tiempo que fue presidente le ubiese sido emulo muy grande y -hecho muchos daños en sus haciendas y en las de sus amigos temiose -que don fer^{do} cortes se quisiese pagar en otras semejantes obras -o peores y determino de poblar aquella uilla de culiacan y dar la -buelta con la demas gente sin que ubiese mas efecto su jornada y de -buelta poblo a xalisco que es la çiudad de conpostela y atonala que -llaman guadalaxara y esto es agora el nuebo reyno de galicia la guia -que lleuaban que se decia texo murio en estos comedios y ansi se -quedo el nombre de estas siete ciudades y la demanda de ellas hasta -oy dia que no sean descubierto. - - -_Capitulo segundo como bino a ser gouernador françisco uasques -coronado y la segunda relaçion que dio cabeça de uaca._ - -pasados que fueron ocho años que esta jornada se auia hecho por Nuño -de guzman abiendo sido preso por un juez de residençia que uino de -españa para el efecto con prouiçiones bastantes llamado el lic^{do} -diego de la torre que despues muriendo este juez que ya tenia en -si la gouernaçion de aquella tierra el buen don Antonio de mendoça -uisorey de la nueua españa puso por gouernador de aquela gouernaçion -a francisco uasques de coronado un cauallero de Salamanca que a -la sacon era casado en la çiudad de mexico cõ una señora hija de -Alonso de estrada thesorero y gouernador que auia sido de mexico uno -por quien el bulgo dice ser hijo del rey catholico don fernando y -muchos lo afirman por osa sierta digo que a la sacon que francisco -uasques fue probeydo por gouernador andaba por uisitador general de -la nueua españa por donde [p418] tubo amistad y conuersaçiones de -muchas personas nobles que despues le siguieron en la jornada que -hiço aconteçio a la saçon que llegaron a mexico tres españoles y -un negro que auian por nombre cabeça de uaca y dorantes y castillo -maldonado los quales se auian perdido en la armada que metio pamfilo -de narbaes en la florida y estos salieron por la uia de culiacan -abiendo atrabesado la tierra de mar a mar como lo beran los que lo -quisieren saber por un tratado que el mismo cabeça de uaca hiço -dirigido a el principe don phelipe que agora es rey de españa y -señor n[~r]o y estos dieron notiçia a el buen don Antonio de mendoça -en como por las tierras que atrabesaron tomaron lengua y notiçia -grande de unos poderosos pueblos de altos de quatro y çinco doblados -y otras cosas bien diferentes de lo que pareçio por berdad esto -comunico el buen uisorey con el nuebo gouernador que fue causa que -se apresurase dexando la bisita que tenia entre manos y se partiese -para su gouernaçion lleuando consigo el negro que auia bendido con -los tres frayles de la orden do san fran^{co} el uno auia por nombre -fray marcos de niça theologo y saserdote y el otro fray daniel lego -y otro fray Antonio de santa maria y como llego a la prouincia de -culiacan luego despidio a los frayles ya nonbrados y a el negro que -auia por nombre esteuan para que fuesen en demanda de aquella tierra -porque el fray marcos de niça se prefirio de llegar a berla por que -este frayle se auia hallado en el peru a el tienpo que don pedro de -albarado passo por tierra ydos los dichos frayles y el negro esteuan -pareçe que el negro no yba a fabor de los frayles porque lleuaba las -mugeres que le daban y adquiria turquesas y haçia balumen de todo y -aun los indios de aquellos poblados por do yban entendiasen mejor con -el negro como ya otra uez lo auian uisto que fue causa que lo ubieron -hechar delante que fuese descubriendo y pacificando para que quando -ellos llegasen no tubiesen mas que entender de en tomar la relacion -de lo que buscauan. - - -_Capitulo terçero como mataron los de cibola a el negro esteuan y -fray marcos bolbio huyendo._ - -apartado que se ubo el esteuan de los dichos frayles presumio ganar -en todo reputacion y honra y que se le atribuyese la osadia y -atrebimiento de auer el solo descubierto[93] aquellos poblados de -altos tan nombrados por aquella tierra y lleuando consigo de aquellas -gentes que le seguian procuro de atrabesar los despoblados que ay -entre cibola y lo poblado que auia andado y auiase les adelantado -tanto a los frayles que quando ellos llegaron a chichieticale ques -principio del despoblado ya el estaua a cibola que son ochenta -leguas de despoblado que ay desde culiacan a el principio del -despoblado docientas y ueinte leguas y en el despoblado ochenta que -son trecientas diez mas o menos digo ansi que llegado que fue el -negro esteuan a cibola llego cargado de grande numero de turquesas -que le auian dado y algunas mugeres hermosas que le auian dado y -lleuauan los indios que le acompañauan y le seguian [p419] de todo -lo poblado que auia pasado los quales en yr debajo de su amparo -creyan poder atrabesar toda la tierra sin riesgo ninguno pero como -aquellas gentes de aquella tierra fuesen de mas raçon que no los que -seguian a el esteuan aposentaronlo en una sierta hermita que tenian -fuera del pueblo y los mas uiejos y los que gouernauan oyeron sus -raçones y procuraron saber la causa de su benida en aquella tierra -y bien informados por espaçio de tres dias entraron en su consulta -y por la notiçia quel negro les dio como atras uenian dos hombres -blancos embiados por un gran señor que eran entendidos en las cosas -del cielo y que aquellos los uenian a industriar en las cosas diuinas -consideraron que debia ser espia o guia de algunas naçiones que los -querian yr a conquistar porque les pareçio desbario decir que la -tierra de donde uenia era la gente blanca siendo el negro y enbiado -por ellos y fueron a el y como despues de otras raçones le pidiese -turquesas y mugeres parecioles cosa dura y determiaronse a le matar -y ansi lo hicieron sin que matasen a nadie de los que con el yban y -tomaron algunos muchachos y a los de mas que serian obra de sesenta -personas dexaron bolber libres a sus tierras pues como estos que -boluian ya huyendo atemorisados llegasen a se topar y ber con los -frayles en el despoblado sesenta leguas de çibola y les diesen la -triste nueba pusieron los en tanto temor que aun no se fiando de -esta gente con aber ydo en compañia del negro abrieron las petacas -que lleuaban y les repartieron quanto trayan que no les quedo salbo -los hornamentos de deçir misa y de alli dieron la buelta sin ber la -tierra mas de lo que los indios les deçian antes caminaban dobladas -jornadas haldas en sinta. - - -_Capitulo quarto como el buen don Antonio de mendoça hiço jornada -para el descubrimiento de Cibola._ - -despues que francisco uasques coronado ubo embiado a fray marcos de -niça y su conpaña en la demanda ya dicha quedando el en culiacan -entendio en negocios que conbenian a su gouernaciō tubo sierta -relaçion de una prouinçia que corria en la trabesia de la tierra de -culiacan a el norte que se decia topira y luego salio para la ir a -descubrir con algunos conquistadores y gente de amigos y su yda hiço -poco efecto por que auian de atrabesar las cordilleras y fue les -muy dificultoso y la notiçia no la hallaron tal ni muestra de buena -tierra y ansi dio la buelta y llegado que fue hallo a los frayles -que auian acabado de llegar y fueron tantas las grandeças que les -dixeron de lo que el esteuan el negro auia descubierto y lo que ellos -oyeron a los indios y otras noticias de la mar del sur y de ylas que -oyeron deçir y de otras riquesas quel gouernador sin mas se detener -se partio luego para la ciudad de mexico lleuando a el fray marcos -consigo para dar notiçia de ello a el bisorey en grandesiendo las -cosas con no las querer comunicar con nadie, sino de baxo de puridad -y grande secreto a personas particula res y llegados a mexico y -bisto con don Antonio de mendoça luego se començo a publicar como ya -se abian descubierto las siete çiudades [p420] que Nuño de guzman -buscaba y haçer armada y portar gente para las yr a conquistar -el buen birrey tubo tal orden con los frayles de la orden de san -françisco que hicieron a fray marcos prouincial que fue causa que -andubiesen los pulpitos de aquella orden llenos de tantas marabillas -y tan grãdes que en pocos dias se juntaron mas de tresientos hombres -españoles y obra de ochocientos indios naturales de la nue (ua) -españa y entre los españoles honbres de gran calidad tantos y tales -que dudo en indias aber se juntado tan noble gente y tanta en tam -pequeño numero como fueron treçientos hombres y de todos ellos -capitan general francisco uasques coronado gouernador de la nueba -galiçia por aber sido el autor de todo hico todo esto el buen uirey -don Antonio porque a la saçon era fran^{co} uasques la persona mas -allegada a el por pribança porque tenia entendido era hombre sagaz -abil y de buen consejo allende de ser cauallero como lo era tenido -tubiera mas atençion y respecto a el estado en que lo ponia y cargo -que llebaua que no a la renta que dexaba en la nueba españa o a lo -menos a la honra que ganaba y auia de ganar lleuando tales caualleros -de baxo de su bando pero no le salio ansi como a delante se bera -en el fin de este tratado ni el supo conserbar aquel estado ni la -gouernacion que tenia. - - -_Capitulo quinto que trata quienes fueron por capitanes a cibola._ - -ya quel bisorey don Antonio de mendoça bido la muy noble gente que -tenia junta y con los animos y uoluntad [~q] todos se le auian -ofreçido cognoçiendo el ualor de sus personas a cada uno de ellos -quisiera haçer capitan de un exerçito pero como el numero de todos -era poco no pudo lo que quisiera y ansi ordeno las conductas y -capitanias que le pareçio porque yendo por su mano ordenado era tam -obedecido y amado que nadie saliera de su mandado despues que todos -entẽdieron quien era su general hiço alferez general a don pedro -de touar cauallero mançebo hijo de don fernando de tobar guarda y -mayordomo mayor de la reyna doña Juana n[~r]a natural señora que -sea en gloria y maestre de campo a lope de samaniego alcayde de -las ataraçanas de mexico cauallero para el cargo bien sufiçiente -capitanes fueron don tristan de arellano don pedro de gueuara hijo de -don juan de gueuara y sobrino del conde de oñate don garçi lopes de -cardenas don rodrigo maldonado cuñado del duque del infantado diego -lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla diego gutierres de la caualleria -todos los demas caualleros yban debajo del guion del general por -ser peronas señaladas y algunos de ellos fueron despues capitanes y -permanecieron en ello por ordenaçion del birey y otros por el general -francisco uasques nombrare algunos de aquellos de que tengo memoria -que fueron françisco de barrio nuebo un cauallero de granada juan de -saldibar françisco de auando juan gallego y melchior dias capitan y -alcalde mayor que auia sido de culiacan, [~q] aunque no era cauallero -mereçia de su persona el cargo que tubo los demas caualleros que -fueron sobresalientes fueron don Alonso manrique de lara don lope de -urrea cauallero aragones gomes suares de figueroa luis ramires de -uargas [p421] juan de sotomayor francisco gorbalan el factor riberos -y otros caualleros de que agora no me acuerdo y hombres de mucho -calidad capitan de infanteria fue pablo de melgosa burgales y de la -artilleria hernando de albarado cauallero montañes digo que con el -tiempo e perdido la memoria de muchos buenos hijos dalgo que fuera -bueno que los nombrara por que se biera y cognoçiera la racon que -tengo de decir que auia para esta jornada la mas lucida gente que sea -juntado en indias para yr en demandas de tierras nuebras sino fueran -desdichados en lleuar capitan que dexaba rentas en la nueba españa y -muger moça noble y generosa que no fueron pocas espuelas para lo que -bino a haçer. - - -_Capitulo sexto como se juntaron en conpostela todas las capitanias y -salieron en orden para la jornada._ - -hecho y ordenado por el birey don Antonio de mendoça lo que abemos -dicho y hechas las capitanias o capitanes dio luego a la gente -de guerra socorros de la caxa de su magestad a las personas mas -menesterosas y por pareçerle que si salia el campo formado desde -mexico haria algunos agrauios por las tierras de los amigos ordeno -que se fuesen a juntar a la ciudad de conpostela cabeça del nuebo -reyno de galicia ciento y diez leguas de mexico para que desde alli -ordenadamente comencasen su jornada lo que paso en este uiaje no -ay para que dar de ello relaçion pues al fin todos se juntaron en -conpostela el dia de carnes tollendas del año de quarenta y uno y -como ubo hechado toda la gente de Mexico dio orden en como pedro de -alarcon saliese con dos nauios que estaban en el puerto de la nabidad -en la costa del sur y fuese a el puerto de xalisco a tomar la ropa -de los soldados que no la pudiesen lleuar para que costa a costa -fuese tras del campo porque se tubo entendido que segun la notiçia -auian de ir por la tierra çerca de la costa de el mar y que por los -rios sacariamos los puertos y los nauios siempre tendrian noticia -del campo lo qual despues pareçio ser falso y ansi se perdio toda la -ropa o por mejor deçir la perdio cuya era como adelante se dira asi -que despachado y concluido todo el uisorey se partio para conpostela -acompañado de muchos caualleros y ricos honbres y tubo el año nuebo -de quarenta y uno en pasquaro que es cabeça del obispado de mechuacan -y de alli con mucha alegria y placer y grandes reçebimientos atrabeso -toda la tierra de la nueba españa hasta Conpostela que son como tengo -dicho çiento y diez leguas adonde hallo toda la gente junta y bien -tratada y hospedada por christobal de oñate que era a la saçon la -persona que tenia enpeso aquella gouernaçion y la auia sostenido y -era capitan de toda aquella tierra puesto que francisco uasques era -gouernador y llegado con mucha alegria de todos hiço alarde de la -gēte que embiaba y hallo toda la que abemos señalado y repartio las -capitanias y esto hecho otro dia despues de misa a todos juntos ansi -capitanes como a soldados el uisorey les hico una muy eloquente y -breue oraçion encargandoles la fidelidad [=q] debian a su general -dandoles bien a entender el probecho que de haçer aquella jornada -podia redundar a [p422] si a la conuerçion de aquellas gentes como -en pro de los que conquistasen aquella tierra y el seruicio de su -magestad y la obligaçion en que le auian puesto para en todo tiempo -los faborecer y socorrer y acabada tomo juramento sobre los euãgelios -en un libro misala todos generalmente asi a capitanes como a soldados -aunque por orden que siguirian a su general y harian en aquella -jornada y obedecerian todo aquello que por el les fuese mandado lo -qual despues cumplieron fielmente como se bera y esto hecho otro dia -salio el campo con sus banderas tendidas y el uirey don Antonio le -acompaño dos jornados y de alli se despidio dando la buelta para la -nueua españa aconpañado de sus amigos. - - -_Capitulo septimo como el campo llego a chiametla y mataron a el -maestre de canpo y lo que mas acaeçio hasta llegar a culiacan._ - -partido que fue el uirey don Antonio el campo camino por sus jornadas -y como era forçado lleuar cada uno sus aberes en cauallos y no todos -los sabian aparejar y los cauallos salian gordos y holgados en las -primeras jornadas ubo grande dificultad y trabajo y muchos dexaron -muchas preseas y las daban de gracia a quien las queria por no las -cargar y a el fin la necesidad que es maestra con el tiempo los hiço -maestros donde se pudierã ber muchos caualleros tornados harrieros y -que el que se despreciaba del officio no era tenido por hombre y con -estos trabajos que entonçes tubieron por grandes llego el canpo en -chiametla donde por fastar bastimentos fue forçado de tenerse alli -algunos dias en los quales el maestre de campo lope de samaniego con -sierta compañia fue a buscar bastimentos y en un pueblo por entrar -indiscretamente por un arcabuco en pos de los enemigos lo flecharon -por un ojo y le pasaron el celebro de que luego murio alli y -flecharon otros cinco o seis compañeros y luego como fue muerto diego -lopes ueinte y quatro de seuilla recogio la gente y lo embio a haçer -saber a el general y puso guarda en el pueblo y en los bastimentos -sabido dio gran turbacion en el campo y fue enterrado y hicieron -algunas entradas de dõde truxeron bastimentos y algunos presos de -los naturales y se ahorcaron a lo menos los que parecieron ser de a -quella parte a do murio el maestre de campo. - -parece que a el tiempo que el general françisco uasques partio de -culiacan con fray marcos a dar la noticia ya dicha a el bisorey -don Antonio de mendoça auia dexado ordenado que saliese el capitan -melchior dias y juan de saldibar con una doçena de buenos hombres -de culiacan en demada de lo que fray marcos auia bisto y oydo los -quales salieron y fueron hasta chichilticale que es principio del -despoblado doçientas y ueinte leguas de Culiacan y no hallaron -cosa de tomo bolbieron y a el tiempo que el campo queria salir de -chiametla llegaron y hablaron a el general y por secreto que se trato -la mala nueua luego suena ubo algunos dichos que aunque se doraban no -dexaban de dar lustre de lo que eran fray marcos de niça cognociendo -la turbaçion de algunos deshaçia aquellos nublados prometiendo ser -lo que bieron lo bueno y que el yba alli y poruia el campo en tierra -donde hinchesen las manos y con [p423] esto se aplaco y mostraron -buen semblante y de alli camino el campo hasta llegar a culiacan -haçiendo algunas entradas en tierra de guerra por tomar bastimentos -llegaron a dos leguas de la uilla de culiacan uispera de pasqua de -resureçion a donde salieron los uecinos a reçebir a su gouernador y -le rogaron no entrase en la uilla hasta el segundo dia de pasqua. - - -_Capitulo otauo como el campo entro en la uilla de culiacan y el -recebimiento que se hiço y lo que mas acaeçio hasta la partida._ - -como fuese segundo dia de pasqua de resureçion el campo salio de -mañana para entrar en la uilla y en la entrada en un campo esconbrado -los de la uilla ordenados anso de guerra a pie y a cauallo por sus -exquadrones teniendo asẽtada su artilleria que eran siete pieças de -bronce salieron en muestra de querer defender la uilla estaban con -ellos alguna parte de n[=r]os soldados n[~r]o campo por la misma -orden comencaron con ellos una escaramuça y ansi fueron romprendo -despues de aber jugado el artilleria de ambas partes de suerte que -les fue tomada la uilla por fuerça de armas que fue una alegre -demostraçion y reçebimiento aun que no para el artillero que se llebo -una mano por aber mandado poner fuego antes que acabase de sacar el -atacador de un tiro tomada la uilla fueron luego bien aposentados y -hospedados por los ueçinos que como eran todos hombres muy honrados -en sus propias posadas metieron a todos los caualleros y personas le -calidad que yban en el campo aunque auia aposento hecho para todos -fuera de la uilla y no les fue algunos uecinos mal gratificado este -hospedaje por que como todos benian aderesados de ricos atabios y -de alli auian de sacar bastimentos en sus bestias y de fuerça auian -de dejar sus preseas muchos quisieron antes dar las a sus huespedes -que no ponerlas a la bentura de la mar ni que se las llebase los -nabios que auian benido por la costa siguiendo el campo para tomar -el fardaje como ya se dixo ansi que llegados y bien aposentados en -la uilla el general por orden del bisorey don Antonio puso alli por -capitan y tiniente a fernandarias de saabedra tio de hernandarias -de saabedra conde del castellar que fue alguaçil mayor de seuilla y -alli reposo el canpo algunos dias porque los ueçinos auian cogido -aquel año muchos bastimentos y partieron con la gente de n[~r]o campo -con mucho amor especial cada uno con sus huespedes de manera que no -solamente ubo abudançia para gastar alli mas aun ubo para sacar que a -el tiempo de la partida salieron mas de seiçientas bestias cargadas y -los amigos y seruiçio que fueron mas de mill personas. pasados quinse -dias el general ordeno de se partir delante con hasta sinquenta de -acauallo y pocos peones y la mayor parte de los amigos y dexar el -campo que le siguiese desde a quinse dias y dexo por su teniente a -don tristan de arellano. - -en este comedio antes que se partiese el general aconteçio un caso -donoso y yo por tal lo quento y fue que un soldado mançebo que se -decia trugillo fingio aber bisto una biçion estando bañandose en el -rio y façiendo del disfigurado fue traydo ante el general adonde -dio a [p424] entender que le auia dicho el demonio que matase a el -general y lo casaria con doña beatris su muger y le daria grandes -thesoros y otras cosas bien donosas por donde fray marcos de niça -hiço algunos sermones atribuyendolo a que el demonio con embidia del -bien que de aquella jornada auia de resultar lo queria desbaratar por -aquella uia y no solamente paro en esto sino que tambien los frayles -que yban en la jornada lo escribieron a sus conbentos y fue causa que -por los pulpitos de mexico se dixesen hartas fabulas sobre ello. - -El general mando quedar a el truxillo en aquella uilla y que no -hiciese la jornada que fue lo que el pretendio quando hiço aquel -embuste segun despues pareçio por berdad el general salio con la -gente ya dicha siguiendo su jornada y despues el campo como se dira. - - -_Capitulo nueue como el canpo salio de culiacan y llego el general a -çibola y el campo a señora y lo que mas acaeçio._ - -el general como esta dicho salio del ualle de culiacan en seguimiento -de su uiaje algo a la ligera lleuando consigo los frayles que ninguno -quiso quedar con el campo y a tres jornados un frayle llamado fray -Antonio uictoria se quebro un pierna y este frayle era de misa y para -que se curase lo bolbieron del camino y despues fue con el campo que -no fue poca consolaçion para todos el general y su gente atrabesaron -la tierra sin contraste que todo lo que hallaron de pax porque los -indios cognoçian a fray marcos y algunos de los que auian ydo con -el capitan melchior dias quando auia ydo el y juan de saldibar a -descubrir como el general ubo atrabesado lo poblado y llegado a -chichilticale principio del despoblado y no bio cosa buena no dexo -de sentir alguna tristesa porque aunque la notiçia de lo de adelante -era grande no auia quien lo ubiese uisto sino los indios que fueron -con el negro que ya los auian tomado en algunas mentiras por todos -se sintio mucho ber que la fama de chichilticale se resumia en una -casa sin cubierta aruynada puesto que pareçia en otro tiempo aber -sido casa fuerte en tiempo que fue poblada y bien se cognoçia ser -hecha por gentes estrangeras puliticas y guerras benidas de lejos era -esta casa de tierra bermeja desde alli prosiguieron el despoblado -y llegaron en quinse dias a ocho leguas de çibola a un rio que por -yr el agua turbia y bermeja le llamaron el rio bermejo en este rio -se hallaron barbos como en españa a qui fue adonde se bieron los -primeros indios de aquella tierra que fueron dos que huyeron y fueron -a dar mandado y otro dia a dos leguas del pueblo siendo de noche -algunos indios en parte segura dieron una grita que aunque la gente -estaba aperçebida se alteraron algunos en tanta manera que ubo quien -hecho la silla a el rebes y estos fueron gente nueba que los diestros -luego caualgaron y corrieron el campo los indios huyeron como quien -sabia la tierra que ninguno pudo ser abido. - -otro dia bien en orden entraron por la tierra poblada y como bieron -el primer pueblo que fue çibola fueron tantas las maldiciones -que algunos hecharon a fray marcos quales dios no permita le -comprehendan. [p425] - -el es un pueblo pequeño ariscado y apeñuscado que de lejos ay -estancias en la nueua españa que tienen mejor aparençia es pueblo de -hasta doçientos hombres de guerra de tres y de quatro altos y las -casas chicas y poco espaciosas no tienen patios un patio sirue a un -barrio auia se juntado alli la gente de la comarca porque es una -prouinçia de siete pueblos donde ay otros harto mayores y mas fuertes -pueblos que no çibola estas gentes esperarõ en el campo hordenados -con sus exquadrones a uista del pueblo y como a los requerimientos -que le hicieron con las lenguas no quisieron dar la pax antes se -mostraban brauos diese santiago en ellos y fueron desbaratados luego -y despues fueron a tomar el pueblo que no fue poco dificultoso que -como tenian la entrada angosta y torneada a el entrar deribaron a el -general con una gran piedra tendido y ansi le mataran sino fuera por -don garci lopes de cardenas y hernando de albarado que se deribaron -sobre el y le sacaron recibiendo ellos los golpes de piedras que -no fueron pocos pero como a la primera furia de los españoles no -ay resistençia en menos de una ora se entro y gano el pueblo y se -descubrieron los bastimentos que era de lo que mas necesidad auia y -de ay adelante toda la prouincia bino de pax. - -el campo quo auia quedado a don tristan de arellano partio en -seguimiento del general cargados todos de bastimentos las lanças -en los onbros todos a pie por sacar cargados los cauallos y no con -pequeño trabajo de jornadas en jornadas llegaron a una prouinçia -que cabeça de uaca puso por nombre coraçones a causa que alli les -ofrecieron muchos coraçones de animales y luego la començo a poblar -una uilla y poner le nombre sant hieronimo de los coraçones y luego -la començo a poblar y bisto que no se podia sustentar la paso despues -a un ualle que llamã persona digo señora y los españoles le llamaron -señora y ansi le llemare de aqui adelante desde alli se fue a buscar -el puerto el rio abajo a la costa de la mar por saber de los nabios y -no los hallaron don rodrigo maldonado que yba por caudillo en busca -de los nabios de buelta truxo consigo un indio tam grande y tam alto -que el mayor honbre y tan alto quel mayor hombre del campo no le -llegaua a el pecho deciase que en a quella costa auia otros indios -mas altos alli reposaron las aguas y despues paso el campo y la -uilla señora por que auia en aquella comarca bastimentos para poder -aguardar mandado del general. - -mediado el mes de otubre melchior dias y juan gallego capitanes -binieron de çibola el juan gallego para nueba españa y melchior dias -para quedar por capitan en la nueba uilla de los coraçones con la -gente que alli quedase y para que fuese a descubrir los nabios por -aquella costa. - - -_Capitulo deçimo como el campo salio de la uilla de señora quedando -la uilla poblada y como llego a çibola y lo que le a uino en el -camino a el capitan melchior dias yendo en demanda de los nabios y -como descubrio el rio del tison._ - -luego como fue llegado en la uilla de señora melchior dias y juan -gallego se publico la partida del campo para cibola y como auia de -[p426] quedar en aquella uilla melchior dias por capitan con ochenta -honbres y como juan gallego yba con mensaje para la nueba españa a -el bisorey y llebaba en su compañia a fray marcos que no se tubo por -seguro quedar en cibola biendo que auia salido su relaçion falsa -en todo porque ni se hallaron los reynos [~q] deçia ni ciudades -populosas ni riquesas de oro ni pedreria rica que se publico ni -brocados ni otras cosas que se dixeron por los pulpitos pues luego -que esto se publico se repartio la gente que auia de quedar y los -demas cargaron de bastimentos y por su orden mediado setiembre se -partieron la uia de çibola siguiendo su general don tristan de -arellano quedo en esta nueba uilla con la gente de menos estofa y -asi nunca dexo de aber de alli adelante motines y contrastes porque -como fue partido el canpo el capitan melchoir dias tomo uiente y -çinco hombres de los mas escogidos dexando en su lugar a un diego -de alcaraz hombre no bien acondicionado para tener gente debaxo de -su mando y el salio en demanda de la costa de la mar entre norte -y poniente con guias y abiendo caminado obra de çiēto y sinquenta -leguas dieron en una prouinçia de gētes demasiadamente de altos y -membrudos ansi como gigantes aunque gente desnuda y que hacia su -abitaçion en choças de paja largas a manera de sa hurdas metidas -debaxo de tierra que no salia sobre la tierra mas de la paja entraban -por la una parte de largo y salian por la otra dormian en una chosa -mas de cien personas chicos y grandes lleuaban de peso sobre las -cabeças quando se cargauan mas de tres y de quatro quintales biose -querer los n[=r]os traer un madero para el fuego y no lo poder traer -seis hombres y llegar uno de aquellos y leuantarlo en los braços y -ponerselo el solo en la cabeça y lleuallo muy liuianamente. - -comen pan de mais cosidoso el rescoldo de la senisa tam grandes como -hogasas de castilla grandes. para caminar de unas partes a otras por -el gran frio sacan un tison en una mano con que se ban calentãdo la -otra y el cuerpo y ansi lo ban trocando a trechos y por esto a un -gran rio que ba por aquella tierra lo nōbran el rio del tison es -poderoso rio y tiene de boca mas de dos leguas por alli tenia media -legua de trabesia alli tomo lengua el capitā como los nabios auian -estado tres jornadas de alli por bajo hacia la mar y llegados adonde -los nabios estubieron que era mas de quinçe leguas el rio arriba de -la boca del puerto y hallaron en un arbol escripto aqui llego alarcon -a el pie de este arbol ay cartas sacaronse las cartas y por ellas -bieron el tiempo que estubieron aguardando nuebas de el campo y como -alarcon auia dado la buelta desde alli para la nueba españa con los -nabios porque no podia correr adelante porque aquella mar era ancõ -que tornaba a bolber sobre la isla del marques que diçen California y -dieron relaçion como la california no era isla sino punto de tierra -firme de la buelta de aquel ancon. - -uisto esto por el capitan torno a bolber el rio arriba sin ber la -mar por buscar bado para pasar a la otra banda para seguir la otra -costa y como andubieron cinco o seis jornadas parecioles podrian -pasar con balsas y para esto llamaron mucha gente de los de la tierra -los quales [p427] querian ordenar de hacer salto en los n[=r]os y -andaban buscando ocaçion oportuna y como bieron que querian pasar -acudieron a haçer las balsas con toda prestesa y diligençia por -tomar los ansi en el agua y ahogarlos o dibidos de suerte que no se -pudiesen faboreçer ni ayudar y en este comedio que las balsas se -hacian un soldado que auia ydo a campear bido en un mõte atrabesar -gran numero de gente armada que aguardaban a que pasase la gente dio -de ello notiçia y secretamente se ençerro un indio para saber de el -la berdad y como le apretasen dixo toda la orden que tenian ordenada -para quando pasasen [~q] era que como ubiesen pasado parte de los -n[=r]os y parte fuesen por el rio y parte quedasen por pasar que -los de las balsas procurasen a hogar los que lleuaban y las demas -gente saliese a dar en ambas partes de la tierra y si como tenian -cuerpos y fuerças tubieran discriçion y esfuerço ellos salierã con -su empresa. bisto su intento el capitan hiço matar secretamente el -indio que confeso el hecho y aquella noche se hecho en el rio con una -pesga porque los indios no sintiesen que eran sentidos y como otra -dia sintieron el reçelo de los n[=r]os mostraronse de guerra hechãdo -roçiadas de flechas pero como los cauallos los començaron a alcançar -y las lanças los lastimaban sin piadad y los arcabuçeros tambien -hacian buenos tiros ubieron de dexar el campo y tomar el monte hasta -que no pareçio honbre de ellos bino por alli y ansi paso la gente a -buen recaudo siendo los amigos balseadores y españoles a las bueltas -pasando los cauallos a la par de las balsas donde los dexaremos -caminando. - -por contar como fue el campo que caminaba para çibola que como yba -caminando por su orden y el general lo auia dexado todo de pax por -do quiera hallaban la gente de la tierra alegre sin temer y que se -dexaban bien mandar y en una prouinçia que se diçe uacapan auia -gran cantidad de tunas que los naturales haçen conserua de ellas en -cantidad y de esta conserua presentaron mucha y como la gente del -campo comio de ella todos cayeron como amodoridos con dolor de cabeça -y fiebre de suerte que si los naturales quisieran hicieran gran -daño en la gente duro esto ueinti y quatro oras naturales despues -que salieron de alli caminando llegaron a chichilticale despues que -salierõ de alli un dia los de la guardia bieron pasar una manada de -carneros y yo los bi y los segui eran de grande cuerpo en demasia el -pelo largo los cuernos muy gruesos y grandes para correr enhiestran -el rostro y hechā los cuernos sobre el lomo corren mucho por tierra -agra que no los pudimos alcançar y los ubimos de dexar. - -entrando tres jornadas por el despoblado en la riuera de un rio -que esta en unas grandes honduras de barrancas se hallo un cuerno -quel general despues de aber lo uisto lo dexo alli para que los de -su canpo le biesen que tenia de largo una braça y tam gordo por el -naçimiento como el muslo de un hombre en la faieron pareçia mas ser -de cabron que de otro animal fue cosa de ber pasando adelante y a -quel canpo yba una jornada de çibola començo sobre tarde un gran -torbellino de ayre frigidissimo y luego se signio gran lubia de -niebe que fue harta [p428] con friçion para la gente de seruiçio -el campo camino hasta llegar a unos peñascos de socareñas donde se -llego bien noche y con harto riesgo de los amigos que como eran de la -nueba españa y la mayor parte de tierras calientes sintieron mucho -la frialdad de aquel dia tanto que ubo harto que haçer otro dia en -los reparar y llebar a cauallo yendo los soldados a pie y con este -trabajo llego el campo a çibola donde los aguardaba su general hecho -el aposento y alli se torno a jũtar aunque algunos capitanes y gente -faltaua que auian salido a descubrir otras prouinçias. - - -_Capitulo onçe como don pedro de touar descubrio a tusayan o tutahaco -y don garci lopes de cardenas bio el rio del tison y lo que mas -acaecion._ - -en el entre tanto que las cosas ya dichas pasaron el general franco -uasques como estaba en cibola de pax procuro saber de los de la -tierra que prouincias le cayan en comarca y que ellos diesen noticia -a sus amigos y uecinos como eran benidos a su tierra cristianos y que -no querian otra cosa salbo ser sus amigos y aber notiçia de buenas -tierras que poblar y que los biniesen aber y comunicar y ansi lo -hiçieron luego saber en aquellas partes que se comunicaban y trataban -con ellos y dieron notiçia de una prouincia de siete pueblos de su -misma calidad aunque estaban algo discordes que no se trataban con -ellos esta prouincia se diçe tusayan esta de cibola ueinte y çinco -leguas son pueblos de altos y gente belicosa entre ellos. - -el general auia embiado a ellos a don pedro de touar con desisiete -hombres de a cauallo y tres o quatro peones fue con ellos un fray -juan de padilla frayle françisco que en su mosedad auia sido hombre -belicoso llegados que fueron entraron por la tierra tam secretamente -que no fueron sentidos de ningun honbre la causa fue que entre -prouincia y prouinçia no ay poblados ni caserias ni las gentes salen -de sus pueblos mas de hasta sus heredades en espeçial en aquel tienpo -que tenian noticia de que çibola era ganada por gentes ferosissimas -que andaban en unos animales que comian gentes y entre los que no -auian bisto cauallos era esta notiçia tam grande que les ponia -admiraçion y tanto que la gente de los n[=r]os llego sobre noche y -pudieron llegar a encubrirse se debajo de la barranca del pueblo y -estar alli oyendo hablar los naturales en sus casas pero como fue de -mañana fueron descubiertos y se pusieron en orden los de la tierra -salieron a ellos bien ordenados de arcos y rodelas y porras de madera -en ala sin se desconsertar y ubo lugar que las lenguas hablasen con -ellos y se les hiçiese requerimientos por ser gente bien entendida -pero con todo esto hacian rayas requiriendo que no pasasen los -nuestros aquellas rayas hacia sus pueblos que fuesen porte pasaronse -algunas rayas andando hablando con ellos bino a tanto que uno se -ellos de desmesuro y con una porra dio un golpe a un cauallo en las -camas del freno. el fray juan enojado del tiempo que se mal gastaba -con ellos dixo a el capitan en berdad yo no se a que benimos aca -bisto esto dieron santiago y fue tam supito que derribaron muchos -indios y luego fueron desbaratados y huyeron a el pueblo y a [p429] -otros no les dieron ese lugar fue tanta la prestesa con que del -pueblo salieron de pax con presentes que luego se mando recoger la -gente y que no se hiciese mas dano el capitan y los que con el se -hallaron buscaron sitio para asentar su real çerca del pueblo y alli -se hallaron digo se apearon dõde llego la gente de pax diciendo que -ellos benian a dar la obidençia por toda la prouinçia y que los -queria tener por amigos que recibiesen aquel presente que les daban -que era alguna ropa de algodon aunque poca por no lo aber por aquella -tierra dieron algunos cueros adobados y mucha harina y piñol y mais y -abes de la tierra despues dieron algunas turquesas aunque pocas aquel -dia se recogio la gente de la tierra y binieron a dar la obidençia -y dieron abiertamente sus pueblos y que entrasen en ellos a tratar -comprar y bender y cambiar. - -rigese como çibola por ayuntamiento de los mas ançianos tenien sus -gouernadores y capitanes seria lados aqui se tubo notiçia de un gran -rio y que rio abajo a algunas jornadas auia gẽtes muy grandes de -cuerpo grande. - -como don pedro de touar no llebo mas comiçion bolbio de alli y dio -esta notiçia al general que luego despacho alla a don garçi lopes -de cardenas con hasta doçe conpañeros para ber este rio que como -llego a tusayan siendo bien reçebido y hospedado de los naturales le -dieron guias para proseguir sus jornadas y salieron de alli cargados -de bastimentos por que auian de yr por tierra despoblada hasta el -poblado que los indios deçian que eran mas de ueinte jornadas pues -como ubieron andado ueinte jornadas llegaron a las barrancas del rio -que puestos a el bado de ellas pareçia al otro bordo que auia mas -de tres o quatro leguas por el ayre esta tierra era alta y llena de -pinales bajos y encorbados frigidissima debajo del norte que con -ser en tiempo caliente no se podia biuir de frio en esta barranca -estubieron tres dias buscando la bajada para el rio que pareçia de -lo alto tendria una braçada de trabesia el agua y por la notiçia de -los indios tendria media legua de ancho fue la baxada cosa inposible -porque acabo de estos tres dias pareçiendo les una parte la menos -dificultosa se pusieron a abajar por mas ligeros el capitan melgosa -y un juan galeras y otro conpañero y tadaron baxando a bista de -ellos de los de arriba hasta que los perdieron de uista los bultos -quel biso no los alcansaba aber y bolbieron a ora de las quatro de -la tarde que no pudieron acabar de bajar por grandes dificultades -que hallaron porque lo que arriba parecia façil no lo era antes muy -aspero y agro dixeron que auian baxado la terçia parte y que desde -donde llegaron parecia el rio muy grande y que conforme a lo que -bieron era berdad tener la anchura que los indios deçian de lo alto -determinaban unos peñol sillas desgarados de la baranca a el parecer -de un estado de hombre juran los que baxaron que llegaron a ellos que -eran mayores que la torre mayor de seuilla no caminaron mas arrimados -a la barranca de el rio porque no auia agua y hasta alli cada dia se -desbiaban sobre tarde una legua o dos la tierra adentro en busca de -las aguas y como andubiesen otras quatro jornadas las guias dixeron -[p430] que no era posible pasar adelante porque no auia agua en tres -ni quatro jornadas porque ellos quando caminauan por alli sacaban -mugeres cargadas de agua en calabaços y que en aquellas jornadas -enterraban los calabaços del agua para la buelta y que lo que -caminaban los nuestros en dos dias lo caminaban ellos en uno. - -este rio era el del tison mucho mas hacia los nacimientos del que -no por donde lo auian pasado melchior dias y su gente estos indios -eran de la misma calidad segun despues pareçio desde alli dieron la -buelta que no tubo mas efecto aquella jornado y de camino bieron un -descolgadero de aguas que baxaban de una peña y supieron de las guias -que unos rasimos que colgauan como sinos de christal era sal y fueron -alla y cogieron cantidad de ella que trugeron y repartieron quando -llegaron en çibola donde por escripto dieron quenta a su general -de lo que bieron por que auia ydo con don garçi lopes un pedro de -sotomayor que yba por coronista de el campo aquellos pueblos de -aquella prouinçia quedaron de paz que nunca mas se biçitaron ni se -supo ni procuro buscar otros poblados por aquella uia. - - -_Capitulo doçe como binieron a çibola gentes de cicuye a ber los -christianos y como fue her^{do} de aluarado a ber las uacas._ - -en el comedio que andaban en estos descubrimientos binieron a -çibola siertos indios de un pueblo que esta de alli setenta leguas -la tierra adentro al oriente de aquella prouincia a quien nombran -cicuye benia entre ellos un capitan a quien los n[=r]os pusieron por -nombre bigotes por que traya los mostachos largos era mançebo alto y -bien dispuesto y robusto de rostro este dixo al general como ellos -benian a le seruir por la noticia que les auian dado para que se les -ofreçiese por amigos y que si auian de yr por su tierra los tubiesen -por tales amigos hicieron sierto presente de cueros adobados y -rodelas y capaçetes fue reçebido con mucho amor y dio les el general -basos de bidrio y quẽtas margaritas y caxcabeles que los tubieron en -mucho como cosa nunca por ellos uista dieron notiçia de uacas que por -una que uno de ellos traya pintada en las carnes se saco ser uaca -que por los cueros no se podia entender a causa quel pelo era merino -y burelado tanto que no se podia saber de que eran aquellos cueros -ordeno el general que fuese con ellos hernando de aluarado con ueinte -compañeros y ochenta dias de comiçion y quien bolbiese a dar relaçion -de lo que hallauan este capitan aluarado prosiguio su jornada y a -çinco jornadas llegaron a un pueblo que estaba sobre un peñol deciase -acuco era de obra de doçientos hombres de guerra salteadores temidos -por toda la tierra y comarca el pueblo era fortissimo porque estaba -sobre la entrada del peñol que por todas partes era de peña tajada -en tan grande altura que tubiera un arcabuz bien que haçer en hechar -una pelota en lo alto del tenia una sola subida de escalera hecha a -mano que comencaba sobre un repecho que hacia aquella parte haçia la -tierra esta escalera era ancha de obra de doçientos escalones hasta -llegar a la peña auia otra luego [p431] angosta arrimada a la peña -de obra de cien escalones y en el remate de ella auian de subir por -la peña obra de tres estados por agugeros dõde hincaban las puntas de -los pies y se asian con las manos en lo alto auia una albarrada de -piedra seca y grãde que sin se descubrir podian derribar tanta que no -fuese poderoso ningun exerçito a les entrar en lo alto auia espaçio -pa sembrar y coger gran cantidad de maix y cisternas para recoger -nieue y agua esta gente salio de guerra abajo en lo llano y no -aprobechaba con ellos ninguna buena raçon haçiendo rayas y queriendo -defender que no las pasasen los nuestros y como bieron que se les dio -un apreton luego dieron la plaça digo la pax antes que se les hiçiese -daño hicieron sus serimonias de pax que llegar a los cauallos y -tomar del sudor y untarse con el y hacer cruçes con los dedos de las -manos y aun que la pax mas figa es trabarse las manos una con otra y -esta guardan estos inbiolablemente dieron gran cantidad de gallos de -papada muy grandes mucho pan y cueros de benado adobados y piñoles y -harina y mais. - -de alli en tres jornadas llegaron a una prouinçia que se dice triguex -salio toda de pax biendo que yban con bigotes hombres temido por -todas aquellas prouinçias de alli embio aluarado a dar auiso a el -general para que se biniese a inbernar aquella tierra que no poco -se holgo el general con la nueba que la tierra yba mejorando de -alli a cinco jornadas llego a cicuye un pueblo muy fuerte de quatro -altos los del pueblo salieron a recebir a her^{do} de aluarado y -a su capitan con muestras de alegria y lo metieron en el pueblo -con atambores y gaitas que alli ay muchos a manera de pifanos y le -hiçieron grãde presente de ropa y turquesas que las ay en aquella -tierra en cantidad alli holgaron algunos dias y tomaron lengua de un -indio esclabo natural de la tierra de aquella parte que ba hacia la -florida ques la parte que don fer^{do} de soto descubrio en lo ultimo -la tierra adentro este dio notiçia que no debiera de grandes poblados -llebolo hernando de aluarado por guia para las uacas y fueron tantas -y tales cosas las que dixo de las riqueças de oro y plata que auia -en su tierra que no curaron de buscar las uacas mas de quanto bieron -algunas pocas luego bolbieron por dar a el general la rica notiçia -a el indio llamaron turco porque lo pareçia en el aspecto y a esta -sacon el general auia embiado a don garcia lopes de lopes de cardenas -a tiguex con gente a haçer el aposẽto para lleuar alli a inbernar -el campo que a la sason auia llegado de señora y quando hernando -de albarado llego a tiguex de buelta de cicuye hallo a don garcia -lopes de cardenas y fue neçesario que no pasase adelante y como los -naturales les inportase que biesen digo diesen a donde se aposentasen -los españoles fue les forçado desamparar un pueblo y recogerse ellos -a los otros de sus amigos y no llebaron mas que sus personas y ropas -y alli se descubrio notiçia de muchos pueblos debajo del norte que -creo fuera harto mejor seguir aquella uia que no a el turco que fue -causa de todo el mal suseso que ubo. [p432] - - -_Capitulo trece como el general llego con poca gente la uia de -tutahaco y dexo el campo a don tristan que lo llebo a tiguex._ - -todas estas cosas ya dichas auian pasado quando don tristan de -arellano llego de señora en cibola y como llego luego el general -por noticia que tenia de una prouincia de ocho pueblos tomo treinta -hombres de los mas descansados y fue por la uer y de alli tomar la -buelta de tiguex con buenas guias que lleuaba y dexo ordenado que -como descansase la gente ueinte dias don tristan de arellano saliese -con el campo la uia derecha de tiguex y asi siguio su camino donde -le acontecio que desde un dia [~q] salieron de un aposento hasta -terçero dia a medio dia que bieron una sierra nebada donde fueron -a buscar agua no la bebieron ellos ni sus cauallos ni el seruicio -pudo soportala por el gran frio aun que con gran trabajo en ocho -jornadas llegaron a tutahaco y alli se supo que aquel rio abaxo auia -otros pueblos estos salieron de pax son pueblos de terrados como -los de tiguex y del mismo traje salio el general de alli bisitando -toda la probinçia el rio arriba hasta llegar a tiguex donde hallo a -hernando de aluarado y a el turco que no pocas fueron las alegrias -que hiço con tam buena nueba porque deçia que auia en su tierra -un rio en tierra llana que tenia dos leguas de ancho a donde auia -peçes tan grandes como cauallos y gran numero de canoas grandissimas -de mas de a ueinte remeros por banda y que lleuaban uelas y que -los señores yban a popa sentados debajo de toldos y en la proa una -grande aguila de oro deçia mas quel señor de aquella tierra dormia la -siesta debajo de un grande arbol donde estaban colgados gran cantidad -de caxcabeles de oro que con el ayre le dabã solas deçia mas quel -comun seruicio de todos en general era plata labrada y los jarros -platos y escudillas eran de oro llamaba a el oro Acochis diose le -a el presente credito por la eficaçia con que lo deçia y porque le -enseñaron joyas de alaton y oliolo y deçia que no era oro y el oro y -la plata cognoçia muy bien y de los otros metales no hacia caso de -ellos. embio el general a hernando de albarado otra bez a cicuye a -pedir unos brasaletes de oro que deçia este turco que le tomaron a -el tiempo que lo prendieron albarado fue y los del pueblo recibieron -como amigo y como pidio los bracaletes negaron los por todas uias -diciendo quel turco los engañaba y que mentia el capitan aluarado -biendo que no auia remedio procuro que biniese a su tienda el capitan -bigotes y el gouernador y benidos prendio les en cadena los del -pueblo lo salieron de guerra hechando flechas y denostando a hernando -de albarado diçiendole de honbre que quebrantaba la fee y amistad -her^{do} de albarado partio con ellos a tiguex al general donde los -tubieron presos mas de seis meseis despues que fue el principio de -desacreditar la palabra que de alli adelante se les daba de paz como -se uera por lo que despues suçedio. - - -_Capitulo catorce como el campo salio de sibola para tiguex y lo que -les acaeçio en el camino con niebe._ - -ya abemos dicho como quando el general salio de çibola dexo mandado a -don tristan de arellano saliese desde a ueinte dias lo qual se hiço -[p433] que como bido que la gente estaba ya descansada y probeydos -de bastimentos y ganosos de salir en busca de su general salio con su -gente la buelta de tigues y el primero dia fueron a haçer aposento -a un pueblo de aquella probinçia el mejor mayor y mas hermoso solo -este pueblo tiene casas de siete altos que son casas particulares que -siruen en el pueblo como de fortaleças que son superiores a las otras -y salen por encima como torres y en ellas ay troneras y saeteras -para defender los altos por que como los pueblos no tienen calles y -los terrados son parejos y comunes anse de ganar primero los altos y -estas casas mayores es la defença de ellos alli nos començo a nebar y -faboreçiose la gente solas las aues digo alaues del pueblo que salen -a fuera unos como balcones con pilares de madera por baxo por que -comunmẽte se mandan por escaleras que suben a aquellos balcones que -por baxo no tienen puertas. - -como dexo de nebar salío de alli el campo su camino y como ya el -tiempo lo lleuaba que era entrada de diçiembre en diez dias que tardo -el canpo no dexo de nebar sobre tarde y casi todas las noches de -suerte que para haçer los aposentos donde llegaban auian de apalancar -un coldo de niebe y mas no se bio camino empero las guias atino -guiaban cognociendo la tierra ay por toda la tierra sauinas y pinos -haciase de ello grandes hogueras quel humo y calor haçia a la niebe -que caya que se desbiase una braça y dos a la redonda del fuego era -nieue seca que aunque cay medio estado sobre el fardaje no mojaba y -con sacudilla caya y quedaba el hato linpio como caya toda la noche -cubria de tal manera el fardaje y los soldados en sus lechos que si -de supito alguien diera en el campo no biera otra cosa que montones -de niebe y los cauallos aunque fuese medio estado se soportaba y -antes daba calor a los que estaban debajo. - -paso el campo por Acuco el gran peñol y como estaban de paz hiçieron -buen hospedaje dando bastimentos y abes aũque ella es poca gente -como tengo dicho a lo alto subieron muchos compañeros por lo ber y -los pasos de la peña con gran dificultad por no lo aber usado porque -los naturales lo suben y bajan tam liberalmente que ban cargados de -bastimentos y las mugeres con agua y parece que no tocan las manos y -los n[=r]os para subir auian de dar las armas los unos a los otros -por el paso arriba. - -desde alli pasaron a tiguex donde fueron bien recebidos y aposentados -y la tam buena nueba del turco que no dio poca alegria segun alibiaba -los trabajos aunque quando el campo llego hallamos alcada aquella -tierra o probincia por ocaçion que para ello ubo que no fue pequeña -como se dira y auian ya los n[=r]os quemado un pueblo un dia antes -que el campo llegase y bolbian a el aposento. - - -_Capitulo quinçe como se alço tiguex y el castigo que en ellos ubo -sin que lo ubiese en el causador._ - -dicho sea como el general llego a tiguex donde hallo a don garci -lopes de cardenas y a hernando de albarado y como lo torno a embiar -a cicuye y truxo preso a el capitan bigotes y a el gouernador del -pueblo que [p434] era un hombre ançiano de esta pricion los tiguex -no sintieron bien juntose con esto [~q] el general quiso recoger -alguna ropa para repartir a la gente de guerra y para esto hiço -llamar a un indio principal de tiguex que ya se tenia con el mucho -conosimiento y conbersaçion a quien los nuestros llamauan juan aleman -por un juan aleman que estaba en mexico a quien deçian pareçer a -queste hablo el general diciendo que le probeyese de tresientas -pieças de ropa o mas que auia menester para dar a su gente el dixo -que aquello no era a el haçer lo sino a los gouernadores y que sobre -ello era menester entrar en consulta y repartirse por los pueblos -y que era menester pedir lo particularmente a cada pueblo por si -ordenolo ansi el general y que lo fuesen a pedir siertos hombres -señalados de los que con el estaban y como eran doçe pueblos que -fuesen unos por la una parte del rio y otros por la otra y como fuese -de manos aboca no les dieron lugar de se consultar ni tratar sobre -ello y como llegaria a el pueblo luego se les pedia y lo abian de -dar porque ubiese lugar de pasar adelante y con esto no tenian mas -lugar de quitarse los pellones de ençima y darlos hasta que llegase -el numero que se les pedia y algunos soldados de los que alli yban -que los cogedores les daban algunas mantas o pellones sino eran -tales y bian algun indio con otra mejor trocabanse la sin tener -mas respecto ni saber la calidad del que despojaban que no poco -sintieron esto allende de lo dicho del pueblo del aposento salio un -sobre saliente que por su honra no le nombrare y fue a otro pueblo -una legua de alli y biendo una muger hermosa llamo a su marido que -le tubiese el cauallo de rienda en lo bajo y el subio a lo alto y -como el pueblo se mandaba por lo alto creyo el indio que yba a otra -parte y detenido alli ubo sierto rumor y el bajo y tomo su cauallo y -fuese el indio subio y supo que auia forçado o querido forçar a su -muger y juntamente con las personas de calidad del pueblo se uino -a quexar diçiendo que un hombre le auia forçado a su muger y conto -como auia pasado y como el general hiço pareçer todos los soldados -y personas que con el estaban y el indio no lo conoçio o por aberse -mudado la ropa o por alguna otra ocaçion que para ello ubo pero -dixo que conoçeria el cauallo por[~q] lo tubo de rienda fue lleuado -por las cauallerisas y hallo un cauallo enmantado hobero y dixo que -su dueño de aquel cauallo era el dueño nego biendo quel no abia -conoçido y pudo ser que se herro en el cauallo finalmente el se fue -sin aber en mienda de lo que pedia otra dia uino un indio del canpo -que guardaba los cauallos herido y huyendo diciendo que le auian -muerto un compañero y que los indios de la tierra se llebarian los -cauallos ante cogidos hacia sus pueblos fueron a recoger los cauallos -y faltaron muchos y siete mulas del general. - -otro dia fue don garci lopes de cardenas a ber los pueblos y tomar de -ellos lengua y hallo los pueblos serrados con palenques y gran grita -dẽtro corriendo los cauallos como en coso de toros y flechandolos y -todos de guerra no pudo haçer cosa por que no salieron a el campo -que como son pueblos fuertes no les pudieron enojar luego ordeno el -general que don garçi lopes de cardenas fuese a çercar un pueblo con -toda la [p435] demas gente y este pueblo era donde se hiço el mayor -daño y es donde acaeçio lo de la india fueron muchos capitanes que -auian ydo delante con el general como fue juan de saldiuar y barrio -nuebo y diego lopes y melgosa tomaron a los indios tam de sobresalto -que luego les ganaron los altos con mucho riesgo porque les hicieron -muchos de los nuestros por saeteras que hacian por de dentro de -las casas estubieron los nuestros en lo alto a mucho riesgo el dia -y la noche y parte de otro dia haçiendo buenos tiros de ballestas -y arcabuçes la gente de a cauallo en el campo con muchos amigos -de la nueba españa y daban por los sotanos que auian aportillado -grandes humasos de suerte que pidieron la paz hallaronse aquella -parte pablos de melgosa y diego lopes ueinti quatro de seuilla y -respondieronles cõ las mismas señales que ellos haçian de paz que -es haçer la cruz y ellos luego soltaron las armas y se dieron a md -llebabanlos a la tienda de don garçia el qual segun se dixo no supo -de la paz y creyo que de su boluntad se daban como hombres benzidos -y como tenia mandado del general que no los tomase a uida porque -se hiciese castigo y los demas temiesen mando que luego hincasen -doçientos palos para los quemar biuos no ubo quien le dixese de la -paz que les auian dado que los soldados tan poco lo sabian y los -que la dieron se lo callaron que no hiçieron caso de ello pues como -los enemigos bieron que los yban atando y los començaban a quemar -obra de çien hombres que estaban en la tienda se començaron a haçer -fuertes y defenderse con lo que estaba dentro y con palos que salian -a tomar la gente nuestra de a pie dan en la tiẽda por todas partes -estocadas que los hacian desmanparar la tienda y dio luego la gente -de a cauallo en ellos y como la tierra era llana no les quedo hombre -a uida sino fueron algunos que se auian quedado escondidos en el -pueblo que huyeron a quella noche y dieron mandado por toda la tierra -como no les guardaron la paz que les dieron que fue despues harto mal -y como esto fue hecho y luego les nebase desampararon el pueblo y -bolbieronse a el aposento a el tiẽpo que llegaba el campo de cibola. - - -_Capitulo desiseis como se puso çerco a tiguex y se gano y lo que mas -acontencio mediante el cerco._ - -como ya e contado quando acabaron de gañar aquel pueblo començo a -nebar en aquella tierra y nebo de suerte que en aquellos dos meses no -se pudo haçer nada salbo yr por los caminos a les abisar que biniesen -de pax y que serian perdonados dandoles todo seguro a lo qual ellos -respondieron que no se fiarian de quien no sabia guardar la fe que -daban que se acordasen que tenian preso a bigotes y que en el pueblo -quemado no les guardaron la paz fue uno de los que fueron a les -haçer estos requerimientos don garcia lopes de cardenas que salio -con obra de treinta compañeros un dia y fue a el pueblo de tiguex -y a hablar con juan aleman y aunque estaban de guerra binieron a -hablalle y le dixeron que si queria hablar con ellos [~q] se apease -y se llegauan a el a hablar de paz y que se desbiase la gente de a -cauallo y harian apartar su gente [p436] y llegaron a el el juan -aleman y otro capitan del pueblo y fue hecho ansi como lo pedian y a -que estaba çerca de ellos dixeron que ellos no trayan armas que se -las quitase don garcia lopes lo hiço por mas los asegurar cõ gana -que tenia de los traer de paz y como llego a ellos el juan aleman lo -bino a abraçar en tanto los dos que con el benian sacaron dos maçetas -que secretamente trayan a las espaldas y dieronle sobre la çelada -dos tales golpes que casi lo aturdieron hallaron dos soldados de a -cauallo çerca que no se auian querido apartar aunque les fue mandado -y arremetieron con tanta presteça que lo sacaron de entre sus manos -aunque no puedieron enojar a los enemigos por tener la acogida çerca -y grandes rosiadas de flechas que luego binieron sobre ellos y a el -uno le atrabesaron el cauallo por las narises la gente de acauallo -llego toda de tropel y sacaron a su capitan de la priesa sin poder -dañar a los enemigos antes salieron muchos de los n[=r]os mal heridos -y asi se retiraron quedando algunos haçiendo rostro don garçia lopes -de cardenas con parte de la gente paso a otro pueblo que estaba -media legua adelante porque en estos dos lugares se auia recogido -toda la mas gente de aquellos pueblos y como de los requerimientos -que les hiçieron no hiçieron caso ni de dar la paz antes con grandes -gritos tiraban flechas de lo alto y se bolbio a la compañia que auia -quedado haciendo rostro a el pueblo de tiguex entonçes salieron los -del pueblo en gran cantidad los n[=r]os a media rienda dieron muestra -que huyan de suerte que sacaron los enemigos a lo llano y rebulbieron -sobre ellos de manera que se tendieron algunos de los mas señalados -los demas se recogieron al pueblo y a lo alto y ansi se bolbio este -capitan a el aposento. - -el general luego como esto paso ordeno delos yr açercar y salio un -dia con su gente bien ordenada y con algunas escalas llegado asento -su real junto a el pueblo y luego dieron el combate pero como los -enemigos auia muchos dias que se pertrechaban hecharon tanta piedra -sobre los n[=r]os que a muchos tendieron en tierra y hirieron de -flechas çerca de çien hombres de que despues murieron algunos por -mala cura de un mal surugano que yba en el campo el çerco duro -sinquenta dias en los quales algunas ueces se les dieron sobresaltos -y lo que mas les aquexo fue que no tenian agua y hiçieron dentro del -pueblo un poso de grandissima hondura y no pudieron sacar agua antes -se les derrumbo a el tiempo que lo hacian y les mato treinta personas -murieron de los çercados doçientos hombres de dentro en los combates -y un dia que se les dio un combate recio mataron de los n[=r]os a -francisco de obando capitan y maestre de campo que auia sido todo el -tiempo que don garcia lopes de cardenas andubo en los descubrimientos -ya dichos y a un francisco de pobares buen hidalgo a francisco de -obando metieron en el pueblo que los n[=r]os no lo pudieron defender -[~q] no poco se sintio por ser como era persona señalada y por si tam -honrado afable y bien quisto que era marauilla antes que se acabase -de ganar un dia llamaron a habla y sabida su demanda fue deçir que -tenian cognoçido que las mugeres ni a los niños no haciamos mal que -querian dar sus mugeres y hijos por [p437] que les gastaban el agua -no se pudo acabar con ellos que se diesen de paz diçiendo que no les -guardaria la palabra y asi dieron obra de çien personas de niños y -mugeres que no quisieron salir mas y mientras las dieron estubieron -los n[=r]os a cauallo en ala delante del pueblo don lope de urrea -a cauallo y sin çelada andaba reçibiendo en los braços los niños y -niñas y como ya no quisieron dar mas el don lope les inportunaba que -se diesen de pax haçiendo les grandes promeças de seguridad ellos le -dixeron que se desbiase que no era su uoluntad de se fiar de gente -que no guardaba la amistad ni palabra que daban y como no se quisiese -desbiar salio uno con un arço a flechar y con una flecha y amenasolo -con ella que se la tiraria sino se yba de alli y por boçes que le -dieron que se pusiese la çelada no quiso diçiendo que mientras alli -estubiese no le harian mal y como el indio bido que no se queria yr -tiro y hincole la flecha par de las manos de el cauallo y en arco -luego otra y torno le a deçir que se fuese sino que le tirarian de -beras el don lope se puso su çelada y paso ante paso se uino a meter -entre los de a cauallo sin que recibiese enojo de ellos y como le -bieron que ya estaba en salbo con gran grita y alarido comencaron -arroçiar flecheria el general no quiso que por a quel dia se les -diese bateria por ber si los podian traer por alguna uia de paz lo -qual ellos jamas quisieron. - -desde a quinçe dias determinaron de salir una noche y ansi lo -hicieron y tomando en medio las mugeres salieron a el quarto de la -modorra uelauan aquel quarto quarenta de a cauallo y dando aclarma -los del quartel de don rodrigo maldonado dieron en ellos los enemigos -derribaron un español muerto y un cauallo y hirieron a otros pero -ubieron los de romper y haçer matança en ellos hasta que retirandose -dieron consigo en el rio que yba corriente y frigidissimo y como -la gente del real acudio presto fueron pocos los que escaparon -de muertos o heridos otro dia pasaron el rio la gente del real y -hallaron muchos heridos que la gran frialdad los auia deribado en el -campo y trayan los para curar y siruirse de ellos y ansi se acabo -aquel çerco y se gano el pueblo aun que algunos que quedaron en el -pueblo se rrecibieron en un barrio y fueron tomados en pocos dias. - -el otro pueblo grande mediãte de çerco le auian ganado dos capitanes -que fueron don diego de gueuara y ju^o de saldibar que yendo les -una madrugada a echar una çelada para coger en ella sierta gente -de guerra que acostumbraba a salir cada mañana a haçer muestra por -poner algun temor en n[~r]o real las espias que teniã puestas para -quando los biesen benir bieron como saliã gentes y caminaban haçia -la tierra salieron de la çelada y fueron para el pueblo y bieron -huir la gente y siguieron la haciendo en ellos matança como de esto -se dio mandado salio gente del real que fueron sobre el pueblo y lo -saquearon prẽdiendo toda la gente que en el hallaron en que ubo obra -de çien mugeres y niños acabose este çerco en fin de marco del año de -quarenta y dos en el qual tiempo acaecieron otras cosas de que podria -dar notiçia que por no cortar el hilo las he dexado pero deçir sean -agora porque conbienese sepan para entender lo de adelante. [p438] - - -_Capitulo desisiete como binieron a el campo mensajeros del ualle de -señora y como murio el capitan melchior dias en la jornada de tizon._ - -ya diximos como melchior dias el capitan auia pasado en balsas el rio -del tiçon para proseguir adelante el descubrimiento de aquella costa -pues a el tiempo que se acabo de ercollegaron mensajeros a el canpo -de la uilla de san hieronimo con cartas de diego de alarcon que auia -quedado alli en lugar del melchior dias trayan nuebas como melchior -dias auia muerto en la demanda que lleuaba y la gente se auia buelto -sin ber cosa de lo que deseaban y paso el caso desta manera. - -como ubieron pasado el rio caminaron en demanda de la costa que por -alli ya daba la buelta sobre el sur o entre sur y oriente porque -aquel ancon de mar entra derecho al norte y este rio entre en el -remate del ancon trayendo sus corrientes debaxo del norte y corre -a el sur yẽdo como yban caminando dieron en unos medaños de çenisa -ferbiente que no podia nadie entrar a ellos porque fuera entrarse -a hogar en la mar la tierra que hollaban temblaba como tenpano que -pareçia que estaban debaxo algunos lagos parecio cosa admirable que -asi herbia la çenisa en algunas partes que parecia cosa infernal y -desbiando se de aqui por el peligro que parecia que llebauan y por -la falta del agua un dia un lebrel que lleuaba un soldado antojo se -le dar tras de unos carneros que llebauan para bastimento y como -el capitan lo bido arronjole la lança de enquentro yendo corriendo -y hincola en tierra y no pudiendo detener el cauallo fue sobre la -lança y enclabose la por el muslo que le salio el hierro a la ingle -y le rompio la begiga bisto esto los soldados dieron la buelta con -su capitan siendo teniendo cada dia refriegas con los indios que -auian quedado rebelados bibio obra de ueinte dias que por le traer -pasaron gran trabajo y asi bolbieron hasta que murio con buena orden -sin perder un honbre ya yban saliendo de lo mas trabajoso llegados a -señora hiço alcaraz los mensajeros ya dichos haciendolo saber y como -algunos soldados estaban mal asentados y procuraban algunos motines y -como auia sentenciado a la horca a dos que despues se le auian huydo -de la priçion. - -el general bisto esto enbio a quella uilla a don pedro de touar para -que entresacase alguna gente y para que llebase consigo mensajeros -que embiaba a el uisorey don Antonio de mendoça con recaudos de lo -aconteçido y la buena nueba del turco. - -don pedro de touar fue y llegado alla hallo que auian los naturales -de aquella probinçia muerto con una flecha de yerba a un soldado -de una muy pequeña herida en una mano sobre esto auian ydo alla -algunos soldados y no fueron bien recebidos don pedro de tobar embio -a diego de alcaraz con gente aprender a los prinçipales y señores -de un pueblo que llaman el ualle de los uellacos que esta en alto -llegado alla los prendieron y presos parecio le a diego de alcaraz -de los soltar a trueque de que diesen algun hilo y ropa y otras -cosas de que los soldados tenian necesidad biendose sueltos alsarose -de guerra y subieron a ellos y como estaban fuertes y tenian yerba -mataron algunos españoles y hirieron otros que despues murieron en el -camino bolbiendose retirandose para [p439] su uilla y sino lleuaran -consigo amigos de los coraçones lo pasaron peor bolbieron a la uilla -dexando muertos desisiete soldados de la yerba que con pequeña herida -morian rabiando rompiendose las carnes con un pestelencial hedor -inconportable bisto por don pedro de touar el daño pareçiendoles que -no quedaban seguros en aquella uilla la paso quarenta leguas mas -haçia çibola al ualle del suya donde los dexaremos por contar lo que -a bino a el general con el campo despues del cerco de tiguex. - - -_Capitulo desiocho como el general procuro dexar asentada la tierra -para ir en demanda de quisuira donde deçia el turco auia el prinçipio -de la riqueça._ - -mediante el çerco de tiguex el general quiso yr a cicuye llebando -consigo a el gouernador para lo poner en libertad con promesas que -quando saliese para quiuira daria libertad a bigotes y lo dexaria -en su pueblo y como llego a cicuye fue reçibido de paz y entro en -el pueblo con algunos soldados ellos reçibieron a su gouernador con -mucho amor y fiesta bisto que ubo el pueblo y hablado a los naturales -dio la buelta para su canpo quedando cicuye de paz con esperança de -cobrar su capitan bigotes. - -acabado que fue el çerco como ya abemos dicho embio un capitan a chia -un buen pueblo y de mucha gente que auia embiado a dar la obidençia -que estaba desbiado del rio al poniente quatro leguas y hallaronle -de paz a qui se dieron aguardar quatro tiros de bronçe questaban mal -acondiçionados tambien fueron a quirix probincia de siete pueblos -seis compañeros y en el primer pueblo que seria de çien ueçinos -huyeron que no osaron a esperar a los n[=r]os y los fueron atajar -arrienda suelta y los bolbieron a el pueblo a sus casas con toda -seguridad y de alli abisaron a los demas pueblos y los aseguraron y -asi poco a poco se fue asegurando toda la comarca en tanto quel rio -se deshelaba y se dexaba badear para dar lugar a la jornada aunque -los doçe pueblos de tiguex nunca en todo el tiempo que por alli -estubo el campo se poblo ninguno por seguridad ninguna que se les -diese. - -y como el rio fue deshelado que lo auia estado casi quatro meses que -se pasaba por ençima del yelo a cauallo ordenose la partida para -quibira donde decia el turco que auia algun oro y plata aunque no -tanto como en Arche [Arehe?] y los guaes ya auia algunos del campo -sospechosos del turco porque mediante el cerco tenia cargo del un -español que se llamaua seruantes y este español juro con solenidad -que auia bisto a el turco hablar en una olla de agua con el demonio -y que teniendolo el debaxo de llaue que nadie podia hablar con el -le auia preguntado el turco a el que a quien auian muerto de los -cristianos los de tiguex y el le dixo que a no nadie y el turco le -respondio mientes que çinco christianos an muerto y a un capitan y -que el çeruantes biendo que deçia berdad se lo conçedio por saber del -quien se lo auia dicho y el turco le dixo quel lo sabia por si y que -para aquello no auia neçesidad que nadie se lo dixese y por esto lo -espio y bio hablar con el demonio en la olla como e dicho. - -con todo esto se hiço alarde para salir de tiguex a este tiempo -llegaron gentes de cibola a ber a el general y el general les encargo -el buen [p440] tratamiento de los españoles que biniesen de señora -con don pedro de touar y les dio cartas que le diesen a don pedro en -que le daba abiso de lo que debia de haçer y como abia de yr en busca -del campo y que hallaria cartas debajo de las cruçes en las jornadas -que el campo abia de haçer salio el campo de tiguex a çinco de mayo -la buelta de cicuyc que como tengo dicho son ueinte y cinco jornadas -digo leguas de alli lleuando de alli a bigotes llegado alla les dio -a su capitan que ya andaba suelto con guardia el pueblo se holgo -mucho con el y estubieron de paz y dieron bastimentos y bigotes y el -gouernador dieron a el general un mancebete que se deçia xabe natural -de quiuira para que del se informasen de la tierra este deçia que -abia oro y plata pero no tanto como deçia el turco toda uia el turco -se afirmaua y fue por guia y asi salio el campo de alli. - - -_Capitulo desinueue como salieron en demanda de quiuira y lo que -acontecio en el camino._ - -salio el campo de cicuye dexando el pueblo de paz y a lo que pareçio -contento y obligado a mantener la amistad por les aber restituydo -su gouernador y capitan y caminando para salir a lo llano que esta -pasada toda la cordillera a quatro dias andados de camino dieron en -un rio de gran corriente hondo que baxaba de hacia cicuyc y a queste -se puso nombre el rio de cicuyc detubieron se aqui por haçer puente -para le pasar acabose en quatro dias con toda diligençia y prestesa -hecha paso todo el campo y ganados por ella y a otras diez jornadas -dieron en unas racherias de gente alarabe que por alli son llamados -querechos y auia dos dias que se auian uisto uacas esta gente biuen -en tiendas de cueros de uacas adobados andan tras las uaças haçiendo -carne estos aun que bieron n[~r]o campo no hiçieron mudamiento ni se -alteraron antes salieron de sus tiendas a ber esentamente y luego -binieron a hablar con la auanguardia y dixeron que se a el campo y el -general hablo con ellos y como ya ellos auian hablado con el turco -que yba en la auanguardia cõformaron con el en quanto deçia era gente -muy entendida por señas que pareçiã que lo decian y lo daban tan bien -a entender que no auia mas necesidad de interprete estos dixeron -que baxando haçia do sale el sol auia un rio muy grande y que yria -por la riuera del por poblados nouenta dias sin quebrar de poblado -en poblado deçian quese decia lo primero del poblado haxa y que el -rio era de mas de una legua de ancho y que auia muchas canoas estos -salieron de alli otro dia con harrias de perros en que llebabã sus -aberes desde a dos dias que todauia caminaba el campo a el rumbo que -auian salido de lo poblado que era entre norte y oriente mas haçia el -norte se bieron otros querechos rancheados y grande numero de uacas -que ya pareçia cosa increibble estos dieron gradissima notiçia de -poblados todo a el oriente de donde nos hallamos a qui se quebro don -garçia un braço y se perdio un español que salio a casa y no aserto -a boluer al real por ser la tierra muy llana decia el turco que auia -a haya una o dos jornadas el general embio adelante a [p441] el -capitan diego lopes a la ligera con diez compañeros dandole rumbo por -una guia de mar haçia adonde salia el sol que caminase dos dias a -toda priesa y descubriese a haxa y bolbiese a se topar con el canpo -otro dia salio por el mesmo rumbo y fue tanto el ganado que se topo -que los que yban en la auanguardia cogierõ por delante un gran numero -de toros y como huyan y unos a otros serrenpugaban dieron en una -barranca y cayo tanto ganado dentro que la emparejaron y el demas -ganado paso por ençima la gēte de a cauallo que yba en pos de ellos -cayeron sobre el ganado sin saber lo que haçian tres cauallos de los -que cayeron ensillados y enfrenados se fueron entre las bacas que no -pudieron mas ser abidos. - -Como a el general le parecio que seria ya de buelta diego lopes hiço -que seis compañeros siguisen una ribera arriba de un pequeño rio y -otros tantos la riuera abajo y que se mirase por el rastro de los -cauallos en las entradas o las salidas del rio porque por la tierra -no es posible hallarse rastro porque la yerua en pisandola se torna a -leuantar hallose por donde auian ydo y fue bentura que a las bueltas -auian ydo indios del campo en busca de fruta una gran legua de donde -se hallo rastro y toparon con ellos y ansi bajaron el rio abajo a -el real y dieron por nueua a el general que en ueinte leguas que -auian andado no auian uisto otra cosa sino uacas y çielo yba en el -campo otro indio pintado natural de quiuira que se deçia sopete este -indio siempre dixo que el turco mentia y por esto no haçian caso del -y aunque en esta saçon tambien lo deçia como los querechos auian -informado con el y el y sopete no era creydo. - -desde aqui embio el general delante a don rodrigo maldonado con su -compañia el qual camino quatro dias y llego a una barranca grande -como las de colima y hallo en lo bajo de ella gran rancheria de gente -por aqui auia atrabesado cabeça de uaca y dorantes aqui presẽtaron a -don rodrigo un monton de cueros adobados y otras cosas y una tienda -tan grande como una casa en alto lo qual mando que asi la guardasen -hasta quel campo llegase y embio cõpañeros que guiasen el campo -haçia aquella parte porque no se perdiesen aunque auian ydo haçiendo -mojones de guesos y boñigas para que el campo se siguiese y desta -manera se guiaba ya el campo tras la abanguardia. - -llego el general con su campo y como bio tan gran multitud de cueros -penso los repartir cõ la gente y hiço poner guardas para que mirasen -por ellos pero como la gente llego y bieron los companeros que el -general embiaba algunos hombres particulares con señas para que les -diesen las guardas algunos cueros y los andaban a escoger enojados de -que no se repartia cõ orden dan saco mano y en menos de quarto de ora -no dexaron sino el suelo limpio. - -los naturales que bieron aquello tambien pusieron las manos en la -obra las mugeres y algunos otros quedaron llorando porque creyeron -que no les auian de tomar nada sino bendeçirse lo como auian hecho -cabeça de uaca y dorantes quando por alli pasaron aqui se hallo una -india tam [p442] blanca como muger de castilla saluo que tenia -labrada la barua como morisca de berberia que todas se labran en -general de aquella manera por alli se ahogolan los ojos. - - -_Capitulo ueinte como cayeron grandes piedras en el campo y como se -descubrio otra barranca donde se dibidio el campo en dos partes._ - -estando descansando el campo en esta barranca que abemos dicho -una tarde començo un torbellino con grandissimo ayre y graniço y -en pequeño espaçio bino tam grande multitud de piedra tam grandes -como escudillas y mayores y tam espesas como lubia que en parte -cubrieron dos y tres palmos y mas de tierra y uno dexo el cauallo -digo que ningun cauallo ubo que no se solto sino fueron dos o tres -que acudieron a los tener negros enpabesados y conseladas y rrodelas -que todos los demas llebo por delante hasta pegallos con la barranca -y algunos subio donde con grã trabajo se tornaron abajar y si como -los tomo alli dentro fuera en lo llano de arriba quedara el campo a -gran rriesgo sin cauallos que muchos no se pudieran cobrar rrompio -la piedra muchas tiendas y abollo muchas çeladas y lastimo muchos -cauallos y quebro toda la losa del canpo y calabaços que no puso poca -neçesidad porque por alli no ay losa ni se haçe ni calabaços ni se -siembra maiz ni comen pan salbo carne cruda o mal asada y fructas. - -desde alli embio el general a descubrir y dieron en otras rancherias -[Sidenote: Alexeres] a quatro jornadas a manera de alixares era -tierra muy poblada adonde auia muchos frisoles y siruelas como las -de castilla y parrales duraban estos pueblos de rancherías tres -jornadas desiase cona desde aqui salieron con el campo algunos teyas -porque asi se deçian aquellas gentes y caminaron con sus harrias de -perros y mugeres y hijos hasta la prostera jornada de las otras donde -dieron guias para pasar adelante a donde fue el canpo a una barranca -grande estas guias no las dexaban hablar con el turco y no hallauan -las notiçias que de antes deçian que quiuira era hacia el norte y -que no hallauamos buena derrota con esto se començo a dar credito -a ysopete y ansi llego el campo a la prostera barrãca que era una -legua de borbo a bordo y un pequeño rio en lo bajo y un llano lleno -de arboleda con mucha uba morales y rosales que es fruta que la ay en -françia y sirue de agraz en esta barranca la auiã madura abia nueses -y galinas de la calidad de las de la nueba españa y siruelas como las -de castilla y en cantidad en este camino se bio a un teya de un tiro -pasar un toro por ambas espaldas que un arcubuz tiene bien que haçer -es gẽte bien entendida y las mugeres bien tratadas y de berguença -cubren todas sus carnes traen çapatos y borseguiez de cuero adobado -traen mantas las mugeres sobre sus faldellines y mangas cogidas por -las espaldas todo de cuero y unos como sanbenitillos con rapasejos -que llegan a medio muslo sobre los faldellines. - -[Illustration: LXXXIII. Facsimile of Pages of Castañeda’s Relacion - -From the Manuscript in the Lenox Library] - -en esta barranca holgo el campo muchos dias por buscar comarca -hicieronse hasta aqui treinta y siete jornadas de camino de a seis y -de a siete leguas porque se daba cargo a quien fuese tasanda y un con -[p443] tando por pasos deçian que auian a el poblado do doçientas -y sinquenta leguas bisto ya y cognoçido por el general fran^{co} -uasques como hasta alli auian andado engañados por el turco y que -faltauan los bastimentos a el campo y que por alli no auia tierra -dõde se pudiesen probeer llamo a los capitanes y alferes a junta para -acordar lo que les paresiese se debiese haçer y de acuerdo de todos -fue quel general contreinta de a cauallo y media doçena de peones y -fuese en demanda de quiuira y quedõ tristan de arellano bolbiese con -todo el campo la buelta de tiguex sabido esto por la gente del canpo -y como ya se sabia lo acordado suplicaron de ello a su general y que -no los dexase de lleuar adelante que todos querian morir con el y no -bolber atras esto no aprobecho aunque el general les conçedio que les -embiaria mensajeros dentro de ocho dias si cõbiniese seguirle o no y -con esto se partio con las guias que lleuaba y con ysopete el turco -yba arrecando en cadena. - - -_Capitulo ueinte y uno como el campo bolbio a tiguex y el general -llego a quiuira._ - -partio el general de la barranca con las guias que los teyas le auian -dado hiço su maestre de campo a el ueinte y quatro diego lopes y -llebo de la gẽte que le pareçio mas escogida y de mejores cauallos -el campo quedo con alguna esperança que embiaria por el general y -tornaron se lo a embiar a suplicar a el general con dos hombres de -a cauallo a la ligera y por la posta. el general llego digo que se -le huyeron las guias en las primeras jornadas y ubo de bolber diego -lopes por guias a el campo y con mandado quel cãpo bolbiese a tiguex -a buscar bastimentos y a aguardar a el general dieronle otras guias -que les dieron los teyas de boluntad aguardo el campo sus mensajeros -y estubo alli quinçe dias haçiendo carnaje de bacas para lleuar -tubose por quenta que se mataron en estos quinse dias quinientos -toros era cosa increyble el numero de los que auia sin bacas perdiose -en este comedio mucha gente de los que salian a caça y en dos ni tres -dias no tornaban a bolber a el campo andando desatinados a una parte -y a otra sin saber bolber por donde auian ydo y con aber aquella -barranca que arriba o abaxo auian de atinar y como cada noche se -tenia quenta con quien faltaua tirauan artilleria y tocauan trompetas -y a tambores y haçian grandes hogaredas y algunos se hallaron tam -desbiados y abian desatinado tanto que todo esto no les aprobechaua -nada aunque a otros les balio el remedio era tornar adonde mataban el -ganado y haçer una uia a una parte y a otra hasta que daban con la -barranca o topaban con quien los encaminaua es cosa de notar que como -la tierra es tam llana en siendo medio dia como an andado desatinados -en pos de la caça a una parte y a otra sean de estar cabe la caça -quedos hasta que decline el sol para ber a que rumbo an de bolber a -donde salieron y aun estos auian de ser hombres entendidos y los que -no lo eran se auian de encomendar a otros. - -el general siguio sus guias hasta llegar a quiuira en que gasto -quarenta y ocho dias de camino por la grande cayda que auian hecho -sobre [p444] la florida y fue reçebido de paz por las guias que -lleuaba preguntaron a el turco que porque auia mẽtido y los auia -guiado tam abieso dixo que su tierra era haçia aquella parte y que -allende de aquello los de cicuye le auian rogado que los truxese -perdidos por los llanos por que faltando les el bastimento se -muriesen los cauallos y ellos flacos quando bolbiesen los podrian -matar sin trabajo y bengarse de lo que auian hecho y que por esto -los abia desrumbado creyendo que no supieran caçar ni mantenerse -sin maiz y que lo del oro que no sabia adonde lo auia esto dixo ya -como desesperado y que se hallaba corrido que auain dado credito a -el ysopete y los auia guiado mejor que no el y temiendose los que -alli yban que no diese algun abiso por donde les biniese algun daño -le dieron garrote de que el ysopete se holgo porque siẽpre solia -deçir que el ysopete era un bellaco y que no sabia lo que se decia -y siempre le estorban ban que no hablase con nadie no se bio entre -aquella gente oro ni plata ni noticia de ello el señor traya al -cuello una patena de cobre y no la tenia en poca. - -los mensajeros quel campo embio en pos del general bolbieron como -dixe y luego como no truxeron otro recaudo que el que el ueinti -quatro auia dicho el campo salio de la barranca la buelta de los -teyas a donde tomaron guias que los bolbiesen por mas derecho camino -ellos las dieron de boluntad porque como es gente que no para por -aquellas tierras en pos del ganado todo lo saben guiaban desta -manera luego por la mañana mirabã a donde salia el sol y tomaban el -rumbo que auian de tomar y tiraban una flecha y antes de llegar a -ella tirauan otra por ençima y desta manera yban todo el dia hasta -las aguas adonde se auia de haçer jornada y por este orden lo que -se auia andado a la yda en treinta y siete jornadas se bolbio en -ueinte y çinco caçãdo en el camino uacas hallaronse en este camino -muchas lagunas de sal que la auia en gran cantidad auia sobre el agua -tablones della mayores que mesas de quatro y de çinco dedos de grueso -debajo del agua a dos y tres palmos sal en grano mas sabrosa que la -de los tablones por que esta amargaba un poco era cristalina auia por -aquellos llanos unos animales como hardillas en gran numero y mucha -suma de cueuas de ellas uino en esta buelta a tomar el campo el rio -de cicuye mas de treinta leguas por bajo de ella digo de la puente -que se auia hecho a la yada y subiose por el arriba que en general -casi todas sus riueras tenian rosales que son como ubas moscateles -en el comer naçen en unas uaras delgadas de un estado tiene la oja -como peregil auia ubas en agraz y mucho uino y oregano deçian las -guias que se juntaba este rio con el de tiguex mas de ueinte jornadas -de alli y que boluian sus corrientes a el oriente creese que ban a -el poderoso rio del espiritu santo que los de don hernando de soto -descubrieron en la florida en esta jornada a la yda se hundio una -india labrada a el capitan juan de saldibar y fue las barrancas abajo -huyendo que reconoçio la tierra por que en tiguex donde se ubo era -esclaua esta india ubieron a las manos siertos españoles de los de la -florida que auian entrado descubriendo hacia aquella parte yo les oy -deçir quãdo bolbieron a la nueba [p445] españa que les auia dicho -la india que auia nuebe dias que se auia huydo de otros y que nombro -capitanes por donde se debe creer que no llegamos lejos de lo que -ellos descubrieron aunque dicen que estaban entonçes mas de dosientas -leguas la tierra adentro creese que tiene la tierra de trabesia por -aquella parte mas de seicientas leguas de mar a mar. - -pues como digo el rio arriba fue el campo hasta llegar a el pueblo -de cicuye el qual se hallo de guerra que no quisieron mostrarse de -paz ni dar ningun socorro de bastimento de alli fueron a tiguex que -ya algunos pueblos se auian tornado a poblar que luego se tornaban a -despoblar de temor. - - -_Capitulo ueinte y dos como el general bolbio de quiuira y se -hiçieron otras entradas debajo del norte._ - -luego que don tristan de arellano llego en tiguex mediado el mes de -jullio del año de quarenta y dos hiço recoger bastimentos para el -inbierno benidero y enbio a el capitan francisco de barrio nuebo con -alguna gẽte el rio arriba debajo del norte en que bio dos prouinçias -que la una se decia hemes de siete pueblos y la otra yuqueyunque -los pueblos de hemes salieron de paz y dieron bastimentos los de -yuqueyunque en tanto que el real se asentaba despoblaron dos muy -hermosos pueblos que tenian el rio en medio y se fueron a la sierra -a donde tenian quatro pueblos muy fuertes en tierra aspera que no -se podia yr a ellos a cauallo en estos dos pueblos se ubo mucho -bastimento y loça muy hermoça y bedriada y de muchas labores y -hechuras tambien se hallaron muchas ollas llenas de metal escogido -reluciente con que bedriaban la losa era señal que por aquella tierra -auia minas de plata si se buscaran. - -ueinte leguas adelante el rio arriba auia un poderoso y grande -rio digo pueblo que se decia braba a quien los n[=r]os pusieron -ualladolid tomaba el rio por medio pasabase por puentes de madera de -muy largos y grandes pinos quadrados y en este pueblo se bieron las -mas grandes y brabas estufas que en toda aquella tierra porque eran -de doçe pilares que cada uno tenia dos braças de ruedo de altura de -dos estados este pueblo auia uisitado hernando de aluarado quando -descubrio a çicuye es tierra muy alta y figridissima el rio yba hondo -y de gran corriente sin ningun uado dio la buelta el capitan barrio -nuebo dexando de pax aquellas prouinçias. - -otro capitan fue el rio abajo en busca de los poblados que deçian los -de tutahaco auia algunas jornadas de alli este capitan bajo ochenta -leguas [Sidenote: Rio que se hundi.] y hallo quatro pueblos grandes -que dexo de paz y andubo hasta que hallo quel rio se sumia debaxo -de tierra como guadiana en extremadura no paso adelãte donde los -indios decian [~q] salia muy poderoso por no llebar mas comiçion de -ochẽta leguas de camino y como bolbio este capitan y se llegaba el -plaço en que el capitan abia de bolber de quiuira y no bolbia don -tristan señalo quarenta conpañeros y dexando el campo a fran^{co} -de barrio nuebo salio con ellos a buscar el [p446] general y como -llego a cicuye los del pueblo salieron de guerra que fue causa que se -detubiesen alli quatro dias por les haçer algun daño como se les hiço -que con tiros quese asentaron a el pueblo les mataron alguna gēte -por que no salian a el canpo a causa quel primer dia les mataron dos -hombres señalados. - -en este comedio llegaron nuebas [niebas?] como el general benia y -por esto tambien ubo de aguardar alli don tristan para asegurar -aquel paso llegado el general fue bien reçebido de todos con grande -alegria el indio xabe que era el mançebo que auian dado los de cicuye -a el general quando yba en demanda de quiuira estaba con don tristan -de arellano y como supo que el general benia dando muestras que se -holgaba dixo agora que biene el general bereis como ay oro y plata en -quiuira aunque no tanta como deçia el turco y como el general llego y -bio como no auian hallado nada quedo triste y pasmado y afirmādo que -la auia hiço creer a muchos que era asi porque el general no entro la -tierra adentro que no oso por ser muy poblado y no se hallar poderoso -y dio la buelta por lleuar sus gentes pasadas las aguas porque ya por -alla llobia que era entrada de agosto quando salio tardo en la buelta -quarenta dias con buenas guias con benir a la ligera como bolbieron -decia el turco quando salio de tiguex el canpo que para que cargauan -los cauallos tanto de bastimētos que se cansarian y no podrian -despues traer el oro y la plata donde parese bien andaba con engaño. - -llegado el general con su gēte a cicuye luego se partio para tiguex -dexando mas asentado el pueblo por que a el luego salieron de paz -y le hablaron llegado a tiguex procuro de inbernar alli para dar -la buelta con todo el campo porque deçia traya noticia de grandes -poblaciones y rios poderossissimos y que la tierra era muy pareciente -a la de españa en las frutas y yerbas y temporales y que no benian -satisfechos de creer que no auia oro antes trayan sospecha que lo -auia la tierra adentro porque puesto que lo negauan entendian que -cosa era y tenia nombre entre ellos que se deçia acochis con lo qual -daremos fin a esta primera parte y trataremos en dar relaçion de las -prouincias. - - -SEGUNDA PARTE EN QUE SE TRATA DE LOS PUEBLOS Y PROUINCIAS DE ALTOS Y -DE SUS RITOS Y COSTUMBRES RECOPILADA POR PEDRO DE CASTAÑEDA UEÇINO DE -LA ÇIUDAD DE NAXARA.[94] - -_laus deo._ - -no me parece que quedara satisfecho el lector em aber bisto y -entendido lo que e contado de la jornada aunque en ello ay bien -que notar en la discordançia de las notiçias porque aber fama tan -grande de grandes thesoros y en el mismo lugar no hallar memoria ni -aparençia de aberlo cosa es muy de notar en lugar de poblados hallar -grandes despoblados y en lugar de ciudades populosas hallar pueblos -de [p447] doçientos uecinos y el mayor de ocho cientos o mill no se -si esto les dara materia para considerar y pẽsar en la bariedad de -esta uida y para poderlos agradar les quiero dar relaçion particular -de todo lo poblado que se bio y descubrio en esta jornada y algunas -costunbres que tienen y ritos conforme a lo que de ellos alcançamos -a saber y en que rumbo cae cada prouinçia para que despues se pueda -entender a que parte esta la florida y a que parte cae la india mayor -y como esta tierra de la nueba españa es tierra firme con el peru -ansi lo es con la india mayor o de la china sin que por esta parte -aya entrecho que la dibida ante es estan grande la anchura de la -tierra que da lugar a que aya tan grandes despoblados como ay entre -las dos mares por que la costa del norte sobre la florida buelbe -sobre los bacallaos y despues torna sobre la nuruega y la del sur -a el poniente haciendo la otra punta debaxo del sur casi como en -arco la buelta de la india dando lugar a que las tierras que siguen -las cordilleras de anbas costas se desbien en tanta manera unas de -otras que dexen en medio de si grandes llanuras y tales que por -ser inabitables sõ pobladas de ganados y otros muchos animales de -dibersas maneras aunque no de serpientes por ser como son esentos y -sin montes antes de todo genero de caça y aues como adelante se dira -dexando de contar la buelta quel campo dio para la nueba españa hasta -que se beã la poca ocaçion que para ello ubo començaremos a tratar de -la uilla de culiacan y bersea la diferençia que ay de la una tierra a -la otra para que meresca lo uno estar poblado de españoles y lo otro -no abiendo de ser a el contrario quanto a cristianos porque en los -unos ay raçon de hombres y en los otros barbaridad de animales y mas -que de bestias. - - -_Capitulo primero de la prouincia de Culiacan y de sus ritos y -costumbres._ - -Culiacan es lo ultimo del nuebo reyno de galiçia y fue lo primero -que poblo Nuño de guzman quando conquisto este reyno esta a el -poniente de mexico doçientas y diez leguas en esta prouinçia ay -tres lẽguas prinçipales sin otras bariables que de ella responden -la primera es de tahus que era la mejor gente y mas entendida y los -que en esta saçon estan mas domesticos y tienen mas lumbre de la -fe estos ydolatraban y haçian presentes a el demonio de sus aberes -y requeças que era ropa y turquesas no comian carne humana ni la -sacrificauan aconstumbraban a criar muy grandes culebras y tenian las -en beneraçion auia entre ellos hombres en abito de mugeres que se -casaban con otros hombres y les seruian de mugeres canonicaban con -gran fiesta a las mugeres que querian bibir solteras con un grande -areyto o bayle en quese juntaban todos los señores de la comarca y -sacaban la a baylar en cueros y desque todos abian baylado con ella -metian la en un rancho que para aquel efecto estaba bien adornado y -las señoras la adereçaban de ropa y braçaletes de finas turquesas y -luego entrabran a usar con ella los señores uno a uno y tras de ellos -todos los demas que querian y desde alli adelante no abian de negar a -nadie pagandoles sierta paga que estaba [p448] constituyda para ello -y aunque despues tomaban maridos no por eso eran reseruadas de cũplir -con quien se lo pagaba sus mayores fiestas son mercados auia una -costumbre que las mugeres que se casaban los maridos las compraban a -los padres y parientes por gran preçio y luego la llebaban a un señor -que lo tenian como por saserdote para que las desbirgase y biese si -estaba donçella y si no lo estaba le abian de bolber todo el preçio y -estaba en su escoger si la queria por muger o no o dexalla para que -fuese canoniçada haçian grandes borracheras a sus tiempos. - -la segunda lengua es de pacaxes que es la gente que abitan en la -tierra que esta entre lo llano y las serranias estos son mas barbara -gente algunos comen carne humana que son los que confinan con las -serranias son grandes someticos toman muchas mugeres aunque sean -hermanas adoran en piedras pintados de entalladura son grandes -abuçioneros y hechiçeros. - -la tercera lengua son acaxes aquestos pose en gran parte de la tierra -por la serrania y toda la cordillera y asi andan a caça de hombres -como a caça de benados comen todos carne humana y el que tiene mas -guesos de hombre y calaberas colgadas a el rededor de su caça es mas -temido y en mas tenido biben a barrios y en tierra muy aspera huyen -de lo llano para pasar de un barrio a otro a de aber quebrada en -medio que aunque se hablē no puedan pasar tam ligeramēte a una grita -se juntan quinientos hombres y por pequeña ocaçion se matan y se -comen estos an sido malos de sojuzgar por la aspereça de la tierra -que es muy grande. - -an se hallado en esta tierra muchas minas de plata ricas no ban a lo -hondo acabãse en breue desde la costa de esta prouinçia comiença el -ancon que mete la mar debajo del norte que entra la tierra adentro -doçientas y sinquentas leguas y fenese en la boca del rio del tiçon -esta tierra es la una punta a el oriente la punta del poniente es -la California ay de punta a punta segun he oydo a hombres que lo an -nabegado treinta leguas porque perdiendo de bista a esta tierra ben -la otra el ancon diçen es ancho dentro a tener de tierra a tierra -çiento y sinquenta leguas y mas desde el rio del tiçon da la buelta -la costa a el sur haçiendo arco hasta la California que buelue a el -poniente haçiendo aquella punta que otro tiempo se tubo por isla por -ser tierra baxa y arenosa poblada de gente bruta y bestial desnuda -y que comen su mismo estiercol y se juntaban hombre y muger como -animales poniendose la hembra en quatro pies publicamente. - - -_Capitulo segundo de la prouincia de petlatlan y todo lo poblado -hasta chichilticale._ - -petlatlan es una poblaçion de casas cubiertas con una manera de -esteras hechas de causo congregadas en pueblos que ban a el luego de -un rio desde la sierras hasta la mar son gente de la calidad y ritos -de los tahues culhacaneses ay entre ellos muchos someticos tienen -grande poblaçion y comarca de otros pueblos a la serrania difieren en -la lengua [p449] de los tahues algun tanto puesto que se entienden -los unos a los otros dixose petlatlan por ser las casas de petates -dura esta manera de casas por aquella parte docientas y quarenta -leguas y mas que ay hasta el principio del despoblado de cibola desde -petlatlan hace raya aquella tierra cognoçidamente la causa porque -desde alli para adelante no ay arbol sin espina ni ay frutas sino son -tunas y mesquites y pitahayas ay desde culiacan alla ueinte leguas y -desde petlatlan a el ualle de señora ciento y treinta ay entre medias -muchos rios poblados de gente de la misma suerte como son sinoloa, -boyomo, teocomo, y aquimi yotros mas pequeños estan tambien los -coraçones ques nuestro caudal abajo del ualle de señora. - -senora es un rio y ualle muy poblado de gente muy dispuesta las -[Sidenote: Nagues] mugeres bisten naguas de cuero adobado de benados -y sanbenitillos hasta medio cuerpo los que son señores de los pueblos -se ponen a las mañanas en unos altillos que para aquello tienen -hechos y a manera de pregones o pregoneros estan pregonando por -espaçio de una ora como administrando les en lo que an de haçer tienē -unas casillas pequeñas de adoratorios en que hincan muchas flechas -que las ponen por de fuera como un eriso y esto haçen quando asperan -tener guerra a el rededor de esta prouincia hacia las sierras ay -grandes poblaçiones en probincillas apartadas y congregadas de diez -y doçe pueblos y ocho o siete de ellos que se los nombres sõ com u -patrico, mochilagua y arispa, y el uallecillo ay otros que no se -bieron. - -desde señora a el ualle de suya ay quarenta leguas en este ualle se -uino a poblar la uilla de san hieronimo que despues se alcaron y -mataron parte de la gente que estaba poblada como se bera adelante -en lo terçera parte en este ualle ay muchos pueblos que tienen en -su torno son las gentes de la calidad de los de señora y de un -traje y lengua ritos y costumbres con todo los demas que ay hasta -el despoblado de chichilticale las mugeres se labran en la barba y -los ojos como moriscas de berberia ellos son grandes someticos beben -bino de pitahayas que es fruta de cardones que se abre como granadas -hacen se con el bino tontos haçen conserua de tunas en gran cantidad -conseruanse en su sumo en gran cantidad sin otra miel haçen pan -de mesquites como quesos conseruase todo el año ay en esta tierra -melones de ella tam grandes que tiene una persona que lleuar en uno -haçen de ellos tasajos y curan los a el sol son de comer del sabor de -higos pasado guisados son muy buenos y dulces guardanse todo el año -asi pasado. - -y por esta tierra se bieron aguilas candoles tienen las los señores -por grandeça en todos estos pueblos no se bieron gallinas de ninguna -suerte salbo en este ualle de suya que se hallaron gallinas como -las de castilla que no se supo por donde entraron tanta tierra de -guerra teniendo como todos tienen guerra unos con otros entre suya y -chichilticale ay muchos carneros y cabras montesas grandissimas de -cuerpos y de cuernos españoles ubo que afirman aber bisto manada de -mas de çiento juntos corren tanto que en brebe se desparesen. [p450] - -en chichilticale torna la tierra a hacer raya y pierde la arboleda -espinosa y la causa es que como el Ancon llega hasta aquel paraje y -da buelta la costa asi da buelta la cordillera de las sierras y alli -se biene a trabesar la serrania y se rompe para pasar a lo llano de -la tierra. - - -_Capitulo tercero de lo ques chichilticale y el despoblado de çibola -sus costumbres y ritos y de otras cosas._ - -chichilticale dixose asi porque hallaron los frayles en esta comarca -una casa que fue otros tiempos poblada de gentes que rresquebraban -de çibola era de tierra colorado o bermeja la casa era grande y bien -pareçia en ella aber sido fortaleça y debio ser despoblada por los -de la tierra que es la gente mas barbara de las que se bieron hasta -alli biuen en rancherias sin poblados biben de casar y todo lo mas es -despoblado y de grandes pinales ay piñones en gran cantidad son los -pinos donde se dan parrados de hasta de dos a tres estados de alto ay -ençinales de bellota dulce y fanonas que dan una fruta como confites -de culantro seco es muy dulce como asucar ay berros en algunas fuẽtes -y rosales y poleo y oregano. - -en los rios deste despoblado ay barbos y picones como en españa ay -leones pardos que se bieron desde el principio del despoblado siempre -se ba subiendo la tierra hasta llegar a çibola que son ochenta leguas -la uia del norte y hasta llegar alli desde culiacan se auia caminado -lleuando el norte sobre el ojo isquierdo. - -çibola son siete pueblos el mayor se dice maçaque comunmente son de -tres y quatro altos las casas en maçaque ay casas de quatro altos -y de siete estas gentes son bien entendidas andan cubiertas sus -berguenças y todas las partes deshonestas con paños a manera de -serbilletas de mesa con rapasejos y una borla en cada esquina atan -los sobre el quadril bisten pellones de plumas y de pelo de liebres -mãtas de algodon las mugeres se bisten de mantas que las atan o -añudan sobre el honbro isquierdo y sacan el braço derecho por ençima -siriense las a el cuerpo traen capotes de cuero pulidos de buena -fayçion cogen el cabello sobre las dos orejas hechos dos ruedas que -paresen papos de cosia. - -esta tierra es un ualle entre sierras a manera de peñones siembran a -hoyos no crese el maiz alto de las maçorcas desdel pie tres y quatro -cada caña gruesas y grandes de a ocho çiẽtos granos cosa no bista en -estas partes ay en esta prouincia osos en gran cantidad leones gatos -çeruales y nutrias ay muy finas tratan turquesas aunque no en la -cantidad que deçian recogen y entrogan piñones para su año no tiene -un hombre mas de una muger ay en los pueblos estufas que estan en -los patios o placas donde se juntan a consulta no ay señores como -por la nueba españa rigense por consejo de los mas biejos tienen sus -saserdotes a quien llaman papas que les predican estos son uiejos -subense en el terrado mas alto del pueblo y desde alli a manera de -pregoneros predican a el pueblo por las mañanas quando sale el sol -estando todo el pueblo en silençio asentados por los corredores -escuchando dicen les [p451] como an de bibir y creo que les diçen -algunos mandamientos que an de guardar porque entre ellos no ay -borrachera ni sodomia ni sacrificios ni comen carne humana ni hurtan -de comun trabajan en el pueblo la estufas son comunes es sacrilegio -que las mugeres entren a dormir en las estufas por señal de paz dar -cruz queman los muertos hechan con ellos en el fuego los instrumentos -que tienen para usar sus officios. - -tienen a tusayan entre norte y poniente a ueinte leguas es prouinçia -de siete pueblos de la misma suerte trajes ritos y costumbres que los -de çibola abra en estas dos prouinçias que son catorçe pueblos hasta -tres o quatro mill hombres y ay hasta tiguex quarenta leguas o mas la -buelta del norte ay entre medias el peñon de acuco que contamos en la -primera parte. - - -_Capitulo quarto como se tratan los de tiguex y de la prouincia de -tiguex y sus comarcas._ - -tiguex es prouincia de doçe pueblos riberas de un rio grande y -caudaloso unos pueblos de una parte y otros de otra es ualle -espaçioso de dos leguas en ancho tiene a el oriente una sierra nebada -muy alta y aspera a el pie de ella por las espaldas ay siete pueblos -quatro en llano y los tres metidos en la halda de la sierra. - -tiene a el norte a quirix siete pueblos a siete leguas tiene a el -nordeste la prouincia de hemes siete pueblos a quarenta leguas tiene -a el norte o leste a Acha a quatro leguas a el sueste a tutahaco -prouinçia de ocho pueblos todos estos pueblos en general tienen unos -ritos y costumbres aunque tienen algunas cosas en particulares que -no las tienen los otros gobiernanse por acuerdo de los mas uiejos -labran los edificios del pueblo de comun las mugeres entienden en -haçer la mescla y las paredes los hombres traen la madera y la -asientan no ay cal pero haçen una mescla de çenisa de carbon y tierra -ques poco menos que de cal porque con aber de tener quatro altos la -casa no hacen la pared de mas gordor que de media bara juntan gran -cantidad de rama de tomillos y corriso y ponen le fuego y como esta -entre carbon y çenisa hechan mucha tierra y agua y haçen lo mescla y -de ella hacen pellas redondas que ponen en lugar de piedra despues -de seco y traban con la misma mescla de suerte que despues es como -argamasa los mançebos por casar siruen a el pueblo en general y traen -la leña que se a de gastar y la ponen en rima en los patios de los -pueblos de donde la toman las mugeres para lleuar a sus casas su -abitaçion de los mançebos es en las estufas que son en los patios de -el pueblo debajo de tierra quadrados o redondos con pilares de pino -algunas se bieron de doçe pilares y de quatro por nabe de gordor de -dos braças los comunes eran de tres o quatro pilares los suelos de -losas grandes y lisas como los baños que se usan ẽ europa tienen -dentro un fogon a manera de una bitacora de nabio donde ensienden un -puño de tomillo con que sustentan la calor y pueden estar dentro como -en baño lo alto en pareja con la tierra alguna se bio tan espaciosa -que tendra juego de bola quando alguno se a de casar a de ser por -orden de [p452] los que gobiernan a de hilar y texer una manta el -baron y ponerle la muger delante y ella cubre con ella y queda por -su muger las casas son de las mugeres las estufas de los hombres si -el uaron repudia la muger a de ir a ello a la estufa es biolable -cosa domir las mugeres en la estufa ni entrar a ningun negoçio mas -de meter de comer a el marido o a los hijos los hombres hilan y -texen las mugeres crian los hijos y guisan de comer la tierra es tan -fertil que no desyerban en todo el año mas de para sembrar porque -luego cae la niebe y cubre lo senbrado y debajo de la niebe cria la -maçorca cogen en un año para siete ay grādissimo numero de guillas y -de ansares y cuerbos y tordos que se mantienen por los sembrados y -con todo esto quando bueluen a sembrar para otro año estan los campos -cubiertos de maiz que no lo an podido acabar de encerrar. - -auia en estas prouincias grā cantidad de gallinas de la tierra y -gallos de papada sustentabanse muertos sin pelar ni abrir sesenta -dias sin mal olor y los hombres muertos lo mismo y mas tiempo siendo -inbierno los pueblos son limpios de inmundiçias porque salen fuera a -estercolar y desaguan en basijas de barro y las sacan a basiar fuera -del pueblo tienen bien repartidas las casas en grande limpieça donde -guisan de comer y donde muelen la harina que es un apartado o retrete -donde tienen un farnal con tres piedras asentado con argamasa donde -entran tres mugeres cada una en su piedra que la una frangolla y la -otra muele y la otra remuele antes [=q] entren dentro a la puerta se -descalçan los sapatos y cogen el cabello y sacuden la ropa y cubrē la -cabeça mientras que muelẽ esta un hombre sentado a la puerta tañedo -con una gayta al tono traen las piedras y cantã a tres boçes muelen -de una bez mucha cantidad porque todo el pan haçen de harina desleyda -con agua caliente a manera de obleas cogen gran cantidad de yeruas -y secan las para guisar todo el año para comer no ay en la tierra -frutas saluo piñones tienen sus predicadores no se hallo en ellos -sodomia ni comer carne humana ni sacrificarlla no es gente cruel -porque en tiguex estubieron obra de quarenta dias muerto a françisco -de ouando y quando se acabo de ganar el pueblo lo hallaron entero -entre sus muertos sin otra liçion mas de la herida de que murio -blanco como niebe sin mal olor de un indio de los nuestros que auia -estado un año catibo entre ellos alcanse a saber algunas cosas de sus -costumbres en especial preguntãdole yo que porque causa en aquella -prouinçia andaban las mugeres moças en cueros haçiendo tam gran -frio dixome que las donçellas auian de andar ansi hasta que tomasen -maridos y que en cognoçiendo uaron se cubrian trayan los hombres -por alli camisetas de cuero de benado adobado y ençima sus pellones -ay por todas estas prouincias loca bedriada de alcohol y jarros de -extremadas labores y de hechuras que era cosa de ber. - - -_Capitulo quinto de cicuye y los pueblos de su contorno y de como -unas gentes binieron a conquistar aquella tierra._ - -ya abemos dicho de tiguex y de todas las prouinçias que estan en la -costa de aquel rio por ser como son todos de una calidad de gente -y una [p453] condiçion y costumbres no sera menester en ellos -particulariçar ninguna cosa solo quiero deçir del açiento de cicuye y -unos pueblos despoblados que le caen en comarca en el camino derecho -quel campo llebo para alla y otros que estan tras la sierra nebada de -tiguex que tambien caen en aquella comarca fuera del rio. - -cicuye es un pueblo de hasta quinientos hombres de guerra es temido -por toda aquella tierra en su sitio es quadrado asentado sobre peña -en medio un gran patio o plaça con sus estufas las casas son todas -parejas de quatro altos por lo alto se anda todo el pueblo sin que -aya calle que lo estorbe a los dos primeros doblados es todo çercado -de corredores que se anda por ellos todo el pueblo son como balcones -que salen a fuera y debajo de ellos se pueden amparar no tienen las -casas puertas por lo bajo con escaleras leuadisas se siruen y suben a -los corredores que son por de dentro del pueblo y por alli se mandan -que las puertas de las casas salen a aquel alto al corredor sirue el -corredor por calle las casas que salen a el campo haçen espaldas con -las de dentro del patio y en tiempo de guerra se mandan por las de -dentro es çercado de una çerca baja de piedra tiene dentro una fuente -de agua que se la pueden quitar la gente deste pueblo se preçiā -de que nadie los a podido sojuzgar y los sojuzgan los pueblos que -quieren son de la misma condiçion y costumbres que los otros pueblos -tambien andan las doncellas desnudas hasta que tomā maridos por que -diçen que si hacen maldad que luego se bera y ansi no lo haran ni -tienē de que tener berguença pues andan qual naçieron. - -ay entre cicuye y la prouinçia de quirix un pueblo chico y fuerte -a quien los españoles pusieron nonbre ximena y otro pueblo casi -despoblado que no tiene poblado sino un barrio este pueblo era grande -segun su sitio y fresco parecia aber sido destruydo aqueste se llamo -el pueblo de los cilos porque se hallaron en el grandes silos de maiz. - -adelante auia otro pueblo grande todo destruido y asolado en los -patios del muchas pelotas de piedras tan grandes como botijas de -arroba que pareçia aber sido hechadas con ingenios o trabucos con que -destruyeron aquel pueblo lo que de ello se alcanso a saber fue que -abria desiseis años que unas gentes llamados teyas en gran numero -auian benido en aquella tierra y auian destruydo aquellos pueblos -y auian tenido çercado a cicuye y no lo auian podido tomar por ser -fuerte y que quando salieron de aquella tierra auian hecho amistades -con toda la tierra pareçio debio de ser gente poderosa y que debiā de -tener ingenios para derriba los pueblos no saben decir de que parte -binieron mas de señalar debajo del norte generalmente llaman estas -gentes teyas por gentes ualiẽtes como diçen los mexicanos chichimecas -o teules porque los teyas que el campo topo puesto que eran ualientes -eran cognoçidos de la gente de los poblados y sus amigos y que se ban -a inbernar por alla los inbiernos debaxo de los alaues de lo poblado -porque dētro no se atreben a los reçebir porque no se deben fiar de -ellos y puesto que los reçiben de amistad y tractan con ellos de -noche no quedan en los pueblos sino [p454] fuera solas alaues y los -pueblos se belanabo çina y grito grito como las fortaleças de españa. - -otros siete pueblos ay a la orilla deste camino hacia la sierra -nebada que el uno quedo medio destruydo de estas gentes ya dichas que -estan debaxo de la obidiençia de cicuye esta cicuye en un pequeño -ualle entre sierras y montañas de grandes pinales tiene una pequeña -riuera que lleba muy buenas truchas y nutrias crianse por aqui muy -grandes osos y buenos halcones. - - -_Capitulo sexto en que se declara quantos fueron los pueblos que se -uieron en los poblados de terrados y lo poblado de ello._ - -pareçiome antes que salga deçir de los llanos de las bacas y lo -poblado y rancheado de ellos que sera bien que se sepa que tanto fue -lo poblado que se bio de casas de altos en pueblos congregados y en -que tanto espaçio de tierra digo que çibola es lo primero. - - çibola siete pueblos - tucayan siete pueblos - el peñon de acuco uno - tiguex doçe pueblos - tutahaco ocho pueblos - por abajo del rio estauan estos pueblos. - quirix siete pueblos - a la sierra nebeda siete pueblos - ximena tres pueblos. - cicuye uno pueblo. - hemes siete pueblos - aguas calientes tres pueblos. - yuqueyunque de la sierra seis pueblos. - ualladolid dicho braba un pueblo. - chia un pueblo. - -por todos son sesenta y seis pueblos como parece tiguex es el riñon -de los pueblos ualladolid lo mas alto el rio arriba a el nordeste los -quatro pueblos a el rio abaxo al sueste porque el rio boltea haçia -leuante que desde la una punta de lo que se bio el rio abaxo a la -otra que se bio el rio arriba en que esta todo lo poblado ay çiento -y treinta leguas diez mas o menos que por todos los pueblos con los -de las trabesias son sesenta y seis como tengo dicho en todos ellos -puede auer como ueinte mill hombres lo qual se puede bien considerar -y entender por la poblaçion de los pueblos y entre medias de unos y -otros no ay caserias ni otra abitacion sino todo despoblado por donde -se be que segun son poca gente y tan diferençiados en trato gouierno -y poliçia de todas las naçiones que se an bisto y descubierto en -estas partes de poniente son benediços de aquella parte de la india -mayor que cae su costa debaxo del poniente de esta tierra que por -aquella parte pueden aber baxado atrabesando aquellas cordilleras -baxando por aquel rio abajo poblando en lo mejor que les pareçia -y como an ydo multiplicando an ydo poblando hasta que [p455] no -hallaron rio porque se sume debaxo de tierra haciendo sus corrientes -haçia la florida baxando del nordeste donde se hallaua notiçia -todauia de pueblos quese dexo de seguir al turco que lo deçiã sin -aquellas cordilleras do nace aquel rio se atrabesaran yo creo se -tomaran ricas noticias y se entrara en las tierras de donde aquellas -gentes proçeden que segun el rũbo es principio de la india mayor -aun que partes innotas y no sabidas ni cognosidas porque segun la -demostraçion de la costa es muy la tierra adentro entre la nuruega y -la china en el comedio de la tierra de mar a mar es grande anchura -segun de muestran los rumbos de ambas costas asi lo [~q] descubrio -el capitan uillalobos yendo por esta mar de poniente en demanda de -la china como lo que sea descubierto por la mar del norte la buelta -de los bacallaos que es por la costa de la florida arriba hacia la -nuruega. - -ansi que tornado a el proposito de lo començado digo [~q] en espaçio -de setenta leguas en el ancho de aquella tierra poblada y de ciento -y treinta leguas al luego del rio de tiguex no se bieron ni hallaron -mas poblados ni gentes de los ya dichas que ay repartimientos en la -nueba españa no uno sino muchos de mayor numero de gentes en muchos -pueblos de ellos se hallaron metales de plata que los tenian para -bedriar y pintar los rotro. - - -_Capitulo septimo que trata de los llanos que se atrabesaron de bacas -y de las gentes que los habitan._ - -dicho abemos de lo poblado de altos que segun parese esta en el -comedio de la cordillera en lo mas llano y espaçioso de ella porque -tiene de atrabesia çiento y sinquenta leguas hasta entrar en la -tierra llana que esta entre las dos cordilleras digo la que esta a -la mar del norte y la que esta a la mar del sur que por esta costa -se podria mejor deçir a la mar de poniente esta cordillera es la que -esta a el mar del sur pues para entender como lo poblado que digo es -ba en el comedio de la cordillera digo que desde chichilticale que -es el principio de la trabesia a çibola ay ochenta leguas de çibola -que es el primer pueblo a cicuye que es el prostero en la trabesia -ay setenta leguas de cicuye a los llanos ay treinta leguas hasta el -prinçipio de ellos puede ser aberse atrabesado algo por trabesia o -a el sesgo por do parece aber mas tierra que si se atrabesara por -medio y pudiera ser mas dificultoso y aspero y esto no se puede biē -entender por la buelta que la cordillera haçe tras de su costa del -Ancon del rio del tizon. - -agora diremos de los llanos que es una tierra llana y espaçiosa que -tiene en anchura mas de quatro cientas leguas por aquella parte -entre las dos cordilleras la una la que atrabeso francisco uasques -coronado a la mar del sur y la otra la que atrabeso la gente de don -fernando de soto a la mar del norte entrando por la florida lo que -de estos llanos se bio todo era despoblado y no se pudo ber la otra -cordillera ni çerro ni çierra que tubiese de altura tres estados con -andar doçientas y sinquenta leguas por ellos atrechos se hallauan -algunas lagunas redondas como [p456] platos de un tiro de piedra de -ancho y mayores algunas dulçes y algunas de sal en estas lagunas ay -alguna yerba cresida fuera de ellas toda es muy chica de un geme y -menos es la tierra de hechura de bola que donde quiera que un hombre -se pone lo çerca el çielo a tiro de ballesta no tiene arboleda sino -en los rios que ay en algunas barrancas que son tam encubiertas que -hasta que estan a el bordo de ellas no son bistas son de tierra -muerta tienen entradas que haçen las bacas para entrar a el agua -que esta honda por estos llanos andan gentes como tengo dicho en la -primera parte en pos de las bacas haçiendo caça y adobãdo cueros para -lleuar a bender a los poblados los inbiernos porque ban a inbernar a -ellos cada compañia a donde mas çerca se halla unos a los poblados -de cicuye otros haçia quiuira otros haçia la florida a los poblados -que estan haçia aquella parte y puerto estan gentes que los llamā -querechos y teyas dan relaçion de grandes poblados y segun lo que -de estas gentes se bio y de otros que ellos daban notiçia que auia -por otras partes ella es harto mas gente que no la de los poblados -mas dispuesta y mayores hombres de guerra y mas temidos andan como -alarabes con sus tiendas y harrias de perros aparejados con lomillos -y en xalmas y sincha quando se les tuerçe la carga aullan llamando -quien los aderese comen esta gente la carne cruda y beben la sagre no -comen carne humana es gente amoroso y no cruel tienen fiel amistad -son muy entendidos por señas secan la carne a el sol cortandola -delgada como una oja y seca la muelen como harina para guardar y -haçer maçamorras para comer que con un puño que hechan en una olla se -hinche por que creçe mucho guisan lo con manteca que siempre procuran -traer quando matan la baca uaçian una gran tripa y hinchen la de -sangre y hechan la a el cuello para beber quando tienen sed quando an -abierto la pança de la baca aprietan para abajo la yerua mascada y -el sumo que queda arriba lo beben que diçen que esto da la sustançia -de el bientre abren las bacas por el lomo y deshaçen los por sus -coyunturas con un pedernal grande como un dedo atado en un palito cō -tanta façilidad como si fuese con una muy buena herramienta dando -les los filos en sus propios dientes es cosa de ber y de notar la -presteça con que lo haçen. - -ay por estos llanos muy gran cantidad de lobos que andā tras de las -bacas tienen el pelo blanco los sieruos son remendados de blanco el -pelo ancho y que muriendo ansi con la mano se pelan en caliente y -quedan como puerco pelado las liebres que son en gran numero andan -tan abobadas que yendo a cauallo las matan con las lanças esto es de -andar hechas entre las bacas de la gente de pie huyen. - - -_Capitulo ocho de quiuira y en que rumbo esta y la notiçia que dan._ - -quiuira es a el poniente de aquellas barrancas por el medio de la -tierra algo arrimada a la cordillera de la mar porque hasta quiuira -es tierra llana y alli se començan a ber algunas sierras la tierra -es muy poblada segun el principio de ella se bio ser esta tierra muy -aparente a la de [p457] españa en su manera de yeruas y frutas -ay siruelas como las de castilla ubas nueçes moras uallico y abena -poleo oregano lino en gran cantidad no lo benefficiā porque no saben -el uso de ello la gente es casi de la manera y traje de los teyas -tienen los pueblos a la manera como los de la nueba españa las casas -son redondas sin çerca tienen unos altos a manera de balbacoas por -baxo la techũbre adonde duermen y tienen sus aberes las techumbres -son de paja ay en su contorno otras prouincias muy pobladas en -grande numero de gente y aqui en esta prouinçia quedo un frayle que -se deçia fray ju^o de padilla y un español portugues y un negro y -un mestiso y siertos indios de la prouinçia de capothan de la nueba -españa a el frayle mataron porque se queria yr a la prouinçia de los -guas que eran sus enemigos el español escapo huyendo en una yegua y -despues aporto en la nueba españa saliendo por la uia de panuco los -indios de la nueba españa que yban con el frayle lo enterraron con -consentimiento de los matadores y se binieron en pos del español -hasta que lo alcançaron este español era portugues auia por nombre -campo. - -[Illustration: LXXXII. Facsimile of Pages of Castañeda’s Relacion - -From the Manuscript in the Lenox Library] - -el gran rio del espiritu santo que descubrio don fer^{do} de soto en -la tierra de la florida lleua sus corrientes de aquesta tierra pasa -por una prouinçia que se diçe arache segun alli tubo por noticia -berdadera que no se bieron sus naçimientos porque segun deçian bienen -de muy lejos tierra de la cordillera del sur de la parte que desagua -a los llanos y atrabiesa toda la tierra llana y rompe la cordillera -del norte y sale adonde lo nauegaron los de don fernando de soto esto -es mas de treçientas leguas de donde el ba a salir a la mar y por -esto y por las grandes acogidas que tiene sale tam poderosa a el mar -que an perdido la uista de la tierra y no el agua de ser dulçe. - -hasta esta tierra de quiuira fue lo ultimo que se bio y de lo que -ya puedo dar noticia o relaçion y agora me conbiene dar la buelta a -hablar del campo que dexe en tiguex reposando el inbierno para poder -pasar o bolber a buscar estos poblados de quiuira lo qual despues -no suçedio ansi porque fue dios seruido que estos descubrimientos -quedasen para otras gentes y que nos contentasemos los que alla -fuimos con deçir que fuimos los primeros que lo descubrimos y tubimos -notiçia de ello. - -como hercules conoçer el sitio adonde jullio çesar auia de fundar -a seuilla o hispales plega a el señor todo poderoso se sirua con -todo que sierto es que si su uoluntad fuera ni fran^{co} uasques -se bolbiera a la nueba españa tan sin causa ni raçon ni los de don -fernando de soto dexaran de poblar tan buena tierra como tenian y -tambien poblada y larga mayormente abiendo tenido como tubieron -notiçia de nuestro campo. [p458] - - -TERCERA PARTE COMO Y EN QUE SE TRATA AQUELLO QUE ACONTEÇIO A -FRANCISCO UASQUES CORONADO ESTANDO INBERNANDO Y COMO DEXO LA JORNADA -Y SE BOLBIO A LA NUEBA ESPAÑA.[95] - -_laus deo._ - - -_Capitulo primero como bino de Señora don pedro de touar con gente y -se partio para la nueba españa don garci lopes de cardenas._ - -en el fin de la primera parte de este libro diximos como francisco -uasques coronado buelto de quiuira auia ordenado de inbernar en -tiguex y benido el inbierno dar la buelta con todo su canpo para -descubrir todos aquellos poblados en estos comedios don pedro de -touar que como diximos auia ydo a sacar gente de la uilla de san -hieronimo llego con la gente que traya y a la berdad considerando que -pa ir en demanda de su general a la tierra del indio que llemauan -turco le conbenia lleuar buena gente no saco de alla los cediçiosos -ni reboltosos sino los mas exprimentados y mejores soldados hombres -de confiança que pudo y llegados a tiguex aunque hallaron alli el -campo no les plugo mucho por que benian ya el pico a el biento -creyendo hallar a el general en la tierra rica del indio que deçian -turco consolaronse con la esperança de la buelta que se auia de haçer -y biuian en gran plaçer y alegria con la esperanca de la buelta que -se auia de hacer y de que presto yria el campo a quiuira con don -pedro de touar binieron cartas de la nueba españa ansi del uirrey don -Antonio de mendoça como de particulares entre los quales dieron una -a don garçia lopes de cardenas en que le hiçieron saber la muerte -de un su hermano mayorazgo llamandole fuese a heredar a españa por -donde ubo liçençia y salio de tiguex con algunas otras personas que -ubieron liçençia para se yr a reposar a sus casas otros muchos se -quisieran yr que lo dexaron por no mostrar flaqueça procuraba en -estos comedios a pasiguar algunos pueblos de la comarca que estaban -no bien asentados y llamar a los de tiguex a paz y buscar alguna ropa -de la tierra porque andaban ya los soldados desnudos y mal tratados -llenos de piojos y no los podian agotar ni deshechar de si. - -el general francisco uasques coronado auia sido entre sus capitanes -y soldados el mas bien quisto y obedeçido capitan que podia auer -salido en indias y como la necesidad careçe de ley y los capitanes -que recogian la ropa la repartiesen mal tomando para si y sus amigos -y criados lo mejor y a los soldados se les repartiese el deshecho -comẽço a aber algunas murmuraçiones y desabrimentos unos por lo dicho -y otros por ber que algunos sobre salientes eran reseruados del -trabajo y de las uelas y mejor repartidos en lo que se repartia asi -de ropa como de bastimentos par do se cree praticaban y a no aber en -la tierra para que bolber a quiuira que no fue pequeña ocaçion para -lo de adelante como se uera. [p459] - - -_Capitulo segundo como cayo el general y se hordeno la buelta para la -nueba españa._ - -pasado que fue el inuierno se publico la buelta para quiuira y la -gente se comẽcaua a perçebir de las cosas necesarias y como ninguna -cosa esta en esta uida a la dispusiçion de los hombres sino a la -ordenaçion de dios todo poderoso fue su uoluntad que los n[=r]os no -se efectuasen y fue el caso quel general un dia de fiesta se salio a -holgar a cauallo como solia y corriendo parejas con el capitan don -rodrigo maldonado el yba en un poderoso cauallo y sus criados auian -le puesto una çincha nueba que del tiempo debia de estar podrida -en la carrera rebento y bino a caer de lado a la parte que yba don -rodrigo y a el pasar a el cansole el cauallo con el pie en la cabeça -de que llego a punto de muerte y su cura fue larga y temida. - -en este comedio quel estaba en la cama don garci lopes de cardenas -que auia salido para salir a la nueba españa bolbio de suya huyendo -que hallo despoblada la uilla y muerta la gente y cauallos y ganados -y llego a tiguex y sabida la triste nueba como el general estaba en -los terminos ya dichos no se lo osaron deçir hasta que estubiese sano -y al cabo y a que se lebantaua lo supo y sintio lo tanto que ubo de -tornar a recaer y por uentura para benir a haçer lo que hiço segun -despues se creyo y fue que como se bio de aquella suerte bino le a la -memoria que en salamanca un mathematico su amigo le auia dicho que -se auia de ber en tierras estrañas señor y poderoso y abia de dar un -cayda de que no se auia de poder leuantar y con esta inmaginaçion -de su muerte le dio deseo de boluer a morir a donde tenia muger y -hijos y como del mismo fiçico y su surujano que lo curaua y seruia -tambien de chismoso suprese las murmuraçiones que andaban entre los -soldados trato secreta y ocultamente con algunos caualleros de su -opinion pusieron en pratica la buelta de la nueua españa entre los -soldados haçiendo juntas y corrillos y que se hiciesen consultas y -lo pidiesen con sus alferes a el general cō carteles firmados de -todos sus soldados lo qual ellos trataron muy por entero y no fue -menester gastar mucho tienpo segun ya muchos lo tenian en uoluntad el -general mostro des que se lo pidieron que no lo queria haçer sino lo -confirmauan todos los caualleros y capitanes dando su pareçer firmado -y como algunos eran en ello dieron lo luego y aun persuadieron a -los otros a haçer lo mismo y ansi dieron pareçer que se deuian de -boluer a la nueba españa pues no se auia hallado cosa rica ni auia -poblado en lo descubrierto donde se pudiesen haçer repartimientos a -todo el campo y como les cogio las firmas luego se publico la buelta -para la nueua españa y como no puede aber cosa encubierta comēçose a -descubrir el trato doble y hallaronse muchos de los caualleros faltos -y corridos y procuraron por todas uias tornar a cobrar sus firmas del -general el qual las guardo tanto que no salia de una camara haçiendo -su dolençia muy mayor poniendo guardas en su persona y camara y de -noche en los altos a donde dormia con todo esto le hurtaron el cofre -y se dixo no hallaron en el sus firmas que las tenia en el colchon -[p460] por otro cabo se dixo que las cobraron ellos pidieron quel -general les diese sesenta hombres escogidos y que ellos quedarian y -sustentarian la tierra hasta que el uirrey les embiase socorro o a -llamar o que el general dexase el campo y escogiese sesenta hombres -con que se fuese pero los soldados ni de una ni de otra manera no -quisieron quedar lo uno por aber ya puesto la proa a la nueba españa -y lo otro por que bieron clara la discordia que se auia de leuantar -sobre quien auia de mandar los caualleros no se sabe si porque -auian jurado fidelidad o por tener creydo que los soldados no los -faboreçerian aunque agrabiados lo ubieron de su fin y pasar por lo -determinado aunque desde alli no obedeçian al general como solian y -el era dellos mal quisto y haçia caudal de los soldados y honraba los -que fue a benir a el efecto de lo quel queria y que se efetuase la -buelta de todo el campo. - - -_Capitulo terçero como se alço Suya y las causas que para ello dieron -los pobladores._ - -ya diximos en el capitulo pasado como don garcia lopes de cardenas -bolbio huyendo de suya desque hallo alçada la tierra y que de deçir -como y porque se despoblo a la aquella uilla lo qual paso como -contare y fue el caso que como ya en aquella uilla no auia quedado -sino la gente ruyn entereçada honbres reboltosos y sediciosos puesto -que quedaron algunos honrados en los cargos de republica y para -gouernar a los demas podia mas la maliçia de los ruynes y cada dia -hacian munipudios y tratos diciendo que estaban bendidos y no para -ser aprobechados pues en aquella tierra se mandaba por otra parte mas -aproposito de la nueba españa que no aquella estaua y ellos quedaban -casi por derecho y con esto mouidos sierta compañia haciendo caudillo -a un pedro de auila se amotinaron y fueron la buelta de culiacan -dexando a diego de alcaraz su capitan con poca gente doliente en -aquella uilla de sant hieronimo que no ubo quiẽ los pudiese seguir -para los apremiar a que bolbiesẽ en el camino en algunos pueblos -les mataron alguna gente y al cabo [Sidenote: saabedra] salieron a -culiacan adonde hernando arias de saya bendra los detubo entretenidos -con palabras porque aguardaba a juan gallego que auia de benir alli -con gente de la nueua españa y que los bolberia algunos temiendolo -que auia de ser se huyan de noche para la nueba españa diego de -alcaraz que auia quedado con poca gente y doliente aunque quisiera -no podia alli sustentarse por el peligro de la yerua mortal que por -alli usan traer los naturales los quales sintiendo la flaqueça de los -españoles ya no se dexaban tratar como solian abian se ya descubierto -antes desto mineros de oro y como estaban en tierra de guerra y no -tenian posibilidad no se labrauan estando en esta confuçion no se -dexaban de belar y recatar mas que solian. - -la uilla estaba poblada çerca de un rio pequeño y una noche a desora -bieron fuegos no usados ni acostumbrados que fue causa que doblaron -las uelas pero como en toda la noche no sintieron nada a la madrugada -se descuidarō y los enemigos entraron tan callados por el pueblo que -no [p461] fueron uistos hasta que andaban matando y robando algunas -gentes salieron a lo llano que tubieron lugar y a el salir hirieron -de muerte a el capitan y como algunos españoles se rehiçieron en -algunos cauallos bolbieron sobre los enemigos y socorrieron alguna -gente aunque fue poca y los enemigos se fueron con la presa sin -reçebir daño dexando muertos tres españoles y mucha gente de seruiçio -y mas de ueinto cauallos. - -los españoles que quedaron salieron aquel dia a pie sin cauallos -la buelta de culiacan por fuera de caminos y sin ningun bastimento -hasta llegar a los coraçones adonde aquellos indios los socorrieron -de bastimentos como amigos que siempre fueron y de alli cõ grandes -trabajos que pasaron llegaron a culiacan adonde hernandarias de -saabedra alcalde mayor los reçibio y hospedo lo mejor que pudo hasta -que juan gallego llego con el socorro que traya para pasar adelante -en busca del campo que no poco le peso se obiese despoblado aquel -paso creyendo quel campo estaba en la tierra rica que auia dicho el -indio que llamaron turco porque lo parecia en su aspeto. - - -_Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en la -tierra y el campo se aperçibio la buelta de mexico._ - -ya quel general francisco uasques uido que todo estaba pacifico y que -sus negoçios se auian encaminado a su uoluntad mando que para entrado -el mes de abril del año de quinientos y quarenta y tres estubiesen -todos aperçebidos para salir la buelta de la nueba españa. - -biendo esto un fray juan de padilla frayle de misa de la orden de los -menores y otro fray luis lego dixeron a el general que ellos querian -quedarse en aquella tierra el fray juan de padilla en quiuira porque -le parecia haria alli fructo su dotrina y el fray luis en cicuye -y para esto como era quaresma a la saçon predico un domingo aquel -sermon del padre de las compañas y fundo su proposito con autoridad -de la sagrada escritura y como su celo era combertir aquellas gentes -y traer los a la fe y como tubieron liçençia que para esto no era -menester embio el general con ellos una compañia que los sacasen -hasta cicuye donde se quedo el fray luis y el fray juan paso la -buelta de quiuira lleuando el portugues que diximos y el negro y el -mestiso y indios de la nueba españa con las guias que auia traydo -el general donde en llegando alla dentro de muy poco tiempo lo -martiriçaron como contamos en la segunda parte ca[~p] otauo y ansi se -puede creer murio martir pues su çelo era santo y bueno. - -el fray luis se quedo en cicuye no se a sabido del mas hasta oy aun -que antes quel campo saliese de tiguex lleuandole sierta cantidad -de obejas para que se le quedasen los que las llebauan toparon -acompañado de gente que andaba uiçitando otros pueblos que estaban a -quinçe y a ueinte leguas de cicuye y no dio poca buena esperanca que -estaba en graçia del pueblo y haria fruto su dotrina aũque se quexaba -que los uiejos lo desamparaban y creyo al fin lo matarian yo para -mi tengo que como era hombre de buena y santa uida n[~r]o señor lo -guardaria y daria [p462] gracia que conbirtiese algunas gentes de -aquellas y dexase despues de sus dias quien los administrase en la -fee y no es de creer otro cosa porque la gente de por alli es piadosa -y ninguna cosa cruel antes son amigos o enemigos de la crueldad y -guardan la fee y lealtad a los amigos. - -el general despachados los frayles temiendo no le dañase el traer -gente de aquella tierra a la nueba españa mādo quel seruiçio que los -soldados tenian de los naturales lo dexasen yr libres a sus pueblos -adonde quisiesen que a mi ber no lo a serto que mas ualiera se -dotrinaran entre christianos. - -andaba ya el general alegre y contento llegado el plaço y todos -probeydos de lo necesario para su jornada el campo salio de tiguex la -buelta de cibola aconteçio en este camino una cosa no poco de notar -y fue que con salir los cauallos exerçitados a el trabajo gordos -y hermosos en diez dias que se tardo en llegar a cibola murieron -mas de treinta que no ubo dia que no muriesen dos y tres y mas y -despues hasta llegar a culiacan murieron gran numero de ellos cosa no -aconteçida en toda la jornada. - -llegado que fue el campo a çibola se rehiço para salir por el -despoblado por ser alli lo ultimo de los poblados de aquella tierra -quedando toda aquella tierra pacifica y llana y que se quedaron -algunos amigos entre ellos de los nuestros. - - -_Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a culiacan -y lo que aconteçio en el camino._ - -dexando ya por popa podemos deçir los poblados que se auian -descubierto en la tierra nueba que como tengo dicho eran los siete -pueblos de cibola lo primero que se bio y lo prostero que se dexo -salio el campo caminando por el despoblado y en dos o tres jornadas -nunca dexaron los naturales de seguir el campo tras la retaguardia -por coger algun fardaje o gente de seruiçio porque aunque que dabā -de paz y auian sido buenos y le a les amigos todauia como bieron que -se les dexaba la tierra libre se holgauan de ber en su poder gente -de la nuestra a aunque se cre no para los enojar como se supo de -algunos que no quiseron yr con ellos que fueron de ellos inportunados -y rogados todauia lleuaron alguna gente y otros que se auian quedado -uoluntariamẽte de los quales el dia de oy abra buenas lenguas el -despoblado se camino sin contraste y como salieron en chichilticale -en la segunda jornada llego a el campo juan gallego que yba de la -nueba españa con socorro de gente y cosas neçesarias para el campo -pensando de lo hallar en la tierra del indio que llamaran turco y -como juan gallego bido que el canpo se bolbia la prime[ra] palabra -que dixo no fue deçir norabuena bengais y no lo sintio tan poco -que despues de aber hablado al general y llegados a el campo digo -a el aposento no ubiese algunos mobimientos en los caualleros con -aquel nuebo socorro que no con poco trabajo auian allegado tras ta -alli teniendo cada dia recuentros con los indios de aquellas partes -como se a dicho que estaban alcados ubo algunos tratos y platicas -de poblar por alli en alguna parte hasta dar relaçion a el [p463] -bisorey de lo que pasaba la gente de los soldados que uenian de la -tierra nueba a ninguna cosa daban consentimiento sino en bolber a la -nueba españa por donde no ubo efecto nada de lo que se proponia en -sus consultas y aunque ubo algunos alborotos al cabo se apasiaguarõ -yban con juan gallego algunos de los amotinados que despoblaron la -uilla de los coraçones asegurados por el y debajo de su palabra y -puesto que el general quisiera haçer algun castigo era poco su poder -porque ya era desobe desobedecido y poco acatado y de alli adelante -de nuebo començo a temer y haciase doliente andando con guarda en -algunas partes ubo algunas gritas y de indios y de heridos y muertes -de cauallos hasta llegar a batuco donde salieron a el campo indios -amigos del ualle del coraçon por ber a el general como amigos que -sienpre fueron y ansi auiā tratado a todos los españoles que por sus -tierras auian pasado probeyendoles en sus neçesidades de bastimentos -y gente si necesario era y ansi fueron de los n[=r]os siempre muy -bien tratados y gratificados en esta jornada se aprobo del agua -del menbrillo ser buena contra la yerba de estas partes porque en -un paso algunas jornadas antes de llegar a el ualle de señora los -indios enemigos hirieron a un español llamado mesa y con ser la -herida mortal de yerba fresca y tardarse mas de dos oras en curar con -el agua no murio puesto que quedolo que la yerba auia infiçionado -podrido y se cayo la carne hasta dexar los guesos y nierbos desnudos -con pestilençial hedor que fue la herida en la muñeca y auia llegado -la ponsoña hasta la espalda quando se uino a curar y todo esto -desamparo la carne. - -caminaba el campo sin tomar reposo porque ya en esta saçon auia -falta de bastimentos que como aquellas comarcas estaban alçadas -las bituallas no auia adonde las tomar hasta que llego a petlatlan -haçiendo algunas entradas en las trabesias por buscar bastimentos -patlatlan es de la prouinçia de culiacan y a esta causa estaba de paz -aunque despues aca a bido algunas nobedades alli descanso el campo -algunos dias por se basteçer y salidos de alli con mayor presteça que -de antes procuraron pasar aquellas treinta leguas que ay el ualle de -culiacan donde de nuebo los acogieron como gente que benia con su -gouernador mal tratado. - - -_Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan para dar quenta a -el uisorey del campo que le encargo._ - -ya parece que en aber llegado a el ualle de culiacan se da fin a los -trabajos de esta jornada lo uno por ser el general gouernador y lo -otro por estar en tierra de christianos y ansi se començaron luego -asentar algunos de la superioridad y dominio que sobre ellos tenian -sus capitanes y aun algunos capitanes de la obidencia del general y -cada uno haçia ya cabeça de su juego de manera que pasando el general -a la uilla que estaua de alli diez leguas mucha de la gente o la mas -de ella se le quedo en el ualle reposando y algunos con proposito -de no le seguir bien sintio el general que por uia de fuerça ya no -era poderoso [p464] aunque la autoridad de ser gouernador le daba -otra nueba autoridad determino llebar lo por otra mejor uia que -fue mandar prober a todos los capitanes de bastimentos y carne de -lo que auia en algunos pueblos que como gouernador estaban en su -cabeça y mostrose estar doliente haçiendo cama porque los que con el -ubiesen de negoçiar pudiesen hablarle o el con ellos mas libremente -sin enpacho ni obenpacion y no dexaba de embiar a llamar algunos -particulares amigos para les rogar y encargar hablasen a los soldados -y los animasen a salir de alli en su compañia la buelta de la nueba -españa y les dixesen lleuaba muy a cargo de los faboreçeran si con -el uisorey don Antonio de mendoça como en su gouernaçion a los que -con el quisiesen quedar en ella y desque ubo negociado salio con su -campo en tiempo reçio y principio de las aguas que era por san juan -en el qual tiempo lluebe brabamẽte y los rios de aquel despoblado que -se pasan hasta conpostela sõ muchos y muy peligrosos y caudalosos de -grandes y brauos lagartos en un rio de los quales estando asentado -el campo pasando un soldado de la una parte a la otra a bista de -todos fue arrebatado de un lagarto y llebado sin poder ser socorrido -el general camino dexando por todas partes gentes que no le querian -seguir y llego a mexico con menos de çien hombres a dar quenta a el -uisorey don Antonio de mendoça no fue del bien recebido aun que dio -sus descargos y desde alli perdio reputaçion y gouerno poco tiempo -la gouernaçion que se le auiã encargado de la nueba galiçia porque -el uisorey la tomo en si hasta que uino a el la audiençia como a el -presente lo ay y este fue el fin que ubieron aquellos descubrimientos -y jornada que se hiço de la tierra nueba. - -quedanos agora deçir por que uia se podria entrar y por mas derecho -camino en ella aunque digo que no ay atajo sin trabajo y siempre es -lo mejor lo que se sabe porque prebienen bien los hombres lo que -saben que a de benir y necesidades en que ya otra uez se bieron y -decir sea a que parte cae quiuira ques el rumbo que llebo el campo y -a qual parte cae la india mayor que era lo que se pretendia buscar -quando el campo salio para alla que agora por aber uillalobos -descubierto esta costa de la mar del sur que es por esta uia de -poniente se cognoçe y be claramente que se auia de bolber estando -como estabamos debajo del norte a el poniente y no haçia oriente como -fuimos y con esto dexaremos esta materia y daremos fin a este tratado -como ay a hecho relaçion de algunas cosas notables que dexe de contar -por las tratar particularmente en los dos capitulos siguientes. - - -_Capitulo septimo de las cosas que le aconteçieron al capitan Juan -gallego por la tierra alçada lleuando el socorro._ - -bien se sufrira pues en el capitulo pasado pase en silençio las -haçañas quel capitan juan gallego hiço con ueinte compañeros que -lleuabase diga en el presente capitulo para que en los tiempos -benideros los que lo leyeren y de ello dieren notiçia tengan autor -sierto con quien aprobar y que no escribe fabulas como algunas cosas -que en n[=r]os tiempos [p465] leemos en los libros de cauallerias -que si no fuese por lleuar aquellas fabulas de encãtamientos ay cosas -el dia de oy acontesidas en estas partes por n[=r]os españoles en -conquistas y recuentros abidos con los naturales que sobrepujan en -hechos de admiraçion no solo a los libros ya dichos sino a los que -se escriben de los doçe pares de françia porque tanteado y mirado la -fatales fuerças que los autores de aquellos tienpos les atribuyen -y las lucidas y resplandesientes armas de que los adornan y las -pequeñas estaturas de que agora son los hombres de n[=r]os tiempos -y las pocas y ruynes armas de en estas partes mas es de admirar las -cosas estrañas que con tales armas los n[=r]os acometen y hacen el -dia de oy que las que escribē de los antiguos pues tambien peleaban -ellos con gentes barbaras y desnudas como los n[=r]os con indios -donde no dexa de aber hombres que entre ellos sõ esforcados y -ualientes y muy çerteros flecheros pues le abemos uisto derribar las -aues que ban bolando y corriendo tras las liebres flecharlas todo -esto he dicho a el fin que algunas cosas que tenemos por fabulosas -pueden ser berdaderas y pues cada dia bemos en n[=r]os tiempos cosas -mayores como an sido las de don fer^{do} cortes en los benideros -tienpos que con tresientos hombres osa se entrar en el riñon de la -nueba españa donde tan grande numero de gentes como es mexico y con -quinientos españoles la acabase de ganar y señorear en dos años cosa -de grande admiraçion. - -los hechos de don pedro de aluarado en la conquista de guatimala y lo -de montejo en tabasco las conquistas de terra firme y del peru cosas -eran todas estas para que yo ubiera de callar y pasar en silençio lo -que agora quiero contar pero por que estoy obligado a dar relacion de -las cosas en esta jornada acontecidas e querido se sepan tambien las -que agora dire con las demas que tengo dicho. - -y es ansi quel capitan juan gallego llego a la uilla de culiacan con -bien poca gente y alli recogio la que pudo de la que se auia escapado -de la uilla de los coraçones o por mejor decir de suya que por todos -fueron ueinte y dos hombres y con estos camino por toda aquella -tierra poblada en que andubo doçientas leguas y de tierra de guerra -y gente alçada que auian estado ya en el amistad de los españoles -teniendo cada dia o poco menos recuentros con los enemigos y siempre -caminaua dexando atras el fardaje con las dos partes de las gentes -lleuando continuamente la auangardia con seis o siete españoles sin -otros amigos que los lleuaban entrando en los pueblos por fuerça -matando y destruyendo y poniendo fuego dando en los enemigos tam -de supito y con tanta presteça y denuedo que no les daban lugar a -que se juntasen ni entendiesen de suerte que eran tan temidos que -no auia pueblo que esperar los osase que ansi huyan de ellos como -de un poderoso exercito tanto que les aconteçio yr diez dias todo -por poblado que no tenian ora de descanso y todo lo haciã con siete -compañeros que quando llegaua el fardaje con toda la demas gente -no tenian en que entender saluo en robar que ya ellas auian muerto -y preso la gente que auian podido auer a las manos y la demas auia -huydo y como no paraban aunque los pueblos de [p466] adelante tenian -algun abiso eran con ellos tam presto que no les daban lugar a se -recoger en espeçial en aquella parte donde auia sido la uilla de los -coraçones que alli mato y ahorco buena cantidad de gente en castigo -de su rebelion y en todo esto no perdio compañero sin se lo hirieron -saluo uno que por despojar a un indio que casi estaba muerto le hirio -en el parpalo del ojo quando le ronpio el pelejo y por ser con yerba -obiera de morir sino fuera socorrido con el agua del membrillo y -perdio el ojo fueron tales estos hijos digo hechos que aquella gente -tendra en memoria todo quanto la uida les durare en espeçial quatro -o cinco indios amigos que salieron con ellos de los coraçones que -quedaron desto tam admirados que los tenian mas por cosa diuina que -humana y si como nro campo los topo no los topara obieran de llegar -a la tierra del indio que llamauan turco do yban encaminados y lo -pasaran sin riesgo segũ la buena orden y gouierno lleuaba y bien -dotrinada y exerçitada en la guerra de los quales algunos quedaron en -esta uilla de culiacan donde yo a el presente escribo esta relaçion y -notiçia a donde ansi ellos como yo y los demas que en esta prouincia -paramos no nos a faltado trabajos apasiguando y sustentando esta -tierra tomando rebeldes y biniendo en probeça y neçesidad y en esta -ora mas por estar la tierra mas probe y alcançada que nunca lo fue. - - -_Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas admirables que se -bieron en los llanos con la façion de los toros_. - -no sin misterio calle y dicimule en la segunda parte deste libro en -el capitulo septimo que habla de los llanos las cosas de que hare -mençion en este capitulo particular adonde se hallase todo junto -pues eran cosas señaladas y no uistas en otras partes y atrebome -a las escrebir porque escribo en tiempo que son oy biuos muchos -hombres que lo bieron y haran berdadera mi escriptura quien podra -crer que caminando por aquellos llanos mill cauallos y quinientas -uacas de las nuestras y mas de çinco mill carneros y obejas y mas -de mill y quinientas personas de los amigos y seruiçio que acabando -de pasar no dexaban mas rastro que si nunca por alli ubieran pasado -nadie tanto que era menester haçer montones de guesos y boñigas de -uacas a trechos para que la retaguardia guiase tras del canpo y no -se perdiesen la yerba aunque menuda en pisandola se enhiestaua tam -limpia y derecha como de antes lo estaba. - -otra cosa que se hallo a la orilla de una laguna de sal a la parte -del sur un grande ayuntamiento de guesos de uacas que tenia de largo -un tiro de ballesta o muy poquito menos y de esto casi dos estados en -partes y en ancho tres braças y mas en parte donde no ay gente que lo -pudiese haçer lo que de ello se entendio fue que con la reseca que -debe de haçer el lago o laguna en tiempo de nortes los a juntado de -el ganado que muere dentro en la laguna que de uiejo y flaco entrando -no puede salir lo que se a de notar es que numero de ganado seria -menester para tanta osamenta. [p467] - -[Illustration: LXXXIV. Facsimile of Pages of Castañeda’s Relacion - -From the Manuscript in the Lenox Library] - -pues querer contar la façion de los toros tambien es de admirar que -ningun cauallo ubo a los principios que los biese de cara que no -huyese de su bista porque ellos tienen el rrostro ancho y corto de -ojo a ojo dos palmos de frente los ojos salidos por el lado que yendo -huyendo ben a quien los sigue tienen barbas como cabrones muy grandes -quando huyen lleuan la cabeca baxa la barba arrastrando por el suelo -del medio cuerpo para atras son señidos el pelo muy merino como de -ouejas muy finas y de la sinta para adelante el pelo muy largo de -faicion de leon raspante y una grã corcoba mayor que de camello los -cuernos cortos y gordos que se descubren poco por cima del pelo -mudan el pelo de medio cuerpo atras por mayo en un bellon y quedan -perfectos leones para mudarse arrimã a algunos arboles pequeños que -ay en algunas barranquillas y alli se rrefriegan hasta que dexan el -bellon como la culebra el pelejo tienen la cola corta y un pequeño -y sopo a el cabo lleuan la quando corren alta a manera de alacrã es -cosa de ber que quando son beçerricos son bermejos y de la manera de -los nuestros y con el tiempo y la edad se mudan en color y faiçion. - -ay otra cosa que todos los toros que se mataron tenian a la oreja -isquierda hendida teniendolas sanas quando chiquitos este fue un -secreto que no se pudo alcançar la causa de ello de la lana segun la -finesa se harian buenos paños aunque no de colores por ser ella de -color de buriel. - -otra cosa es de notar que andan los toros sin bacas en tanto numero -que no ay quien los pueda numerar y tam apartados de las uacas que -desde donde començamos a ber toros jasta adonde començamos a ber -uacas auia mas de quarenta leguas y la tierra adonde andaban era tan -llana y esconbrada que por do quiera que los mirasen se bia el cielo -por entre las piernas de suerte que si estaban algo lejos pareçian -escombrados pinos que juntaban las copas por lo alto y si un solo -toro estaba pareçia quatro pinos y por serca que estubiese no se -podia mirando por encima ber tierra de la otra parte causaba todo -esto ser la tierra tam redonda que do quiera que un hombre se ponia -pareçia que estaba en la cumbre y uia el çielo a el rededor de si a -tiro de ballesta y por poca cosa que se le ponia delante le quitaba -la uista de la tierra. - -otras cosas se bieron que por no ser de tanta calidad no las escribo -ni hago de ellas minçion aunque no parece es de callar el tener como -tienen en beneraçion en algunas partes de los poblados de altos la -señal de la cruz por que en acuco en una fuente que estaba en lo -llano tenian una cruz de dos palmos de alto de gordor de un dedo -hecha de palo con su peña de una uara de quadro y muchos palitos -adornados de plumas a el rededor y muchas flores secas desmenuçadas. - -en tutahaco en un sepulcro fuera del pueblo parecia aber se enterrado -en el frescamente alguien estaua otra cruz a la cabeçera de dos -palitos atados con hilo de algodon y flores desmenusadas secas yo -digo que a mi pareçer por alguna uia tienen alguna lunbre de cruz de -christo nuestro redentor y podria ser por la uia de la india de do -ellos proçeden. [p468] - - -_Capitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se podria -yr a buscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de boluer aquella -tierra._ - -mucho quisiera yo agora que para dar a entender lo que quiero deçir -ubiera en mi alguna parte de cosmografia o jumetria para que pudiera -tantear o compasar la bentaja que puede aber y ay si otra uez -saliesen de la nueba españa gentes en demanda de aquella tierra en yr -alla por el riñon de la tierra o seguir el camino quel campo llebo -pero ayudandome la graçia del señor dire lo que alcanso dandolo a -entender lo mejor que a mi sea posible. - -ya me pareçe que se tiene entendido quel portugues campo fue el -soldado que se escapo quando los de quiuira mataron a fray juan de -padilla el quel uino a salir a la nueba españa por panuco abiendo -andado por la tierra de los llanos hasta que uino atrabesar la -cordillera de la mar del norte dexando siempre la tierra que -descubrio don hernando de soto sobre mano isquierda porque este -nombre nunca bio el rio del espiritu santo y quando bino acabar de -atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte cayo sobre panuco de -manera que si no se pusiera a demandar por la mar del norte ubiera de -salir por la comarca de la marca o tierra de los sacatecas de que ya -agora se tiene lumbre. - -y para aber de boluer en demanda de quiuira seria aquella uia harto -mejor y mas derecha pues ay guias en la nueba españa de las que -binieron con el portugues aunque digo que seria mejor y mas derecho -por la tierra de los guachichules arrimandose siempre a la cordillera -de la mar del sur porque es mas poblada y abria bastimento porque -engolfarse en la tierra llana seria perderse por la gran anchura -que tiene y ser esteril de comidas aunque sea berdad que dando en -las uacas no se pasaria mucha necesidad y esto es solamente para yr -en demanda de quiuira y de aquellos pueblos que decia el indio que -llemauan turco porque yr por donde fue el campo de franc^{co} uasques -coronado el grandissimo rodeo porque salen de mexico a el poniente -siento y diez leguas y despues a el nordeste cien leguas y a el norte -docientas y sinquenta y todo esto es hasta los barrancos de las uacas -y con aber andado ochoçientas y sinquenta leguas por rumbo derecho -no se an desbiado de mexico quatro sientas leguas si es querer yr a -la tierra de tiguex para desde alli bolber a el poniente en demanda -de la tierra de la india a se de lleuar el camino quel campo llebo -porque aunque se quiera tomar otro camino no lo ay que no da lugar -el ancon de mar que entra por esta costa adentro hacia el norte sino -es que se ubiese de hacer armada de mar que fuese atrabesando este -ancon de mar a desembarcar en el paraje de la isla de negros y por -alli entrar la tierra adentro atrabesando la cordillera en busca de -la tierra do proçeden los de tiguex o de otras gentes que tengan -aquella poliçia porque aber de entrar por tierra de la florida por la -mar del norte ya se a uisto y conosido que quantas jornadas por alli -se an hecho an sido infeliçes y no bien afortunadas allende de ques -la tierra de aquella parte llena de cienegas y ahogadiça esteril y la -mas mala que calienta el sol sino ban [p469] a desembarcar pasado -el rio del espiritu santo como hiço don hernando de soto y con todo -me afirmo que aunque se pase mucho trabajo es lo mejor por la tierra -que aya andado y se sepan los aguajes porque se lleuauan las cosas -necesarias con mas façilidad y mas abundosamente y en las tierras -nueuas los cauallos es lo mas neçesario y lo que mas haçe temer a -los enemigos y los que son señores del campo tambien es temida el -artilleria donde no saben el uso de ella y para poblados como los que -fran^{co} uasques descubrio fuera buena alguna pieça de artilleria -gruesa para derribar porque el no llebo sino uersillos menores y no -hombre ingenioso para que hiciese un trabuco ni otra maquina que los -atemorisas el qual es muy necesario. - -digo pues que con la lunbre que el dia de oy se tiene de los rumbos -que an corrido los nauios por esta costa de la mar del sur an andado -descubriẽdo por esta parte de poniẽte y lo que se sabe de la mar -del norte haçia la nuruega ques la costa de la florida arriba los -que agora entrasen a descubrir por donde fran^{co} uasques entro -y se hallasen en tierra de çibola o de tiguex bien sabrian a que -parte auiã de yr en demanda de la tierra quel marques del ualle -don hernando cortes buscaba y la buelta que da el ancon del tiçon -para tomar el rumbo berdadero y esto bastara para dar fin a nuestra -relaçion en todo lo demas probe a aquel poderoso señor de todas las -cosas dios omnipotente quel sabe el como y quando estas tierras seran -descubiertas y para quien esta guardada esta buena uentura. - - _laus deo._ - -Acabose de tresladar sabado a ueinte y seis de otubre de mill y -quinientos y nouẽta y seis anos en seuilla. [470] - - -TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA - - Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year - 1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies and customs, - are described. Written by Pedro de Castañeda of Najera.[96] - - -PREFACE - -To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy -ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for -posterity correct information concerning the things that have -happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not -blame those inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions, -have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I -clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different -things that have been commonly related concerning the events and -occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or -the New Land, which the good viceroy—may he be with God in His -glory[97]—Don Antonio de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on which -he sent Francisco Vazquez de Coronado as captain-general. In truth, -they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most people -very often make things of which they have heard, and about which they -have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or less than they -are. They make nothing of those things that amount to something, and -those that do not they make so remarkable that they appear to be -something impossible to believe. This may very well have been caused -by the fact that, as that country was not permanently occupied, there -has not been anyone who was willing to spend his time in writing -about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was lost of that -which it was not the pleasure of God—He alone knows the reason—that -they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to employ himself thus -in writing out the things that happened on the expedition, and the -things that were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies and customs -of the natives, will have matter enough to test his judgment, and -I believe that the result can not fail to be an account which, -describing only the truth, will be so remarkable that it will seem -incredible. [p471] - -And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that -expedition took place have been the cause of some stories which are -related. For example, some make it an uninhabitable country, others -have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India, -which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to -give any basis upon which to found their statements. There are those -who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are contradicted by -others who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing -of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits of the provinces -and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what -pertains to one people to others. All this has had a large part, my -very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, although somewhat -late, a short general account for all those who pride themselves on -this noble curiosity, and to save myself the time taken up by these -solicitations. Things enough will certainly be found here which are -hard to believe. All or the most of these were seen with my own eyes, -and the rest is from reliable information obtained by inquiry of -the natives themselves. Understanding as I do that this little work -would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, unless it were favored -and protected by a person whose authority would protect it from -the boldness of those who, without reverence, give their murmuring -tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great are the obligations -under which I have always been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg -to submit this little work to your protection. May it be received -as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will be divided into -three parts, that it may be better understood. The first will tell -of the discovery and the armament or army that was made ready, and -of the whole journey, with the captains who were there; the second, -of the villages and provinces which were found, and their limits, -and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and vegetation, and -in what parts of the country these are; the third, of the return -of the army and the reasons for abandoning the country, although -these were insufficient, because this is the best place there is -for discoveries—the marrow of the land in these western parts, as -will be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable -things which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by -which, one might more easily return to discover that better land -which we did not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter -the country through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don -Fernando Cortes, went in search of under the Western star, and which -cost him no small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor -me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able -by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned -and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your grace. For my -intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician, -but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this slight service -to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a faithful -servant and soldier, who took part in [p472] it. Although, not in -a polished style, I write that which happened—that which I heard, -experienced, saw, and did. - -I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we -have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without -hindrance, we do not value or prize it as highly as if we understood -how much we would miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we -continue to have it the less we value it; but after we have lost it -and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and -we are all the time imagining and trying to find ways and means by -which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to -all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year -of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in -search of the Seven Cities. Granted that they did not find the riches -of which they had been told, they found a place in which to search -for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, so as -to go on farther from there. Since they came back from the country -which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to -understand the direction and locality in which they were, and the -borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts -weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see -more at the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they -are around in the ring,[98] now when they know and understand the -direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that -they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they -enjoy telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that -they lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went -there. They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time -to no advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who -came back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it -would be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while -others enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all. -And now I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning. - - -FIRST PART. - - -_Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about -the Seven Cities, and of how Nuño de Guzman made an expedition to -discover them._ - -In the year 1530 Nuño de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,[99] -had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of -Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he -was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little -boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to -trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large -amount of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that -country. He [p473] went with him once or twice, and saw some very -large villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had -seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It -took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness -in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span -high. The way they went was up through the country between the two -seas, following the northern direction. Acting on this information, -Nuño de Guzman got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly -Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed -Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into -the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North -sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for, -which was already named “The Seven Cities.”[100] He thought, from -the forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found -to be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross -the country. Omitting several things that occurred on this journey, -as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his -government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they -tried to cross the country, but found the difficulties very great, -because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that -it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that -region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Culiacan for -so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who -had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, and every day became -more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuño de Guzman received word -that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from -Spain with his new title,[101] and with great favors and estates, and -as Nuño de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was -president,[102] and had done much damage to his property and to that -of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay -him back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the -town of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without -doing anything more. After his return from this expedition, he -settled at Xalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and -at Tonala, which is called Guadalaxara,[103] and now this is the -New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was called Tejo, -died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities and -the search for them remains until now, since they have not been -discovered.[104] [p474] - - -_Chapter 2, of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be governor, and -the second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave._ - -Eight years after Nuño de Guzman made this expedition, he was put in -prison by a juez de residencia,[105] named the licentiate Diego de la -Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this.[106] -After the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of -that country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New -Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de -Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the -city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and -at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His -Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I -was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he -was traveling through New Spain as an official visitor, and in this -way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went -on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three -Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, -and a negro, who had been lost on the expedition which Pamfilo de -Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico.[107] They came out through -Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who -wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza -de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King -of Spain and our sovereign.[108] They gave the good Don Antonio de -Mendoza an account of some large and powerful villages, four and five -stories high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries -they had crossed, and other things very different from what turned -out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new -governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this, -and hurried his departure for his government, taking with him the -negro who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the -order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice, -a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the -other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of -Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned and the negro, who was -named Stephen, off in search of that country, because Friar Marcos -offered to go and see it, because he had been in Peru at the time -Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems that, after the -friars I have mentioned and the negro had started, the negro did -not get on well with the friars, because he took the women that -were given him and collected turquoises, and got together a stock -of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through which -they went got along with the negro better, because they had seen him -before. This was the reason he was sent [p475] on ahead to open up -the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along -they had nothing to do except to keep an account of the things for -which they were looking. - - -_Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and Friar -Marcos returned in flight._ - -After Stephen had left the friars, he thought he could get all -the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover -those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be -considered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who -had followed him, and succeeded in crossing the wilderness which lies -between the country he had passed through and Cibola. He was so far -ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is -on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is 80 -leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the -wilderness, and 80 across the desert, which makes 300, or perhaps -10 more or less. As I said, Stephen reached Cibola loaded with the -large quantity of turquoises they had given him and several pretty -women who had been given him. The Indians who accompanied him carried -his things. These had followed him from all the settlements he had -passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the -whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country -were more intelligent than those who followed Stephen, they lodged -him in a little hut they had outside their village, and the older -men and the governors heard his story and took steps to find out -the reason he had come to that country. For three days they made -inquiries about him and held a council. The account which the negro -gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great -lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were coming -to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a -spy or a guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them, -because it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were -white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them, -he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard -of him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to -kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went -with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others, -about 60 persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who -were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come -upon the friars in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and told them -the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even -trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs -they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy -vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches, -prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except -what the Indians told them. [p476] - - -_Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza, made an -expedition to discover Cibola._ - -After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had sent Friar Marcos of Nice and -his party on the search already related, he was engaged in Culiacan -about some business that related to his government, when he heard -an account of a province called Topira,[109] which was to the north -of the country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with -several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not -get very far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross -were very difficult. He returned without finding the least signs of -a good country, and when he got back, he found the friars who had -just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro -Stephen had discovered and what they had heard from the Indians, and -other things they had heard about the South sea and islands and other -riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set off at -once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell -the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important by not -talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, under -promise of the greatest secrecy, until after he had reached Mexico -and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then he began to announce that they -had really found the Seven Cities, which Nuño de Guzman had tried to -find, and for the conquest of which he had collected a force. The -noble viceroy arranged with the friars of the order of Saint Francis -so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as a result of which -the pulpits of that order were filled with such accounts of marvels -and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New -Spain collected in a few days.[110] There were so many men of such -high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble body was never -collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in such a small -body, there being 300 men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of -New Galicia, was captain-general, because he had been the author of -it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this time -Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, and -because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent, -besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to -the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was -placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at -least, more to the honor he had and might secure from having such -gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they -did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not -know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. [p477] - - -_Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola._ - -When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble company -had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had -all presented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he would -have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army; -but as the whole number was small he could not do as he would have -liked, and so he appointed the captains and officers, because it -seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, as he was so well -obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements. -After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro -de Tovar ensign general, a young gentleman who was the son of Don -Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward of the Queen -Doña Juana, our demented mistress—may she be in glory—and Lope de -Samamego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico,[111] a gentleman -fully equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tristan -de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara -and nephew of the Count of Oñate; Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas; Don -Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the Infantado; Diego -Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the cavalry. All -the other gentlemen were placed under the flag of the general, as -being distinguished persons, and some of them became captains later, -and their appointments were confirmed by order of the viceroy and by -the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them whom I happen -to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gentleman from -Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and -Melchior Diaz—a captain who had been mayor of Culiacan, who, although -he was not a gentleman, merited the position he held. The other -gentlemen, who were worthy substitutes, were Don Alonso Manrique -de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon; Gomez Suarez -de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan de Sotomayor, Francisco -Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other gentlemen, men of -high quality, whom I do not now recall.[112] The infantry captain -was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de -Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have -forgotten the names of many good fellows. It would be well if I could -name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause I -had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant -company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands. -But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain -estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not -the least causes for what was to happen. [p478] - - -_Chapter 6, of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set -off on the journey in good order._ - -When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged -everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had -been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest -of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need. And -as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly -Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he -ordered them to assemble at the city of Compostela, the chief city -in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they -could begin their journey there with everything in good order. There -is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all -finally assembled at Compostela by shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen -hundred and) forty-one.[113] After the whole force had left Mexico, -he ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon to set sail with two ships that were -in the port of La Natividad on the South sea coast, and go to the -port of Xalisco to take the baggage which the soldiers were unable -to carry,[114] and thence to sail along the coast near the army, -because he had understood from the reports that they would have to -go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could find -the harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always -get news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and -so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned it lost it, -as will be told farther on. After the viceroy had completed all -his arrangements, he set off for Compostela, accompanied by many -noble and rich men. He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and) -forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of -Michoacan, and from there he crossed the whole of New Spain, taking -much pleasure in enjoying the festivals and great receptions which -were given him, till he reached Compostela, which is, as I have -said, 110 leagues. There he found the whole company assembled, being -well treated and entertained by Christobal de Oñate, who had the -whole charge of that government for the time being. He had had the -management of it and was in command of all that region when Francisco -Vazquez was made governor.[115] All were very glad when he arrived, -and he made an examination of the company and found all those whom -we have mentioned. He assigned the captains to their companies, and -after this was done, on the next day, after they had all heard mass, -captains and soldiers together, the viceroy made them a very eloquent -short speech, telling them of the fidelity they owed to their general -and showing them clearly the benefits which this expedition might -afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as in the profit -of those who should conquer the territory, and the [p479] advantage -to His Majesty and the claim which they would thus have on his favor -and aid at all times. After he had finished, they all, both captains -and soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gospels in a Missal that -they would follow their general on this expedition and would obey him -in everything he commanded them, which they faithfully performed, as -will be seen. The next day after this was done, the army started off -with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went with them for -two days, and there he took leave of them, returning to New Spain -with his friends.[116] - - -_Chapter 7, of how the army reached, Chiametla, and the killing of the -army-master, and the other things that happened up to the arrival at -Culiacan._ - -After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army continued its -march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and -[p480] all did not know how to fasten the packs, and as the horses -started off fat and plump, they had a good deal of difficulty and -labor during the first few days, and many left many valuable things, -giving them to anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of -carrying them. In the end necessity, which is all powerful, made them -skillful, so that one could see many gentlemen become carriers, and -anybody who despised this work was not considered a man. With such -labors, which they then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla, -where it was obliged to delay several days to procure food. During -this time the army-master, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some -soldiers to find food, and at one village, a crossbowman having -entered it indiscreetly in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him -through the eye and it passed through his brain, so that he died on -the spot.[117] They also shot five or six of his companions before -Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, since the commander was dead, -collected the men and sent word to the general. He put a guard in -the village and over the provisions. There was great confusion in -the army when this news became known. He was buried here. Several -sorties were made, by which food was obtained and several of the -natives taken prisoners. They hanged those who seemed to belong to -the district where the army-master was killed. - -It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan with -Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the news, -as already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and -Juan de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan -and verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and -went as far as Chichilticalli, which is where the wilderness begins, -220 leagues from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding -anything important. They reached Chiametla just as the army was -ready to leave, and reported to the general. Although the bad news -was kept as secret as possible, some things leaked out which did not -seem to add luster to the facts.[118] Friar Marcos, noticing that -some were feeling disturbed, cleared away these clouds, promising -that what they would see should be good, and that the army was on -the way to a country where their hands would be filled, and in this -way he quieted them so that they appeared well satisfied. From there -the army marched to Culiacan, making some detours into the country -to seize provisions. They were two leagues from the town of Culiacan -at Easter vespers, when the [p481] inhabitants came out to welcome -their governor and begged him not to enter the town till the day -after Easter. - - -_Chapter 8, of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the -reception it received, and other things which happened before the -departure._ - -When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to -go to the town and, as they approached, the inhabitants of the town -came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up in ranks -as if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of artillery -in position, making a show of defending their town. Some of our -soldiers were with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began -a skirmish with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been -fired they were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by -force of arms, which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, except -for the artilleryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered -them to fire before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After -the town was taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the -townspeople, who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all -the gentlemen and people of quality who were with the army into their -own apartments, although they had lodgings prepared for them all -just outside the town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid -for this hospitality, because all had started with fine clothes -and accouterments, and as they had to carry provisions on their -animals after this, they were obliged to leave their fine stuff, -so that many preferred giving it to their hosts instead of risking -it on the sea by putting it in the ship that had followed the army -along the coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After -they arrived and were being entertained in the town, the general, -by order of the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra, -uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Castellar, formerly -mayor of Seville, as his lieutenant and captain in this town. The -army rested here several days, because the inhabitants had gathered -a good stock of provisions that year and each one shared his stock -very gladly with his guests from our army. They not only had plenty -to eat here, but they also had plenty to take away with them, so that -when the departure came they started off with more than six hundred -loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians and the servants—more -than a thousand persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general -started ahead with about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and -most of the Indian allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him -a fortnight later, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his -lieutenant. - -At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing happened -to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. A young -soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision -while he was bathing in the river which seemed to be something -extraordinary,[119] [p482] so that he was brought before the -general, whom he gave to understand that the devil had told him that -if he would kill the general, he could marry his wife, Doña Beatris, -and would receive great wealth and other very fine things. Friar -Marcos of Nice preached several sermons on this, laying it all to the -fact that the devil was jealous of the good which must result from -this journey and so wished to break it up in this way. It did not -end here, but the friars who were in the expedition wrote to their -convents about it, and this was the reason the pulpits of Mexico -proclaimed strange rumors about this affair. - -The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on -the expedition, which was what he was after when he made up that -falsehood, judging from what afterward appeared to be the truth. The -general started off with the force already described to continue his -journey, and the army followed him, as will be related. - - -_Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of -the general at Cibola and of the army at Señora and of other things -that happened._ - -The general, as has been said, started to continue his journey from -the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking with him -the friars, since none of them wished to stay behind with the army. -After they had gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass, -named Friar Antonio Victoria, broke his leg, and they brought him -back from the camp to have it doctored. He stayed with the army -after this, which was no slight consolation for all. The general -and his force crossed the country without trouble, as they found -everything peaceful, because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some -of the others who had been with Melchior Diaz when he went with -Juan de Saldibar to investigate. After the general had crossed the -inhabited region and came to Chichilticalli, where the wilderness -begins, and saw nothing favorable, he could not help feeling somewhat -downhearted, for, although the reports were very fine about what -was ahead, there was nobody who had seen it except the Indians who -went with the negro, and these had already been caught in some lies. -Besides all this, he was much affected by seeing that the fame of -Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumble-down house without any -roof, although it appeared to have been a strong place at some former -time when it was inhabited, and it was very plain that it had been -built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers who had come from -a distance. This building was made of red earth. From here they went -on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days came to a river about -8 leagues from Cibola, which they called Red river,[120] because -its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they found mullets -like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country were seen -here—two of them, who ran away to give the news. During [p483] the -night following the next day, about 2 leagues from the village, some -Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the men were ready -for anything, some were so excited that they put their saddles on -hind-side before; but these were the new fellows. When the veterans -had mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. None of them -could be caught because they knew the country. - -The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and when -they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were the curses -that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from -them. - -It is a little, unattractive village, looking as if it had been -crumpled all up together. There are mansions in New Spain which make -a better appearance at a distance.[121] It is a village of about 200 -warriors, is three and four stories high, with the houses small and -having only a few rooms, and without a courtyard. One yard serves -for each section. The people of the whole district had collected -here, for there are seven villages in the province, and some of the -others are even larger and stronger than Cibola. These folks waited -for the army, drawn up by divisions in front of the village. When -they refused to have peace on the terms the interpreters extended to -them, but appeared defiant, the Santiago[122] was given, and they -were at once put to flight. The Spaniards then attacked the village, -which was taken with not a little difficulty, since they held the -narrow and crooked entrance. During the attack they knocked the -general down with a large stone, and would have killed him but for -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw -themselves above him and drew him away, receiving the blows of the -stones, which were not few. But the first fury of the Spaniards could -not be resisted, and in less than an hour they entered the village -and captured it. They discovered food there, which was the thing -they were most in need of.[123] After this the whole province was at -peace.[124] [p484] - -The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to -follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on -their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded. -With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which -Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here -offered him many hearts of animals.[125] He founded a town here and -named it San Hieronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts). -After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up -here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been -called Señora.[126] The Spaniards call it Señora, and so it will be -known by this name. - -From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the -harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who -was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find -them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that -the best man in the army reached only to his chest. It was said that -other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains ceased -the army went on to where the town of Señora was afterward located, -because there were provisions in that region, so that they were able -to wait there for orders from the general. - -About the middle of the month of October,[127] Captains Melchior Diaz -and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his way to New -Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in command -of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast in search -of the ships. - - -_Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Señora, leaving -it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to -Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and -how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) river._ - -After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of -Señora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola; -that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with 80 -men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the -viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he -did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that -his report had [p485] turned out to be entirely false, because the -kingdoms that he had told about had not been found, nor the populous -cities, nor the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he -had reported, nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been -proclaimed from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who -were to remain were selected and the rest loaded their provisions and -set off in good order about the middle of September on the way to -Cibola, following their general. - -Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest men, -and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and strife, -because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the -most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego de Alcaraz, a man -unfitted to have people under his command. He took guides and went -toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. After going -about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly tall and -strong men—like giants. They are naked and live in large straw cabins -built underground like smoke houses, with only the straw roof above -ground. They enter these at one end and come out at the other. More -than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one cabin.[128] When -they carry anything, they can take a load of more than three or four -hundredweight on their heads. Once when our men wished to fetch a -log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one of these -Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms, put it -on his head alone, and carried it very easily.[129] They eat bread -cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile. -On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in the -hand when they go from one place to another, with which they warm the -other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep shifting -it every now and then.[130] On this account the large river which is -in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand river). It is a -very great river and is more than 2 leagues wide at its mouth; here -it is half a league across. Here the [p486] captain heard that there -had been ships at a point three days down, toward the sea. When he -reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than 15 -leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found written -on a tree: “Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at the -foot of this tree.” He dug up the letters and learned from them how -long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone -back with the ships to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed -farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of -the Marquis,[131] which is called California, and it was explained -that California was not an island, but a point of the mainland -forming the other side of that gulf. - -After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river, -without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to -the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone -five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts. -For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives, -who were waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on -our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they -helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch -them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them -that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being -made, a soldier who had been out around the camp saw a large number -of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till -the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian -was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they -tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These -were, that when our men were crossing and part of them had got over -and part were on the river and part were waiting to cross, those who -were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the -rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river. -If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength -and power, the attempt would have succeeded. - -When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had confessed -the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the -river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they -were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected -them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but -when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded -them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they -had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of -them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right, -the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and -the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to -continue their journey.[132] [p487] - -To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on: -Everything went along in good shape, since the general had left -everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region -to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were -ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity -of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of -preserves.[133] They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men -of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and -fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if -they had wished. This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. After this -they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The -men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving -this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large -bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when -they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge -of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could -not catch them and had to leave them.[134] - -Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn on the -bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully, -which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see, -for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man’s thigh. -It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other -animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was -about a day’s march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in -the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad -combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some -caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who -were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were -in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it -was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered -much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking. -After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was -waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were -reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover -other provinces. - - -_Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or -Tutahaco[135] and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand -river and the other things that had happened._ - -While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being -at peace, the General Francisco Vazquez found out from the people of -the [p488] province about the provinces that lay around it, and got -them to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come -into the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to -find out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see -the strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how -to communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed -him about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs, -although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these -people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues -from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike. - -The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with -seventeen horsemen and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de Padilla, -a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went -with them. When they reached the region, they entered the country so -quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements -or farms between one village and another and the people do not leave -the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time, -when they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce -people, who traveled on animals which ate people. This information -was generally believed by those who had never seen horses, although -it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after -nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under the edge of the -village, where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in -the morning they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while -the natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden -clubs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was -given a chance to speak to them and give them due warning, for they -were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew lines and -insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their -village.[136] While they were talking, some men acted as if they -would cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself -and struck a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club. -Friar Juan, fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking -with them, said to the captain: “To tell the truth, I do not know -why we came here.” When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago -so suddenly that they ran down many Indians and the others fled to -the town in confusion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this, -so quickly did the people in the village come out with presents, -asking for peace.[137] The captain ordered his force to collect, and, -as the natives did not do any more harm, he and those who were with -him found a place to establish their headquarters near the village. -They had dismounted here when the natives came peacefully, saying -that they had come to give in the submission of the whole province -and that they wanted him to be friends with them and to accept the -presents which they gave him. [p489] This was some cotton cloth, -although not much, because they do not make it in that district. -They also gave him some dressed skins and corn meal, and pine nuts -and corn and birds of the country. Afterward they presented some -turquoises, but not many. The people of the whole district came -together that day and submitted themselves, and they allowed him to -enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell, and barter with them. - -It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They -have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the -information about a large river, and that several days down the river -there were some people with very large bodies. - -As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned -from there and gave this information to the general, who dispatched -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions to go to -see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan and was -entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his journey. -They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go -through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which -the Indians said was more than twenty days’ journey. After they -had gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which -seemed to be more than 3 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed -between them.[138] This country was elevated and full of low twisted -pines, very cold, and lying open toward the north, so that, this -being the warm season, no one could live there on account of the -cold. They spent three days on this bank looking for a passage down -to the river, which looked from above as if the water was 6 feet -across, although the Indians said it was half a league wide. It was -impossible to descend, for after these three days Captain Melgosa and -one Juan Galeras and another companion, who were the three lightest -and most agile men, made an attempt to go down at the least difficult -place, and went down until those who were above were unable to keep -sight of them. They returned about 4 oclock in the afternoon, not -having succeeded in reaching the bottom on account of the great -difficulties which they found, because what seemed to be easy from -above was not so, but instead very hard and difficult. They said that -they had been down about a third of the way and that the river seemed -very large from the place which they reached, and that from what they -saw they thought the Indians had given the width correctly. Those who -stayed above had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the -cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a man, but those who went down -swore that when they reached these rocks they were bigger than the -great tower of Seville. They did not go farther up the river, because -they could not get water. Before this they had had to go a league or -two inland every day late in the evening in order to find water, and -the guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not -be possible [p490] to go on, because there was no water within three -or four days, for when they travel across this region themselves they -take with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds -of water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this, -they travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accomplish. - -This was the Tison (Firebrand) river, much nearer its source than -where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same -kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came -back from this point and the expedition did not have any other -result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and -learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were -hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this -and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were -there. They gave the general a written account of what they had -seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez -as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province remained -peaceful, since they were never visited again, nor was any attempt -made to find other peoples in that direction. - - -_Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the -Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows._ - -While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola -from a village which was 70 leagues east of this province, called -Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes (Whiskers) by -our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a tall, well-built -young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the general that they -had come in response to the notice which had been given, to offer -themselves as friends, and that if we wanted to go through their -country they would consider us as their friends. They brought a -present of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which were -very gladly received, and the general gave them some glass dishes -and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized highly, -because these were things they had never seen. They described some -cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his -skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem -possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could -not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando -de Alvarado to take 20 companions and go with them, and gave him a -commission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an -account of what he had found.[139] - -Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a -village which was on a rock called Acuco[140] having a population of -about 200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country -[p491] round about. The village was very strong, because it was up -on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so -high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. -There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began -at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There -was a broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about -100 narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three -times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they -put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their -hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which -they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army -could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top -they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns -to collect snow and water. These people came down to the plain ready -to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on -the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these, -but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make -peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of -making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and -rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with the fingers of the -hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across -each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. They made a present -of a large number of [turkey-] cocks with very big wattles, much -bread, tanned deerskins, pine [piñon] nuts, flour [corn meal], and -corn. - -From here they went to a province called Triguex,[141] three days -distant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers -was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces. -Alvarado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come -and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to -hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came -to Cicuye,[142] a very strong village four stories high. The people -came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de -Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums -and pipes something like flutes, of which they have a great many. -They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are -quantities in that region. The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here -for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of the -country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de Soto -discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements in the -farther part of that country. Hernando de Alvarado took him to guide -them to the cows; but he told them so many and such great things -about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they did not -care about looking for cows, but returned after they had seen some -few, to report the rich news to the general. [p492] They called -the Indian “Turk,” because he looked like one.[143] Meanwhile the -general had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men to -get lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Señora about -this time, before taking them there for the winter; and when Hernando -de Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no need for him -to go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the -Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon -it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with -them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Information -was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe -that it would have been much better to follow this direction than -that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which -followed. - - -_Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men -and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex._ - -Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Arellano -reached Cibola from Señora. Soon after he arrived, the general, who -had received notice of a province containing eight villages, took -30 of the men who were most fully rested and went to see it, going -from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides who conducted -him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex -by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty days. On this -journey, between one day when they left the camping place and midday -of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered mountains, toward -which they went in search of water, neither the Spaniards nor the -horses nor the servants drank anything. They were able to stand -it because of the severe cold, although with great difficulty. In -eight days they reached Tutahaco,[144] where they learned that -[p493] there were other towns down the river. These people were -peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and of -the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting -the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando -de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news, -because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the -level country which was 2 leagues wide, in which there were fishes -as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more -than 20 rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their -lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great -golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country took his -afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great number of -little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in the air. -He said also that everyone had their ordinary dishes made of wrought -plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold acochis. -For the present he was believed, on account of the ease with which he -told it and because they showed him metal ornaments and he recognized -them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and silver very -well and did not care anything about other metals. - -The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some -gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the -time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend -at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they -knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and -was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means, -got the captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and -when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to -fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and -saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship. -Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general -kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of -confidence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of -peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward. - - -_Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what -happened to them on the way, on account of the snow._ - -We have already said that when the general started from Cibola, -he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days -later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and -provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He -set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made -their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola) -province.[145] This is the only village that has houses with seven -stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses; they -are higher than the others and set [p494] up above them like towers, -and there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending the -roofs of the different stories, because, like the other villages, -they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and -are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these -upper houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on -us there, and the force took refuge under the wings of the village, -which extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because -they generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do -not have any doors below. - -The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and -as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten -days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the -evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a -large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a -camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it, -as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the -country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke -and heat of which melted the snow from 2 to 4 yards all around the -fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage and -covered it for half a man’s height it did not hurt it. It fell all -night long, covering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds, -piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the -army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses -stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm -instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco, and the -natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them -provisions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I -have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and -they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because -they were not used to them, for the natives go up and down so easily -that they carry loads and the women carry water, and they do not seem -even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons -up from one to another. - -From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and -taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy -and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived -we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons which -were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also -burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the -camp.[146] - - -_Chapter 15, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, -without being to blame for it._ - -It has been related how the general reached Tiguex, where he found -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how he -[p495] sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain -Whiskers and the governor of the village, who was an old man, -prisoners. The people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. -In addition to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to -divide among his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one -of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much -intercourse and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan -Aleman by our men, after a Juan Aleman[147] who lived in Mexico, whom -he was said to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish -about three hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give -his people. He said that he was not able to do this, but that it -pertained to the governors; and that besides this, they would have to -consult together and divide it among the villages, and that it was -necessary to make the demand of each town separately. The general did -this, and ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go -and make the demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them -went on one side of the river and some on the other. As they were in -very great need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult -about it, but when they came to a village they demanded what they had -to give, so that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could -do nothing except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up -the number demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in -these parties, when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks -which were not such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a -better one on, they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping -to find out the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not -a little hard feeling. - -Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of -regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to -another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman -there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle -while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story, -the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he -was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard -came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and -learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and -so he came with the important men of the town to complain that a -man had violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the -general made all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come -together, the Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had -changed his clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, -but he said that he could tell the horse, because he had held his -bridle, and so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and -said that the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing -it, seeing that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the -Indian was mistaken in the horse; [p496] anyway, he went off without -getting any satisfaction.[148] The next day one of the Indians, who -was guarding the horses of the army, came running in, saying that a -companion of his had been killed, and that the Indians of the country -were driving off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards -tried to collect the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven -of the general’s mules.[149] - -The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages -and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades -and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight -and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could -be done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the -villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. -The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and -surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was -the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair -with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in -advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego -Lopez and Melgosa,[150] took the Indians so much by surprise that -they gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many -of our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses -in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and -they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The -horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain -smoked them out from the cellars[151] into which they had broken, so -that they begged for peace.[152] Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, -the alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the -Indians with the same signs they were making for peace, which was -to make a cross. They then put down their arms and received pardon. -They were taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he -said, did not know about the peace and thought that they had given -themselves up of their own accord because they had been conquered. -As he had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but -to make an example of them so that the other natives would fear the -Spaniards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared at once to burn them -alive. [p497] Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted -them, for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should -have told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any -of their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were -binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who -were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what -there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who -were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great -confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped. -As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it -was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night -to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did -not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great -misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned -the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from -Cibola.[153] - - -_Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what -happened during the siege._ - -As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just -after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the -next two months it was impossible to do anything except to go along -the roads to advise them to make peace and tell them that they would -be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which they replied -that they did not trust those who did not know how to keep good -faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should -remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that they did -not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered in the -village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to -give this notice. He started out with about 30 companions and went to -the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were -hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with -them he must dismount and they would come out and talk with him about -a peace, and [p498] that if he would send away the horsemen and make -his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of -the village and meet him. Everything was done as they required, and -then when they approached they said that they had no arms and that he -must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them -confidence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace. -When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and embraced him vigorously, -while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets[154] -which they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows -over his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the -soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even -when he ordered them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly -that they rescued him from their hands, although they were unable to -catch the enemies because the meeting was so near the village that -of the great shower of arrows which were shot at them one arrow hit -a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together -and hurriedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm -the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously wounded.[155] They -then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don -Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to another -village about half a league distant, because almost all the people -in this region had collected into these two villages. As they paid -no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting arrows -from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace, -he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the attack -on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and our -men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy -on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of their -leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the -captain returned to his camp. - -After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround -the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with -several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his -force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had -several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such -quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and -they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward -died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was -with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several -[p499] assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the -Indians most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were -not able to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and -killed 30 persons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. -One day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, -a captain who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez -de Cardenas was away making the discoveries already described, and -also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to -prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village, -which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished -person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much -beloved, which was noticeable.[156] One day, before the capture was -completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew -we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender -their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It was -impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the -Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up -about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave -them. Don Lope de Urrea[157] rode up in front of the town without -his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all -of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, -giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to -go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had -no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As -he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow -ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went -off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling -to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed -there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot -and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then -put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away -he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode -back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from -them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot -arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not -want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be -brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider. - -Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, -and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about -the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the -cavalry was.[158] The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don -Rodrigo [p500] Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one -Spaniard and a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back -with great slaughter until they came to the river, where the water -flowed swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as -the men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, -there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the -camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had -been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, -and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was -captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the -town and were captured a few days later.[159] - -Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had -captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out -very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some -warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our -camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they -were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the [p501] -country. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and -saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of -them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the -town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who -were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. -This siege ended the last of March, in the year ’42.[160] Other -things had happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed, -but that it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will -relate them now, so that it will be possible to understand what -follows. - - -_Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the valley of -Señora and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the -Firebrand river._ - -We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the -Firebrand river on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries -farther in that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers -reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo with letters from -Diego de Alarcon,[161] who had remained there in the place of -Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died -while he was conducting his search, and that the force had returned -without finding any of the things they were after. It all happened in -this fashion: - -After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the -coast, which here turned back toward the south, or between south and -east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north and this -river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward -the south, enters the head of the gulf. Continuing in the direction -they had been going, they came to some sand banks of hot ashes which -it was impossible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The -ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so -that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed -wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up -here in several places. After they had gone away from this place, on -account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the lack of water, -one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers chased some -sheep which they were taking along for food. When the captain noticed -this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse was running, so -that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to stop his horse -he went over the lance so that it nailed him through the thighs and -the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder. After this the -soldiers turned back with their captain, having to fight every day -with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived about twenty -days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty on account -of the necessity of carrying him.[162] They [p502] returned in -good order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they -were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Señora, -Alcaraz dispatched the messengers already referred to, so that -the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers -were ill disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had -sentenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped -from the prison. - -When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that -city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers -whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with -an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by -the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the -natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow, -which had made only a very little wound in one hand. Several soldiers -went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were -not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz -with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they -call the Valley of Knaves (de los Vellacos), which is in the hills. -After getting there and taking these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz -decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and cloth and -other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they -renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had -poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they -died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had -not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have -gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving 17 soldiers -dead from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small -wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential -stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed -to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he moved 40 -leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suya, where we will leave -them, in order to relate what happened to the general and his army -after the siege of Tiguex. - - -_Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace -so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the -most wealth._ - -During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and -take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and -to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave -him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was -received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village -with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy -and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the -natives[163] he returned [p503] to his army, leaving Cicuye at -peace, in the hope of getting back their captain Whiskers. - -After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a -captain to Chia, a fine village with many people, which had sent to -offer its submission. It was 4 leagues distant to the west of the -river. They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which -were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to -Quirix, a province with seven villages. At the first village, which -had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to -wait for our men; but they headed them off by a short cut, riding at -full speed, and then they returned to their houses in the village -in perfect safety, and then told the other villagers about it and -reassured them. In this way the entire region was reassured, little -by little, by the time the ice in the river was broken up and it -became possible to ford the river and so to continue the journey. -The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all -during the time the army was there, in spite of every promise of -security that could possibly be given to them. - -And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over -so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders -were given for the start for Quivira, where the Turk said there was -some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche and the Guaes. -There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because -a Spaniard named Servantes,[164] who had charge of him during the -siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the -devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under -lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what -Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him -“nobody,” and then the Turk answered: “You lie; five Christians are -dead, including a captain.” And as Cervantes knew that he told the -truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it, -and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need -to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account -of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the -pitcher, as I have said. - -While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start -from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general, -and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were -coming from Señora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters -to give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he -should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under -the crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army -left Tiguex on the 5th of May[165] and returned to Cicuye, which, -as I have said, is twenty-five marches, which means leagues, from -there, taking Whiskers with them. Arrived there, he gave them, their -captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was -very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food. -The governor and [p504] Whiskers gave the general a young fellow -called Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information -about the country. This fellow said that there was gold and silver, -but not so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, -continued to declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, -and thus the army started off from here. - - -_Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what -happened on the way._ - -The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it -seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship -because their governor and captain had been restored to them. -Proceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of -the mountains, after four days’ journey they came to a river with a -large, deep current, which flowed down toward Cicuye, and they named -this the Cicuye river.[166] They had to stop here to make a bridge -so as to cross it. It was finished in four days, by much diligence -and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the -animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements -of people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos in that -region. They had seen the cows for two days. These folks live in -tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around near -the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when they -saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, after -which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who we -were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked -with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what -he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact -that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves -understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.[167] -They said that there was a very large river over toward where the -sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an -inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to -settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called -Haxa, and that the river was more than a league wide and that there -were many canoes on it. These folks started off from here next day -with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two days, -during which the army marched in the same direction as that in -which they had come from the settlements—that is, between north and -east, but more toward the north[168]—they saw [p505] other roaming -Querechos and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed -something incredible. These people gave a great deal of information -about settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don -Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so -far that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is -very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa). The -general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped -and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and -discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the -same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those -who were on the advance guard killed a large number of bulls. As -these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came -to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled -it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were -chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals without noticing -where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the -cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely. - -As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way -back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the -little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of -the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to -find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again -as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from -the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a -good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river -down to the camp, and told the general that in the 20 leagues they -had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was -another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named -Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and -on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now, -although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete -was not believed.[169] - -The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, forward -from here. He traveled four days and reached a large ravine like -those of Colima,[170] in the bottom of which he found a large -settlement of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through -this place, so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned -skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he -directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his -companions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not -get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow dung -for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided -by the advance guard. [p506] - -When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity -of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed -guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and -saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders -for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were -going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going -to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of -an hour nothing was left but the empty ground. - -The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The -women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the -strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them as -Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here. -They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian lady, -except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. In general -they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate their -eyes. - - -_Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they -discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts._ - -While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a -tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in -a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big -as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places -they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit -the horse—or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break -away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding -large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the -rest wore;[171] and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the -ravine so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had -struck them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been -in great danger of being left without its horses, as there were many -which they were not able to cover.[172] The hail broke many tents, -and battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke -all the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small -loss, because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do -not make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat—or -only half cooked—and fruit. [p507] - -From here the general sent out to explore the country,[173] and they -found another settlement four days from there[174] . . . The country -was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes -like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements -extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,[175] as -these people are called, went with the army from here and traveled -as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs -and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed -to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides -speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from -these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward -the north, and that we would not find any good road thither. After -this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had now -reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little -bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry -trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they -have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this -ravine, although there were ripe ones.[176] There were walnuts and -the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of -prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen -to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which -would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent; -the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body. -They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear -cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up -at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little -sanbenitos[177] with a fringe, which reached half-way down the thigh -over the petticoat. - -The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the -country. Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days’ marches, -traveling [p508] 6 or 7 leagues a day. It had been the duty of one -man to measure and count his steps. They found that it was 250 -leagues to the settlements.[178] When the general Francisco Vazquez -realized this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk -heretofore, and as the provisions were giving out and there was no -country around here where they could procure more, he called the -captains and ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought -to be done. They all agreed that the general should go in search of -Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and -that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the -army. When the men in the army learned of this decision, they begged -their general not to leave them to conduct the further search, but -declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not want to go -back. This did not do any good, although the general agreed to send -messengers to them within eight days saying whether it was best for -them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with the guides -he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains. - - -_Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general -reached Quivira._ - -The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas -had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army-master, -and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most efficient, and -the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would -send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding -post, to repeat their petition. - -The general arrived—I mean, the guides ran away during the first few -days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bringing -orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there -for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with -new guides. The army waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight -here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that -during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these that -were there without any cows was something incredible. Many fellows -were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to -the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if -they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get -back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either -direction so that they could find it.[179] Every night they took -account of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat -drums and built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far -and wandered about so much that all this did not give them any help, -although it helped others. The only way was to go back where they had -killed an animal and start from there in one direction and another -until [p509] they struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who -could put them on the right road. It is worth noting that the country -there is so level that at midday, after one has wandered about in one -direction and another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to -stay near the game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes -down, and even then they have to be men who are practiced to do it. -Those who are not, had to trust themselves to others. - -The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took -forty-eight days’ marching, on account of the great detour they had -made toward Florida.[180] He was received peacefully on account of -the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had -guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was -in that direction and that, besides this, the people at Cicuye had -asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that -the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they would -be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without -any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done -to them. This was the reason why he had led them astray, supposing -that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while -as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said -this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being -persecuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided -them better than he had, and fearing lest those who were there might -give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted -him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that -Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking -about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold -nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people. -Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly. - -The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as -I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman -had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas, -where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They -readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over -this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly. -They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where -the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take, and -then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this they -shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward the -water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered in 25 -days [p510] what had taken them 37 days going, besides stopping to -hunt cows on the way. They found many salt lakes on this road, and -there was a great quantity of salt. There were thick pieces of it -on top of the water bigger than tables, as thick as four or five -fingers. Two or three spans down under water there was salt which -tasted better than that in the floating pieces, because this was -rather bitter. It was crystalline. All over these plains there were -large numbers of animals like squirrels and a great number of their -holes. On its return the army reached the Cicuye river more than 30 -leagues below there—I mean below the bridge they had made when they -crossed it, and they followed it up to that place. In general, its -banks are covered with a sort of rose bushes, the fruit of which -tastes like muscatel grapes.[181] They grow on little twigs about as -high up as a man. It has the parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes -and currants (?)[182] and wild marjoram. The guides said this river -joined that of Tiguex more than 20 days from here, and that its -course turned toward the east. It is believed that it flows into the -mighty river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with -Don Hernando de Soto discovered in Florida. A painted Indian woman -ran away from Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this -time, because she recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been -a slave. She fell into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered -the country from Florida to explore it in this direction. After I got -back to New Spain I heard them say that the Indian told them that she -had run away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave -the names of some captains; from which we ought to believe that we -were not far from the region they discovered, although they said they -were more than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point -is more than 600 leagues across from sea to sea. - -As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it -found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace -or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tigeux -where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were -afraid and left them again. - - -_Chapter 22, of how the general returned from Quivira and of other -expeditions toward the North._ - -After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of -July, in the year ’42,[183] he had provisions collected for the -coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the -river toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one -of which was called Hemes and had seven villages, and the other -Yuqueyunque.[184] The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and -furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very -fine villages which [p511] they had on either side of the river -entirely vacant, and went into the mountains, where they had four -very strong villages in a rough, country, where it was impossible -for horses to go. In the two villages there was a great deal of food -and some very beautiful glazed earthenware with many figures and -different shapes. Here they also found many bowls full of a carefully -selected shining metal with which they glazed the earthenware. This -shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they -should hunt for them. - -There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was -called Braba, 20 leagues farther up the river, which our men called -Valladolid.[185] The river flowed through the middle of it. The -natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large, -squared pines. At this village they saw the largest and finest hot -rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had -a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one -could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited -this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high -and very cold. The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. -Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace. - -Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements -which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant -from there. This captain went down 80 leagues and found four large -villages which he left at peace. He proceeded until he found that the -river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in Estremadura.[186] He -did not go on to where the Indians said that it came out much larger, -because his commission did not extend for more than 80 leagues -march. After this captain got back, as the time had arrived which -the captain had set for his return from Quivira, and as he had not -come back, Don Tristan selected 40 companions and, leaving the army -to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he started with them in search of the -general. When he reached Cicuye the people came out of the village -to fight, which detained him there four days, while he punished -them, which he did by firing some volleys into the village. These -killed several men, so that they did not come out against the army, -since two of their principal men had been killed on the first day. -Just then word was brought that the general was coming, and so Don -Tristan had to stay there on this account also, to keep the road -open.[187] Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival, with great -joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had been given -to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of Quivira, -was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that the [p512] -general was coming he acted as if he was greatly pleased, and said, -“Now when the general comes, you will see that there is gold and -silver in Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said.” When the -general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything, he -was sad and silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He made -many believe that it was so, because the general had not dared to -enter into the country on account of its being thickly settled and -his force not very strong, and that he had returned to lead his army -there after the rains, because it had begun to rain there already, -as it was early in August when he left. It took him forty days to -return, traveling lightly equipped. The Turk had said when they -left Tiguex that they ought not to load the horses with too much -provisions, which would tire them so that they could not afterward -carry the gold and silver, from which it is very evident that he was -deceiving them. - -The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off -for Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him -peaceably and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made -his plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole -army, because it was said that he brought information regarding large -settlements and very large rivers, and that the country was very much -like that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They -were not ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead -had suspicions that there was some farther back in the country, -because, although this was denied, they knew what the thing was and -had a name for it among themselves—acochis. With this we end this -first part, and now we will give an account of the provinces. - - -SECOND PART, WHICH TREATS OF THE HIGH VILLAGES AND PROVINCES AND OF -THEIR HABITS AND CUSTOMS, AS COLLECTED BY PEDRO DE CASTAÑEDA, NATIVE -OF THE CITY OF NAJARA. - -_Laus Deo._ - -It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having -seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition, -although that has made it easy to see the difference between the -report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing -like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place -of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous -cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1,000 people in -the largest. I do not know whether this will furnish grounds for -pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please -these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region -seen and discovered by this expedition, and some of their ceremonies -and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and -the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it -maybe possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in -what direction Greater India; and [p513] this land of New Spain -is part of the mainland with Peru, and with Greater India or China -as well, there not being any strait between to separate them. On -the other hand, the country is so wide that there is room for these -vast deserts which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the -North sea beyond Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos[188] and then -turns toward Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the -west, making another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and -stretches away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border -on the mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to -have between them these great plains which are full of cattle and -many other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited, -as I will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl -there, but no snakes, for they are free[189] from these. I will leave -the account of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown -what slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account -with the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between -the one country and the other, on account of which one ought to be -settled by Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, -however, with Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and -in the other wild animals and worse than beasts. - -[Illustration: LV. The Buffalo of Gomara, 1554] - - -_Chapter 1, of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and -customs._ - -Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was -the first settlement made by Nuño de Guzman when he conquered this -kingdom. It is 210 leagues west of Mexico. In this province there are -three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The first is -that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent race. They -are now the most settled and have received the most light from the -faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of their -goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do not -eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep very -large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men dressed -like women who marry other men and serve as their wives. At a great -festival they consecrate the women who wish to live unmarried, -with much singing and dancing,[190] at which all the chiefs of the -locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with her -they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and -the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises, -and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the -others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not -refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this. -Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging -anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days. The -custom is for the husbands to buy the women whom they marry, of -their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them -to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and -see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the -whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be -consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk. - -The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in -the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are -more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human -flesh.[191] They are great sodomites, and have many wives, even when -these are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and -are much given to witchcraft and sorcery. - -The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of -a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains. They -go hunting for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human -flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around -his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements -and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one -settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which they -can not cross, although they can talk together across it.[192] At -the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat -one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on -account of the roughness of the country, which is very great. - -Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not -run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea begins on the coast -of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the north and -ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. This country -forms its eastern limit, and California the western. From what I have -been told by men who had navigated it, it is 30 leagues across from -point to point, because they lose sight of this country when they see -the other. They say the gulf is over 150 leagues broad (or deep), -from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn toward the south at the -Firebrand river, bending down to California, which turns toward the -west, forming that peninsula which was formerly held to be an island, -because it was a low sandy country. It is inhabited by brutish, -bestial, naked people who eat their own offal. The men and women -couple like animals, the female openly getting down on all fours. - - -_Chapter 2, of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited -country as far as Chichilticalli._ - -Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats -made of _plants_.[193] These are collected into villages, extending -along a river from the mountains to the sea. The people are of the -same race and [p515] habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is -much sodomy among them. In the mountain district there is a large -population and more settlements. These people have a somewhat -different language from the Tahues, although they understand each -other. It is called Petlatlan because the houses are made of petates -or palm-leaf mats.[194] Houses of this sort are found for more -than 240 leagues in this region, to the beginning of the Cibola -wilderness. The nature of the country changes here very greatly, -because from this point on there are no trees except the pine,[195] -nor are there any fruits except a few tunas,[196] mesquites,[197] and -pitahayas.[198] - -Petlatlan is 20 leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from -here to the valley of Señora. There are many rivers between the two, -with settlements of the same sort of people—for example, Smoloa, -Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the -Corazones or Hearts, which is in our possession, down the valley of -Señora.[199] - -Señora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people. -The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos -reaching half way down the body.[200] The chiefs of the villages -go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like -public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an -hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some -little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick -many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for -war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large -population in separate little provinces containing ten or twelve -villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are -Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa, and the Little Valley.[201] There -are others which we did not see. - -It is 40 leagues from Señora to the valley of Suya. The town of -Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo) was established in this valley, where -there was [p516] a rebellion later, and part of the people who -had settled there were killed, as will be seen in the third part. -There are many villages in the neighborhood of this valley. The -people are the same as those in Señora and have the same dress and -language, habits, and customs, like all the rest as far as the desert -of Chichilticalli. The women paint their chins and eyes like the -Moorish women of Barbary. They are great sodomites. They drink wine -made of the pitahaya, which is the fruit of a great thistle which -opens like the pomegranate. The wine makes them stupid. They make -a great quantity of preserves from the tuna; they preserve it in a -large amount of its sap without other honey. They make bread of the -mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good for a whole year.[202] There -are native melons in this country so large that a person can carry -only one of them. They cut these into slices and dry them in the sun. -They are good to eat, and taste like figs, and are better than dried -meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping for a whole year when -prepared in this way.[203] - -In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs -esteemed to be something fine.[204] No fowls of any sort were seen -in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls -like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came -to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another. -Between Suya and Chichilticalli there are many sheep and mountain -goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that -they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so -fast that they disappeared very quickly. - -At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the -spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far -up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at -the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass -through the mountains in order to get into the level country. - - -_Chapter 3, of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs -and habits, and of other things._ - -Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this -place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from -Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.[205] The house -was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been -destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous -people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and -not in settlements. They live by [p517] hunting. The rest of the -country is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great -quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high -as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with -sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried -coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in -many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild -marjoram. - -[Illustration: LVI. The Buffalo of Thevet, 1558] - -There are barbels and picones,[206] like those of Spain, in the -rivers of this wilderness. Gray lions and leopards were seen.[207] -The country rises continually from the beginning of the wilderness -until Cibola is reached, which is 85 leagues, going north. From -Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept the north -on the left hand. - -Cibola[208] is seven villages. The largest is called Maçaque.[209] -The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Maçaque -there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very -intelligent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts -with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges -and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They -wear long robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton -blankets.[210] The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over -the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out. These serve to cover -the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They -gather their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like -an old-fashioned headdress.[211] [p518] - -This country is a valley between rocky mountains. They cultivate -corn, which does not grow very high. The ears start at the very foot, -and each large fat stalk, bears about 800 grains, something not seen -before in these parts.[212] There are large numbers of bears in this -province, and lions, wild-cats, deer, and otter. There are very -fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported. They collect -the pine nuts each year, and store them up in advance. A man does -not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot rooms in the -villages, which are the courtyards or places where they gather for -consultation. They do not have chiefs as in New Spain, but are ruled -by a council of the oldest men.[213] They have priests who preach to -them, whom they call papas.[214] These are the elders. They go up on -the highest roof of the village and preach to the village from there, -like public criers, in the morning while the sun is rising, the whole -village being silent and sitting in the galleries to listen.[215] -They tell them how they are to live, and I believe that they give -certain commandments for them to keep, for there is no drunkenness -among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither do they eat human flesh -nor steal, but they are usually at work. The estufas belong to the -whole village. It is a sacrilege for the women to go into the estufas -to sleep.[216] They make the cross as a sign of peace. They burn -their dead, and throw the implements used in their work into the fire -with the bodies.[217] [p519] - -It is 20 leagues to Tusayan, going northwest. This is a province -with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and ceremonies -as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men in the -fourteen villages of these two provinces. It is 40 leagues or more to -Tiguex, the road, trending toward the north. The rock of Acuco, which -we described in the first part, is between these. - - -_Chapter 4, of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex -and its neighborhood._ - -Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large, -mighty river; some villages on one side and some on the other. It -is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough, -snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it. There are seven villages -in the ridges at the foot of this—four on the plain and three -situated on the skirts of the mountain. - -There are seven villages 7 leagues to the north, at Quirix, and the -seven villages of the province of Hemes are 40 leagues northwest. It -is 40 leagues north or east to Acha,[218] and 4 leagues southeast to -[p520] Tutahaco, a province with eight villages. In general, these -villages all have the same habits and customs, although some have -some things in particular which the others have not.[219] They are -governed by the opinions of the elders. They all work together to -build the villages, the women being engaged in making the mixture and -the walls, while the men bring the wood and put it in place.[220] -They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt -which is almost as good as mortar, for when the house is to have four -stories, they do not make the walls more than half a yard thick. -They gather a great pile of twigs of thyme and sedge grass and set -it afire, and when it is half coals and ashes they throw a quantity -of dirt and water on it and mix it all together. They make round -balls of this, which they use instead of stones after they are dry, -fixing them with the same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff -clay. Before they are married the young men serve the whole village -in general, and fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in -a pile in the courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it -to carry to their houses. - -[Illustration: LVII. The Buffalo of De Bry, 1595] - -The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the -village.[221] They are underground, square or round, with pine -pillars. [p521] Some were seen with twelve pillars and with -four in the center as large as two men could stretch around. They -usually had three or four pillars. The floor was made of large, -smooth stones, like the baths which they have in Europe. They have -a hearth made like the binnacle or compass box of a ship,[222] in -which they burn a handful of thyme at a time to keep up the heat, -and they can stay in there just as in a bath. The top was on a level -with the ground. Some that were seen were large enough for a game -of ball. When any man wishes to marry, it has to be arranged by -those who govern. The man has to spin and weave a blanket and place -it before the woman, who covers herself with it and becomes his -wife.[223] The houses belong to the women, the estufas to the men. If -a man repudiates his woman, he has to go to the estufa.[224] It is -forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas, or to enter these for -any purpose except to give their husbands or sons something to eat. -The men spin and weave. The women bring up the children and prepare -the food. The country is so fertile that they do not have to break up -the ground the year round, but only have to sow the seed, which is -presently covered by the fall of snow, and the ears come up under the -snow. In one year they gather enough for seven. A very large number -of cranes and wild geese and crows and starlings live on what is -sown, and for all this, when they come to sow for another year, the -fields are covered with corn which they have not been able to finish -gathering. - -There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks -with great hanging chins.[225] When dead, these keep for sixty days, -and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and -without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men. - -The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to -excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they -empty [p522] at a distance from the village.[226] They keep the -separate houses where they prepare the food for eating and where they -grind the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where -they have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women -go in here, each one having a stone, with which one of them breaks -the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.[227] -They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes, -and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the -door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the -music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time, -because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like -wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use -for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat -in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers. -Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make -sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco -de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when -the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and -without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as -snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them -from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a -whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young women -in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and -he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they took -a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. -The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long -robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware glazed -with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship, which -were worth seeing.[228] [p523] - - -_Chapter 5, of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how -some people came to conquer this country._ - -We have already said that the people of Tiguex and of all the -provinces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same -ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say -anything particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of -Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct -road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the -snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the -river. - -Cicuye[229] is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are -feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock, -with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas. -The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the -top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder. -There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by -which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside -balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these.[230] -The houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can -be lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which -are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open -on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The -houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on -the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The -village is inclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of -water inside, which they are able to divert.[231] The people of this -village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they -conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are -like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until -they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong -then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to -be ashamed because they go around as they were born. - -There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province -of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,[232] and another village -almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.[233] This -was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it -appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the -granaries or silos, because large underground cellars were found -here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on, -entirely destroyed and [p524] pulled down, in the yards of which -there were many stone balls, as big as 12-quart bowls, which seemed -to have been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the -village. All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen -years before, some people called Teyas,[234] had come to this country -in great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged -Cicuye but had not been able to capture it, because it was strong, -and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole -country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and -that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only -thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was -by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas -or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,[235] -for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people -in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the -Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings -of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come -inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received -as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the villages -over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded -by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the -fortresses of Spain. - -There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy -mountains, one of which has been half destroyed by the people already -referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is in a -little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with -large pine forests. There is a little stream which contains very good -trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good falcons -hereabouts. - - -_Chapter 6, which gives the number of villages which were seen in the -country of the terraced houses, and their population._ - -[Illustration: LVIII. On the Terraces at Zuñi] - -Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and -settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for -the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses -with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an -extent of country they occupied.[236] As I say, Cibola is the first: - - Cibola, seven villages. - Tusayan, seven villages. - The rock of Acuco, one. [p525] - Tiguex, twelve villages. - Tutahaco,[237] eight villages. - These villages were below the river. - Quirix,[238] seven villages. - In the snowy mountains, seven villages. - Ximena,[239] three villages. - Cicuye, one village. - Hemes,[240] seven villages. - Aguas Calientes,[240] or Boiling Springs, three villages. - Yuqueyunque,[241] in the mountains, six villages. - Valladolid, called Braba,[242] one village. - Chia,[243] one village. - -In all, there are sixty-six villages.[244] Tiguex appears to be in -the center of the villages. Valladolid is the farthest up the river -toward the northeast. The four villages down the river are toward -the southeast, because the river turns toward the east.[245] It is -130 leagues—10 more or less—from the farthest point that was seen -down the river to the farthest point up the river, and all the -settlements are within this region. Including those at a distance, -there are sixty-six villages in all, as I have said, and in all of -them there may be some 20,000 men, which may be taken to be a fair -estimate of the population of the villages. There are no houses or -other buildings between one village and another, but where we went -it is entirely uninhabited.[246] These people, since they are few, -and their manners, government, and habits are so different from all -the nations that have been seen and discovered in these western -regions, must come from that part of Greater India, the coast of -which lies to the west of this country, for they could have come down -from that country, crossing the mountain chains and following down, -the river, settling in what seemed to them the best place.[247] As -they multiplied, they have kept on making settlements until they -lost the river when it buried itself underground, its course being -in the direction of Florida. It comes down from the northeast, where -they[248] could certainly have found signs of villages. He preferred, -however, to follow the reports of [p526] the Turk, but it would have -been better to cross the mountains where this river rises. I believe -they would have found traces of riches and would have reached the -lands from which these people started, which from its location is on -the edge of Greater India, although the region is neither known nor -understood, because from the trend of the coast it appears that the -land between Norway and China is very far up.[249] The country from -sea to sea is very wide, judging from the location of both coasts, -as well as from what Captain Villalobos discovered when he went in -search of China by the sea to the west,[250] and from what has been -discovered on the North sea concerning the trend of the coast of -Florida toward the Bacallaos, up toward Norway.[251] - -To return then to the proposition with which I began, I say that -the settlements and people already named were all that were seen -in a region 70 leagues wide and 130 long, in the settled country -along the river Tiguex.[252] In New Spain there are not one but many -establishments, containing a larger number of people. Silver metals -were found in many of their villages, which they use for glazing and -painting their earthenware.[253] - - -_Chapter 7, which treats of the plains that were crossed, of the -cows, and of the people who inhabit them._ - -We have spoken of the settlements of high houses which are situated -in what seems to be the most level and open part of the mountains, -since it is 150 leagues across before entering the level country -between the two mountain chains which I said were near the North -sea and the South sea, which might better be called the Western sea -along this coast. This mountain series is the one which is near the -South sea.[254] In order to show that the settlements are in the -middle of the mountains, I will state that it is 80 leagues from -Chichilticalli, where we began to cross this country, to Cibola; from -Cibola, which is the first village, to Cicuye, which is the last -on the way across, is 70 leagues; it is 30 leagues from Cicuye to -where the plains begin. It may be we went across in an indirect or -roundabout way, which would make it seem as if there was more country -than if it had been crossed in a direct line, and it may be more -difficult and rougher. This can not be known certainly, because the -mountains change their direction above the bay at the mouth of the -Firebrand (Tizon) river. [p527] - -[Illustration: LIX. Middle Court at Zuñi] - -Now we will speak of the plains. The country is spacious and level, -and is more than 400 leagues wide in the part between the two -mountain ranges—one, that which Francisco Vazquez Coronado crossed, -and the other that which the force under Don Fernando de Soto -crossed, near the North sea, entering the country from Florida. No -settlements were seen anywhere on these plains. - -In traversing 250 leagues, the other mountain range was not seen, -nor a hill nor a hillock which was three times as high as a man. -Several lakes were found at intervals; they were round as plates, a -stone’s throw or more across, some fresh and some salt. The grass -grows tall near these lakes; away from them it is very short, a span -or less. The country is like a bowl, so that when a man sits down, -the horizon surrounds him all around at the distance of a musket -shot.[255] There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which -flow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick -that they were not noticed until one was right on the edge of them. -They are of dead earth.[256] There are paths down into these, made -by the cows when they go to the water, which is essential throughout -these plains. As I have related in the first part, people follow the -cows, hunting them and tanning the skins to take to the settlements -in the winter to sell, since they go there to pass the winter, each -company going to those which are nearest, some to the settlements at -Cicuye,[257] others toward Quivira, and others to the settlements -which are situated in the direction of Florida. These people are -called Querechos and Teyas. They described some large settlements, -and judging from what was seen, of these people and from the accounts -they gave of other places, there are a good many more of these people -than there are of those at the settlements.[258] They have better -figures, are better warriors, and are more feared. They travel like -the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles[259] -and having Moorish pack saddles with girths.[260] When the load gets -disarranged, the dogs howl, calling some one to fix them right. These -people eat raw flesh and drink blood. They do not eat human flesh. -They are a kind people and not cruel. They are faithful friends. They -are able to make themselves very well understood by means of signs. -They dry the flesh in the sun, cutting it thin like a leaf, and when -dry they grind it like meal to keep it and make a sort of sea soup of -it to eat. A handful thrown into a pot swells up so as to increase -very [p528] much. They season it with fat, which they always try to -secure when they kill a cow.[261] They empty a large gut and fill -it with blood, and carry this around the neck to drink when they -are thirsty. When they open the belly of a cow, they squeeze out -the chewed grass and drink the juice that remains behind, because -they say that this contains the essence of the stomach. They cut the -hide open at the back and pull it off at the joints, using a flint -as large as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as -if working with a good iron tool. They give it an edge with their -own teeth. The quickness with which they do this is something worth -seeing and noting.[262] - -There are very great numbers of wolves on these plains, which go -around with the cows. They have white skins. The deer are pied with -white. Their skin is loose, so that when they are killed it can be -pulled off with the hand while warm, coming off like pigskin.[263] -The rabbits, which, are very numerous, are so foolish that those -on horseback killed them with their lances. This is when they are -mounted among the cows. They fly from a person on foot. - - -_Chapter 8, of Quivira, of where it is and some information about it._ - -Quivira is to the west of those ravines, in the midst of the country, -somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the country is -level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some mountain -chains. The country is well settled. Judging from what was seen on -the borders of it, this country is very similar to that of Spain in -the varieties of vegetation and fruits. There are plums like those of -Castile, grapes, nuts, mulberries, oats, pennyroyal, wild marjoram, -and large quantities of flax, but this does not do them any good, -because they do not know how to use it.[264] The people are of almost -the same sort and appearance as the Teyas. They have villages like -those in New Spain. The houses are round, without a wall, and they -have one story like a loft, under the roof, where they sleep and keep -their belongings. The roofs [p529] are of straw. There are other -thickly settled provinces around it containing large numbers of men. -A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this province, together -with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and some -Indians from the province of Capothan,[265] in New Spain. They killed -the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas,[266] -who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a -mare, and afterward reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. -The Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed by -the murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and -overtook him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese, named Campo.[267] - -[Illustration: LX. Zuñi Court, Showing “Balcony”] - -The great river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo),[268] which Don -Fernando de Soto discovered in the country of Florida, flows through -this country. It passes through a province called Arache, according -to the reliable accounts which were obtained here. The sources were -not visited, because, according to what they said, it comes from a -very distant country in the mountains of the South sea, from the part -that sheds its waters onto the plains. It flows across all the level -country and breaks through the mountains of the North sea, and comes -out where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it. This is -more than 300 leagues from where it enters the sea. On account of -this, and also because it has large tributaries, it is so mighty when -it enters the sea that they lost sight of the land before the water -ceased to be fresh.[269] - -This country of Quivira was the last that was seen, of which I am -able to give any description or information. Now it is proper for me -to return and speak of the army, which I left in Tiguex, resting for -the winter, so that it would be able to proceed or return in search -of these settlements of Quivira, which was not accomplished after -all, because it was [p530] God’s pleasure that these discoveries -should remain for other peoples and that we who had been there should -content ourselves with saying that we were the first who discovered -it and obtained any information concerning it, just as Hercules knew -the site where Julius Cæsar was to found Seville or Hispales. May the -all-powerful Lord grant that His will be done in everything. It is -certain that if this had not been His will Francisco Vazquez would -not have returned to New Spain without cause or reason, as he did, -and that it would not have been left for those with Don Fernando de -Soto to settle such a good country, as they have done, and besides -settling it to increase its extent, after obtaining, as they did, -information from our army.[270] - - -THIRD PART, WHICH DESCRIBES WHAT HAPPENED TO FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ -CORONADO DURING THE WINTER, AND HOW HE GAVE UP THE EXPEDITION AND -RETURNED TO NEW SPAIN. - -_Laus Deo._ - - -_Chapter 1, of how Don Pedro de Tovar came from Señora with some men, -and, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started back to New Spain_. - -At the end of the first part of this book, we told how Francisco -Vazquez Coronado, when he got back from Quivira, gave orders to -winter at Tiguex, in order to return, when the winter was over, with -his whole army to discover all the settlements in those regions. Don -Pedro de Tovar, who had gone, as we related, to conduct a force from -the city of Saint Jerome (San Hieronimo), arrived in the meantime -with the men whom he had brought. He had not selected the rebels -and seditious men there, but the most experienced ones and the best -soldiers—men whom he could trust—wisely considering that he ought to -have good men in order to go in search of his general in the country -of the Indian called Turk. Although they found the army at Tiguex -when they arrived there, this did not please them much, because they -had come with great expectations, believing that they would find -their general in the rich country of the Indian called Turk. They -consoled themselves with the hope of going back there, and lived in -anticipation of the pleasure of undertaking this return expedition, -which the army would soon make to Quivira. Don Pedro de Tovar -brought letters from New Spain, both from the viceroy, Don Antonio -de Mendoza, and from individuals. Among these was one for Don Garcia -Lopez de Cardenas, which informed him of the death of his brother, -the heir, and summoned him to Spain to receive the inheritance. On -this account he was given permission, and left Tiguex with several -other persons who [p531] received permission to go and settle -their affairs. There were many others who would have liked to go, but -did not, in order not to appear faint-hearted. During this time the -general endeavored to pacify several villages in the neighborhood -which were not well disposed, and to make peace with the people at -Tiguex. He tried also to procure some of the cloth of the country, -because the soldiers were almost naked and poorly clothed, full of -lice, which they were unable to get rid of or avoid. - -[Illustration: LXI. Zuñi Interior] - -The general, Francisco Vazquez Coronado, had been beloved and obeyed -by his captains and soldiers as heartily as any of those who have -ever started out in the Indies. Necessity knows no law, and the -captains who collected the cloth divided it badly, taking the best -for themselves and their friends and soldiers, and leaving the rest -for the soldiers, and so there began to be some angry murmuring on -account of this. Others also complained because they noticed that -some favored ones were spared in the work and in the watches and -received better portions of what was divided, both of cloth and food. -On this account it is thought that they began to say that there was -nothing in the country of Quivira which was worth returning for, -which was no slight cause of what afterward happened, as will be seen. - - -_Chapter 2, of the general’s fall, and of how the return to New Spain -was ordered._ - -After the winter was over, the return to Quivira was announced, and -the men began to prepare the things needed. Since nothing in this -life is at the disposition of men, but all is under the ordination of -Almighty God, it was His will that we should not accomplish this, and -so it happened that one feast day the general went out on horseback -to amuse himself, as usual,[271] riding with the captain Don Rodrigo -Maldonado. He was on a powerful horse, and his servants had put on -a new girth, which must have been rotten at the time, for it broke -during the race and he fell over on the side where Don Rodrigo was, -and as his horse passed over him it hit his head with its hoof, -which laid him at the point of death, and his recovery was slow and -doubtful.[272] - -During this time, while he was in his bed,[273] Don Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas, who had started to go to New Spain, came back in flight -from Suya, because he had found that town deserted and the people -and horses and cattle all dead. When he reached Tiguex and learned -the sad news [p532] that the general was near his end, as already -related, they did not dare to tell him until he had recovered, and -when he finally got up and learned of it, it affected him so much -that he had to go back to bed again. He may have done this in order -to bring about what he afterward accomplished, as was believed later. -It was while he was in this condition that he recollected what a -scientific friend of his in Salamanca had told him, that he would -become a powerful lord in distant lands, and that he would have a -fall from which he would never be able to recover. This expectation -of death made him desire to return and die where he had a wife and -children. As the physician and surgeon who was doctoring him, and -also acted as a talebearer,[274] suppressed the murmurings that were -going about among the soldiers, he treated secretly and underhandedly -with several gentlemen who agreed with him. They set the soldiers -to talking about going back to New Spain, in little knots and -gatherings, and induced them to hold consultations about it, and had -them send papers to the general, signed by all the soldiers, through -their ensigns, asking for this. They all entered into it readily, -and not much time needed to be spent, since many desired it already. -When they asked him, the general acted as if he did not want to do -it, but all the gentlemen and captains supported them, giving him -their signed opinions, and as some were in this, they could give it -at once, and they even persuaded others to do the same.[275] Thus -they made it seem as if they ought to return to New Spain, because -they had not found any riches, nor had they discovered any settled -country out of which estates could be formed for all the army. When -he had obtained their signatures, the return to New Spain was at -once announced, and since nothing can ever be concealed, the double -dealing began to be understood, and many of the gentlemen found that -they had been deceived and had made a mistake. They tried in every -way to get their signatures back again from the general, who guarded -them so carefully that he did not go out of one room, making his -sickness seem very much worse, and putting guards about his person -and room, and at night about the floor on which he slept. In spite -of all this, they stole his chest, and it is said that they did not -find their signatures in it, because he kept them in his mattress; on -the other hand, it is said that they did recover them. They asked the -general to give them 60 picked men, with whom they would remain and -hold the country until the viceroy could send them support, or recall -them, or else that the general would leave them the army and pick out -60 men to go back with him. But the soldiers did not want to remain -either way, some because they had turned their prow toward New Spain, -and others because they saw clearly the trouble that would arise over -who should have the command. The gentlemen, I do not know whether -because they had sworn fidelity or because they [p533] feared that -the soldiers would not support them, did what had been decided -on,[276] although with an ill-will, and from this time on they did -not obey the general as readily as formerly, and they did not show -any affection for him. He made much of the soldiers and humored them, -with the result that he did what he desired and secured the return of -the whole army. - - -_Chapter 3, of the rebellion at Suya and the reasons the settlers -gave for it._ - -We have already stated in the last chapter that Don Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas came back from Suya in flight, having found that country -risen in rebellion. He told how and why that town was deserted, -which occurred as I will relate. The entirely worthless fellows were -all who had been left in that town, the mutinous and seditious men, -besides a few who were honored with the charge of public affairs -and who were left to govern the others. Thus the bad dispositions -of the worthless secured the power, and they held daily meetings -and councils and declared that they had been betrayed and were not -going to be rescued, since the others had been directed to go through -another part of the country, where there was a more convenient route -to New Spain, which was not so, because they were still almost on the -direct road. This talk led some of them to revolt, and they chose one -Pedro de Avila as their captain. They went back to Culiacan, leaving -the captain, Diego de Alcaraz, sick in the town of San Hieronimo, -with only a small force. He did not have anyone whom he could send -after them to compel them to return. They killed a number of people -at several villages along the way. Finally they reached Culiacan, -where Hernando Arias de Saabedra, who was waiting for Juan Gallego -to come back from New Spain with a force, detained them by means -of promises, so that Gallego could take them back. Some who feared -what might happen to them ran away one night to New Spain. Diego -de Alcaraz, who had remained at Suya with a small force, sick, was -not able to hold his position, although he would have liked to, on -account of the poisonous herb which the natives use. When these -noticed how weak the Spaniards were, they did not continue to trade -with them as they formerly had done. Veins of gold had already been -discovered before this, but they were unable to work these, because -the country was at war. The disturbance was so great that they did -not cease to keep watch and to be more than usually careful. - -The town was situated on a little river. One night all of a -sudden[277] they saw fires which they were not accustomed to, and -on this account they doubled the watches, but not having noticed -anything during the whole night, they grew careless along toward -morning, and the enemy entered the village so silently that they -were not seen until they began to kill and plunder. A number of men -reached the plain as well as [p534] they could, but while they were -getting out the captain was mortally wounded. Several Spaniards came -back on some horses after they had recovered themselves and attacked -the enemy, rescuing some, though only a few. The enemy went off -with the booty, leaving three Spaniards killed, besides many of the -servants and more than twenty horses. - -The Spaniards who survived started off the same day on foot, not -having any horses. They went toward Culiacan, keeping away from the -roads, and did not find any food until they reached Corazones, where -the Indians, like the good friends they have always been, provided -them with food. From here they continued to Culiacan, undergoing -great hardships. Hernandarias de Saabedra,[278] the mayor, received -them and entertained them as well as he could until Juan Gallego -arrived with the reinforcements which he was conducting, on his way -to find the army. He was not a little troubled at finding that post -deserted, when he expected that the army would be in the rich country -which had been described by the Indian called Turk, because he looked -like one. - - -_Chapter 4, of how Friar Juan de Padilla and Friar Luis remained in -the country and the army prepared to return to Mexico._ - -When the general, Francisco Vazquez, saw that everything was now -quiet, and that his schemes had gone as he wished, he ordered that -everything should be ready to start on the return to New Spain by the -beginning of the month of April, in the year 1543.[279] - -Seeing this, Friar Juan de Padilla, a regular brother of the lesser -order,[280] and another, Friar Luis, a lay brother, told the general -that they wanted to remain in that country—Friar Juan de Padilla in -Quivira, because his teachings seemed to promise fruit there, and -Friar Luis at Cicuye. On this account, as it was Lent at the time, -the father made this the subject of his sermon to the companies one -Sunday, establishing his proposition on the authority of the Holy -Scriptures. He declared his zeal for the conversion of these peoples -and his desire to draw them to the faith, and stated that he had -received permission to do it, although this was not necessary. The -general sent a company to escort them as far as Cicuye, where Friar -Luis stopped, while Friar Juan went on back to Quivira with the -guides who had conducted the general, taking with him the Portuguese, -as we related, and the half-blood, and the Indians from New Spain. -He was martyred a short time after he arrived there, as we related -in the second part, chapter 8. Thus we may be sure that he died a -martyr, because his zeal was holy and earnest. - -[Illustration: LXII. Zuñis in Typical Modern Costume] - -Friar Luis remained at Cicuye. Nothing more has been heard about him -since, but before the army left Tiguex some men who went to take -[p535] him a number of sheep that were left for him to keep, -met him as he was on his way to visit some other villages, which -were 15 or 20 leagues from Cicuye, accompanied by some followers. -He felt very hopeful that he was liked at the village and that his -teaching would bear fruit, although he complained that the old men -were falling away from him. I, for my part, believe that they finally -killed him. He was a man of good and holy life, and may Our Lord -protect him and grant that he may convert many of those peoples, and -end his days in guiding them in the faith. We do not need to believe -otherwise, for the people in those parts are pious and not at all -cruel. They are friends, or rather, enemies of cruelty, and they -remained faithful and loyal friends.[281] [p536] - -After the friars had gone, the general, fearing that they might be -injured if people were carried away from that country to New Spain, -ordered the soldiers to let any of the natives who were held as -servants go free to their villages whenever they might wish. In my -opinion, though I am not sure, it would have been better if they had -been kept and taught among Christians. - -The general was very happy and contented when the time arrived and -everything needed for the journey was ready, and the army started -from Tiguex on its way back to Cibola. One thing of no small note -happened during this part of the trip. The horses were in good -condition for their work when they started, fat and sleek, but more -than, thirty died during the ten days which it took to reach Cibola, -and there was not a day in which two or three or more did not die. A -large number of them also died afterward, before reaching Culiacan, a -thing that did not happen during all the rest of the journey. - -After the army reached Cibola, it rested before starting across the -wilderness, because this was the last of the settlements in that -country. The whole country was left well disposed and at peace, and -several of our Indian allies remained there.[282] [p537] - -[Illustration: LXIII. Hopi Maidens, Showing Primitive Pueblo -Hairdressing] - - -_Chapter 5, of how the army left the settlements and marched to -Culiacan, and of what happened on the way._ - -Leaving astern, as we might say, the settlements that had been -discovered in the new land, of which, as I have said, the seven -villages of Cibola were the first to be seen and the last that were -left, the army started off, marching across the wilderness. The -natives kept following the rear of the army for two or three days, -to pick up any baggage or servants, for although they were still at -peace and had always been loyal friends, when they saw that we were -going to leave the country entirely, they were glad to get some of -our people in their power, although I do not think that they wanted -to injure them, from what I was told by some who were not willing to -go back with them when they teased and asked them to. Altogether, -they carried off several people besides those who had remained of -their own accord, among whom good interpreters could be found today. -The wilderness was crossed without opposition, and on the second -day before reaching Chichilticalli Juan Gallego met the army, as he -was coming from New Spain with reenforcements of men and necessary -supplies for the army, expecting that he would find the army in the -country of the Indian called Turk. When Juan Gallego saw that the -army was returning, the first thing he said was not, “I am glad you -are coming back,” and he did not like it any better after he had -talked with the general. After he had reached the army, or rather -the quarters, there was quite a little movement among the gentlemen -toward going back with the new force which had made no slight -exertions in coming thus far, having encounters every day with the -Indians of these regions who had risen in revolt, as will be related. -There was talk of making a settlement somewhere in that region until -the viceroy could receive an account of what had occurred. Those -soldiers who had come from the new lands would not agree to anything -except the return to New Spain, so that nothing came of the proposals -made at the consultations, and although there was some opposition, -they were finally quieted. Several of the mutineers who had deserted -the town of Corazones came with Juan Gallego, who had given them his -word as surety for their safety, and even if the general had wanted -to punish them, his power was slight, for he had been disobeyed -already and was not much respected. He began to be afraid again -after this, and made himself sick, and kept a guard. In several -places yells were heard and Indians seen, and some of the horses -were wounded and killed, before Batuco[283] was reached, where the -friendly Indians from Corazones came to meet the army and see the -general. They were always friendly and had treated all the Spaniards -who passed through their country well, furnishing them with what -food they needed, and men, if they needed these. Our men had always -treated them well and repaid them for these things. During this -journey the juice of the quince was proved to be a good protection -against the poison of the [p538] natives, because at one place, -several days before reaching Señora,[284] the hostile Indians wounded -a Spaniard called Mesa, and he did not die, although the wound of the -fresh poison is fatal, and there was a delay of over two hours before -curing him with the juice. The poison, however, had left its mark -upon him. The skin rotted and fell off until it left the bones and -sinews bare, with a horrible smell. The wound was in the wrist, and -the poison had reached as far as the shoulder when he was cured. The -skin on all this fell off.[285] - -The army proceeded without taking any rest, because the provisions -had begun to fail by this time. These districts were in rebellion, -and so there were not any victuals where the soldiers could get them -until they reached Petlatlan, although they made several forays -into the cross country in search of provisions. Petlatlan is in the -province of Culiacan, and on this account was at peace, although -they had several surprises after this.[286] The army rested here -several days to get provisions. After leaving here they were able to -travel more quickly than before, for the 30 leagues of the valley of -Culiacan, where they were welcomed back again as people who came with -their governor, who had suffered ill treatment. - - -_Chapter 6, of how the general started from Culiacan to give the -viceroy an account of the army with which he had been intrusted._ - -It seemed, indeed, as if the arrival in the valley of Culiacan had -ended the labors of this journey, partly because the general was -governor there and partly because it was inhabited by Christians. -On this account some began to disregard their superiors and the -authority which their captains had over them, and some captains even -forgot the obedience due to their general. Each one played his own -game, so that while the general was marching toward the town, which -was still 10 leagues away, many of the men, or most of them, left -him in order to rest in the valley, and some even proposed not to -follow him. The general understood that he was not strong enough -to compel them, although his position as governor gave him fresh -authority. He determined to accomplish it by a better method, which -was to order all the captains to provide food and meat from the -stores of several villages that were under his control as governor. -He pretended to be sick, keeping his bed, so that those who had any -business with him could speak to him or he with [p539] them more -freely, without hindrance or observation, and he kept sending for -his particular friends in order to ask them to be sure to speak to -the soldiers and encourage them to accompany him back to New Spain, -and to tell them that he would request the viceroy, Don Antonio -de Mendoza, to show them especial favor, and that he would do so -himself for those who might wish to remain in his government. After -this had been done, he started with his army at a very bad time, -when the rains were beginning, for it was about Saint John’s day, -at which season it rains continuously. In the uninhabited country -which they passed through as far as Compostela there are numerous -very dangerous rivers, full of large and fierce alligators. While the -army was halting at one of these rivers, a soldier who was crossing -from one side to the other was seized, in sight of everybody, and -carried off by an alligator without it being possible to help him. -The general proceeded, leaving the men who did not want to follow -him all along the way, and reached Mexico with less than 100 men. -He made his report to the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who did -not receive him very graciously, although he gave him his discharge. -His reputation was gone from this time on. He kept the government -of New Galicia, which had been entrusted to him, for only a short -time, when the viceroy took it himself, until the arrival of the -court, or audiencia, which still governs it. And this was the end of -those discoveries and of the expedition which was made to these new -lands.[287] - -[Illustration: LXIV. Hopi Grinding and Paper-bread Making - -(From photograph of a model in the National Museum)] - -It now remains for us to describe the way in which to enter the -country by a more direct route, although there is never a short cut -without hard work. It is always best to find out what those know who -have prepared the way, who know what will be needed.[288] This can -be found elsewhere, and I will now tell where Quivira lies, what -direction the army took, and the direction in which Greater India -lies, which was what they pretended to be in search of, when the -army started thither. Today, since Villalobos has discovered that -this part of the coast of the South sea trends toward the west, it -is clearly seen and acknowledged that, since we were in the north, -we ought to have turned to the west instead of toward the east, as -we did. With this, we will leave this subject and will proceed to -finish this treatise, since there are several noteworthy things of -which I must give an account, which I have left to be treated more -extensively in the two following chapters. [p540] - - -_Chapter 7, of the adventures of Captain Juan Gallego while he was -bringing reenforcements through the revolted country._ - -One might well have complained when in the last chapter I passed -in silence over the exploits of Captain Juan Gallego with his 20 -companions. I will relate them in the present chapter, so that in -times to come those who read about it or tell of it may have a -reliable authority on whom to rely. I am not writing fables, like -some of the things which we read about nowadays in the books of -chivalry. If it were not that those stories contained enchantments, -there are some things which our Spaniards have done in our own day -in these parts, in their conquests and encounters with the Indians, -which, for deeds worthy of admiration, surpass not only the books -already mentioned, but also those which have been written about -the twelve peers of France, because, if the deadly strength which -the authors of those times attributed to their heroes and the -brilliant and resplendent arms with which they adorned them, are -fully considered, and compared with the small stature of the men -of our time and the few and poor weapons which they have in these -parts,[289] the remarkable things which our people have undertaken -and accomplished with such weapons are more to be wondered at today -than those of which the ancients write, and just because, too, they -fought with barbarous naked people, as ours have with Indians, among -whom there are always men who are brave and valiant and very sure -bowmen, for we have seen them pierce the wings while flying, and hit -hares while running after them. I have said all this in order to show -that some things which we consider fables may be true, because we see -greater things every day in our own times, just as in future times -people will greatly wonder at the deeds of Don Fernando Cortez, who -dared to go into the midst of New Spain with 300 men against the vast -number of people in Mexico, and who with 500 Spaniards succeeded in -subduing it, and made himself lord over it in two years. - -The deeds of Don Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of Guatemala, and -those of Montejo in Tabasco, the conquests of the mainland and of -Peru, were all such as to make me remain silent concerning what I now -wish to relate; but since I have promised to give an account of what -happened on this journey, I want the things I am now going to relate -to be known as well as those others of which I have spoken. - -The captain Juan Gallego, then, reached the town of Culiacan with a -very small force. There he collected as many as he could of those who -had escaped from the town of Hearts, or, more correctly, from Suya, -which made in all 22 men, and with these he marched through all of -the settled country, across which he traveled 200 leagues with the -country in a state of war and the people in rebellion, although they -had formerly been friendly toward the Spaniards, having encounters -with [p541] the enemy almost every day. He always marched with -the advance guard, leaving two-thirds of his force behind with the -baggage. With six or seven Spaniards, and without any of the Indian -allies whom he had with him, he forced his way into their villages, -killing and destroying and setting them on fire, coming upon the -enemy so suddenly and with such quickness and boldness that they did -not have a chance to collect or even to do anything at all, until -they became so afraid of him that there was not a town which dared -wait for him, but they fled before him as from a powerful army; -so much so, that for ten days, while he was passing through the -settlements, they did not have an hour’s rest. He did all this with -his seven companions, so that when the rest of the force came up -with the baggage there was nothing for them to do except to pillage, -since the others had already killed and captured all the people they -could lay their hands on and the rest had fled. They did not pause -anywhere, so that although the villages ahead of him received some -warning, they were upon them so quickly that they did not have a -chance to collect. Especially in the region where the town of Hearts -had been, he killed and hung a large number of people to punish them -for their rebellion. He did not lose a companion during all this, -nor was anyone wounded, except one soldier, who was wounded in the -eyelid by an Indian who was almost dead, whom he was stripping. The -weapon broke the skin and, as it was poisoned, he would have had to -die if he had not been saved by the quince juice; he lost his eye -as it was. These deeds of theirs were such that I know those people -will remember them as long as they live, and especially four or five -friendly Indians who went with them from Corazones, who thought that -they were so wonderful that they held them to be something divine -rather than human. If he had not fallen in with our army as he did, -they would have reached the country of the Indian called Turk, which -they expected to march to, and they would have arrived there without -danger on account of their good order and the skill with which he -was leading them, and their knowledge and ample practice in war. -Several of these men are still in this town of Culiacan, where I am -now writing this account and narrative, where they, as well as I and -the others who have remained in this province, have never lacked -for labor in keeping this country quiet, in capturing rebels, and -increasing in poverty and need, and more than ever at the present -hour, because the country is poorer and more in debt than ever before. - - -_Chapter 8, which describes some remarkable things that were seen on -the plains, with a description of the bulls._ - -My silence was not without mystery and dissimulation when, in chapter -7 of the second part of this book, I spoke of the plains and of the -things of which I will give a detailed account in this chapter, -where all these things may be found together; for these things -were remarkable and something not seen in other parts. I dare to -write [p542] of them because I am writing at a time when many men -are still living who saw them and who will vouch for my account. -Who could believe that 1,000 horses and 500 of our cows and more -than 5,000 rams and ewes and more than 1,500 friendly Indians and -servants, in traveling over those plains, would leave no more trace -where they had passed than if nothing had been there—nothing—so that -it was necessary to make piles of bones and cow dung now and then, -so that the rear guard could follow the army. The grass never failed -to become erect after it had been trodden down, and, although it was -short, it was as fresh and straight as before. - -Another thing was a heap of cowbones, a crossbow shot long, or a -very little less, almost twice a man’s height in places, and some 18 -feet or more wide, which was found on the edge of a salt lake in the -southern part,[290] and this in a region where there are no people -who could have made it. The only explanation of this which could be -suggested was that the waves which the north winds must make in the -lake had piled up the bones of the cattle which had died in the lake, -when the old and weak ones who went into the water were unable to -get out. The noticeable thing is the number of cattle that would be -necessary to make such a pile of bones. - -Now that I wish to describe the appearance of the bulls, it is to -be noticed first that there was not one of the horses that did not -take flight when he saw them first, for they have a narrow, short -face, the brow two palms across from eye to eye, the eyes sticking -out at the side, so that, when they are running, they can see who -is following them. They have very long beards, like goats, and when -they are running they throw their heads back with the beard dragging -on the ground. There is a sort of girdle round the middle of the -body.[291] The hair is very woolly, like a sheep’s, very fine, and in -front of the girdle the hair is very long and rough like a lion’s. -They have a great hump, larger than a camel’s. The horns are short -and thick, so that they are not seen much above the hair. In May they -change the hair in the middle of the body for a down, which makes -perfect lions of them. They rub against the small trees in the little -ravines to shed their hair, and they continue this until only the -down is left, as a snake changes his skin. They have a short tail, -with a bunch of hair at the end. When they run, they carry it erect -like a scorpion. It is worth noticing that the little calves are red -and just like ours, but they change their color and appearance with -time and age. - -Another strange thing was that all the bulls that were killed had -their left ears slit, although these were whole when young. The -reason for this was a puzzle that could not be guessed. The wool -ought to [p543] make good cloth, on account of its fineness, -although, the color is not good, because it is the color of -buriel.[292] - -[Illustration: LXV. Hopi Basket Maker - -(From photograph of a model in the National Museum)] - -Another thing worth noticing is that the bulls traveled without cows -in such large numbers that nobody could have counted them, and so far -away from the cows that it was more than 40 leagues from where we -began to see the bulls to the place where we began to see the cows. -The country they traveled over was so level and smooth that if one -looked at them the sky could be seen between their legs, so that if -some of them were at a distance they looked like smooth-trunked pines -whose tops joined, and if there was only one bull it looked as if -there were four pines. When one was near them, it was impossible to -see the ground on the other side of them. The reason for all this was -that the country seemed as round as if a man should imagine himself -in a three-pint measure, and could see the sky at the edge of it, -about a crossbow shot from him, and even if a man only lay down on -his back he lost sight of the ground.[293] [p544] - -I have not written about other things which were seen nor made -any mention of them, because they were not of so much importance, -although it does not seem right for me to remain silent concerning -the fact that they venerate the sign of the cross in the region where -the settlements have high houses. For at a spring which was in the -plain near Acuco they had a cross two palms high and as thick as -a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and -many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous -withered flowers, which were the offerings.[294] In a graveyard -outside the village at Tutahaco there appeared to have been a -recent burial. Near the head there was another cross made of two -little sticks tied with cotton thread, and dry withered flowers. It -certainly seems to me that in some way they must have received some -light from the cross of Our Redeemer, Christ, and it may have come by -way of India, from whence they proceeded. - - -_Chapter 9, which treats of the direction which the army took, and of -how another more direct way might be found, if anyone was to return -to that country._ - -I very much wish that I possessed some knowledge of cosmography or -geography, so as to render what I wish to say intelligible, and so -that I could reckon up or measure the advantage those people who -might go in search of that country would have if they went directly -through the center of the country, instead of following the road the -army took. However, with the help of the favor of the Lord, I will -state it as well as I can, making it as plain as possible. - -It is, I think, already understood that the Portuguese, Campo, was -the soldier who escaped when Friar Juan de Padilla was killed at -Quivira, and that he finally reached New Spain from Panuco,[295] -having traveled across the plains country until he came to cross the -North Sea mountain chain, keeping the country that Don Hernando de -Soto discovered all the time on his left hand, since he did not see -the river of the Holy Spirit (Espiritu Santo) at all.[296] After he -had crossed the North Sea mountains, he found that he was in Panuco, -so that if he had not tried to go to the North sea, he would have -come out in the [p545] neighborhood of the border land, or the -country of the Sacatecas,[297] of which we now have some knowledge. - -This way would be somewhat better and more direct for anyone going -back there in search of Quivira, since some of those who came -with the Portuguese are still in New Spain to serve as guides. -Nevertheless, I think it would be best to go through the country of -the Guachichules,[298] keeping near the South Sea mountains all the -time, for there are more settlements and a food supply, for it would -be suicide to launch out on to the plains country, because it is so -vast and is barren of anything to eat, although, it is true, there -would not be much need of this after coming to the cows. This is -only when one goes in search of Quivira, and of the villages which -were described by the Indian called Turk, for the army of Francisco -Vazquez Coronado went the very farthest way round to get there, since -they started from Mexico and went 110 leagues to the west, and then -100 leagues to the northeast, and 250 to the north,[299] and all this -brought them as far as the ravines where the cows were, and after -traveling 850 leagues they were not more than 400 leagues distant -from Mexico by a direct route. If one desires to go to the country -of Tiguex, so as to turn from there toward the west in search of the -country of India, he ought to follow the road taken by the army, -for there is no other, even if one wished to go by a different way, -because the arm of the sea which reaches into this coast toward the -north does not leave room for any. But what might be done is to have -a fleet and cross this gulf and disembark in the neighborhood of the -Island of Negroes[300] and enter the country from there, crossing the -mountain chains in search of the country from which the people at -Tiguex came, or other peoples of the same sort. As for entering from -the country of Florida and from the North sea, it has already been -observed that the many expeditions which have been undertaken from -that side have been unfortunate and not very successful, because that -part of the country is full of bogs and poisonous fruits, barren, -and the very worst country that is warmed by the sun. But they might -disembark after passing the river of the Holy Spirit, as Don Hernando -de Soto did. Nevertheless, despite the fact that I underwent much -labor, I still think that the way I went to that country is the best. -There ought to be river courses, because the necessary supplies can -be carried on these more easily in [p546] large quantities. Horses, -are the most necessary things in the new countries, and they frighten -the enemy most. . . . Artillery is also much feared by those who do -not know how to use it. A piece of heavy artillery would be very -good for settlements like those which Francisco Vazquez Coronado -discovered, in order to knock them down, because he had nothing but -some small machines for slinging and nobody skillful enough to make -a catapult or some other machine which would frighten them, which is -very necessary. - -I say, then, that with what we now know about the trend of the coast -of the South sea, which has been followed by the ships which explored -the western part, and what is known of the North sea toward Norway, -the coast of which extends up from Florida, those who now go to -discover the country which Francisco Vazquez entered, and reach the -country of Cibola or of Tiguex, will know the direction in which they -ought to go in order to discover the true direction of the country -which the Marquis of the Valley, Don Hernando Cortes, tried to find, -following the direction of the gulf of the Firebrand (Tizon) river. -This will suffice for the conclusion of our narrative. Everything -else rests on the powerful Lord of all things, God Omnipotent, who -knows how and when these lands will be discovered and for whom. He -has guarded this good fortune. - -_Laus Deo._ - -Finished copying, Saturday the 26th of October, 1596, in Seville. - -[Illustration: LXVI. Pueblo Pottery Making - -(From photograph of a model in the National Museum)] - - -[p547] - -TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM MENDOZA TO THE KING, APRIL 17, -1540.[301] - - S.C.C.M.: - -I wrote to Your Majesty from Compostela the last of February, giving -you an account of my arrival there and of the departure of Francisco -Vazquez with the force which I sent to pacify and settle in the newly -discovered country, and of how the warden, Lope de Samaniego, was -going as army master, both because he was a responsible person and a -very good Christian, and because he has had experience in matters of -this sort; as Your Majesty had desired to know. And the news which I -have received since then is to the effect that after they had passed -the uninhabited region of Culuacan and were approaching Chiametla, -the warden went off with some horsemen to find provisions, and one -of the soldiers who was with him, who had strayed from the force, -called out that they were killing him. The warden hastened to his -assistance, and they wounded him in the eye with an arrow, from which -he died. In regard to the fortress,[302] besides the fact that it -is badly built and going to pieces, it seems to me that the cost of -it is excessive, and that Your Majesty could do without the most of -it, because there is one man who takes charge of the munitions and -artillery, and an armorer to repair it, and a gunner, and as this is -the way it was under the audiencia, before the fortresses were made -conformable to what I have written to Your Majesty, we can get along -without the rest, because that fortress was built on account of the -brigantines, and not for any other purpose.[303] And as the lagoon is -so dry that it can do no good in this way for the present, I think -that, for this reason, the cost is superfluous. I believe that it -will have fallen in before a reply can come from Your Majesty. - -Some days ago I wrote to Your Majesty that I had ordered Melchior -Diaz, who was in the town of San Miguel de Culuacan, to take some -horsemen and see if the account given by the father, Friar Marcos, -agreed with what he could discover. He set out from Culuacan with -fifteen horsemen, the 17th of November last. The 20th of this present -[p548] March I received a letter from him, which he sent me by Juan -de Zaldyvar and three other horsemen. In this he says that after he -left Culuacan and crossed the river of Petatlan he was everywhere -very well received by the Indians. The way he did was to send a -cross to the place where he was going to stop, because this was a -sign which the Indians received with deep veneration, making a house -out of mats in which to place it, and somewhat away from this they -made a lodging for the Spaniards, and drove stakes where they could -tie the horses, and supplied fodder for them, and abundance of corn -wherever they had it. They say that they suffered from hunger in many -places, because it had been a bad year. After going 100 leagues from -Culuacan, he began to find the country cold, with severe frosts, -and the farther he went on the colder it became, until he reached a -point where some Indians whom he had with him were frozen, and two -Spaniards were in great danger. Seeing this, he decided not to go any -farther until the winter was over, and to send back, by those whom I -mentioned, an account of what he had learned concerning Cibola and -the country beyond, which is as follows, taken literally from his -letter: - -“I have given Your Lordship an account of what happened to me along -the way; and seeing that it is impossible to cross the uninhabited -region which stretches from here to Cibola, on account of the heavy -snows and the cold, I will give Your Lordship an account of what I -have learned about Cibola, which I have ascertained by asking many -persons who have been there fifteen and twenty years; and I have -secured this in many different ways, taking some Indians together -and others separately, and on comparison they all seem to agree in -what they say. After crossing this large wilderness, there are seven -places, being a short day’s march from one to another, all of which -are together called Cibola. The houses are of stone and mud, coarsely -worked. They are made in this way: One large wall, and at each end -of this wall some rooms are built, partitioned off 20 feet square, -according to the description they give, which are planked with square -beams. Most of the houses are reached from the flat roofs, using -their ladders to go to the streets. The houses have three and four -stories. They declare that there are few having two stories. The -stories are mostly half as high again as a man, except the first -one, which is low, and only a little more than a man’s height. One -ladder is used to communicate with ten or twelve houses together. -They make use of the low ones and live in the highest ones. In the -lowest ones of all they have some loopholes made sideways, as in -the fortresses of Spain. The Indians say that when these people are -attacked, they station themselves in their houses and fight from -there; and that when they go to make war, they carry shields and wear -leather jackets, which are made of cows’ hide, colored, and that they -fight with arrows and with a sort of stone maul and with some other -weapons made of sticks, which I have not been able to make out. They -eat human flesh, and they keep those whom they capture in war as -slaves. There are many fowls in the [p549] country, tame. They have -much corn and beans and melons [squashes]. In their houses they keep -some hairy animals, like the large Spanish hounds, which they shear, -and they make long colored wigs from the hair, like this one which I -send to Your Lordship, which they wear, and they also put this same -stuff in the cloth which they make.[304] The men are of small stature -[plate LXII]; the women are light colored and of good appearance, -and they wear shirts or chemises which reach down to their feet. -They wear their hair on each side done up in a sort of twist [plate -LXIII], which leaves the ears outside, in which they hang many -turquoises, as well as on their necks and on the wrists of their -arms. The clothing of the men is a cloak, and over this the skin of -a cow, like the one which Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes brought, which -Your Lordship saw; they wear caps[305] on their heads; in summer -they wear shoes made of painted or colored skin, and high buskins in -winter.[306] - -“They were also unable to tell me of any metal, nor did they say -that they had it. They have turquoises in quantity, although not -so many as the father provincial said. They have some little stone -crystals, like this which I send to Your Lordship, of which Your -Lordship has seen many here in New Spain. They cultivate the ground -in the same way as in New Spain. They carry things on their heads, -as in Mexico. [p550] The men weave cloth, and spin cotton. They -have salt from a marshy lake, which is two days from the province -of Cibola.[307] The Indians have their dances and songs, with some -flutes which have holes on which to put the fingers. They make much -noise. They sing in unison with those who play, and those who sing -clap their hands in our fashion. One of the Indians that accompanied -the negro Esteban, who had been a captive there, saw the playing -as they practiced it, and others singing as I have said, although -not very vigorously. They say that five or six play together, and -that some of the flutes are better than others.[308] They say the -country is good for corn and beans, and that they do not have any -fruit trees, nor do they know what such a thing is.[309] They have -very good mountains. The country lacks water. They do not raise -cotton, but bring it from Totonteac.[310] They eat out of flat -bowls, like the Mexicans. They raise considerable corn and beans -and other similar things.[311] They do not know what sea fish is, -nor have they ever heard of it. I have not obtained any information -about the cows, except that these are found beyond the province of -Cibola. There is a great abundance of wild goats, of the color of bay -horses; there are many of these here where I am, and although I have -asked the Indians if those are like these, they tell me no. Of the -seven settlements, they describe three of them as very large; four -not so big. They describe them, as I understand, to be about three -crossbow shots square for each place, and from what the Indians say, -and their descriptions of the houses and their size, and as these -are close together, and considering that there are people in each -house, it ought to make a large multitude. Totonteac is declared to -be seven short days from the province of Cibola, and of the same sort -of houses and people, and they say that cotton grows there. I doubt -this, because they tell me that it is a cold country. They say that -there are twelve villages, every one of which is larger than the -largest at Cibola. They also tell me that there is a village which is -one day from Cibola, and that the two are at war.[312] They have the -same sort of houses and people and customs. They declare this to be -greater than any of those described; I take it that there is a great -multitude of people there. They are very well known, on account of -having these houses and abundance of food and turquoises. I have not -been able to learn more than what I have [p551] related, although, as -I have said, I have had with me Indians who have lived there fifteen -and twenty years. - -[Illustration: LXVII. Pueblo Spinning and Weaving - -(From photograph of a model in the National Museum)] - -“The death of Esteban the negro took place in the way the father, -Friar Marcos, described it to your lordship, and so I do not make -a report of it here, except that the people at Cibola sent word to -those of this village and in its neighborhood that if any Christians -should come, they ought not to consider them as anything peculiar, -and ought to kill them, because they were mortal—saying that they -had learned this because they kept the bones of the one who had come -there; and that, if they did not dare to do this, they should send -word so that those (at Cibola) could come and do it. I can very -easily believe that all this has taken place, and that there has been -some communication between these places, because of the coolness with -which they received us and the sour faces they have shown us.” - -Melchior Diaz says that the people whom he found along the way do -not have any settlements at all, except in one valley which is 150 -leagues from Culuacan, which is well settled and has houses with -lofts, and that there are many people along the way, but that they -are not good for anything except to make them Christians, as if this -was of small account. May Your Majesty remember to provide for the -service of God, and keep in mind the deaths and the loss of life and -of provinces which has taken place in these Indies. And, moreover, up -to this present day none of the things Your Majesty has commanded, -which have been very holy and good, have been attended to, nor -priests provided, either for that country or for this. For I assure -Your Majesty that there is no trace of Christianity where they have -not yet arrived, neither little nor much, and that the poor people -are ready to receive the priests and come to them even when they flee -from us like deer in the mountains. And I state this because I am -an eyewitness, and I have seen it clearly during this trip. I have -importuned Your Majesty for friars, and yet again I can not cease -doing it much more, because unless this be done I can not accomplish -that which I am bound to do. - -After I reach Mexico, I will give Your Majesty an account of -everything concerning these provinces, for while I should like to do -it today, I can not, because I am very weak from a slow fever which -I caught in Colima, which attacked me very severely, although it did -not last more than six days. It has pleased Our Lord to make me well -already, and I have traveled here to Jacona, where I am. - -May Our Lord protect the Holy Catholic Cæsarian person of Your -Majesty and aggrandize it with increase of better kingdoms and -lordships, as we your servants desire. - -From Jacona, April 17, 1540. - - S.C.C.M. - -Your Holy Majesty’s humble servant, who salutes your royal feet and -hands, - - D. ANTONIO DE MENDOZA. - - -[p552] - -TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER FROM CORONADO TO MENDOZA, AUGUST 3, -1540.[313] - -THE ACCOUNT GIVEN BY FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO, CAPTAIN-GENERAL -OF THE FORCE WHICH WAS SENT IN THE NAME OF HIS MAJESTY TO THE NEWLY -DISCOVERED COUNTRY, OF WHAT HAPPENED TO THE EXPEDITION AFTER APRIL 22 -OF THE YEAR MDXL, WHEN HE STARTED FORWARD FROM CULIACAN, AND OF WHAT -HE FOUND IN THE COUNTRY THROUGH WHICH HE PASSED. - - -_Francisco Vazquez starts from Culiacan with his army, and after -suffering various inconveniences on account of the badness of the -way, reaches the Valley of Hearts, where he failed to find any corn, -to procure which he sends to the valley called Señora. He receives an -account of the important Valley of Hearts and of the people there, -and of some lands lying along that coast._ - -On the 22d of the month of April last, I set out from the province -of Culiacan with a part of the army, having made the arrangements of -which I wrote to Your Lordship. Judging by the outcome, I feel sure -that it was fortunate that I did not start the whole of the army on -this undertaking, because the labors have been so very great and -the lack of food such that I do not believe this undertaking could -have been completed before the end of this year, and that there -would be a great loss of life if it should be accomplished. For, -as I wrote to Your Lordship, I spent eighty days in traveling to -Culiacan,[314] during which time I and the gentlemen of my company, -who were horsemen, carried on our backs and on our horses a little -food, in such wise that after leaving this place none of us carried -any necessary effects weighing more than a pound. For all this, and -although we took all possible care and forethought of the small -supply of provisions which we carried, it gave out. And this is not -to be wondered at, because the road is rough and long, and what with -our harquebuses, which had to be carried up the mountains and hills -and in the passage of the rivers, the greater part of the [p553] -corn was lost. And since I send Your Lordship a drawing of this -route, I will say no more about it here. - -Thirty leagues before reaching the place which the father provincial -spoke so well of in his report,[315] I sent Melchior Diaz forward -with fifteen horsemen, ordering him to make but one day’s journey -out of two, so that he could examine everything there before I -arrived. He traveled through some very rough mountains for four days, -and did not find anything to live on, nor people, nor information -about anything, except that he found two or three poor villages, -with twenty or thirty huts apiece. From the people here he learned -that there was nothing to be found in the country beyond except -the mountains, which continued very rough, entirely uninhabited by -people. And, because this was labor lost, I did not want to send -Your Lordship an account of it. The whole company felt disturbed at -this, that a thing so much praised, and about which the father had -said so many things, should be found so very different; and they -began to think that all the rest would be of the same sort. When I -noticed this, I tried to encourage them as well as I could, telling -them that Your Lordship had always thought that this part of the -trip would be a waste of effort, and that we ought to devote our -attention to those Seven Cities and the other provinces about which -we had information—that these should be the end of our enterprise. -With this resolution and purpose, we all marched cheerfully along a -very bad way, where it was impossible to pass without making a new -road or repairing the one that was there, which troubled the soldiers -not a little, considering that everything which the friar had said -was found to be quite the reverse; because, among other things which -the father had said and declared, he said that the way would be plain -and good, and that there would be only one small hill of about half -a league. And the truth is, that there are mountains where, however -well the path might be fixed, they could not be crossed without -there being great danger of the horses falling over them. And it was -so bad that a large number of the animals which Your Lordship sent -as provision for the army were lost along this part of the way, on -account of the roughness of the rocks. The lambs and wethers lost -their hoofs along the way, and I left the greater part of those which -I brought from Culiacan at the river of Lachimi,[316] because they -were unable to travel, and so that they might proceed more slowly. -Four horsemen remained with them, who have just arrived. They have -not brought more than 24 lambs and 4 wethers; the rest died from the -toil, although they did not travel more than two leagues daily. I -reached the Valley of Hearts at last, on the 26th day of the month -of May, and rested there a number of days. Between Culiacan and this -place I could sustain myself only by means of a large supply of corn -bread, because I had to leave all the corn, as it was not yet ripe. -In this Valley of Hearts we found more people than in any part of -the country [p554] which we had left behind, and a large extent -of tilled ground. There was no corn for food among them, but as I -heard that there was some in another valley called Señora, which I -did not wish to disturb by force, I sent Melchior Diaz with goods to -exchange for it, so as to give this to the friendly Indians whom we -brought with us, and to some who had lost their animals along the way -and had not been able to carry the food which they had taken from -Culiacan. By the favor of Our Lord, some little corn was obtained by -this trading, which relieved the friendly Indians and some Spaniards. -Ten or twelve of the horses had died of overwork by the time that -we reached this Valley of Hearts, because they were unable to stand -the strain of carrying heavy burdens and eating little. Some of our -negroes and some of the Indians also died here, which, was not a -slight loss for the rest of the expedition. They told me that the -Valley of Hearts is a long five-days’ journey from the western sea. I -sent to summon Indians from the coast in order to learn about their -condition, and while I was waiting for these the horses rested. I -stayed there four days, during which the Indians came from the sea, -who told me that there were seven or eight islands two days’ journey -from that seacoast, directly opposite, well populated with people, -but poorly supplied with food, and the people were savages.[317] -They told me they had seen a ship pass not very far from the land. I -do not know whether to think that it was the one which was sent to -discover the country, or perhaps some Portuguese.[318] - - -_They come to Chichilticale; after having taken two days’ rest, they -enter a country containing very little food and hard to travel for 30 -leagues, beyond which the country becomes pleasant, and there is a -river called the River of the Flax (del Lino); they fight against the -Indians, being attacked by these; and having by their victory secured -the city, they relieve themselves of the pangs of their hunger._ - -[Illustration: LXVIII. The Tewa Pueblo of P’o-who-gi or San Ildefonso] - -I set out from the Hearts and kept near the seacoast as well as I -could judge, but in fact I found myself continually farther off, so -that when I reached Chichilticale I found that I was fifteen days’ -journey distant from the sea,[319] although the father provincial -had said that it was only 5 leagues distant and that he had seen -it. We all became very distrustful, and felt great anxiety and -dismay to see that everything was the reverse of what he had told -Your Lordship. The Indians of Chichilticale say that when they go -to the sea for fish, or for anything else that they need, they go -across the country, and that it takes them [p555] ten days; and -this information which I have received from the Indians appears to -me to be true. The sea turns toward the west directly opposite the -Hearts for 10 or 12 leagues, where I learned that the ships of Your -Lordship had been seen, which had gone in search of the port of -Chichilticale, which the father said was on the thirty-fifth degree. -God knows what I have suffered, because I fear that they may have -met with some mishap. If they follow the coast, as they said they -would, as long as the food lasts which they took with them, of which -I left them a supply in Culiacan, and if they have not been overtaken -by some misfortune, I maintain my trust in God that they have -already discovered something good, for which the delay which they -have made may be pardoned. I rested for two days at Chichilticale, -and there was good reason for staying longer, because we found that -the horses were becoming so tired; but there was no chance to rest -longer, because the food was giving out. I entered the borders of -the wilderness region on Saint John’s eve, and, for a change from -our past labors, we found no grass during the first days, but a -worse way through mountains and more dangerous passages than we had -experienced previously. The horses were so tired that they were -not equal to it, so that in this last desert we lost more horses -than before; and some Indian allies and a Spaniard called Spinosa, -besides two negroes, died from eating some herbs because the food -had given out. I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, -with 15 horsemen, a day’s march ahead of me, in order to explore -the country and prepare the way, which he accomplished like the man -that he is, and agreeably to the confidence which Your Lordship has -had in him. I am the more certain that he did so, because, as I have -said, the way is very bad for at least 30 leagues and more, through -impassable mountains. But when we had passed these 30 leagues, we -found fresh rivers and grass like that of Castile, and especially -one sort like what we call _Scaramoio_; many nut and mulberry trees, -but the leaves of the nut trees are different from those of Spain. -There was a considerable amount of flax near the banks of one river, -which was called on this account El Rio del Lino. No Indians were -seen during the first day’s march, after which four Indians came out -with signs of peace, saying that they had been sent to that desert -place to say that we were welcome, and that on the next day the tribe -would provide the whole force with food. The army-master gave them -a cross, telling them to say to the people in their city that they -need not fear, and that they should have their people stay in their -own houses, because I was coming in the name of His Majesty to defend -and help them. After this was done, Ferrando Alvarado came back to -tell me that some Indians had met him peaceably, and that two of them -were with the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith -and gave them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them -to return to their city and say to the people there that they could -stay quietly in their houses and that they need not fear. After this -I ordered [p556] the army-master to go and see if there were any bad -passages which the Indians might be able to defend, and to seize and -hold any such until the next day, when I would come up. He went, and -found a very bad place in our way where we might have received much -harm. He immediately established himself there with the force which -he was conducting. The Indians came that very night to occupy that -place so as to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted our -men. According to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant -men, although in the end they had to retreat in flight, because the -army-master was on the watch and kept his men in good order. The -Indians sounded a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do -any injury to the Spaniards. The army-master sent me notice of this -the same night, so that on the next day I started with as good order -as I could, for we were in such great need of food that I thought we -should all die of hunger if we continued to be without provisions -for another day, especially the Indians, since altogether we did not -have two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to hasten forward -without delay. The Indians lighted their fires from point to point, -and these were answered from a distance with as good understanding -as we could have shown. Thus notice was given concerning how we went -and where we had arrived. As soon as I came within sight of this -city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez, Friar Daniel and -Friar Luis, and Ferrando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little way -ahead, so that they might find the Indians and tell them that we -were not coming to do them any harm, but to defend them in the name -of our lord the Emperor. The summons, in the form which His Majesty -commanded in his instructions, was made intelligible to the people -of the country by an interpreter. But they, being a proud people, -were little affected, because it seemed to them that we were few in -number, and that they would not have any difficulty in conquering us. -They pierced the gown of Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed -be God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I arrived with all the rest of -the horse and the footmen, and found a large body of the Indians on -the plain, who began to shoot with their arrows. In obedience to the -orders of Your Lordship and of the marquis,[320] I did not wish my -company, who were begging me for permission, to attack them, telling -them that they ought not to offend them, and that what the enemy was -doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted. -On the other hand, when the Indians saw that we did not move, they -took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost to -the heels of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw -that it was no longer time to hesitate, and as the priests approved -the action, I charged them. There was little to do, because they -suddenly took to flight, part running toward the city, which was near -and well fortified, and others toward the plain, wherever chance led -them. Some Indians [p557] were killed, and others might have been -slain if I could have allowed them to be pursued. But I saw that -there would be little advantage in this, because the Indians who -were outside were few, and those who had retired to the city were -numerous, besides many who had remained there in the first place. As -that was where the food was, of which we stood in such great need, -I assembled my whole force and divided them as seemed to me best -for the attack on the city, and surrounded it. The hunger which we -suffered would not permit of any delay, and so I dismounted with -some of these gentlemen and soldiers. I ordered the musketeers and -crossbowmen to begin the attack and drive back the enemy from the -defenses, so that they could not do us any injury. I assaulted the -wall on one side, where I was told that there was a scaling ladder -and that there was also a gate. But the crossbowmen broke all the -strings of their crossbows and the musketeers could do nothing, -because they had arrived so weak and feeble that they could scarcely -stand on their feet. On this account the people who were on top were -not prevented at all from defending themselves and doing us whatever -injury they were able. Thus, for myself, they knocked me down to the -ground twice with countless great stones which they threw down from -above, and if I had not been protected by the very good headpiece -which I wore, I think that the outcome would have been bad for me. -They picked me up from the ground, however, with two small wounds in -my face and an arrow in my foot, and with many bruises on my arms and -legs, and in this condition I retired from the battle, very weak. I -think that if Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas had not come to my help, -like a good cavalier, the second time that they knocked me to the -ground, by placing his own body above mine, I should have been in -much greater danger than I was. But, by the pleasure of God, these -Indians surrendered, and their city was taken with the help of Our -Lord, and a sufficient supply of corn was found there to relieve our -necessities. The army-master and Don Pedro de Tovar and Ferrando de -Alvarado and Paulo de Melgosa, the infantry captain, sustained some -bruises, although none of them were wounded. Agoniez Quarez was hit -in the arm by an arrow, and one Torres, who lived in Panuco, in the -face by another, and two other footmen received slight arrow wounds. -They all directed their attack against me because my armor was gilded -and glittered, and on this account I was hurt more than the rest, -and not because I had done more or was farther in advance than the -others; for all these gentlemen and soldiers bore themselves well, -as was expected of them. I praise God that I am now well, although -somewhat sore from the stones. Two or three other soldiers were -hurt in the battle which we had on the plain, and three horses were -killed—one that of Don Lopez and another that of Vigliega and the -third that of Don Alfonso Manrich—and seven or eight other horses -were wounded; but the men, as well as the horses, have now recovered -and are well. [p558] - - -_Of the situation and condition of the Seven Cities called the -kingdom of Cevola, and the sort of people and their customs, and of -the animals which are found there._ - -[Illustration: LXIX. Pueblo of Jemez] - -It now remains for me to tell about this city and kingdom and -province, of which the Father Provincial gave Your Lordship an -account. In brief, I can assure you that in reality he has not told -the truth in a single thing that he said, but everything is the -reverse of what he said, except the name of the city and the large -stone houses. For, although they are not decorated with turquoises, -nor made of lime nor of good bricks, nevertheless they are very good -houses, with three and four and five stories, where there are very -good apartments and good rooms with corridors,[321] and some very -good rooms under ground and paved, which are made for winter, and -are something like a sort of hot baths.[322] The ladders which they -have for their houses are all movable and portable, which are taken -up and placed wherever they please. They are made of two pieces of -wood, with rounds like ours. [See plates LVIII, LVIX.] The Seven -Cities are seven little villages, all having the kind of houses I -have described. They are all within a radius of 5 leagues. They are -all called the kingdom of Cevola, and each has its own name and no -single one is called Cevola, but all together are called Cevola. This -one which I have called a city I have named Granada, partly because -it has some similarity to it,[323] as well as out of regard for Your -Lordship. In this place where I am now lodged there are perhaps 200 -houses, all surrounded by a wall, and it seems to me that with the -other houses, which are not so surrounded, there might be altogether -500 families. There is another town near by, which is one of the -seven, but somewhat larger than this, and another of the same size -as this, and the other four are somewhat smaller. I send them all to -Your Lordship, painted with the route. The skin on which the painting -is made, was found here with other skins. The people of the towns -seem to me to be of ordinary size and intelligent, although I do not -think that they have the judgment and intelligence which they ought -to have to build these houses in the way in which they have, for most -of them are entirely naked except the covering of their privy parts, -and they have painted mantles like the one which I send to Your -Lordship. They do not raise cotton, because the country is very cold, -but they wear mantles, as may be seen by the exhibit which I send. -It is also true that some cotton thread was found in their houses. -They wear the hair on their heads like the Mexicans. They all have -good figures, and are well bred. I think that they have a quantity -of turquoises, which they had removed with the rest of their goods, -except the corn, when I arrived, because I did not find any women -here nor any men [p559] under 15 years or over 60, except two or -three old men who remained in command of all the other men and the -warriors. Two points of emerald and some little broken stones which -approach the color of rather poor garnets[324] were found in a paper, -besides other stone crystals, which I gave to one of my servants to -keep until they could be sent to Your Lordship. He has lost them, as -they tell me. We found fowls, but only a few, and yet there are some. -The Indians tell me that they do not eat these in any of the seven -villages, but that they keep them merely for the sake of procuring -the feathers.[325] I do not believe this, because they are very good, -and better than those of Mexico. The climate of this country and the -temperature of the air is almost like that of Mexico, because it is -sometimes hot and sometimes it rains. I have not yet seen it rain, -however, except once when there fell a little shower with wind, such -as often falls in Spain. The snow and the cold are usually very -great, according to what the natives of the country all say. This may -very probably be so, both because of the nature of the country and -the sort of houses they build and the skins and other things which -these people have to protect them from the cold. There are no kinds -of fruit or fruit trees. The country is all level, and is nowhere -shut in by high mountains, although there are some hills and rough -passages.[326] There are not many birds, probably because of the -cold, and because there are no mountains near. There are no trees -fit for firewood here, because they can bring enough for their needs -from a clump of very small cedars 4 leagues distant.[327] Very good -grass is found a quarter of a league away, where there is pasturage -for our horses as well as mowing for hay, of which we had great -need, because our horses were so weak and feeble when they arrived. -The food which they eat in this country is corn, of which they have -a great abundance, and beans and venison, which they probably eat -(although they say that they do not), because we found many skins -of deer and hares and rabbits. They make the best corn cakes I have -ever seen anywhere, and this is what everybody ordinarily eats. They -have the very best arrangement and machinery for grinding that was -ever seen [plate LXIV]. One of these Indian women here will grind as -much as four of the Mexicans. They have very good salt in crystals, -which they bring from a lake a day’s journey distant from here. No -information can be obtained among them about the North sea or that -on the west, nor do I know how to tell Your Lordship which we are -nearest to. I should judge that it is nearer to the western, and 150 -leagues is the nearest that it seems to me it can be thither. The -North sea ought to be much farther away. Your Lordship may thus see -how very wide the country is. They have [p560] many animals—bears, -tigers, lions, porcupines, and some sheep as big as a horse, with -very large horns and little tails. I have seen some of their horns -the size of which was something to marvel at.[328] There are also -wild goats, whose heads I have seen, and the paws of the bears and -the skins of the wild boars. For game they have deer, leopards, and -very large deer,[329] and every one thinks that some of them are -larger than that animal which Your Lordship favored me with, which -belonged to Juan Melaz. They inhabit some plains eight days’ journey -toward the north. They have some of their skins here very well -dressed, and they prepare and paint them where they kill the cows, -according to what they tell me. - - -_Of the nature and situation of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata, -and Acus, wholly different from the account of Friar Marcos. The -conference which they had with the Indians of the city of Granada, -which they had captured, who had been forewarned of the coming of -Christians into their country fifty years before. The account which -was obtained from them concerning seven other cities, of which Tucano -is the chief, and how he sent to discover them. A present sent to -Mendoza of various things found in this country by Vazquez Coronado._ - -These Indians say that the kingdom of Totonteac, which the father -provincial praised so much, saying that it was something marvelous, -and of such a very great size, and that cloth was made there, is a -hot lake, on the edge of which there are five or six houses.[330] -There used to be some others, but these have been destroyed by war. -The kingdom of Marata can not be found, nor do these Indians know -anything about it. The kingdom of Acus is a single small city, where -they raise cotton, and this is called Acucu.[331] I say that this -is the country, because Acus, with or without the aspiration, is -not a word in this region; and because it seems to me that Acucu -may be derived from Acus, I say that it is this town which has been -converted into the kingdom of Acus. They tell me that there are some -other small ones not far from this settlement, which are situated on -a river which I have seen and of which the Indians have told me. God -knows that I wish I had better news to write to Your Lordship, but I -must give you the truth, and, as I wrote you from Culiacan, I must -advise you of the good as well as of the bad. But you may be assured -that if there had been all the riches and treasures of the world, I -could not have done more in His Majesty’s service and in that of Your -Lordship than I have done, in coming here where you commanded me to -go, carrying, both my companions and myself, our food on our backs -for 300 leagues, and [p561] traveling on foot many days, making our -way over hills and rough mountains, besides other labors which I -refrain from mentioning. Nor do I think of stopping until my death, -if it serves His Majesty or Your Lordship to have it so. - -Three days after I captured this city, some of the Indians who lived -here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises -and poor mantles, and I received them in His Majesty’s name with as -good a speech as I could, making them understand the purpose of my -coming to this country, which is, in the name of His Majesty and -by the commands of Your Lordship, that they and all others in this -province should become Christians and should know the true God for -their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord. After -this they returned to their houses and suddenly, the next day, they -packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and -fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few -remaining in them. Seeing this, I went to the town which I said was -larger than this, eight or ten days later, when I had recovered from -my wounds. I found a few of them there, whom I told that they ought -not to feel any fear, and I asked them to summon their lord to me. -By what I can find out or observe, however, none of these towns -have any, since I have not seen any principal house by which any -superiority over others could be shown.[332] Afterward, an old man, -who said he was their lord, came with a mantle made of many pieces, -with whom I argued as long as he stayed with me. He said that he -would come to see me with the rest of the chiefs of the country, -three days later, in order to arrange the relations which should -exist between us. He did so, and they brought me some little ragged -mantles and some turquoises. I said that they ought to come down -from their strongholds and return to their houses with their wives -and children, and that they should become Christians, and recognize -His Majesty as their king and lord. But they still remain in their -strongholds, with their wives and all their property. I commanded -them to have a cloth painted for me, with all the animals that they -know in that country, and although they are poor painters, they -quickly painted two for me, one of the animals and the other of the -birds and fishes. They say that they will bring their children so -that our priests may instruct them, and that they desire to know our -law. They declare that it was foretold among them more than fifty -years ago that a people such as we are should come, and the direction -they should come from, and that the whole country would be conquered. -So far as I can find out, the water is what these Indians worship, -because they say that it makes the corn grow and sustains their life, -and that the only other reason they know is because their ancestors -did so.[333] I have tried in every way to find out from the natives -of these settlements whether they know of any other peoples [p562] -or provinces or cities. They tell me about seven cities which are -at a considerable distance, which are like these, except that the -houses there are not like these, but are made of earth [adobe], and -small, and that they raise much cotton there. The first of these four -places about which they know is called, they say, Tucano. They could -not tell me much about the others. I do not believe that they tell -me the truth, because they think that I shall soon have to depart -from them and return home. But they will quickly find that they are -deceived in this. I sent Don Pedro de Tobar there, with his company -and some other horsemen, to see it. I would not have dispatched this -packet to Your Lordship until I had learned what he found there, -if I thought that I should have any news from him within twelve or -fifteen days. However, as he will remain away at least thirty, and, -considering that this information is of little importance and that -the cold and the rains are approaching, it seemed to me that I ought -to do as Your Lordship commanded me in your instructions, which is, -that as soon as I arrived here, I should advise you thereof, and -this I do, by sending you the plain narrative of what I have seen, -which is bad enough, as you may perceive. I have determined to send -throughout all the surrounding regions, in order to find out whether -there is anything, and to suffer every extremity before I give up -this enterprise, and to serve His Majesty, if I can find any way in -which to do it, and not to lack in diligence until Your Lordship -directs me as to what I ought to do. We have great need of pasture, -and you should know, also, that among all those who are here there -is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor oil, nor wine, except -barely half a quart, which is saved to say mass, since everything is -consumed, and part was lost on the way. Now, you can provide us with -what appears best; but if you are thinking of sending us cattle, you -should know that it will be necessary for them to spend at least a -year on the road, because they can not come in any other way, nor -any quicker. I would have liked to send to Your Lordship, with this -dispatch, many samples of the things which they have in this country, -but the trip is so long and rough that it is difficult for me to do -so. However, I send you twelve small mantles, such as the people of -this country ordinarily wear, and a garment which seems to me to be -very well made. I kept it because it seemed to me to be of very good -workmanship, and because I do not think that anyone has ever seen in -these Indies any work done with a needle, unless it were done since -the Spaniards settled here. And I also send two cloths painted with -the animals which they have in this country, although, as I said, the -painting is very poorly done, because the artist did not spend more -than one day in painting it. I have seen other paintings on the walls -of these houses which have much better proportion and are done much -better. - -[Illustration: LXX. Ruins of Spanish Church Above Jemez] - -I send you a cow skin, some turquoises, and two earrings of the same, -and fifteen of the Indian combs,[334] and some plates decorated -with these turquoises, and two baskets made of wicker, of which the -Indians have a large supply. I also send two rolls, such as the women -usually wear on their heads when they bring water from the spring, -the [p563] same way that they do in Spain. One of these Indian -women, with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water -up a ladder without touching it with her hands. And, lastly, I send -you samples of the weapons with which the natives of this country -fight, a shield, a hammer, and a bow with some arrows, among which -there are two with bone points, the like of which have never been -seen, according to what these conquerors say. As far as I can judge, -it does not appear to me that there is any hope of getting gold or -silver, but I trust in God that, if there is any, we shall get our -share of it, and it shall not escape us through any lack of diligence -in the search.[335] I am unable to give Your Lordship any certain -information about the dress of the women, because the Indians keep -them guarded so carefully that I have not seen any, except two old -women. These had on two long skirts reaching down to their feet and -open in front, and a girdle, and they are tied together with some -cotton strings. I asked the Indians to give me one of those which -they wore, to send to you, since they were not willing to show me -the women. They brought me two mantles, which are these that I send, -almost painted over. They have two tassels, like the women of Spain, -which hang somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the negro is -perfectly certain, because many of the things which he wore have been -found, and the Indians say that they killed him here because the -Indians of Chichilticale said that he was a bad man, and not like the -Christians, because the Christians never kill women, and he killed -them, and because he assaulted their women, whom the Indians love -better than themselves. Therefore they determined to kill him, but -they did not do it in the way that was reported, because they did -not kill any of the others who came with him, nor did they kill the -lad from the province of Petatlan, who was with him, but they took -him and kept him in safe custody until now. When I tried to secure -him, they made excuses for not giving him to me, for two or three -days, saving that he was dead, and at other times that the Indians -of Acucu had taken him away. But when I finally told them that I -should be very angry if they did not give him to me, they gave him -to me. He is an interpreter; for although he can not talk much, he -understands very well. Some gold and silver has been found in this -place, which those who know about minerals say is not bad. I have -not yet been able to learn from these people where they got it. I -perceive that they refuse to tell me the truth in everything, because -they think that I shall have to depart from here in a short time, as -I have said. But I trust in God that they will not be able to avoid -answering much longer. I beg Your Lordship to make a report of the -success of this expedition to His Majesty, because there is nothing -more than what I have already said. I shall not do so until it shall -please God to grant that we find what we desire. Our Lord -God protect and keep your most illustrious Lordship. From -the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada, the 3d of August, -1540. Francisco Vazquez de Coronado kisses the hand of your most -illustrious Lordship. [p564] - - -TRANSLATION OF THE TRASLADO DE LAS NUEVAS[336] - -COPY OF THE REPORTS AND DESCRIPTIONS THAT HAVE BEEN RECEIVED -REGARDING THE DISCOVERY OF A CITY WHICH IS CALLED CIBOLA, SITUATED IN -THE NEW COUNTRY. - -His grace left the larger part of his army in the valley of Culiacan, -and with only 75 companions on horseback and 30 footmen, he set -out for here Thursday, April 22. The army which remained there was -to start about the end of the month of May, because they could not -find any sort of sustenance for the whole of the way that they -had to go, as far as this province of Cibola, which is 350 long -leagues, and on this account he did not dare to put the whole army -on the road. As for the men he took with him, he ordered them to -make provision for eighty days, which was carried on horses, each -having one for himself and his followers. With very great danger of -suffering hunger, and not less labor, since they had to open the way, -and every day discovered waterways and rivers with bad crossings, -they stood it after a fashion, and on the whole journey as far as -this province there was not a peck of corn.[337] He reached this -province on Wednesday, the 7th of July last, with all the men whom -he led from the valley very well, praise be to Our Lord, except one -Spaniard who died of hunger four days from here and some negroes and -Indians who also died of hunger and thirst. The Spaniard was one of -those on foot, and was named Espinosa. In this way his grace spent -seventy-seven days on the road before reaching here, during which God -knows in what sort of a way we lived, and whether we could have eaten -much more than we ate the day that his grace reached this city of -Granada, for so it has been named out of regard for the viceroy, and -because they say it resembles the Albaicin.[338] The force he led was -not received the way it should have been, because they all arrived -very tired from the great labor of the journey. This, and the loading -and unloading like so many muleteers, and not eating as much as they -should have, left them more in need of resting several days than of -fighting, although there was not a man in the army who would not have -done his best in everything if the horses, who suffered the same as -their masters, could have helped them. - -The city was deserted by men over sixty years and under twenty, and -by women and children. All who were there were the fighting [p565] -men who remained to defend the city, and many of them came out, -about a crossbow shot, uttering loud threats. The general himself -went forward with two priests and the army-master, to urge them to -surrender, as is the custom in new countries. The reply that he -received was from many arrows which they let fly, and they wounded -Hernando Bermejo’s horse and pierced the loose flap of the frock -of father Friar Luis, the former companion of the Lord Bishop of -Mexico. When this was seen, taking as their advocate the Holy Saint -James,[339] he rushed upon them with all his force, which he had kept -in very good order, and although the Indians turned their backs and -tried to reach the city, they were overtaken and many of them killed -before they could reach it. They killed three horses and wounded -seven or eight. - -When my lord the general reached the city, he saw that it was -surrounded by stone walls, and the houses very high, four and five -and even six stories apiece, with their flat roofs and balconies. -As the Indians had made themselves secure within it, and would not -let anyone come near without shooting arrows at him, and as we could -not obtain anything to eat unless we captured it, his grace decided -to enter the city on foot and to surround it by men on horseback, -so that the Indians who were inside could not get away. As he was -distinguished among them all by his gilt arms and a plume on his -headpiece, all the Indians aimed at him, because he was noticeable -among all, and they knocked him down to the ground twice by chance -stones thrown from the flat roofs, and stunned him in spite of his -headpiece, and if this had not been so good, I doubt if he would have -come out alive from that enterprise, and besides all this—praised be -Our Lord that he came out on his own feet—they hit him many times -with stones on his head and shoulders and legs, and he received two -small wounds on his face and an arrow wound in the right foot; but -despite all this his grace is as sound and well as the day he left -that city. And you[340] may assure my lord of all this, and also -that on the 19th of July last he went 4 leagues from this city to -see a rock where they told him that the Indians of this province had -fortified themselves,[341] and he returned the same day, so that he -went 8 leagues in going and returning. I think I have given you an -account of everything, for it is right that I should be the authority -for you and his lordship, to assure you that everything is going well -with the general my lord, and without any hesitation I can assure -you that he is as well and sound as the day he left the city. He is -located within the city, for when the Indians saw that his grace was -determined to enter the city, then they abandoned it, since they let -them go with their lives. We found in it what we needed more than -gold and silver, and that was much corn and beans and fowls, better -than those of New Spain, and salt, the best and whitest that I have -seen in all my life. [p566] - - -RELACIÓN POSTRERA DE SIVOLA[342] - -ESTA ES LA RELACIÓN POSTRERA DE SIVOLA, Y DE MÁS DE CUATRO-CIENTAS -LEGUAS ADELANTE. - -Desde Culhuacán á Sívola hay más de trescientas leguas; poco del -camino poblado: hay muy poca gente: es tierra estéril: hay muy malos -caminos: la gente anda del todo desnuda, salvo las mujeres, que de -la cintura abajo traen cueros de venados adobados, blancos, á manera -de faldíllas hasta los pies. Las casas que tienen son de petlatles -hechos de cañas: son las casas redondas y pequeñas, que apenas cabe -un hombre en pie dentro. Donde están congregados y donde siembran es -tierra arenosa: cogen maiz, aunque poco, y frisoles y calabazas, y -también se mantienen de caza, conejos, liebres y venados. No tienen -sacrificios. Esto es desde Culhuacan á Síbola. - -Sívola es un pueblo de hasta ducientas casas: son á dos y tres y -cuatro y cinco sobrados: tienen las paredes de un palmo de ancho: -los palos de la maderación son tan gruesos como por la muñeca, y -redondos; por tablazón tienen cañas muy menudas con sus hojas, y -encima tierra presada: las paredes son de tierra y barro: las puertas -de las casas son de la manera de escotillones de navíos: están las -casas juntas, asidas unas con otras: tienen delante de las casas -unas estufas de barro de tierra donde se guarecen en el invierno -del frio, porque le hace muy grande, que nieva seis meses del año. -De esta gente algunos traen mantas de algodón y de maguey, y cueros -de venados adobados, y traen zapatos de los mismos cueros, hasta -encima de las rodillas. También hacen mantas de pellejos de liebres -y de conejos, con que se cubren. Andan las mujeres vestidas de -mantas de maguey hasta los pies: andan ceñidas: traen los cabellos -cogidos encima de las orejas, como rodajas: cogen maíz y frisoles -y calabazas, lo que les basta para su mantenimiento, porque es -poca gente. La tierra donde siembran es toda arena; son las aguas -salobres: es tierra muy seca: tienen algunas gallinas, aunque pocas; -no saben qué cosa es pescado. Son siete pueblos en esta provincia de -Sivola en espacio de cinco leguas: el mayor será de ducientas casas, -y otros dos, de á ducientas, y los otros á sesenta y á cincuenta y á -treinta casas. - -Desde Sívola al rio y provincia de Tibex hay sesenta leguas: el -primer pueblo es cuarenta leguas de Sivola: llámase Acuco. Este -pueblo está encima de un peñol muy fuerte: será de duzientas casas, -asentado á la [p567] manera de Sívola que es otra lengua. Desde allí -al rio de Tiguex hay veinte leguas. El rio es cuasi tan ancho como -el de Sevilla, aunque no es tan hondo: va por tierra llana: es buen -agua: tiene algún pescado: nace al norte. El que esto dice vió doce -pueblos en cierto compás del río: otros vieron más: dicen el río -arriba: abajo todos son pueblos pequeños, salvo dos que ternán á -ducientas casas: estas casas con las paredes como á manera de tapías -de tierra é arena, muy recias: son tan anchas como un palmo de una -mano. Son las casas de á dos y tres terrados: tienen la maderación -como en Sivola. Es tierra muy fria: tiene sus estufas como en -Sivola; y hiélase tanto el río, que pasan bestias cargadas por él, y -pudieran pasar carretas. Cogen maiz lo que han menester, y frisoles -y calabazas: tienen algunas gallinas, las cuales guardan para hacer -mantas de la pluma. Cogen algodón, aunque poco: traen mantas de ello, -y zapatos de cuero como en Sívola. Es gente que defiende bien su -capa, y desde sus casas, que no curan de salir fuera. Es tierra toda -arenosa. - -Desde la provincia y río de Tiguex, á cuatro jornadas toparon cuatro -pueblos. El primero terná treinta casas. El segundo es pueblo -grande destruido de sus guerras: tenía hasta treinta y cinco casas -pobladas: el tercero [_sic_] hasta. Estos tres son de la manera de -los del río en todo. El cuarto es un pueblo grande, el cual está -entre unos montes: llámase Cicuic: tenía hasta cincuenta casas con -tantos terrados como los de Sívola: son las paredes de tierra y -barro como las de Sívola. Tienen harto maiz y frisoles y calabazas -y algunas gallinas. A cuatro jornadas de este pueblo toparon una -tierra llana como la mar, en los cuales llanos hay tanta multitud de -vacas, que no tienen número. Estas vacas son como las de Castilla, y -algunas mayores que tienen en la cruz una corva pequeña, y son más -bermejas, que tiran á negro: cuélgales una lana más larga que un -palmo entre los cuernos y orejas y barba, y por la papada abajo y por -las espaldas, como crines, y de las rodillas abajo todo lo más es -de lana muy pequeñita, á manera de merino: tienen muy buena carne y -tierna, y mucho sebo. Andando muchos dias por estos llanos, toparon -con una ranchería de hasta duzientas casas con gente: eran las casas -de los cueros de las vacas adobados, blancas, á manera de pabellones -ó tiendas de campo. El mantenimiento ó sustentamiento de estos indios -es todo de las vacas, porque ni siembran ni cogen maiz: de los cueros -hacen sus casas, de los cueros visten y calzan, de los cueros hacen -sogas y también de la lana: de los niervos hacen hilo con que cosen -sus vestiduras y también las casas: de los huesos hacen alesnas: las -boñigas les sirven de leña; porque no hay otra en aquella tierra: -los buches les sirven de jarros y vasijas con que beben: de la -carne se mantienen: cómenla medio asada é un poco caliente encima -de las boñigas, la otra cruda, y tomándola con los dientes, tiran -con la una mano, y en la otra tienen un navajon de pedernal y cortan -el bocado; ansi lo tragan como aves medio mascado: comen el sebo -crudo, sin calentallo: beben la sangre, ansi como [p568] sale de -las vacas, y otras veces después de salida, fria y cruda: no tienen -otro mantenimiento. Esta gente tiene perros como los de esta tierra, -salvo que son algo mayores, los cuales perros cargan como á bestias, -y las hacen sus enjalmas como albardillas, y las cinchan con sus -correas, y andan matados como bestias, en las cruces. Cuando van á -caza cárganlos de mantenimientos; y cuando se mueven estos indios, -porque no están de asiento en una parte, que se andan donde andan -las vacas para se mantener, estos perros les llevan las casas, y -llevan los palos de las casas arrastrando, atados á las albardillas, -allende de la carga que llevan encima: podrá ser la carga, según el -perro, arroba y media y dos. Hay de este Síbola á estos llanos adonde -llegaron, treinta leguas, y aun más. Los llanos proceden adelante, ni -se sabe qué tanto. El capitán Francisco Vázquez fué por los llanos -adelante con treinta de á caballo, y Fr. Juan de Padilla con él: toda -la demás gente se volvieron á la población del río, para esperar á -Francisco Vázquez, porque ansi se lo mandó: no se sabe sí es vuelto -&c. - -Es la tierra tan llana, que se pierden los hombres apartándose media -legua, como se perdió uno á caballo, que nunca más pareció, y dos -caballos ensillados y enfrenados que nunca más parecieron. No queda -rastro ninguno por donde van, y á esta causa tenían necesidad de -amojonar el camino por donde iban, para volver, con boñigas de vacas, -que no había piedras ni otra cosa. - -Marco Polo, veneciano, en su tratado, en el cap. xv, trata y díce que -[ha visto?] las mesmas vacas, y de la mesma manera en la corcova; -y en el mesmo capitulo dice que también hay carneros tamaños como -caballos. - -Nicolás, veneciano, dió relación á Micer Pogio, florentino, en el -libro segundo, cerca del fin, dice como en la Etiopia hay bueyes con -corcova, como camellos, y tienen los cuernos largos de tres codos, y -echan los cuernos encima sobre el espinazo, y hace un cuerno de estos -un cántaro de vino. - -Marco Polo, en el capítulo ciento y treinta y cuatro dice que en la -tierra de los tártaros, hácia el norte, se hallan canes tan grandes ó -poco menos que asnos; á los cuales echan uno como carro y entran con -ellos en una tierra muy lodosa, toda cenagales, que otros animales no -podrian entrar ni salir sin se anegar, y por eso llevan perros. - - [_Scripsi et contuli, México, Marzo 11, 1893. - Joaq^n. Garcia Icazbalceta._] - - -TRANSLATION - -THIS IS THE LATEST ACCOUNT OF CIBOLA, AND OF MORE THAN FOUR HUNDRED -LEAGUES BEYOND. - -It is more than 300 leagues from Culiacan to Cibola, uninhabited most -of the way. There are very few people there; the country is sterile; -the roads are very bad. The people go around entirely naked, [p569] -except the women, who wear white tanned deer skins from the waist -down, something like little skirts, reaching to the feet. Their -houses are of mats made of reeds; the houses are round and small, so -that there is hardly room inside for a man on his feet. The country -is sandy where they live near together and where they plant. They -raise corn, but not very much, and beans and melons, and they also -live on game—rabbits, hares, and deer. They do not have sacrifices. -This is between Culiacan and Cibola. - -[Illustration: LXXI. The Keres Pueblo of Sia] - -Cibola is a village of about 200 houses. They have two and three and -four and five stories. The walls are about a handbreadth thick; the -sticks of timber are as large as the wrist, and round; for boards, -they have very small bushes, with their leaves on, covered with a -sort of greenish-colored mud; the walls are of dirt and mud, the -doors of the houses are like the hatchways of ships. The houses are -close together, each joined to the others. Outside of the houses -they have some hothouses (or estufas) of dirt mud, where they take -refuge from the cold in the winter—because this is very great, since -it snows six months in the year. Some of these people wear cloaks of -cotton and of the maguey (or Mexican aloe) and of tanned deer skin, -and they wear shoes made of these skins, reaching up to the knees. -They also make cloaks of the skins of hares and rabbits, with which -they cover themselves. The women wear cloaks of the maguey, reaching -down to the feet, with girdles; they wear their hair gathered about -the ears like little wheels. They raise corn and beans and melons, -which is all they need to live on, because it is a small tribe. The -land where they plant is entirely sandy; the water is brackish; the -country is very dry. They have some fowls, although not many. They -do not know what sort of a thing fish is. There are seven villages -in this province of Cibola within a space of 5 leagues; the largest -may have about 200 houses and two others about 200, and the others -somewhere between 60 or 50 and 30 houses. - -It is 60 leagues from Cibola to the river and province of Tibex -[Tiguex]. The first village is 40 leagues from Cibola, and is called -Acuco. This village is on top of a very strong rock; it has about 200 -houses, built in the same way as at Cibola, where they speak another -language. It is 20 leagues from here to the river of Tiguex. The -river is almost as wide as that of Seville, although not so deep; it -flows through a level country; the water is good; it contains some -fish; it rises in the north. He who relates this, saw twelve villages -within a certain distance of the river; others saw more, they say, up -the river. Below, all the villages are small, except two that have -about 200 houses. The walls of these houses are something like mud -walls of dirt and sand, very rough; they are as thick as the breadth -of a hand. The houses have two and three stories; the construction is -like those at Cibola. The country is very cold. They have hot-houses, -as in Cibola, and the river freezes so thick that loaded animals -cross it, and it would be possible for carts to do so. They raise -as much corn as they need, [p570] and beans and melons. They have -some fowls, which they keep so as to make cloaks of their feathers. -They raise cotton, although not much; they wear cloaks made of this, -and shoes of hide, as at Cibola. These people defend themselves very -well, and from within their houses, since they do not care to come -out. The country is all sandy. - -Four days’ journey from the province and river of Tiguex four -villages are found. The first has 30 houses; the second is a large -village destroyed in their wars, and has about 35 houses occupied; -the third about These three are like those at the river in every -way. The fourth is a large village which is among some mountains. -It is called Cicuic, and has about 50 houses, with as many stories -as those at Cibola. The walls are of dirt and mud like those at -Cibola. It has plenty of corn, beans and melons, and some fowls. Four -days from this village they came to a country as level as the sea, -and in these plains there was such a multitude of cows that they -are numberless. These cows are like those of Castile, and somewhat -larger, as they have a little hump on the withers, and they are more -reddish, approaching black; their hair, more than a span long, hangs -down around their horns and ears and chin, and along the neck and -shoulders like manes, and down from the knees; all the rest is a very -fine wool, like merino; they have very good, tender meat, and much -fat. Having proceeded many days through these plains, they came to -a settlement of about 200 inhabited houses. The houses were made of -the skins of the cows, tanned white, like pavilions or army tents. -The maintenance or sustenance of these Indians comes entirely from -the cows, because they neither sow nor reap corn. With the skins they -make their houses, with the skins they clothe and shoe themselves, of -the skins they make rope, and also of the wool; from the sinews they -make thread, with which they sew their clothes and also their houses; -from the bones they make awls; the dung serves them for wood, because -there is nothing else in that country; the stomachs serve them for -pitchers and vessels from which they drink; they live on the flesh; -they sometimes eat it half roasted and warmed over the dung, at other -times raw; seizing it with their fingers, they pull it out with one -hand and with a flint knife in the other they cut off mouthfuls, and -thus swallow it half chewed; they eat the fat raw, without warming -it; they drink the blood just as it leaves the cows, and at other -times after it has run out, cold and raw; they have no other means -of livelihood. These people have dogs like those in this country, -except that they are somewhat larger, and they load these dogs like -beasts of burden, and make saddles for them like our pack saddles, -and they fasten them with their leather thongs, and these make their -backs sore on the withers like pack animals. When they go hunting, -they load these with their necessities, and when they move—for these -Indians are not settled in one place, since they travel wherever the -cows move, to support themselves—these dogs carry their houses, and -they have the sticks of their houses dragging along tied on to the -[p571] pack-saddles, besides the load which they carry on top, -and the load may be, according to the dog, from 35 to 50 pounds. -It is 30 leagues, or even more, from Cibola to these plains where -they went. The plains stretch away beyond, nobody knows how far. The -captain, Francisco Vazquez, went farther across the plains, with 30 -horsemen, and Friar Juan de Padilla with him; all the rest of the -force returned to the settlement at the river to wait for Francisco -Vazquez, because this was his command. It is not known whether he has -returned. - -[Illustration: LXXII. The Keres Pueblo of Cochiti] - -The country is so level that men became lost when they went off -half a league. One horseman was lost, who never reappeared, and two -horses, all saddled and bridled, which they never saw again. No track -was left of where they went, and on this account it was necessary -to mark the road by which they went with cow dung, so as to return, -since there were no stones or anything else. - -Marco Polo, the Venetian, in his treatise, in chapter 15, relates and -says that (he saw) the same cows, with the same sort of hump; and in -the same chapter he says that there are sheep as big as horses. - -Nicholas, the Venetian, gave an account to Micer Pogio, the -Florentine, in his second book, toward the end, which says that in -Ethiopia there are oxen with a hump, like camels, and they have horns -3 cubits long, and they carry their horns up over their backs, and -one of these horns makes a wine pitcher. - -Marco Polo, in chapter 134, says that in the country of the Tartars, -toward the north, they have dogs as large or little smaller than -asses. They harness these into a sort of cart and with these enter a -very miry country, all a quagmire, where other animals can not enter -and come out without getting submerged, and on this account they take -dogs. [p572] - - -TRANSLATION OF THE RELACION DEL SUCESO[343] - -ACCOUNT OF WHAT HAPPENED ON THE JOURNEY WHICH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ MADE -TO DISCOVER CIBOLA. - -When the army reached the valley of Culiacan, Francisco Vazquez -divided the army on account of the bad news which was received -regarding Cibola, and because the food supply along the way was -small, according to the report of Melchor Diaz, who had just come -back from seeing it. He himself took 80 horsemen and 25 foot -soldiers, and a small part of the artillery, and set out from -Culiacan, leaving Don Tristan de Arellano with the rest of the force, -with orders to set out twenty days later, and when he reached the -Valley of Hearts (Corazones) to wait there for a letter from him, -which would be sent after he had reached Cibola, and had seen what -was there; and this was done. The Valley of Hearts is 150 leagues -from the valley of Culiacan, and the same distance from Cibola.[344] - -This whole distance, up to about 50 leagues before reaching Cibola, -is inhabited, although it is away from the road in some places. The -population is all of the same sort of people, since the houses are -all of palm mats, and some of them have low lofts. They all have -corn, although not much, and in some places very little. They have -melons and beans. The best settlement of all is a valley called -Señora, which is 10 leagues beyond the Hearts, where a town was -afterward settled. There is some cotton among these, but deer skins -are what most of them use for clothes. - -Francisco Vazquez passed by all these on account of the small crops. -There was no corn the whole way, except at this valley of Señora, -where they collected a little, and besides this he had what he -took from Culiacan, where he provided himself for eighty days. In -seventy-three days we reached Cibola, although after hard labor and -the loss of many horses and the death of several Indians, and after -we saw it these were all doubled, although we did find corn enough. -We found the natives peaceful for the whole way. [p573] - -[Illustration: LXXIII. the Tewa Pueblo of Nambe] - -The day we reached the first village part of them came out to fight -us, and the rest stayed in the village and fortified themselves. It -was not possible to make peace with these, although we tried hard -enough, so it was necessary to attack them and kill some of them. The -rest then drew back to the village, which was then surrounded and -attacked. We had to withdraw, on account of the great damage they did -us from the flat roofs, and we began to assault them from a distance -with the artillery and muskets, and that afternoon they surrendered. -Francisco Vazquez came out of it badly hurt by some stones, and I am -certain, indeed, that he would have been there yet if it had not been -for the army-master, D. Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, who rescued him. -When the Indians surrendered, they abandoned the village and went to -the other villages, and as they left the houses we made ourselves at -home in them. - -Father Friar Marcos understood, or gave to understand, that the -region and neighborhood in which there are seven villages was a -single village which he called Cibola, but the whole of this settled -region is called Cibola. The villages have from 150 to 200 and 300 -houses; some have the houses of the village all together, although -in some villages they are divided into two or three sections, but -for the most part they are all together, and their courtyards are -within, and in these are their hot rooms for winter, and they have -their summer ones outside the villages. The houses have two or three -stories, the walls of stone and mud, and some have mud walls. The -villages have for the most part the walls of the houses; the houses -are too good for Indians, especially for these, since they are -brutish and have no decency in anything except in their houses. - -For food they have much corn and beans and melons, and some fowls, -like those of Mexico, and they keep these more for their feathers -than to eat, because they make long robes of them, since they do not -have any cotton; and they wear cloaks of heniquen (a fibrous plant), -and of the skins of deer, and sometimes of cows. - -Their rites and sacrifices are somewhat idolatrous, but water is -what they worship most, to which they offer small painted sticks and -feathers and yellow powder made of flowers, and usually this offering -is made to springs. Sometimes, also, they offer such turquoises as -they have, although poor ones. - -From the valley of Culiacan to Cibola it is 240 leagues in two -directions. It is north to about the thirty-fourth-and-a-half degree, -and from there to Cibola, which is nearly the thirty-seventh degree, -toward the northeast. - -Having talked with the natives of Cibola about what was beyond, they -said that there were settlements toward the west. Francisco Vazquez -then sent Don Pedro de Tobar to investigate, who found seven other -villages, which were called the province of Tuzan;[345] this is -[p574] 35 leagues to the west. The villages are somewhat larger -than those of Cibola, and in other respects, in food and everything, -they are of the same sort, except that these raise cotton. While Don -Pedro de Tobar had gone to see these, Francisco Vazquez dispatched -messengers to the viceroy, with an account of what had happened up to -this point.[346] He also prepared instructions for these to take to -Don Tristan, who as I have said, was at Hearts, for him to proceed -to Cibola, and to leave a town established in the valley of Señora, -which he did, and in it he left 80 horsemen of the men who had but -one horse and the weakest men, and Melchor Diaz with them as captain -and leader, because Francisco Vazquez had so arranged for it. He -ordered him to go from there with half the force to explore toward -the west; and he did so, and traveled 150 leagues, to the river -which Hernando de Alarcon entered from the sea, which he called the -Buenaguia. The settlements and people that are in this direction -are mostly like those at the Hearts, except at the river and around -it, where the people have much better figures and have more corn, -although the houses in which they live are hovels, like pig pens, -almost under ground, with a covering of straw, and made without any -skill whatever. This river is reported to be large. They reached it -30 leagues from the coast, where, and as far again above, Alarcon had -come up with his boats two months before they reached it. This river -runs north and south there. Melchor Diaz passed on toward the west -five or six days, from which he returned for the reason that he did -not find any water or vegetation, but only many stretches of sand; -and he had some fighting on his return to the river and its vicinity, -because they wanted to take advantage of him while crossing the -river. While returning Melchor Diaz died from an accident, by which -he killed himself, throwing a lance at a dog. - -After Don Pedro de Tobar returned and had given an account of those -villages, he then dispatched Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, the -army-master, by the same road Don Pedro had followed, to go beyond -that province of Tuzan to the west, and he allowed him eighty days in -which to go and return, for the journey and to make the discoveries. -He was conducted beyond Tuzan by native guides, who said there were -settlements beyond, although at a distance. Having gone 50 leagues -west of Tuzan, and 80 from Cibola, he found the edge of a river down -which it was impossible to find a path for a horse in any direction, -or even for a man on foot, except in one very difficult place, where -there was a descent for almost 2 leagues. The sides were such, a -steep rocky precipice that it was scarcely possible to see the -river, which looks like a brook from above, although it is half as -large again as that of Seville, according to what they say, so that -although they sought for a passage with great diligence, none was -found for a long distance, during which they were for several days -in great need of water, which could not be found, and they could not -approach that of the river, although they [p575] could see it, and -on this account Don Garcia Lopez was forced to return. This river -comes from the northeast and turns toward the south-southwest at the -place where they found it, so that it is without any doubt the one -that Melchor Diaz reached. - -Four days after Francisco Vazquez had dispatched Don Garcia Lopez to -make this discovery, he dispatched Hernando de Alvarado to explore -the route toward the east. He started off, and 30 leagues from Cibola -found a rock with a village on top, the strongest position that ever -was seen in the world, which was called Acuco[347] in their language, -and father Friar Marcos called it the kingdom of Hacus. They came out -to meet us peacefully, although it would have been easy to decline -to do this and to have stayed on their rock, where we would not have -been able to trouble them. They gave us cloaks of cotton, skins of -deer and of cows, and turquoises, and fowls and other food which they -had, which is the same as in Cibola. - -Twenty leagues to the east of this rock we found a river which runs -north and south,[348] well settled; there are in all, small and -large, 70 villages near it, a few more or less, the same sort as -those at Cibola, except that they are almost all of well-made mud -walls. The food is neither more nor less. They raise cotton—I mean -those who live near the river—the others not. There is much corn -here. These people do not have markets. They are settled for 50 -leagues along this river, north and south, and some villages are 15 -or 20 leagues distant, in one direction and the other. This river -rises where these settlements end at the north, on the slope of the -mountains there, where there is a larger village different from the -others, called Yuraba.[349] It is settled in this fashion: It has 18 -divisions; each one has a situation as if for two ground plots;[350] -the houses are very close together, and have five or six stories, -three of them with mud walls and two or three with thin wooden walls, -which become smaller as they go up, and each one has its little -balcony outside of the mud walls, one above the other, all around, -of wood. In this village, as it is in the mountains, they do not -raise cotton nor breed fowls; they wear the skins of deer and cows -entirely. It is the most populous village of all that country; we -estimated there were 15,000 souls in it. There is one of the other -kind of villages larger than all the rest, and very strong, which is -called Cicuique.[351] It has four and five stories, has eight large -courtyards, each one with its balcony, and there are fine houses -in it. They do not raise cotton nor keep fowls, because it is 15 -leagues away from the river to the east, toward the plains where the -cows are. After Alvarado had sent an account of this [p576] river -to Francisco Vazquez, he proceeded forward to these plains, and at -the borders of these he found a little river which flows to the -southwest, and after four days’ march he found the cows, which are -the most monstrous thing in the way of animals which has ever been -seen or read about. He followed this river for 100 leagues, finding -more cows every day. We provided ourselves with some of these, -although at first, until we had had experience, at the risk of the -horses. There is such a quantity of them that I do not know what to -compare them with, except with the fish in the sea, because on this -journey, as also on that which the whole army afterward made when -it was going to Quivira, there were so many that many times when we -started to pass through the midst of them and wanted to go through to -the other side of them, we were not able to, because the country was -covered with them. The flesh of these is as good as that of Castile, -and some said it was even better. - -The bulls are large and brave, although they do not attack very much; -but they have wicked horns, and in a fight use them well, attacking -fiercely; they killed several of our horses and wounded many. We -found the pike to be the best weapon to use against them, and the -musket for use when this misses. - -When Hernando de Alvarado returned from these plains to the river -which was called Tiguex, he found the army-master Don Garcia Lopez de -Cardenas getting ready for the whole army, which was coming there. -When it arrived, although all these people had met Hernando de -Alvarado peacefully, part of them rebelled when all the force came. -There were 12 villages near together, and one night they killed 40 -of our horses and mules which were loose in the camp. They fortified -themselves in their villages, and war was then declared against -them. Don Garcia Lopez went to the first and took it and executed -justice on many of them. When the rest saw this, they abandoned all -except two of the villages, one of these the strongest one of all, -around which the army was kept for two months. And although after -we invested it, we entered it one day and occupied a part of the -flat roof, we were forced to abandon this on account of the many -wounds that were received and because it was so dangerous to maintain -ourselves there, and although we again entered it soon afterward, in -the end it was not possible to get it all, and so it was surrounded -all this time. We finally captured it because of their thirst, and -they held out so long because it snowed twice when they were just -about to give themselves up. In the end we captured it, and many of -them were killed because they tried to get away at night. - -[Illustration: LXXIV. A Nambe Indian in War Costume] - -Francisco Vazquez obtained an account from some Indians who were -found in this village of Cicuique, which, if it had been true, was -of the richest thing that has been found in the Indies. The Indian -who gave the news and the account came from a village called Harale, -300 leagues east of this river. He gave such a clear account of what -he told, as if it was true and he had seen it, that it seemed plain -afterward that it was the devil who was speaking in him. Francisco -Vazquez and all of [p577] us placed much confidence in him, -although he was advised by several gentlemen not to move the whole -army, but rather to send a captain to find out what was there. He -did not wish to do this, but wanted to take every one, and even to -send Don Pedro de Tobar to the Hearts for half the men who were in -that village. So he started with the whole army, and proceeded 150 -leagues, 100 to the east and 50 to the south,[352] and the Indian -failing to make good what he had said about there being a settlement -there, and corn, with which to proceed farther, the other two guides -were asked how that was, and one confessed that what the Indian said -was a lie, except that there was a province which was called Quivira, -and that there was corn and houses of straw there, but that they were -very far off, because we had been led astray a distance from the -road. Considering this, and the small supply of food that was left, -Francisco Vazquez, after consulting with the captains, determined to -proceed with 30 of the best men who were well equipped, and that the -army should return to the river; and this was done at once. Two days -before this, Don Garcia Lopez’ horse had happened to fall with him, -and he threw his arm out of joint, from which he suffered much, and -so Don Tristan de Arellano returned to the river with the army. On -this journey they had a very hard time, because almost all of them -had nothing to eat except meat, and many suffered on this account. -They killed a world of bulls and cows, for there were days when they -brought 60 and 70 head into camp, and it was necessary to go hunting -every day, and on this account, and from not eating any corn during -all this time, the horses suffered much. - -Francisco Vazquez set out across these plains in search of Quivira, -more on account of the story which had been told us at the river than -from the confidence which was placed in the guide here, and after -proceeding many days by the needle (i.e., to the north) it pleased -God that after thirty days’ march we found the river Quivira, which -is 30 leagues below the settlement. While going up the valley, we -found people who were going hunting, who were natives of Quivira. - -All that there is at Quivira is a very brutish people, without any -decency whatever in their houses nor in anything. These are of straw, -like the Tarascan settlements; in some villages there are as many as -200 houses; they have corn and beans and melons; they do not have -cotton nor fowls, nor do they make bread which is cooked, except -under the ashes. Francisco Vazquez went 25 leagues through these -settlements, to where he obtained an account of what was beyond, and -they said that the plains come to an end, and that down the river -there are people who do not plant, but live wholly by hunting. - -They also gave an account of two other large villages, one of which -was called Tareque[353] and the other Arae, with straw houses at -Tareque, and at Arae some of straw and some of skins. Copper was -found here, [p578] and they said it came from a distance. From -what the Indian had said, it is possible that this village of Arae -contains more,[354] from the clear description of it which he gave. -We did not find any trace or news of it here. Francisco Vazquez -returned from here to the river of Tiguex, where he found the army. -We went back by a more direct route, because in going by the way we -went we traveled 330 leagues, and it is not more than 200 by that by -which we returned. Quivira is in the fortieth degree and the river -in the thirty-sixth. It was so dangerous to travel or to go away -from the camp in these plains, that it is as if one was traveling on -the sea, since the only roads are those of the cows, and they are so -level and have no mountain or prominent landmark, that if one went -out of sight of it, he was lost, and in this way we lost one man, -and others who went hunting wandered around two or three days, lost. -Two kinds of people travel around these plains with the cows; one is -called Querechos and the others Teyas; they are very well built, and -painted, and are enemies of each other. They have no other settlement -or location than comes from traveling around with the cows. They kill -all of these they wish, and tan the hides, with which they clothe -themselves and make their tents, and they eat the flesh, sometimes -even raw, and they also even drink the blood when thirsty. The tents -they make are like field tents, and they set them up over some poles -they have made for this purpose, which come together and are tied at -the top, and when they go from one place to another they carry them -on some dogs they have, of which they have many, and they load them -with the tents and poles and other things, for the country is so -level, as I said, that they can make use of these, because they carry -the poles dragging along on the ground. The sun is what they worship -most. The skin for the tents is cured on both sides, without the -hair, and they have the skins of deer and cows left over.[355] They -exchange some cloaks with the natives of the river for corn. - -[Illustration: LXXV. A Nambe Water Carrier] - -After Francisco Vazquez reached the river, where he found the army, -Don Pedro de Tobar came with half the people from the Hearts, and Don -Garcia Lopez de Cardenas started off for Mexico, who, besides the -fact that his arm was very bad, had permission from the viceroy on -account of the death of his brother. Ten or twelve who were sick went -with him, and not a man among them all who could fight. He reached -the town of the Spaniards and found it burned and two Spaniards and -many Indians and horses dead, and he returned to the river on this -account, escaping from them by good fortune and great exertions. -The cause of this misfortune was that after Don Pedro started and -left 40 men there, half of these raised a mutiny and fled, and the -Indians, who remembered the bad treatment they had received, attacked -them one night and overpowered them because of their carelessness -and weakness, and they fled to Culiacan. Francisco Vazquez fell -while running [p579] a horse about this time and was sick a long -time, and after the winter was over he determined to come back, and -although they may say something different, he did so, because he -wanted to do this more than anything, and so we all came together -as far as Culiacan, and each one went where he pleased from there, -and Francisco Vazquez came here to Mexico to make his report to -the viceroy, who was not at all pleased with his coming, although -he pretended so at first. He was pleased that Father Friar Juan de -Padilla had stayed there, who went to Quivira, and a Spaniard and a -negro with him, and Friar Luis, a very holy lay brother, stayed in -Cicuique. We spent two very cold winters at this river, with much -snow and thick ice. The river froze one night and remained so for -more than a month, so that loaded horses crossed on the ice. The -reason these villages are settled in this fashion is supposed to be -the great cold, although it is also partly the wars which they have -with one another. And this is all that was seen and found out about -all that country, which is very barren of fruits and groves. Quivira -is a better country, having many huts and not being so cold, although -it is more to the north. [p580] - - -TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM CORONADO TO THE KING, OCTOBER 20, -1541[356] - -LETTER FROM FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO TO HIS MAJESTY, IN WHICH HE -GIVES AN ACCOUNT OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE PROVINCE OF TIGUEX. - -HOLY CATHOLIC CÆSARIAN MAJESTY: On April 20 of this year I wrote to -Your Majesty from this province of Tiguex, in reply to a letter from -Your Majesty dated in Madrid, June 11 a year ago. I gave a detailed -account of this expedition, which the viceroy of New Spain ordered -me to undertake in Your Majesty’s name to this country which was -discovered by Friar Marcos of Nice, the provincial of the order of -Holy Saint Francis. I described it all, and the sort of force I -have, as Your Majesty had ordered me to relate in my letters; and -stated that while I was engaged in the conquest and pacification of -the natives of this province, some Indians who were natives of other -provinces beyond these had told me that in their country there were -much larger villages and better houses than those of the natives of -this country, and that they had lords who ruled them, who were served -with dishes of gold, and other very magnificent things; and although, -as I wrote Your Majesty, I did not believe it before I had set eyes -on it, because it was the report of Indians and given for the most -part by means of signs, yet as the report appeared to me to be very -fine and that it was important that it should be investigated for -Your Majesty’s service, I determined to go and see it with the men -I have here. I started from this province on the 23d of last April, -for the place where the Indians wanted to guide me. After nine days’ -march I reached some plains, so vast that I did not find their limit -anywhere that I went, although I traveled over them for more than 300 -leagues. And I found such a quantity of cows in these, of the kind -that I wrote Your Majesty about, which they have in this country, -that it is impossible to number them, for while I was journeying -through these plains, until I returned to where I first found them, -there was not a day that I lost sight of them. And after seventeen -days’ march I came to a settlement of Indians who are called -Querechos, who travel around with these cows, who do not plant, and -who eat the raw flesh and drink the blood of the cows they kill, and -they tan the skins of the cows, with which all the people [p581] of -this country dress themselves here. They have little field tents made -of the hides of the cows, tanned and greased, very well made, in -which they live while they travel around near the cows, moving with -these. They have dogs which they load, which carry their tents and -poles and belongings. These people have the best figures of any that -I have seen in the Indies. They could not give me any account of the -country where the guides were taking me. I traveled five days more -as the guides wished to lead me, until I reached some plains, with -no more landmarks than as if we had been swallowed up in the sea, -where they strayed about, because there was not a stone, nor a bit of -rising ground, nor a tree, nor a shrub, nor anything to go by. There -is much very fine pasture land, with good grass. And while we were -lost in these plains, some horsemen who went off to hunt cows fell in -with some Indians who also were out hunting, who are enemies of those -that I had seen in the last settlement, and of another sort of people -who are called Teyas; they have their bodies and faces all painted, -are a large people like the others, of a very good build; they eat -the raw flesh just like the Querechos, and live and travel round with -the cows in the same way as these. I obtained from these an account -of the country where the guides were taking me, which was not like -what they had told me, because these made out that the houses there -were not built of stones, with stories, as my guides had described -it, but of straw and skins, and a small supply of corn there. This -news troubled me greatly, to find myself on these limitless plains, -where I was in great need of water, and often had to drink it so poor -that it was more mud than water. Here the guides confessed to me that -they had not told the truth in regard to the size of the houses, -because these were of straw, but that they had done so regarding the -large number of inhabitants and the other things about their habits. -The Teyas disagreed with this, and on account of this division -between some of the Indians and the others, and also because many of -the men I had with me had not eaten anything except meat for some -days, because we had reached the end of the corn which we carried -from this province, and because they made it out more than forty -days’ journey from where I fell in with the Teyas to the country -where the guides were taking me, although I appreciated the trouble -and danger there would be in the journey owing to the lack of water -and corn, it seemed to me best, in order to see if there was anything -there of service to Your Majesty, to go forward with only 30 horsemen -until I should be able to see the country, so as to give Your Majesty -a true account of what was to be found in it. I sent all the rest -of the force I had with me to this province, with Don Tristan de -Arellano in command, because it would have been impossible to prevent -the loss of many men, if all had gone on, owing to the lack of water -and because they also had to kill bulls and cows on which to sustain -themselves. And with only the 30 horsemen whom I took for my escort, -I traveled forty-two days after I left the force, living all this -while solely on the flesh of the bulls and cows which we killed, at -the cost of several of our horses which they killed, [p582] because, -as I wrote Your Majesty, they are very brave and fierce animals; and -going many days without water, and cooking the food with cow dung, -because there is not any kind of wood in all these plains, away from -the gullies and rivers, which are very few. - -[Illustration: LXXVI. The Keres Pueblo of Katishtya or San Felipe] - -It was the Lord’s pleasure that, after having journeyed across these -deserts seventy-seven days, I arrived at the province they call -Quivira, to which the guides were conducting me, and where they had -described to me houses of stone, with many stories; and not only -are they not of stone, but of straw, but the people in them are as -barbarous as all those whom I have seen and passed before this; -they do not have cloaks, nor cotton of which, to make these, but -use the skins of the cattle they kill, which they tan, because they -are settled among these on a very large river. They eat the raw -flesh like the Querechos and Teyas; they are enemies of one another, -but are all of the same sort of people, and these at Quivira have -the advantage in the houses they build and in planting corn. In -this province of which the guides who brought me are natives, they -received me peaceably, and although they told me when I set out for -it that I could not succeed in seeing it all in two months, there -are not more than 25 villages of straw houses there and in all the -rest of the country that I saw and learned about, which gave their -obedience to Your Majesty and placed themselves under your royal -overlordship. The people here are large. I had several Indians -measured, and found that they were 10 palms in height; the women are -well proportioned and their features are more like Moorish women -than Indians. The natives here gave me a piece of copper which a -chief Indian wore hung around his neck; I sent it to the viceroy of -New Spain, because I have not seen any other metal in these parts -except this and some little copper bells which I sent him, and a -bit of metal which looks like gold. I do not know where this came -from, although I believe that the Indians who gave it to me obtained -it from those whom I brought here in my service, because I can not -find any other origin for it nor where it came from. The diversity -of languages which exists in this country and my not having anyone -who understood them, because they speak their own language in each -village, has hindered me, because I have been forced to send captains -and men in many directions to find out whether there was anything -in this country which could be of service to Your Majesty. And -although I have searched with all diligence I have not found or heard -of anything, unless it be these provinces, which are a very small -affair. The province of Quivira is 950 leagues from Mexico. Where I -reached it, it is in the fortieth degree. The country itself is the -best I have ever seen for producing all the products of Spain, for -besides the land itself being very fat and black and being very well -watered by the rivulets and springs and rivers, I found prunes like -those of Spain [_or_ I found everything they have in Spain] and nuts -and very good sweet grapes and mulberries. I have treated the natives -of this province, and all the others whom I found wherever I went, -as well as was possible, [p583] agreeably to what Your Majesty -had commanded, and they have received no harm in any way from me or -from those who went in my company.[357] I remained twenty-five days -in this province of Quivira, so as to see and explore the country -and also to find out whether there was anything beyond which could -be of service to Your Majesty, because the guides who had brought -me had given me an account of other provinces beyond this. And what -I am sure of is that there is not any gold nor any other metal in -all that country, and the other things of which they had told me are -nothing but little villages, and in many of these they do not plant -anything and do not have any houses except of skins and sticks, and -they wander around with the cows; so that the account they gave me -was false, because they wanted to persuade me to go there with the -whole force, believing that as the way was through such uninhabited -deserts, and from the lack of water, they would get us where we and -our horses would die of hunger. And the guides confessed this, and -said they had done it by the advice and orders of the natives of -these provinces. At this, after having heard the account of what was -beyond, which I have given above, I returned to these provinces to -provide for the force I had sent back here and to give Your Majesty -an account of what this country amounts to, because I wrote Your -Majesty that I would do so when I went there. I have done all that -I possibly could to serve Your Majesty and to discover a country -where God Our Lord might be served and the royal patrimony of Your -Majesty increased, as your loyal servant and vassal. For since I -reached the province of Cibola, to which the viceroy of New Spain -sent me in the name of Your Majesty, seeing that there were none of -the things there of which Friar Marcos had told, I have managed to -explore this country for 200 leagues and more around Cibola, and -the best place I have found is this river of Tiguex where I am now, -and the settlements here. It would not be possible to establish a -settlement here, for besides being 400 leagues from the North sea and -more than 200 from the South sea, with which it is impossible to have -any sort of communication, the country is so cold, as I have written -to Your Majesty, that apparently the winter could not possibly be -spent here, because there is no wood, nor cloth with which to protect -the men, except the skins which the natives wear and some small -amount of cotton cloaks. I send the viceroy of New Spain an account -of everything I have seen in the countries where I have been, and as -Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas is going to kiss Your Majesty’s hands, -who has done much and has served Your Majesty very well on this -expedition, and he will give Your Majesty an account of everything -here, as one who has seen it himself, I give way to him. And may Our -Lord protect the Holy Imperial Catholic person of Your Majesty, with -increase of greater kingdoms and powers, as your loyal servants and -vassals desire. From this province of Tiguex, October 20, in the -year 1541. Your Majesty’s humble servant and vassal, who would -kiss the royal feet and hands: - - FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO. - - -[p584] - -TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF JARAMILLO - -ACCOUNT GIVEN BY CAPTAIN JUAN JARAMILLO OF THE JOURNEY WHICH HE MADE -TO THE NEW COUNTRY, ON WHICH FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ CORONADO WAS THE -GENERAL.[358] - -We started from Mexico, going directly to Compostela, the whole way -populated and at peace, the direction being west, and the distance -112 leagues. From there we went to Culiacan, perhaps about 80 -leagues; the road is well known and much used, because there is a -town inhabited by Spaniards in the said valley of Culiacan, under -the government of Compostela. The 70 horsemen who went with the -general went in a northwesterly direction from this town. He left his -army here, because information had been obtained that the way was -uninhabited and almost the whole of it without food. He went with the -said horsemen to explore the route and prepare the way for those who -were to follow. He pursued this direction, though with some twisting, -until we crossed a mountain chain, where they knew about New Spain, -more than 300 leagues distant. To this pass we gave the name of -Chichilte Calli, because we learned that this was what it was called, -from some Indians whom we left behind. - -[Illustration: LXXVII. The South Town of the Tiwa Pueblo of Taos] - -Leaving the said valley of Culiacan, he crossed a river called -Pateatlan (_or_ Peteatlan), which was about four days distant. We -found these Indians peaceful, and they gave us some few things to -eat. From here we went to another river called Cinaloa, which was -about three days from the other. From here the general ordered ten -of us horsemen to make double marches, lightly equipped, until we -reached the stream of the Cedars (arroyo de los Cedros), and from -there we were to enter a break in the mountains on the right of the -road and see what there was in and about this. If more time should -be needed for this than we gained on him, he would wait for us at -the said Cedros stream. This was done, and all that we saw there was -a few poor Indians in some settled valleys like farms or estates, -with sterile soil. It was about five more days from the river to -this stream. From there we went to the river called Yaquemi, which -took about three days. We proceeded along a dry stream, and after -three days more of marching, although the dry stream lasted only for -a league, we reached another stream where there were some settled -Indians, who had straw huts and storehouses of corn and beans and -melons. Leaving here, we went to [p585] the stream and village -which is called Hearts (Corazones), the name which was given it by -Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca and Castillo and the negro Estebanillo, -because they gave them a present of the hearts of animals and birds -to eat. - -About two days were spent in this village of the Hearts. There is an -irrigation stream, and the country is warm. Their dwellings are huts -made of a frame of poles, almost like an oven, only very much better, -which they cover with mats. They have corn and beans and melons for -food, which I believe never fail them. They dress in deerskins. This -appeared to be a good place, and so orders were given the Spaniards -who were behind to establish a village here, where they lived until -almost the failure of the expedition. There was a poison here, the -effect of which is, according to what was seen of it, the worst that -could possibly be found; and from what we learned about it, it is the -sap of a small tree like the mastick tree, or lentisk, and it grows -in gravelly and sterile land.[359] We went on from here, passing -through a sort of gateway, to another valley very near this stream, -which opens off from this same stream, which is called Señora. It -is also irrigated, and the Indians are like the others and have the -same sort of settlements and food. This valley continues for 6 or 7 -leagues, a little more or less. At first these Indians were peaceful; -and afterward not, but instead they and those whom they were able -to summon thither were our worst enemies. They have a poison with -which they killed several Christians. There are mountains on both -sides of them, which are not very fertile. From, here we went along -near this said stream, crossing it where it makes a bend, to another -Indian settlement called Ispa.[360] It takes one day from the last of -these others to this place. It is of the same sort as those we had -passed. From here we went through deserted country for about four -days to another river, which we heard called Nexpa, where some poor -Indians came out to see the general, with presents of little value, -with some stalks of roasted maguey and pitahayas. We went down this -stream two days, and then left the stream, going toward the right to -the foot of the mountain chain in two days’ journey, where we heard -news of what is called Chichiltic Calli. Crossing the mountains, -we came to a deep and reedy river, where we found water and forage -for the horses. [p586] From this river back at Nexpa, as I have -said, it seems to me that the direction was nearly northeast. From -here, I believe that we went in the same direction for three days to -a river which we called Saint John (San Juan), because we reached -it on his day. Leaving here, we went to another river, through a -somewhat rough country, more toward the north, to a river which we -called the Rafts (de las Balsas), because we had to cross on these, -as it was rising. It seems to me that we spent two days between one -river and the other, and I say this because it is so long since we -went there that I may be wrong in some days, though not in the rest. -From here we went to another river, which we called the Slough (de -la Barranca.) It is two short days from one to the other, and the -direction almost northeast. From here we went to another river, which -we called the Cold river (el rio Frio), on account of its water being -so, in one day’s journey, and from here we went by a pine mountain, -where we found, almost at the top of it, a cool spring and streamlet, -which was another day’s march. In the neighborhood of this stream a -Spaniard, who was called Espinosa, died, besides two other persons, -on account of poisonous plants which they ate, owing to the great -need in which they were. From here we went to another river, which -we called the Red river (Bermejo), two days’ journey in the same -direction, but less toward the northeast. Here we saw an Indian or -two, who afterward appeared to belong to the first settlement of -Cibola. From here we came in two days’ journey to the said village, -the first of Cibola. The houses have flat roofs and walls of stone -and mud, and this was where they killed Steve (Estebanillo), the -negro who had come with Dorantes from Florida and returned with Friar -Marcos de Niza. In this province of Cibola there are five little -villages besides this, all with flat roofs and of stone and mud, as I -said. The country is cold, as is shown by their houses and hothouses -(estufas). They have food enough for themselves, of corn and beans -and melons. These villages are about a league or more apart from each -other, within a circuit of perhaps 6 leagues. The country is somewhat -sandy and not very salty (_or_ barren of vegetation[361]), and on the -mountains the trees are for the most part evergreen. The clothing of -the Indians is of deerskins, very carefully tanned, and they also -prepare some tanned cowhides, with which they cover themselves, which -are like shawls, and a great protection. They have square cloaks of -cotton, some larger than others, about a yard and a half long. The -Indians wear them thrown over the shoulder like a gipsy, and fastened -with one end over the other, with a girdle, also of cotton. From -this first village of Cibola, looking toward the northeast and a -little less, on the left hand, there is a province called Tucayan, -about five days off, which has seven flat-roof villages, with a food -supply as good as or better than these, and [p587] an even larger -population; and they also have the skins of cows and of deer, and -cloaks of cotton, as I described.[362] - -[Illustration: LXXVIII. The Tewa Pueblo of K’hapóo or Santa Clara] - -All the waterways we found as far as this one at Cibola—and I do not -know but what for a day or two beyond—the rivers and streams run into -the South sea, and those from here on into the North sea. - -[Illustration: LXXIX. The Tewa Pueblo of Ohke or San Juan] - -From this first village of Cibola, as I have said, we went to another -in the same province, which was about a short day’s journey off, on -the way to Tihuex. It is nine days, of such marches as we made, from -this settlement of Cibola to the river of Tihuex. Halfway between, I -do not know but it maybe a day more or less, there is a village of -earth and dressed stone, in a very strong position, which is called -Tutahaco.[363] All these Indians, except the first in the first -village of Cibola, received us well. At the river of Tihuex there are -15 villages within a distance of about 20 leagues, all with flat-roof -houses of earth, instead of stone, after the fashion of mud walls. -There are other villages besides these on other streams which flow -into this, and three of these are, for Indians, well worth seeing, -especially one that is called Chia,[364] and another Uraba,[365] -and another Cicuique.[366] Uraba and Cicuique have many houses two -stories high. All the rest, and these also, have corn and beans and -melons, skins, and some long robes of feathers which they braid, -joining the feathers with a sort of thread; and they also make them -of a sort of plain weaving with which they make the cloaks with -which they protect themselves. They all have hot rooms underground, -which, although not very clean, are very warm.[367] They raise and -have a very little cotton, of which they make the cloaks which I have -spoken of above. This river comes from the northwest and flows about -southeast, which shows that it certainly flows into the North sea. -Leaving this settlement[368] and the said river, we passed two other -villages whose names I do not know,[369] and in four days came to -Cicuique, which I have already mentioned. The direction of this is -toward the northeast. From there we came to another river, which the -Spaniards named after Cicuique, in three days; if I remember rightly, -it seems to me that we went rather toward the northeast to reach this -river where we crossed it, and after crossing this, we turned more -to [p588] the left hand, which would be more to the northeast, and -began to enter the plains where the cows are, although, we did not -find them for some four or five days, after which we began to come -across bulls, of which there are great numbers, and after going on in -the same direction and meeting the bulls for two or three days, we -began to find ourselves in the midst of very great numbers of cows, -yearlings and bulls all in together. We found Indians among these -first cows, who were, on this account, called Querechos by those in -the flat roof houses. They do not live in houses, but have some sets -of poles which they carry with them to make some huts at the places -where they stop, which serve them for houses. They tie these poles -together at the top and stick the bottoms into the ground, covering -them with some cowskins which they carry around, and which, as I have -said, serve them for houses. From what was learned of these Indians, -all their human needs are supplied by these cows, for they are fed -and clothed and shod from these. They are a people who wander around -here and there, wherever seems to them best. We went on for eight or -ten days in the same direction, along those streams which are among -the cows. The Indian who guided us from here was the one that had -given us the news about Quevira and Arache (_or_ Arahei) and about -its being a very rich country with much gold and other things, and -he and the other one were from that country I mentioned, to which we -were going, and we found these two Indians in the flat-roof villages. -It seems that, as the said Indian wanted to go to his own country, he -proceeded to tell us what we found was not true, and I do not know -whether it was on this account or because he was counseled to take -us into other regions by confusing us on the road, although there -are none in all this region except those of the cows. We understood, -however, that he was leading us away from the route we ought to -follow and that he wanted to lead us on to those plains where he had -led us, so that we would eat up the food, and both ourselves and our -horses would become weak from the lack of this, because if we should -go either backward or forward in this condition we could not make any -resistance to whatever they might wish to do to us. From the time -when, as I said, we entered the plains and from, this settlement of -Querechos, he led us off more to the east, until we came to be in -extreme need from the lack of food, and as the other Indian, who was -his companion and also from his country, saw that he was not taking -us where we ought to go, since we had always followed the guidance -of the Turk, for so he was called, instead of his, he threw himself -down in the way, making a sign that although we cut off his head he -ought not to go that way, nor was that our direction. I believe we -had been traveling twenty days or more in this direction, at the end -of which we found another settlement of Indians of the same sort and -way of living as those behind, among whom there was an old blind man -with a beard, who gave us to understand, by signs which he made, -[p589] that he had seen four others like us many days before, whom -he had seen near there and rather more toward New Spain, and we so -understood him, and presumed that it was Dorantes and Cabeza de Vaca -and those whom I have mentioned. At this settlement the general, -seeing our difficulties, ordered the captains, and the persons whose -advice he was accustomed to take, to assemble, so that we might -discuss with him what was best for all. It seemed to us that all the -force should go back to the region we had come from, in search of -food, so that they could regain their strength, and that 30 picked -horsemen should go in search of what the Indian had told about; and -we decided to do this. We all went forward one day to a stream which -was down in a ravine in the midst of good meadows, to agree on who -should go ahead and how the rest should return. Here the Indian -Isopete, as we had called the companion of the said Turk, was asked -to tell us the truth, and to lead us to that country which we had -come in search of. He said he would do it, and that it was not as the -Turk had said, because those were certainly fine things which he had -said and had given us to understand at Tihuex, about gold and how it -was obtained, and the buildings, and the style of them, and their -trade, and many other things told for the sake of prolixity, which -had led us to go in search of them, with the advice of all who gave -it and of the priests. He asked us to leave him afterward in that -country, because it was his native country, as a reward for guiding -us, and also, that the Turk might not go along with him, because he -would quarrel and try to restrain him in everything that he wanted -to do for our advantage; and the general promised him this, and said -he would be with one of the thirty, and he went in this way. And -when everything was ready for us to set out and for the others to -remain, we pursued our way, the direction all the time after this -being toward the north, for more than thirty days’ march, although -not long marches, not having to go without water on any one of them, -and among cows all the time, some days in larger numbers than others, -according to the water which we came across, so that on Saint Peter -and Paul’s day we reached a river which we found to be there below -Quibira. When we reached the said river, the Indian recognized it and -said that was it, and that it was below the settlements. We crossed -it there and went up the other side on the north, the direction -turning toward the northeast, and after marching three days we found -some Indians who were going hunting, killing the cows to take the -meat to their village, which was about three or four days still -farther away from us. Here where we found the Indians and they saw -us, they began to utter yells and appeared to fly, and some even -had their wives there with them. The Indian Isopete began to call -them in his language, and so they came to us without any signs of -fear. When we and these Indians had halted here, the general made an -example of the Indian Turk, whom we had brought along, keeping him -all the time out of sight among the rear guard, and [p590] having -arrived where the place was prepared, it was done in such a way that -the other Indian, who was called Isopete, should not see it, so as -to give him the satisfaction he had asked. Some satisfaction was -experienced here on seeing the good appearance of the earth, and it -is certainly such among the cows, and from there on. The general -wrote a letter here to the governor of Harahey and Quibira, having -understood that he was a Christian from the lost army of Florida, -because what the Indian had said of their manner of government and -their general character had made us believe this. So the Indians went -to their houses, which were at the distance mentioned, and we also -proceeded at our rate of marching until we reached the settlements, -which we found along good river bottoms, although without much -water, and good streams which flow into another, larger than the -one I have mentioned. There were, if I recall correctly, six or -seven settlements, at quite a distance from one another, among which -we traveled for four or five days, since it was understood to be -uninhabited between one stream and the other. We reached what they -said was the end of Quibira, to which they took us, saying that the -things there were of great importance.[370] Here there was a river, -with more water and more inhabitants than the others. Being asked if -there was anything beyond, they said that there was nothing more of -Quibira, but that there was Harahey, and that it was the same sort -of a place, with settlements like these, and of about the same size. -The general sent to summon the lord of those parts and the other -Indians who they said resided in Harahey, and he came with about 200 -men—all naked—with bows, and some sort of things on their heads, -and their privy parts slightly covered. He was a big Indian, with a -large body and limbs, and well proportioned. After he had heard the -opinion of one and another about it, the general asked them what we -ought to do, reminding us of how the army had been left and that the -rest of us were there, so that it seemed to all of us that as it was -already almost the opening of winter, for, if I remember rightly, -it was after the middle of August, and because there was little to -winter there for, and we were but very little prepared for it, and -the uncertainty as to the success of the army that had been left, -and because the winter might close the roads with snow and rivers -which we could not cross, and also in order to see what had happened -to the rest of the force left behind, it seemed to us all that his -grace ought to go back in search of them, and when he had found out -for certain how they were, to winter there and return to that country -at the opening of spring, to conquer and cultivate it. Since, as I -said, this was the last point which we reached, here the Turk saw -that he had lied to us, and one night he called on all these people -to attack us and kill us. We learned of it, and put him under guard -and strangled him that night so that he never waked up. With the plan -[p591] mentioned, we turned back it may have been two or three days, -where we provided ourselves with picked fruit and dried corn for our -return. The general raised a cross at this place, at the foot of -which he made some letters with a chisel, which said that Francisco -Vazquez de Coronado, general of that army, had arrived here. - -This country presents a very fine appearance, than which I have not -seen a better in all our Spain, nor Italy, nor a part of France, -nor, indeed, in the other countries where I have traveled in His -Majesty’s service, for it is not a very rough country, but is made up -of hillocks and plains, and very fine appearing rivers and streams, -which certainly satisfied me and made me sure that it will be very -fruitful in all sorts of products. Indeed, there is profit in the -cattle ready to the hand, from the quantity of them, which is as -great as one could imagine. We found a variety of Castilian prunes -which are not all red, but some of them black and green; the tree -and fruit is certainly like that of Castile, with a very excellent -flavor. Among the cows we found flax, which springs up from the earth -in clumps apart from one another, which are noticeable, as the cattle -do not eat it, with their tops and blue flowers, and very perfect -although small, resembling that of our own Spain (_or_ and sumach -like ours in Spain). There are grapes along some streams, of a fair -flavor, not to be improved upon. The houses which these Indians have -were of straw, and most of them round, and the straw reached down to -the ground like a wall, so that they did not have the symmetry or the -style of these here; they have something like a chapel or sentry box -outside and around these, with an entry, where the Indians appear -seated or reclining.[371] The Indian Isopete was left here where the -cross was erected, and we took five or six of the Indians from these -villages to lead and guide us to the flat-roof houses.[372] Thus they -brought us back by the same road as far as where I said before that -we came to a river called Saint Peter and Paul’s, and here we left -that by which we had come, and, taking the right hand, they led us -along by watering places and among cows and by a good road, although -there are none either one way or the other except those of the cows, -as I have said. At last we came to where we recognized the country, -where I said we found the first settlement, [p592] where the Turk -led as astray from the route we should have followed. Thus, leaving -the rest aside, we reached Tiguex, where we found the rest of the -army, and here the general fell while running his horse, by which -he received a wound on his head which gave symptoms of turning out -badly, and he conceived the idea of returning, which ten or twelve of -us were unable to prevent by dissuading him from it. When this return -had been ordered, the Franciscan friars who were with us—one of them -a regular and the other a lay brother—who were called, the regular -one Friar Juan de Padilla and the lay one Friar Luis de Escalona, -were told to get ready, although they had permission from their -provincial so that they could remain. Friar Luis wished to remain in -these flat-roof houses, saying that he would raise crosses for those -villagers with a chisel and adze they left him, and would baptize -several poor creatures who could be led, on the point of death, so -as to send them to heaven, for which he did not desire any other -company than a little slave of mine who was called Christopher, to -be his consolation, and who he said would learn the language there -quickly so as to help him; and he brought up so many things in favor -of this that he could not be denied, and so nothing more has been -heard from him. The knowledge that this friar would remain there -was the reason that many Indians from hereabouts stayed there, and -also two negroes, one of them mine, who was called Sebastian, and -the other one of Melchor Perez, the son of the licentiate La Torre. -This negro was married and had his wife and children. I also recall -that several Indians remained behind in the Quivira region, besides -a Tarascan belonging to my company, who was named Andrew. Friar Juan -de Padilla preferred to return to Quivira, and persuaded them to give -him those Indians whom I said we had brought as guides. They gave -him these, and he also took a Portuguese and a free Spanish-speaking -Indian, who was the interpreter, and who passed as a Franciscan -friar, and a half-blood and two Indians from Capottan (_or_ Capotean) -or thereabouts, I believe. He had brought these up and took them in -the habits of friars, and he took some sheep and mules and a horse -and ornaments and other trifles. I do not know whether it was for the -sake of these or for what reason, but it seems that they killed him, -and those who did it were the lay servants, or these same Indians -whom he took back from Tiguex, in return for the good deeds which he -had done. When he was dead, the Portuguese whom I mentioned fled, and -also one of the Indians that I said he took in the habits of friars, -or both of them, I believe. I mention this because they came back to -this country of New Spain by another way and a shorter route than -the one of which I have told, and they came out in the valley of -Panico.[373] I have given Gonzalo Solis de Meras and Isidore de Solis -an account of this, because it seemed to me important, according to -what I say I have understood, that [p593] His Majesty ordered Your -Lordship to find or discover a way so as to unite that land to this. -It is perhaps also very likely that this Indian Sebastian, during the -time he was in Quivira, learned about its territory and the country -round about it, and also of the sea, and the road by which he came, -and what there is to it, and how many days’ journey before arriving -there. So that I am sure that if Your Lordship acquires this Quivira -on this account, I am certain that he can confidently bring many -people from Spain to settle it according to the appearance and the -character of the land. [p594] - -[Illustration: LXXX. A Native of San Juan] - - -TRANSLATION OF THE REPORT OF HERNANDO DE ALVARADO - -ACCOUNT OF WHAT HERNANDO DE ALVARADO AND FRIAR JUAN DE PADILLA -DISCOVERED GOING IN SEARCH OF THE SOUTH SEA.[374] - -We set out from Granada on Sunday, the day of the beheading of Saint -John the Baptist, the 29th of August, in the year 1540, on the way -to Coco.[375] After we had gone 2 leagues, we came to an ancient -building like a fortress, and a league beyond this we found another, -and yet another a little farther on, and beyond these we found an -ancient city, very large, entirely destroyed, although a large part -of the wall was standing, which was six times as tall as a man, the -wall well made of good worked stone, with gates and gutters like a -city in Castile. Half a league or more beyond this, we found another -ruined city, the walls of which must have been very fine, built of -very large granite blocks, as high as a man and from there up of very -good quarried stone. Here two roads separate, one to Chia and the -other to Coco; we took this latter, and reached that place, which -is one of the strongest places that we have seen, because the city -is on a very high rock, with such a rough ascent that we repented -having gone up to the place. The houses have three or four stories; -the people are the same sort as those of the province of Cibola; they -have plenty of food, of corn and beans and fowls like those of New -Spain. From here we went to a very good lake or marsh, where there -are trees like those of Castile, and from there we went to a river, -which we named Our Lady (Nuestra Señora), because we reached it the -evening before her day in the month of September.[376] We sent the -cross by a guide to the villages in advance, and the next day people -came from twelve villages, the chief men and the people in order, -those of one village behind those of another, and they approached the -tent to the sound of a pipe, and with an old man for spokesman. In -this fashion they came into the tent and gave me the food and clothes -and skins they had brought, and I gave them some trinkets, and with -this they went off. - -This river of Our Lady flows through a very wide open plain sowed -with corn plants; there are several groves, and there are twelve -[p595] villages. The houses are of earth, two stories high; the -people have a good appearance, more like laborers than a warlike -race; they have a large food supply of corn, beans, melons, and fowl -in great plenty; they clothe themselves with cotton and the skins of -cows and dresses of the feathers of the fowls; they wear their hair -short. Those who have the most authority among them are the old men; -we regarded them as witches, because they say that they go up into -the sky and other things of the same sort. In this province there are -seven other villages, depopulated and destroyed by those Indians who -paint their eyes, of whom the guides will tell Your Grace; they say -that these live in the same region as the cows, and that they have -corn and houses of straw. - -Here the people from the outlying provinces came to make peace -with me, and as Your Grace may see in this memorandum, there are -80 villages there of the same sort as I have described, and among -them one which is located on some streams; it is divided into twenty -divisions, which is something remarkable; the houses have three -stories of mud walls and three others made of small wooden boards, -and on the outside of the three stories with the mud wall they have -three balconies; it seemed to us that there were nearly 15,000 -persons in this village. The country is very cold; they do not raise -fowls nor cotton; they worship the sun and water. We found mounds of -dirt outside of the place, where they are buried. - -In the places where crosses were raised, we saw them worship these. -They made offerings to these of their powder and feathers, and some -left the blankets they had on. They showed so much zeal that some -climbed up on the others to grasp the arms of the cross, to place -feathers and flowers there; and others bringing ladders, while some -held them, went up to tie strings, so as to fasten the flowers and -the feathers. [p596] - - -TESTIMONY CONCERNING THOSE WHO WENT ON THE EXPEDITION WITH FRANCISCO -VAZQUEZ CORONADO[377] - -At Compostela, on February 21, 1540, Coronado presented a petition -to the viceroy Mendoza, declaring that he had observed that certain -persons who were not well disposed toward the expedition which was -about to start for the newly discovered country had said that many -of the inhabitants of the City of Mexico and of the other cities -and towns of New Spain, and also of Compostela and other places in -this province of New Galicia were going on the expedition at his -request or because of inducements offered by him, as a result of -which the City of Mexico and New Spain were left deserted, or almost -so. Therefore, he asked the viceroy to order that information be -obtained, in order that the truth might be known about the citizens -of New Spain and of this province who were going to accompany him. He -declared that there were very few of these, and that they were not -going on account of any attraction or inducement offered by him, but -of their own free will, and as there were few of them, there would -not be any lack of people in New Spain. And as Gonzalo de Salazar, -the factor or royal agent, and Pero Almidez Cherino, the veedor or -royal inspector of His Majesty for New Spain, and other citizens of -Mexico who knew all the facts and had the necessary information, were -present there, Coronado asked His Grace to provide and order that -which, would best serve His Majesty’s interests and the welfare and -security of New Spain. - -The viceroy instructed the licenciate Maldonado, oidor of the -royal audiencia,[378] to procure this information. To facilitate -the hearing he provided that the said factor and veedor and the -regidores, and others who were there, should attend the review of the -army, which was to be held on the following day. Nine of the desired -witnesses were also commanded by Maldonado to attend the review and -observe those whom they knew in the army. - -On February 26[379] the licentiate Maldonado took the oaths of the -witnesses in proper form, and they testified to the following effect: - -[Illustration: LXXXI. A Native of Pecos] - -Hernand Perez de Bocanegra, a citizen of Mexico, stated that he had -been present on the preceding Sunday, at the review of the force -which the viceroy was sending for the pacification of the country -recently discovered by the father provincial, Fray Marcos de Niza, -and that he [p597] had taken note of the force as the men passed -before him; and at his request he had also been allowed to see the -list of names of those who were enrolled in the army; and he declared -that in all the said force he did not recognize any other citizens -of Mexico who were going except Domingo Martin, a married man, -whom he had sometimes seen living in Mexico, and provided him with -messengers; and one Alonso Sanchez, who was going with his wife and -a son, and who was formerly a shoemaker; and a young man, son of the -_bachiller_ Alonso Perez, who had come only a few days before from -Salamanca, and who had been sent to the war by his father on account -of his restlessness; and two or three other workmen or tradespeople -whom he had seen at work in Mexico, although he did not know whether -they were citizens there; and on his oath he did not see in the whole -army anyone else who was a citizen of Mexico, although for about -fourteen years he had been a citizen and inhabitant of that city, -unless it was the captain-general, Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, and -Lopez de Samaniego the army-master; and, moreover, he declared that -he felt certain that those above mentioned were going of their own -free will, like all the rest. - -Antonio Serrano de Cardona, one of the magistrates of Mexico, who was -present from beginning to end of the review of the preceding Sunday, -testified in similar form. He said that Alonso Sanchez had formerly -been a citizen of Mexico, but that for a long time his house had -been empty and he had traveled as a trader, and that he was going -in search of something to live on; and one Domingo Martin was also -going, who formerly lived in Mexico, and whose residence he had not -known likewise for a long time, nor did he think that he had one, -because he had not seen him living in Mexico. He did not think it -would have been possible for any citizens of Mexico to have been -there whom he did not know, because he had lived in Mexico during the -twenty years since he came to Mexico, and ever since the city was -established by Christians, and besides, he had been a magistrate for -fifteen years. And besides, all those whom he did see who were going, -were the most contented of any men he had ever seen in this country -starting off for conquests. After the force left the City of Mexico, -he had been there, and had noticed that it was full of people and -that there did not seem to be any scarcity on account of those who -had started on this expedition. - -Gonzalo de Salazar, His Majesty’s factor for New Spain, and also a -magistrate of the City of Mexico, declared that the only person on -the expedition who possessed a repartimiento or estate in New Spain -was the captain-general, Vazquez de Coronado, and that he had noticed -one other citizen who did not have a repartimiento. He had not seen -any other citizen of Mexico, nor of New Spain, although one of the -greatest benefits that could have been done New Spain would have been -to draw off the young and vicious people who were in that city and -all over New Spain. [p598] - -Pedro Almidez Cherino, His Majesty’s veedor in New Spain, had, among -other things, noted the horses and arms of those who were going, -during the review. He had noticed Coronado and Samaniego, and Alonso -Sanchez and his wife, whom he did not know to be a citizen, and -Domingo Martin, who was away from Mexico during most of the year. All -the rest of the force were people without settled residences, who -had recently come to the country in search of a living. It seemed to -him that it was a very fortunate thing for Mexico that the people -who were going were about to do so because they had been injuring -the citizens there. They had been for the most part vicious young -gentlemen, who did not have anything to do in the city nor in the -country. They were all going of their own free will, and were very -ready to help pacify the new country, and it seemed to him that if -the said country had not been discovered, almost all of these people -would have gone back to Castile, or would have gone to Peru or other -places in search of a living. - -Servan Bejarano, who had been in business among the inhabitants of -Mexico ever since he came to that city, added the information that he -knew Alonso Sanchez to be a provision dealer, buying at wholesale and -selling at retail, and that he was in very great need, having nothing -on which to live, and that he was going to that country in search -of a living. He was also very sure that it was a great advantage to -Mexico and to its citizens to have many of the unmarried men go away, -because they had no occupation there and were bad characters, and -were for the most part gentlemen and persons who did not hold any -property, nor any repartimientos of Indians, without any income, and -lazy, and who would have been obliged to go to Peru or some other -region. - -Cristobal de Oñate had been in the country about sixteen years, -a trifle more or less, and was now His Majesty’s veedor for New -Galicia. He knew the citizens of Mexico, and also declared that not -a citizen of Compostela was going on the expedition. Two citizens of -Guadalajara were going, one of whom was married to an Indian, and -the other was single. As for the many young gentlemen and the others -who were going, who lived in Mexico and in other parts of New Spain, -it seemed to him that their departure was a benefit rather than a -disadvantage, because they were leading vicious lives and had nothing -with which to support themselves. - -When these statements and depositions had all been duly received, -signed, and attested, and had been shown to his most illustrious -lordship, the viceroy, he ordered an authorized copy to be taken, -which was made by Joan de Leon, clerk of Their Majesties’ court and -of the royal audiencia of New Spain, the 27th of February, 1540, -witnessed by the secretary, Antonio de Almaguer, and sent to His -Majesty, to be laid before the lords of the council, that they might -provide and order that which should be most serviceable to their -interests. [p599] - - -A LIST OF WORKS - -USEFUL TO THE STUDENT OF THE CORONADO EXPEDITION - -The following list contains the titles of the books and documents -which have been found useful during the preparation of the preceding -memoir on the Coronado expedition of 1540–1542. The works cited have -helped, in one way or another, toward the formation of the opinions -expressed in the Historical Introduction, and in them may be found -the authority for the statements made in the introduction and in the -notes to the translations of the Spanish narratives. It is hoped that -no source of information of prime importance has been overlooked. -The comments on the various books, essays, and documents are such as -suggested themselves in the course of the examination of the works in -question. - -References are given to the location of the more important documents, -so far as these are available in the various collections of printed -documents. The value of these sources has been discussed in the -preceding pages, and these opinions are not repeated in this list. -The titles of the printed books are quoted from the editions which -came nearest to the authors’ manuscripts, so far as these editions -could be consulted. Reference is made also to the most available -later editions, and to the English and French translations of -Spanish, Italian, and Latin works. With hardly an exception, the -titles are quoted from the volumes themselves, as they were found in -the Harvard College Library or in the John Carter Brown Library of -Providence. The Lenox Library of New York supplied such volumes as -were not to be found in Cambridge, Boston, or Providence. - -Dr Justin Winsor and Mr F.W. Hodge have rendered very material -assistance in giving this list such completeness as it possesses. To -Mr Hodge especially are due many of the titles which relate to the -ethnological and archeological aspects of the subject. - - Abelin, Johann Phillip; _pseud._ Johann Ludwig Gottfriedt. - - Newe Welt vnd Americanische Historien.—Franckfurt, M. DC. LV. - - Page 560. Beschreibung der grossen Landschafft Cibola. - - Alarcon, Hernando. - - De lo que hizo por la mar Hernando de Alarcon, que con dos - nauios andaua por la costa por orden de Visorrey don Antonio - de Mendoça. - - _Herrera_, Dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xiii. - - — Relatione della Navigatione & scoperta che fece il Capitano - Fernando Alarcone per ordine dello Illustrissimo Signor Don - Antonio di Mendozza Vice Re della nuoua Spagna. - - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 363–370, edition of 1556; III, fol. 303 - verso, edition of 1606. - - — The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine - Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable - Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça vizeroy of New Spaine. - - _Hakluyt_, III, 425–439, edition of 1600. This translation - is made from Ramusio’s text. - - — Relation de la navigation et de la découverte faite par le - capitaine Fernando Alarcon. Par l’ordre de . . . don Antonio - de Mendoza. - - _Ternaux_, IX (Cibola volume), 299–348. From Ramusio’s text. - - — Relacion del armada del Marqués del Valle, capitaneada de - Francisco de Ulloa . . . y de la que el virey de Nueva España - envió con un Alarcon. - - _Doc. de España_, IV, 218–219. A very brief, probably - contemporary, mention of the discovery of Colorado river. - - Alvarado, Hernando de. - - Relacion de lo que Hernando de Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla - descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur.—Agosto de 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 511–513. B. Smith’s _Florida_, 65–66. - Translated in the _Boston Transcript_, 14 Oct., 1893, and on - page 594 _ante_. - - Alvarado, Pedro de. - - Asiento y capitulaciones, entre el virey de Nueva España, D. - Antonio de Mendoza, y el adelantado, D. Pedro de Alvarado, - para la prosecucion del descubrimento de tierra nueva, hecho - por Fr. Márcos de Niza.—Pueblo de Tiripitio de la Nueva - España, 29 Noviembre, 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 351–362. Also in the same collection, - XVI, 342–355. See page 353 _ante_. - - — Proceso de residencia contra Pedro de Alvarado, . . . sacadas - de los antiguos codices mexicanos, y notas y noticias . . . - por D. Jose Fernando [p600] Ramirez. Lo publica paleografiado - del MS. original el Lic. Ignacío L. Rayon.—Mexico, 1847. - - A collection of documents of considerable interest; with - facsimile illustrations and portrait. - - — _See_ Carta del Obispo de Guatemala. - - Ardoino, Antonio. - - Examen apologetico de la historica narracion de los naufragios, - peregrinaciones, i milagros de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Baca, en - las tierras de la Florida, i del Nuevo Mexico.—Madrid, 1786. - - Barcia, _Historiadores Primitivos_, I (VI), pp. 50. See note - under Cabeza de Vaca _Relacion_. - - Ayllon, Lucas Vazquez de. - - Testimonio de la capitulacion que hizo con el Rey, el Licenciado - Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, para descubrir la tierra que está - á la parte del Norte Sur, de la Isla Española, 35 á 37 - grados.—Valladolid, 12 Junio, 1523.—Presentó en Madrid, 31 - Marzo, 1541. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 503–515. - - Bancroft, George. - - History of the United States. Author’s latest revision.—New - York, 1883. - - For _Coronado_ see Vol. I, 32–37. Written from the documents - translated in Ternaux, _Cibola_. - - Bancroft, Hubert Howe. - - History of the Pacific states of North America.—San Francisco, - 1882–1890. - - 34 volumes. Vol. V, Mexico, II, 1521–1600. Vol. X, North - Mexican States, 1531–1800. Vol. XII, Arizona and New - Mexico, 1530–1888; pages 1–73 are devoted to Cabeza de Vaca - and Coronado. The range of Mr H. H. Bancroft’s extensive - literary labors has seriously interfered with the accuracy - in statement and the soundness of judgment which are so - essential to satisfactory historical writing. His volumes, - however, contain an immense number of references, often - mentioning documentary sources and manuscript materials - which are as yet practically beyond the reach of other - students. - - Bandelier, Adolph. Francis (Alphonse)=. - - Historical introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians - of New Mexico.—Santa Fé. N.M., Sept. 19, 1880. - - _Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, American - series, I, Boston, 1881. 2d edition, 1893, pp. 1–33. - Relates especially to the Coronado expedition. Cited in the - preceding pages as Bandelier’s _Introduction_. - - — A visit to the aboriginal ruins in the valley of the Rio Pecos. - - _Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, American - series, I, 1881, pp. 37–133. In the same volume as the - preceding entry. - - — Ein Brief über Akoma. - - _Das Ausland_, 1884, No. XXIII, pp. 241–243. - - — Report of an archæological tour in Mexico in 1881. - - _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_, - American series, II, Boston, 1884. - - — Report by A. F. Bandelier on his investigations in New Mexico - in the spring and summer of 1882.—Highland, Ill., Aug. 15, - 1882. - - _Bulletin of the Archæological Institute of America_, I, - Boston, Jan., 1883, pp. 13–33. - - — The historical archives of the Hemenway southwestern - archæological expedition. - - _Congrès International des Amérícanístes_, 1888, pp. - 450–459.—Berlin, 1890. - - — Contributions to the history of the southwestern portion of - the United States. - - _Papers of the Archæological Institute of America_, Am. - series, V, and _The Hemenway Southwestern Archæological - Expedition_, Cambridge, 1890. Cited in the preceding pages - as Bandelier’s _Contributions_. An invaluable work, the - result of careful documentary study and of much experience - in field work in the southwest. It will always serve as the - foundation of all satisfactory study of the history of the - Spaniards in that portion of the United States. - - — Quivira. - - _Nation_. N. Y., 31 Oct. and 7 Nov., 1889. (Nos. 1270, - 1271.) Letters dated Santa Fé, October 15, 1889. - - — The ruins of Casas Grandes. - - _Nation_, N. Y., 28 Aug. and 4 Sept., 1890 (Nos. 1313, - 1314). Letters dated Santa Fé, Aug. 1, 11, 1890. - - — The Delight Makers.—New York, 1890. - - A story, in which Mr Bandelier has portrayed, with - considerable success, the ways of life and of thinking among - the Indians of the New Mexican pueblas, before the advent of - Europeans. - - — Fray Juan de Padilla, the first Catholic missionary and martyr - in eastern Kansas. 1542. - - _American Catholic Quarterly Review_, Philadelphia, July, - 1890, XV, 551–565. - - — An outline of the documentary history of the Zuñi tribe. - - _Journal American Ethnology and Archæology_, III, Boston, - 1892, pp. 1–115. This work remained in manuscript for some - years before it was printed. It contains many extracts - from the contemporary narratives, in translation; that of - Castañeda being taken from Ternaux’s version. See note on - page 389. - - — Final report of investigations among the Indians of the - southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years - from 1880 to 1885. - - _Papers of the Archæological Institute of America._ - Cambridge; Part I, 1890; Part II, 1892. - - The most valuable of all of Bandelier’s memoirs on - southwestern history and ethnology. It bears the same - relation to the work of the American ethnologist as his - _Contributions_ do to that of the historical student. - - — The “Montezuma” of the pueblo Indians. - - _American Anthropologist_, Washington, Oct., 1892, V. 319. - - — The Gilded Man.—New York, 1893. - - This work contains much valuable material concerning the - early history of the southwest, but should be used with - care, as it was edited and published during the author’s - absence in Peru. [p601] - - — La découverte du Nouveau-Mexique par le moine franciscain - frère Marcos de Nice en 1539. - - _Revue d’Ethnographie_, V (1886), 31, 117, 193 (50 pages). - - — The discovery of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza. - - _Magazine of Western History_, IV, Cleveland, Sept., 1886, - pp. 659–670. The same material was used in the articles in - the _Revue d’Ethnographie_. - - — Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, the first overland traveler of - European descent, and his journey from Florida to the Pacific - coast—1528–1536. - - _Magazine of Western History_, IV, Cleveland, July, 1886, - pp. 327–336. - - Barcia, Andres Gonzales. - - Historiadores primitivos de las Indias: Occidentales, que juntó, - traduxo en parte, y sacó á luz, ilustrados con erudítas notas, - y copiosos indices, el ilustrissimo Señor D. Andres Gonzalez - Barcia, del Consejo, y Camara de S. M. Divididos en tres - tomos.—Madrid, año MDCCXLIX. - - These three folio volumes are made up of very satisfactory - reprints of a number of the narratives of the early Spanish - conquerors of America. The _Naufragios_ and _Comentarios_ of - Cabeza de Vaca are in the first volume. - - — Ensayo cronologico, para la historia general de la - Florida . . . desde 1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don Gabriel - de Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, MDCCXXIII. - - The name on the title page is an anagram for that of S^r. - Gonzalez Barcia. Florida, in this work, comprises all of - America north of Mexico. The Ensayo was published with the - _Florida del Ynca_ of 1723. - - Baxter, Sylvester. - - The father of the pueblos. - - _Harper’s Magazine_, LXV, June, 1882, pp. 72–91. - - — An aboriginal pilgrimage. - - _Century Magazine_, II (XXIV), August, 1882, pp. 526–536. - - — The old new world. An account of the explorations of the - Hemenway southwestern archæological expedition.—Salem, Mass., - 1888. - - Reprinted from the _Boston Herald_, April 15, 1888. - - Begert, or Baegert, Jacob. - - Nachrichten von der Amerikanischen Halbinsel Californien: mit - einem zweyfachen Anhang falscher Nachrichten. Gesehrieben - von einem Priester der Gesellschaft Jesu, welcher lang - darinn diese letztere Jahr gelebet hat. Mit Erlaubnuss der - Oberen.—Mannheim, 1773. - - Translated and arranged for the Smithsonian Institution by - Charles Rau, of New York City, in the _Smithsonian Reports_, - 1863, pp. 352–369; 1864, pp. 378–399. Reprinted by Rau in - _Papers on Anthropological Subjects_, pp. 1–40. - - Benavides, Alonso de. - - Memorial qve Fray Ivan de Santander de la Orden de san - Francisco, presenta á Felipe Qvarto, hecho por el Padre Fray - Alonso de Benauides, Custodio qve ha sido de las prouincias, y - conuersiones del Nueuo-Mexico.—Madrid, M. DC. XXX. - - Translations of this valuable work were published in French - at Bruxelles, 1631, in Latin at Salzburg, 1634, and in - German at Salzburg, probably also in 1634. - - Benzoni, Girolamo. - - La historia del Mondo Nvovo.—(Colophon) Venetia, MDLXV. - - Besides early Latin, Dutch, and German translations of - Benzoni, there is an old French edition (Geneva, 1579). An - English translation was published by the Hakluyt Society in - 1857. - - Blackmar, Frank Wilson. - - Spanish institutions of the southwest.—Baltimore, 1891. - - _Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and - Political Science_, extra volume, X. - - — Spanish colonization in the southwest. - - _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, VIII, April, 1890, pp. - 121–193. - - — The conquest of New Spain. - - _Agora_, Lawrence, Kans., beginning Jan., 1896. This series - of papers is not yet completed. - - Botero, Giovanni. - - La prima parte delle relationi vniversali di Giovanni Botero - Benese.—Bergamo, MDXCIIII. - - For _Ceuola_ and _Quiuira_, libro quarto (p. 277). The text - was considerably altered and amplified in the successive - early editions. In the 1603 Spanish edition, fol. 141. - - Bourke, John Gregory. - - Snake dance of the Moquis of Arizona.—New York and London, 1884. - - Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez. - - La relacion que dio Aluar nuñez cabeça de vaca de lo - acaescido . . en la armada donde yua por gouernador Pāphilo de - narbaez.—(Colophon) Zamora, 6 Octubre, 1542. - - This was reprinted, with the addition of the - _Comentarios . . . del Rio de la Plata_, at Valladolid - in 1555. It was translated by Ramusio, III, fol. 310–330 - (ed. 1556), and was paraphrased into English, from - Ramusio, by Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, Part IV, lib. VIII, - chap. I, pp. 1499–1528. There is a useful note regarding - the first edition of the _Naufragios_ and its author, in - Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 382. The - _Naufragios_ and _Comentarios_ were reprinted at Madrid in - 1736, preceded by the _Examen Apologetico_ of Ardoino (see - entry under his name), and it is this edition which was - included in Barcia’s collection of 1749, the 1736 title - pages being preserved. - - — Relacion del viaje de Pánfilo de Narvaez al Rio de las Palmas - hasta la punta de la Florida, hecha por el tesorero Cabeza de - Vaca. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 265–279. Instruccion para el factor, - por el Rey, pp. 265–269. Apparently an early copy of a - fragment of the _Naufragios_. [p602] - - — Relation et naufrages d’Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca—Paris, 1837. - - This French translation of the _Navfragios_ forms volume VII - of Ternaux’s _Voyages_. The _Commentaires_ are contained in - volume VI. The translation is from the 1555 edition. - - — Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca, translated from the - Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—New York, 1871. - - This English translation was printed at Washington in 1851, - and was reprinted at New York, with considerable additions - and a short sketch of the translator, shortly after Mr - Smith’s death. Chapters XXX–XXXVI were reprinted in an _Old - South Leaflet_, general series, No. 39, Boston. - - — Relation of what befel the persons who escaped from the - disasters that attended the armament of Captain Pamphilo de - Narvaez on the shores and in the countries of the North. - - _Historical Mag._ (Sept.–Dec., 1867), XII, 141, 204, 267, - 347. Translated and condensed from an account printed in - Oviedo’s _Historia General_, Lib. XXXV, cap. i–vi, which was - sent to the Real Audiencia of Sancto Domingo by the four - survivors of the expedition. See Introduction, p. 349 _ante_. - - — Capitulacion que se tomó con Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de - Vaca.—Madrid, 18 Marzo, 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XXIII, 8–33. - - Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez. _See_ Paez, Juan. - - Camus, Armand Gaston. - - Mémoire sur la collection des grands et petits voyages (de - Théodore de Bry).—Paris, Frimaire an XI (1802). - - For “Cornado,” see p. 176. - - Cartas de Indias. Publícalas por primera vez el Ministerio de - Fomento.—Madrid, 1877. - - This splendid volume contains 108 letters, 29 of which are - reproduced in facsimile, written from various portions of - Spanish America during the XVI century. The indices contain - a large amount of information concerning the people and - places mentioned. - - Cartas de Religiosos de Nueva España. 1539–1594.—México, 1886. - - Volume I of Icazbalceta’s _Nueva Colección_. The 26 letters - which make up this volume throw much light on the early - civil and economical as well as on the ecclesiastical - history of New Spain. The second volume of the _Nueva - Colección_, entitled _Códice Franciscano Siglo XVI_, - contains 14 additional letters. - - Castañeda, Pedro de. - - Relacion de la jornada de Cibola conpuesta por Pedro de - Castañeda de Naçera donde se trata de todos aquellos poblados - y ritos, y costumbres, la cual fue el año de 1540. - - Printed for the first time in the _Fourteenth Annual - Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, pp. 414–469, from the - manuscript in the Lenox Library in New York. This narrative - has been known chiefly through the French translation - printed in 1838 by Henri Ternaux-Compans, the title of which - follows. - - — Relation du voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1540; ou l’on traite - de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette contrée, de leurs - mœurs eú coutumes, par Pédro de Castañeda de Nagera. - - Ternaux, _Cibola_, 1–246. - - Castaño de Sosa, Gaspar. - - Memoria del descubrimiento que Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, hizo - en el Nuevo México, siendo teniente de gobernador y capitan - general del Nuevo Reino de Leon. - - _Doc. de Indias_, vol. XV, pp. 191–261. The exploring party - started 27th July, 1590, and this report was presented to - the Council 10th November, 1592. - - Cervántes Salazar, Francisco. - - México en 1554: Tres diálogos latinos que Francisco Cervántes - Salazar escribió é imprimió en México en dicho año. Los - reimprime, con traduccion castellana y notas, Joaquin Garcia - Icazbalceta—México, 1875. - - Invaluable for anyone who wishes to understand the early - social and economic conditions of Spanish America. The - bibliography at the end of the volume is not only of great - value as a guide to the study of this history, but it is of - interest as a partial catalog of the library of Sr Garcia - Icazbalceta. - - Chapin, Frederick Hastings. - - The land of the cliff-dwellers.—Boston, 1892. - - Congrés International des Américanistes. Compte-rendu de la - premiére session.—Nancy, 1875; . . . Actas de la Novena Reunión, - Huelva, 1892—Madrid, 1894. - - Many of the papers presented at the meetings of the _Congrès - des Américanistes_, have been of the very greatest interest - to the American ethnologist and to the historian of early - Spanish America. Several of the papers presented at Berlin - in 1888 are entered under the authors’ names in the present - list. - - Coronado, Francisco Vazquez. - - Svmmario di lettere del Capitano Francesco Vazquez di coronado, - scritte ad vn Secretario del Illustriss. Don Antonio di - Mendozza Vicere della nuoua Spagna, Date à Culnacan, MDXXXIX, - alli otto di Marzo. - - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 354, ed. 1556. Translated in Ternaux, - _Cibola_, app. V, pp. 349–351. The special value of these - Italian translations of Spanish documents, to which - reference is made in the present list, is due to the - fact that in very many cases where Ramusio used original - documents for his work later students have been unable to - discover any trace of the manuscript sources. - - — Copia delle lettere di Francesco Vazquez di Coronado, - gouernatore della nuoua Galitia, al Signor Antonio di - Mendozza, Vicere della nuoua Spagna, date in san Michiel di - Culnacan, alli otto di Marzo, MDXXXIX. - - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 354 verso, ed, 1556. Translated in - Ternaux, _Cibola_, app. V, pp. 352–354. [p603] - - — Relatione che mandò Francesco Vazquez di Coronado, Capitano - Generale della gente che fu mandata in nome di Sua Maesta al - paese nouamente scoperto, quel che successe nel viaggio dalli - ventidua d’Aprile di questo anno MDXL, che parti da Culiacan - per innanzi, & di quel che tronò nel paese doue andaua.—Dalla - prouincia di Ceuola &, da questa citta di Granata il terzo di - Agosto, 1540. - - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 359 (verso)—363, ed. 1556. This letter - is translated on pages 552–563 of the present volume. See - note on page 386. An earlier English translation by Hakluyt - has the following title: - - — The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Captaine generall - of the people which were sent to the Countrey of Cibola newly - discouered, which he sent to Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of - Mexico, of . . his voyage from the 22. of Aprill in the yeere - 1540. which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things - as hee found in the Countrey which he passed. (August 3, 1540.) - - _Hakluyt_, III, 373–380 (ed. 1600), or III, 446 (ed. 1800). - Reprinted in _Old South Leaflet_, gen. series, No. 20. - Boston. - - — Carta de Francisco Vazquez Coronado al Emperador, dándole - cuenta de la espedicion á la provincia de Quivira, y de la - inexactitud de lo referido á Fr. Márcos de Niza, acerca de - aquel pais.—Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 Octubre, 1541. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 363–369, and also XIII, 261–268. - Translated on pages 580–583 of the present volume, and also - in _American History Leaflet_, No. 13. There is a French - translation in Ternaux, _Cibola_, app. V, p. 355–363. See - note on page 580 _ante_. - - — Traslado de las nuevas y noticias que dieron sobre el - descobrimiento de una cibdad, que llamaron de Cibola, situada - en la tierra nueva.—Año de 1531 [1541]. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIX, pp. 529–532. Translated on pages - 564–565 of the present volume. - - — Relacion del suceso de la jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo - en el descubrimiento de Cibola.—Año de 1531 [1541]. - - B. Smith, _Florida_, 147–154; _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, - 318–329. Translated on pages 572–579 of the present volume. - See the notes to that translation. Also translated in - _American History Leaflet_, No. 13. - - Cortés, Hernan. - - Copia y relacion de los gastos y espensas que . . . Fernando - Cortés hizo en el armada de que fué por capitan Cristóbal - Dolid al Cabo de las Higueras . . . Se hizo á primero de - Agosto de 1523.—Fecho en México, 9 Hebrero 1529. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XII, 386–403. This document is printed - again in the same volume, pp. 497–510. - - — Título de capitan general de la Nueva-España y Costa del Sur, - expedido á favor de Hernan-Cortés por el Emperador Cárlos - V.—Dada en Barcelona, á 6 Julio, 1529. - - _Doc. de Indias_, IV, 572–574, and also XII, 384–386. - - — Título de marqués del Valle (de Guaxaca) otorgado á Hernando - Cortés.—Barcelona, 6 Julio, 1529. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XII, 381–383. - - — Merced de ciertas tierras y solares en la Nueva España, - hecha á Fernan Cortés, marqués del Valle, por el - Emperador.—Barcelona, 27 Julio, 1529. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XII, 376–378. It is printed also in - Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, II, 28–29. - - — Testimonio de una informacion hecha en México por el - presidente y oydores de aquella audiencia, sobre el modo de - contar los 23,000 indios, vasallos del Marqués del Valle, de - que el Rey le habia hecho merced.—Temixtitan, 23 Febrero, 1531. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XVI, 548–555. - - — Real provision sobre descubrimientos en el mar del Sur, y - respuesta de Cortés á la notificacion que se le hizo de - ella.—México, 19 Agosto, 1534; y respuesta, México, 26 - Setiembre, 1534. - - Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, II, 31–40. - - — Traslado de una provision de la Audiencia de México, dirigida - á Hernan-Cortés, mandándole que no vaya á pacificar y poblar - cierta isla del mar del Sur, insertando otra provision que - con igual fecha se envió á Nuño de Guzman, gobernador de la - Nueva Galicia, para el mismo efecto, y diligencias hechas en - apelacion do la misma.—Fecho en México, 2–26 Setiembre, 1534. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XII, 417–429. - - — Carta de Hernan Cortés al emperador, enviando un hijo suyo - para servicio del príncipe.—Desta Nueva Spaña, diez de - Hebrero. 1537. - - _Doc. de Indias_, II, 568–569. - - — Carta de Hernan Cortés, al Consejo de Indias, pidiendo ayuda - para continuar sus armadas, y recompensa para sus servicios, y - dando algunas noticias sobre la constitucion de la propiedad - de las tierras entre los indios.—México, 20 Setiembre, 1538. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 535–543. - - — Carta de Hernan Cortés al Emperador.—De Madrid á XXVI de Junio - de 1540. - - _Doc. Inéd. España_, CIV, 491–492. - - — Memorial que dió al Rey el Marqués del Valle en Madrid á - 25 de junio de 1540 sobre agravios que le habia hecho el - Virey de Nueva España D. Antonio de Mendoza, estorbándole - la prosecucion del descubrimiento de las costas é islas del - mar del Sur que le [p604] pertenecia al mismo Marqués segun - la capitulacion hecha con S.M. el año de 1529, á cuyo efecto - habia despachado ya cuatro armadas, y descubierto con ellas - por sí y por sus capitanes muchas tierras é islas, de cuyos - viajes y el suceso que tuvo hace una relacion sucinta. - - _Doc. Inéd. España_, IV, 209–217. - - — Memorial dado á la Magestad del Cesar D. Cárlos Quinto, - Primero de España, por el Sr. D. Hernando Cortés, Marqués del - Valle, hallándose en estos reinos, en que hace presentes sus - dilatados servicios en la conquista de Nueva España por los - que pide las mercedes que contiene el mismo. - - _Doc. Inéd. España_, IV, 219–232. “No tiene fecha . . . - despues de 1541.” - - — Peticion que dió Don Hernando Cortés contra Don Antonio de - Méndoza, Virey, pidiendo residencia contre él. - - Icazbalceta, _Mexico_, II, 62–71. About 1542–43. - - — Historia de Nueva-España, escrita por Hernan Cortés, aumentada - con otros documentos, y notas, por Don Francisco Antonio - Lorenzana.—México, 1770. - - See page 325 and the map; “Domingo del Castillo Piloto me - Fecit en Mexico año . . . M.D.XLI.” This volume contains the - letters of Cortes to the Spanish King, for a bibliographic - account of which see Sabin’s _Dictionary of American Books_. - These dispatches may also be conveniently consulted in - volume I of Barcia, _Historiadores_. - - The above entries are chiefly such as are of interest for - their bearing on the troubles between Cortes and Mendoza, - which were very closely connected with the history of the - Coronado expedition. The best guide to the study of the - personal history and the conquests of Cortes is found in - Winsor’s _America_, II, pages 397–430. - - Cushing, Frank Hamilton. - - Zuñi fetiches. - - _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1880–81, - pp. 9–45. - - — A study of pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuñi culture - growth. - - _Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1882–83, - pp. 467–521. - - — Preliminary notes on the origin, working hypothesis and - primary researches of the Hemenway southwestern archæological - expedition. - - _Congrès International des Américanistes_, 7^{me} session, - 1888, pp. 151–194. Berlin, 1890. - - — Zuñi breadstuff. - - The _Millstone_, Indianapolis, Jan., 1884, to Aug., 1885. - - — Outlines of Zuñi creation myths. - - _Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, - 1891–92, pp. 321–447. - - Davila, Gil Gonzalez. - - Teatro eclesiastico de la primitiva iglesia de las Indias - Occidentals, vidas de svs arzobispos, obispos, y cosas - memorables de svs sedes.—Madrid, M.DC.XLIX. - - These two volumes are a valuable source of biographical and - other ecclesiastical information, for much of which this is - perhaps the only authority. - - Davis, William Watts Hart. - - The Spanish conquest of New Mexico.—Doylestown, Pa., 1869. - - The first 230 pages of this volume contain a very good - outline of the narratives of the explorations of Cabeza de - Vaca, Fray Marcos, and Coronado. - - — The Spaniard in New Mexico. - - Papers of the _American Historical Association_, III, 1889, - pp. 164–176. A paper read before the association, at Boston, - May 24, 1887. - - De Bry, Theodore. _See_ Abelin. - - Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. - - Historia verdadera do la conqvista de la Nveva, España, escrita - por . . . vno de sus conquistadores.—Madrid, 1632. - - This interesting work, which counteracts many of the - impressions given by the dispatches of Cortes, was reprinted - in 1632 and again in 1795, 1837, 1854, and in volume XXVI - (Madrid, 1853) of the _Bibl. de Autores Españoles_. It was - translated into English by Keating, London, 1800, reprinted - at Salem, Mass., 1803; and by Lockhart, London, 1844. - - Discurso y proposicion que se hace á Vuestra Magestad de lo - tocante á los descubrimientos del Nuevo México por sus capítulos - de puntos diferentes. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XVI, 38–66. - - Documentos de España. - - Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de - España.—Madrid, 1842 (-1895). - - There are now (1895) 112 volumes in this series, and two or - three volumes are usually added each year. A finding list of - the titles relating to America, in volumes I–CX, prepared by - G. P. Winship, was printed in the _Bulletin of the Boston - Public Library_ for October, 1894. A similar list of titles - in the Pacheco y Cardenas Coleccion is in preparation. Cited - as _Doc. Inéd. España_. - - Documentos de Indias. _See_ Pacheco-Cardenas. - - Donaldson, Thomas. - - Moqui Pueblo Indians of Arizona and Pueblo Indians of New - Mexico. - - _Extra Census Bulletin_, Washington, 1893. This “special - expert” report on the numbers and the life of the - southwestern village Indians contains a large number of - reproductions from photographs showing the people and their - homes, which render it of very considerable interest and - usefulness. The text is not reliable. - - Drake, Francis. _See_ Fletcher, Francis. - - Emory, William Hemsley. - - Notes of a military reconnoissance from. Fort Leavenworth, in - Missouri, to San Diego, in California.—Washington, 1848. - - Ex. Doc. 41, Thirtieth Congress, first session. [p605] - - Espejo, Antonio de. - - Expediente y relacion del viaje que hizo Antonio de Espejo con - catorce soldados y un religioso de la órden de San Francisco, - llamado Fray Augustin Rodriguez; el cual debía de entender en - la predicacion de aquella gente. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XV, 151–191. See also page 101 of the same - volume. - - — El viaie qve hizo Antonio de Espeio en el anno de ochenta y - tres: el qual con sus companneros descubrieron vna tierra en - que hallaron quinze Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de - casas de quatro y cinco altos, aquien pusieron por nombre El - nueuo Mexico. - - _Hakluyt_, III, 383–389 (ed. 1600). The Spanish text - is followed by an English translation, pp. 390–396. A - satisfactory monograph on the expedition of Espejo, with - annotated translations of the original narratives, would be - a most desirable addition to the literature of the southwest. - - Evans, S. B. - - Observations on the Aztecs and their probable relations to the - Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. - - _Congrès International des Américanistes_, 7^{me} session, - 1888, pp. 226–230. Berlin, 1890. - - Fernández Duro, Cesáreo. - - Don Diego de Peñalosa y su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira. - Informe presentado á la Real Academia de la Historia.—Madrid, - 1882. - - On page 123 the author accepts the date 1531 as that of an - expedition under Coronado, from the title of the _Relacion - del Suceso_, misprinted in volume XIV, 318, of the _Doc. de - Indias_. - - Ferrelo, Bartolome. _See_ Paez, Juan. - - Fewkes, Jesse Walter. - - A few summer ceremonials at Zuñi pueblo. - - _Journal American Ethnology and Archæology_, I, Boston, - 1891, pp. 1–61. - - — A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos. - - Ibid., II, Boston, 1892, pp. 1–159. - - — Reconnoissance of ruins in or near the Zuñi reservation. - - Ibid., I, pp. 95–132; with map and plan. - - — A report on the present condition of a ruin in Arizona called - Casa Grande. - - Ibid., II, pp. 179–193. - - — The snake ceremonials at Walpi. - - _Journal American Ethnology and Archæology_, IV, 1894. - - With map, illustrations, and an excellent bibliography of - this peculiar ceremonial, which Dr Fewkes has studied with - much care, under most favorable circumstances. - - The four volumes of the _Journal of American Ethnology and - Archæology_ represent the main results of Dr Fewkes’ studies - at Zuñi and Tusayan, under the auspices of the Hemenway - Southwestern Archæological Expedition, of which he was the - head from 1889 to 1895. Besides the _Journal_, the Hemenway - expedition resulted in a large collection of Pueblo pottery - and ceremonial articles, which are, in part, now displayed - in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Massachusetts. - - — The Wa-wac-ka-tci-na. A Tusayan foot race. - - _Bulletin Essex Institute_, XXIV, Nos. 7–9, Salem, - July–Sept., 1892, pp. 113–133. - - — A-wá-to-bi: An archæological verification of a Tusayan legend. - - _American Anthropologist_, Oct., 1893. - - — The prehistoric culture of Tusayan. - - _American Anthropologist_, May, 1896. - - — A study of summer ceremonials at Zuñi and Moqui pueblos. - - _Bulletin Essex Institute_, XXII, Nos. 7–9, Salem, - July–Sept., 1890, pp. 89–113. - - Consult, also, many other papers by this authority on all - that pertains to the ceremonial life of the Pueblo Indians, - in the _American Anthropologist_, Washington, and _Journal - of American Folk-Lore_, Boston. - - Fiske, John. - - The discovery of America, with some account of ancient America - and the Spanish conquest.—Cambridge, 1892. - - _Coronado_ and _Cibola_, II, 500–510. - - Fletcher, Francis. - - The world encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. . . . Carefully - collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher preacher - in this imployment.—London, 1628. - - Reprinted in 1635 and 1652, and in 1854 by the _Hakluyt - Society_, edited by W. S. W. Vaux. - - Gallatin, Albert. - - Ancient semi-civilization of New Mexico, Rio Gila, and its - vicinity. - - _Transactions American Ethnological Society_, II, New York, - 1848, pp. liii–xcvii. - - Galvano, Antonio. - - Tratado . . dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, . . . & assi de - todos os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sāo feitos ate - a era de mil & quinhentos & cincoenta.—(Colophon, 1563.) - - This work was reprinted at Lisboa in 1731. An English - translation was published by Hakluyt, London, 1601. The - Portuguese and English texts were reprinted by the _Hakluyt - Society_, edited by vice-admiral Bethune, London, 1862. For - Coronado’s expedition, see pages 226–229 of the 1862 edition. - - Garcilaso de la Vega, el Ynca. - - La Florida del Ynca. Historia del Adelantado de Soto . . . y de - otros heroicos caualleros Españoles è Indios.—Lisbona, 1605. - - For an English version, see Barnard Shipp’s _History of - Hernando de Soto and Florida_, Philadelphia, 1881. There - were several early French editions. The Spanish was - reprinted at Madrid in 1723, and again in 1803. - - — Primera parte de los commentarios reales, qve tratan del - origen do los Yncas, reyes qve fveron del Perv, de sv - idolatria, leyes, y gouierno en paz [p606] y en guerra: de - sus vidas y conquistas, y de todo lo que fue aquel Imperio y - su Republica, antes que los Españoles passaran a el.—Lisboa, - M.DCIX. - - — Historia general del Perv. Trata el descvbrimiento del, y como - lo ganaron los Españoles. Las guerras ciuiles que huuo entre - Piçarros, y Almagros, sobre la partija de la tierra. Castigo y - leuantamiento de tiranos: y otros sucessos particulares que en - la historia se contienen.—Cordoua, 1616. - - La II parte de los commentarios reales del Perú. Segunda - impresion; Madrid, 1721–23. The two parts were “rendred - into English, by Sir Pavl Rycavt, Kt.” London, 1688. A - new translation, with notes by Clements R. Markham, was - published by the _Hakluyt Society_, London, 1869 and 1871. - - Gatschet, Albert Samuel. - - Classification into seven linguistic stocks of western Indian - dialects contained in forty vocabularies. - - _U.S. Geol. Survey West of the 100th Meridian_, VII, - 399–485, Washington, 1879. - - — Zwölf sprachen aus dem südwesten Nordamerikas.—Weimar, 1876. - - Girava, Hieronymo. - - Dos libros de cosmographia compuestos nueuamente por Hieronymo - Giraua Tarragones.—en Milan, M.D.LVI. - - See p. 230 for _Ciuola_. - - Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. - - Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias con - todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido dende - que se ganaron ata el año de 1551. Con la cōquista de Mexico y - de la nueua España.—En Caragoça, 1553 (1552). - - There were at least fifteen editions of Gomara’s three works - printed during the years 1552 to 1555. Before the end of - the century translations into French and Italian had been - reprinted a score of times. English translations of the - _Conquest of the Indies_ were printed in 1578 and 1596. For - _Coronado_, see cap. CCXII–CCXV of the _Historia de las - Indias_. Chapters 214–215 were translated by _Hakluyt_, III, - 380–382 (ed. 1600), or III, 451 (ed. 1810). - - Gottfriedt, Johann Ludwig. _See_ Abelin, Johann Phillip. - - Guatemala, Obispo de. - - Carta del Obispo de Guatemala á Su Magestad, en que se refiere - á lo que de México escribirán sobre la muerte del adelantado - Alvarado, y habla de la gobernacion que se le encomendó y de - los cargos de su mitra.—De Santiago de Guatemala 20 Febrero, - 1542. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIII, 268–280. - - Guzman, Diego. - - Relacion de lo que yo Diego de Guzman he descobierto en la costa - de la mar del Sur, por Su Magestad y por el ilustre señor Nuño - de Guzman, gobernador de la Nueva Galicia.—Presentó en el - Consejo de Indias, 16 Marzo 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XV, 325–340. This expedition was made - during the autumn of 1533. - - Guzman, Nuño de. - - Provanza ad perpetuan, sobre lo de la villa de la Purificacion, - de la gente que alli vino con mano armada.—En Madrid á 16 de - Marzo de 1540 la presentó en el Consejo de las Indias de Su - Magestad, Nuño de Guzman. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XVI, 539–547. - - — Fragmentos del proceso de residencia instruido contra Nuño de - Guzman, en averiguacion del tormento y muerte que mandó dar á - Caltzontzin, rey de Mechoacan. - - In Proceso. . . Alvarado (ed. Ramirez y Rayon) pp. 185–276. - The full title is entered under Alvarado. - - Hakluyt, Richard. - - The principal navigations, voiages, traffiqves and discoueries - of the English nation . . . Deuided into three seuerall - volumes.—London, 1598. - - The third volume (1600) contains the narratives which - relate to Cibola, as well as those which refer to other - portions of New Spain. There was an excellent reprint, - London, 1809–1812, which contained all the pieces which were - omitted in some of the earlier editions, with a fifth volume - containing a number of rare pieces not easily available - elsewhere. The changes made by the editor of the 1890 - edition render it almost a new work. The title is as follows: - - — The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques, and - discoveries of the English nation. Collected by Richard - Hakluyt, preacher, and edited by Edmund Goldsmid.—Edinburg, - 1885–1890. - - Sixteen volumes. Vol. XIV; America, part iii, pp. 59–137, - contains the Cibola narratives. - - Hakluyt Society, London. - - This most useful society began in 1847 the publication of a - series of volumes containing careful, annotated translations - or reprints of works relating to the “navigations, voyages, - traffics, and discoveries” of Europeans during the period - of colonial expansion. The work has been continued without - serious interruption since that date. Ninety-seven volumes - have been issued with the society’s imprint, including the - issues for 1895. Several of these are entered in the present - list under the names of the respective authors. - - Hale, Edward Everett. - - Coronado’s discovery of the seven cities. - - _Proceedings American Antiquarian Society_, Worcester, new - series I, 236–245. (April, 1881.) Includes a letter from - Lieut. John G. Bourke, arguing that the Cibola pueblos were - the Moki villages of Tusayan, in Arizona. - - Haynes, Henry Williamson. - - Early explorations of New Mexico. - - Winsor’s _Narrative and Critical History of America_, II, - 473–503. [p607] - - — What is the true site of “the seven cities of Cibola” visited - by Coronado in 1540? - - _Proceedings American Antiquarian Society_, Worcester, new - series, I, 421–435 (Oct., 1881). - - The revival of interest in the early history of the - southwestern United States has been, in no slight measure, - due to the impetus given by Professor Haynes of Boston. - He was most active in furthering the researches of Mr - Bandelier, under the auspices of the Archæological Institute - of America, and to his careful editorial supervision a large - part of the accuracy and the value of Mr Bandelier’s printed - reports and communications are due. - - Herrera, Antonio de. - - Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y - tierra firme del mar oceano.—Madrid, 1601–1615. - - There is a French translation of three Decades of Herrera, - printed between 1659 and 1671, and an English translation - of the same three decades, by Captain John Stevens, London, - 1725–26, and reissued in 1740, in which the arrangement of - the work is altered. The most available and also the best - edition of the Spanish is the admirable reprint issued at - Madrid by Barcia, in 1730. Some titles are dated as early - as 1726, being altered as successive delays hindered the - completion of the work. For _Coronado_, see decada VI, libro - v, cap. ix, and dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi–xv. - - Hodge, Frederick Webb. - - A Zuñi foot race. - - _Am. Anthropologist_, III, Washington, July, 1890. - - — Prehistoric irrigation in Arizona. - - Ibid., VI, July, 1893. - - — The first discovered city of Cibola. - - Ibid., VIII, April, 1895. - - — The early Navajo and Apache. - - Ibid., VIII, July, 1895. - - — Pueblo snake ceremonials. - - Ibid., IX, April, 1896. - - Holmes, William Henry. - - Report on the ancient ruins of southwestern Colorado. - - _Tenth Annual Report of the (Hayden) U.S. Geol. Survey._ - Washington, 1876. - - — Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections - made . . . during the field season of 1881. - - _Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1881–82, - pp. 427–510. - - — Pottery of the ancient Pueblos. - - _Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1882–83, - pp. 265–360. - - Icazbalceta, Joaquin Garcia. - - Coleccion. de documentos para la historia de México. (2 - tomos).—México, 1858–1866. - - Cited in the preceding pages as _Icazbalceta’s Mexico_. - - — Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México. (5 - tomos).—México, 1886–1892. - - Cited as _Icazbalceta’s Nueva coleccion_. - - — Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga primer obispo y arzobispo de - México. Estudio biográfico y bibligráfico. Con un apéndice de - documentos inéditos ó raros.—México, 1881. - - See also the entries under Cervantes de Salazar, Mendieta, - Mota Padilla, for works edited by Señor Icazbalceta. - Possessed of ample means and scholarly tastes, untiring - industry and great historical and literary ability, Señor - Garcia Icazbalceta will always be one of the masters of - Spanish-American history. The extent of his researches, - the accuracy and care which characterize all of his work, - and the breadth and insight with which he treated whatever - subject attracted him, leave little for future students to - desire. The more intimate the student becomes with the first - century of the history of New Spain, the greater is his - appreciation of the loss caused by the death of Señor Garcia - Icazbalceta. - - Informacion del virrey de Nueva España, D. Antonio de Mendoza, de - la gente que va á poblar la Nueva Galicia con Francisco Vazquez - Coronado, Gobernador de ella.—Compostella, 21–26 Febrero 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 373–384. Partly translated on pp. - 596–597 _ante_. - - Informacion habida ante la justicia de la villa de San Cristóbal - de la Habana, por do consta, el visorey (Mendoza) haber mandado - é personado que navíos algunos de los quél embiaba [no] tocasen - en la dicha villa, á fin é causa que no diesen noticia del nuevo - descobrimiento al Adelantado (de Soto).—12 Noviembre, 1539 en - Habana. Presentó en Madrid, 23 Diciembre, 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XV, 392–398. See page 370 _ante_. - - Jaramillo, Juan. - - Relacion hecha por el capitan Juan Jaramillo, de la jornada - que habia hecho á la tierra nueva en Nueva España y al - descubrimiento de Cibola, yendo por general Francisco Vazquez - Coronado. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 304–317. B. Smith’s _Florida_, - 154–163. Translated on pages 584–593 _ante_. There is a - French translation in Ternaux, _Cibola_, app. vi, 364–382. - - King, Edward; Viscount Lord Kingsborough. - - Antiquities of Mexico: comprising facsimiles of ancient Mexican - paintings and hieroglyphics . . . illustrated by many valuable - inedited manuscripts.—Mexico and London, 1830–1848. - - Nine vols. Besides the reproductions of Mexican hieroglyphic - writings, for which this magnificent work is best known, the - later volumes contain a number of works printed from Spanish - manuscripts. Despite the statement on the last page of many - copies, the work was never completed, Motolinia’s _Historia_ - breaking off abruptly in the midst of the text. See the note - under _King_, in Sabin’s _Dictionary of American Books_. - [p608] - - Kretschmer, Konrad. - - Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedentung für die Geschichte - des Weltbildes.—Berlin, 1892. - - Festschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin zur - vierhundertjährigen Feier der Entdeckung Amerika’s. The - atlas which accompanies this valuable study is made up of - a large number of admirable facsimiles and copies of early - maps, some of which are reproduced in the present memoir. It - is certainly the best single book for the student of early - American cartography. - - Ladd, Horatio Oliver. - - The story of New Mexico.—Boston, (1892). - - For _Niça_ and _Coronado_, see pp. 19–72. - - Leyes y ordenanças nueuamēte hechas por su magestad pa la - gouernacion de las Indias y buen tratamiento y conseruacion - de los Indios: que se han de guardar en el consejo y - andiēcias reales [~q] en ellas residen: y por todos los otros - gouernadores, juezes y personas particulares dellas.—(Colophon) - Alcala de Henares, M.D.XLIII. - - These “New Laws” were reprinted in 1585 and again in 1603. A - new edition, with English translation and an introduction by - Henry Stevens and F. W. Lucas, was issued in London, 1893. - The Laws are printed in Icazbalceta, _Mexico_, II, 204–227. - - — _See_ Recopilacion. - - Lummis, Charles F. - - — Some strange corners of our country.—New York, 1892. - - — The land of poco tiempo.—New York, 1893. - - — The Spanish pioneers.—Chicago, 1893. - - — The man who married the moon and other Pueblo Indian - folk-stories.—New York, 1894. - - Mallery, Garrick. - - Sign language among North American Indians compared with that - among other peoples and deaf mutes. - - _First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology_, 1879–80, pp. - 263–552. Fully illustrated. - - Matthews, Washington. - - Human bones of the Hemenway collection in the United States Army - Medical Museum. - - _Memoirs National Academy of Sciences_, vol. VI, pp. - 139–286, LIX plates. Washington, 1893. - - Mendieta, Fray Gerónimo de. - - Historia eclesiástica Indiana; obra escrita á fines del - siglo XVI, . . . la publica por primera vez Joaquin Garcia - Icazbalceta.—México, 1870. - - Mendoza, Antonio de. - - — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza, virey y gobernador de la Nueva - Spaña y presidente en la nueva audiencia y chancillería real - que en ella reside, demas de lo que por otra instruccion se le - ha mandado hacer por mandado de S.M.—Barcelona, 17 Abril, 1535. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XXIII, 423–425. - - — Lo que D. Antonio de Mendoza visorey y gobernador de la - provincia de la Nueva Spaña, ha de hacer en servicio de Dios - y de esta república, demas do lo contenido en sus poderes y - comisiones, por mandado de S. M.—Barcelona, 25 Abril, 1535. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XXIII, 426–445. - - — Lo que don Antonio de Mendoza virey é gobernador de la Nueva - Spaña y presidente de la real audiencia, ha de hacer en la - dicha tierra, por mandado de S. M.—Madrid, 14 Julio, 1536. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XXIII, 454–467. - - — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza á la emperatriz, participando - que vienen a España Cabeza de Vaca y Francisco Dorantes, que - se escaparon de la armada de Pánfilo de Narvaez, á hacer - relacion de lo que en ella sucedió.—Méjico, 11 Hebrero 1537. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 235–236. - - — Provision dada por el virey don Antonio de Mendoza al - reverendo y magnifico señor Don Vasco de Quiroga, obispo - electo de Mechoacan y oidor de Méjico, para contar los - vasallos del marqués del Valle, Don Hernando Cortés.—Méjico, á - 30 Noviembre, 1537. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XII, 314–318. - - — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza, virey de Nueva España, al - Emperador, dándole cuenta de varios asuntos de su gobierno.—De - México, 10 Diciembre, 1537. - - _Doc. de Indias_, II, 179–211. B. Smith, _Florida_, 119–139, - with facsimile of Mendoza’s signature. - - — Instruccion de don Antonio de Mendoza, visorey de Nueva - España, (al Fray Marcos de Niza). - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 325–328, written previous to - December, 1538. There is a French translation in Ternaux, - _Cibola_, 249–253. A modern English translation is in - Bandelier, _Contributions_, 109–112. - - — Lettere scritte dal illvstrissimo signor don Antonio di - Mendozza, vicere della nuoua Spagna, alia maesta dell’ - Imperadore. Delli cauallieri quali con lor gran danno si sono - affaticati per scoprire il capo della terra ferma della nuoua - Spagna verso tramontana, il gionger del Vazquez con fra Marco - à san Michiel di Culnacan con commissione à quelli regenti di - assicurare & non far piu schiaui gli Indiani. - - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 355 (1556 ed.). There is a French - translation in Ternaux, _Cibola_, 285–290. This appears to - be the letter which Mendoza sent to the king to accompany - the report of Fray Marcos de Niza. [p609] - - — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza al Emperador.—De - Jacona, 17 Abril, 1540. - - _Doc. de Indias_, II, 356–362. A French translation is in - Ternaux, _Cibola_, 290–298. For an English translation, see - pp. 547–551 _ante_. - - — Instruccion que debia observar el capitan Hernando de Alarcon - en la expedicion á la California que iba á emprender de órden - del virey D. Antonio de Mendoza.—México, postrero dia del mes - de mayo de myll y quinientos y quarenta é uno. - - B. Smith, _Florida_, 1–6. - - — Carta de D. Antonio de Mendoza á Juan de Aguilar, pidiendo - se la autorizase para avenirse con los portugueses, sobre la - posesion de territorios conquistados . . . para que dello haga - relacion á S. A. y á los señores de su consejo. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 506–511. B. Smith, _Florida_, - 7–10. “Acerca del descubrimiento de las siete ciudades de - Poniente.” Circa 1543. - - — Carta de Don Antonio de Mendoza virey de la Nueva España, - al comendador mayor de Leon, participándole la muerte del - adelantado de Guatemala y Honduras, y el estado de otros - varios asuntos.—Mexico, 10 marzo, 1542. - - _Cartas de Indias_, pp. 253–255, and in facsimile. - - — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza, dando cuenta al - príncipe Don Felipe de haber hecho el reparto de la tierra de - Nueva España, y exponiendo la necesidad que tenia de pasar - á Castilla, para tratar verbalmento con S. M. de ciertos - negocios de gobernacion y hacienda.—Mexico, 30 octubre, 1548. - - _Cartas de Indias_, pp. 256–257. - - — Carta del virey Don Antonio de Mendoza al Emperador Don - Carlos, contestando á un mandato de S. M. relativo al - repartimiento de los servicios personales en la Nueva - España.—Guastepeque, 10 junio, 1549. - - _Cartas de Indies_, pp. 258–259. - - — Fragmento de la visita hecha á don Antonio de Mendoza. - Interrogatorio por el cual han de ser examinados los testigos - que presente por su parte don Antonio de Mendoza.—8 Enero, - 1547. - - XLIV cargos, 303 paragrafos. Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, II, - 72–140. - - — See the _Asiento y Capitulaciones con_ Alvarado above. - - Mindeleff, Cosmos. - - Casa grande ruin. - - _Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, - 1891–92, pp. 295–319. - - — Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona. - - Ibid., pp. 179–261. - - Mindeleff, Victor. - - A study of pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola. - - _Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1886–87, - pp. 1–228, CXI plates. The text and illustrations of this - admirable paper convey a very clear idea of the pueblo - dwellings of New Mexico and Arizona, and make it, on this - account, of great value to students who have never visited - these regions. - - Molina, Alonso de. - - Aqui comiença vn vocabulario en la lengua Castellana y - Mexicana.—(Colophon) Mexico, 1555. - - Father Molina prepared a _Vocabulario_, _Arte_, and - _Confessionario_ in the Mexican languages, which are very - valuable as a means of interpreting the native words adopted - by the conquistadores. The originals, and the later editions - as well, of all three works are of very considerable rarity. - - Morgan, Lewis Henry. - - Houses and house life of the American aborigines.—Washington, - 1881. - - _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, vol. IV. Houses - of the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, cap. VI–VIII, pp. - 132–197. - - — On the ruins of a stone pueblo on the Animas river, in New - Mexico, with a ground plan. - - _Report of the Peabody Museum_, XII, Cambridge, 1880, pp. - 536–556. - - — The seven cities of Cibola. - - _North American Review_, April, 1869, CVIII, 457–498. - - Moses, Bernard. - - The Casa de Contratacion of Seville. - - _Report of the American Historical Association_ for 1894, - Washington, 1895, pp. 93–123. This paper is a very useful - outline of the legal constitution and functions of the Casa - de Contratacion, derived for the most part from Capt. John - Stevens’ English version (London, 1702) of Don Joseph de - Veitia Linage’s _Norte de la Contratacion de las Indias - Occidentales_. (Seville, 1672.) - - There is an admirable account of the form of government - adopted by the Spaniards for New Spain, by Professor Moses, - in the _Yale Review_, vol. iv, numbers 3 and 4 (November, - 1895, and February, 1896). - - Mota Padilla, Matias de la. - - Historia de la conquista de la provincia de la Nueva-Galicia, - escrita en 1742.—Mexico, 1870. - - Published in the _Boletin_ of the Sociedad Mexicana de - Geografia y Estadistica, and also issued separately with - _Noticias Biograficas_ by Señor Garcia Icazbalceta, dated - Marzo 12 de 1872. It is an extensive work of the greatest - value, although there are reasons for fearing that the - printed text is not an accurate copy of the original - manuscript. Cited as _Mota Padilla_. - - Motolinia, Fray Toribio de Benavente ó. - - Historia de los Indies de la Nueva España. - - Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, I, pp. 249, with an introduction of - 100 pp. by Sr José Fernando Ramirez; in _Doc. de España_, - LIII, 297–574; and also printed in Lord Kingsborough’s - _Antiquities of Mexico_, vol. IX. See note under King. [p610] - - — Esta es la relación postrera de Sívola, y de más de - cuatrocientas leguas adelante. - - A manuscript found among the “Memoriales” de Motolinia, now - in the archives of the late Sr Icazbalceta. Printed for the - first time in the present volume. See pages 566–571 _ante_. - - Muriel, Domingo. - - Fasti Novi Orbis et ordinationum apostolicarum, . . . opera D. - Cyriaci Morelli.—Venetiis, MDCCLXXVI. - - See page 23 for a mention of events in 1539–1542. - - Niza, Fray Marcos de. - - Relacion del descubrimiento de las siete ciudades, por el P. Fr. - Márcos de Niza.—2 Setiembre 1539. - - _Doc. de Indias_, III, 325–351. Translated into Italian by - _Ramusio_, III, fol. 350–359 (1556 ed.), and thence into - English by _Hakluyt_, III, 366–373 (1600 ed.). A French - translation is in Ternaux, _Cibola_, app. I and II, 249–284. - - Nordenskiöld, Gustav. - - The cliff dwellers of the Mesa Verde, southwestern Colorado, - their pottery and implements. Translated by D. Lloyd - Morgan.—Stockholm, 1894. - - Chapter XIV, “The Pueblo tribes in the sixteenth century,” - pp. 144–166, contains a translation of portions of - Castañeda, from the French version. - - Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo Fernandez de. - - La historia general de las Indias.—(Colophon) Seuilla, 1535. - - Reprinted at Salamanca in 1547, and at Madrid in 1851, as - follows: - - — Historia general y natural de las Indias, por el Capitan - Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, primer cronista del - Nuevo Mundo. Publícala la Real Academia de la Historia, con - las enmiendas y adiciones del autor, é ilustrada . . por D. - José Amador de los Rios.—Madrid, 1851–1855. - - These four volumes form the definitive edition of Oviedo. - They were printed from the author’s manuscript, and include - the fourth volume, which had not hitherto been printed. - - Owens, John G. - - Natal ceremonies of the Hopi Indians. - - _Journal Am. Ethnology and Archæology_ (Boston, 1893), II, - 163–175. - - Pacheco-Cardenas Coleccion. - - Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, - conquista, y colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en - América y Occeanía, sacados . . bajo la direccion de D. - Joaquin F. Pacheco y D. Francisco de Cárdenas.—Madrid, - 1864–1884. - - In 42 volumes. The title-page varies much from year to year. - There is as yet no useful index in print. Cited as _Doc. de - Indias_. - - Paez, Juan. - - Relacion del descubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodriguez [Cabrillo] - navegando por la contracosta del mar del Sur al Norte, hecha - por Juan Paez. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 165–191; B. Smith, _Florida_, - 173–189. Partió 27 Junio 1542. This report, which was - probably written by the pilot Bartolome Ferrel or Ferrelo, - has been translated in the _Report of the U.S. Geol. Survey - West of the 100th Meridian_, VII, 293–314. See note on page - 412 _ante_. - - Peralta. _See_ Suarez de Peralta. - - Prince, Le Baron Bradford. - - Historical sketches of New Mexico from the earliest records to - the American occupation.—New York and Kansas City, 1883. - - For _Cabeza de Baca_, _Marcos de Niza_, and _Coronado_, see - pp. 40–148. - - Proceso del Marqués del Valle y Nuño de Guzman y los adelantados - Soto y Alvarado, sobre el descubrimiento de la tierra nueva—en - Madrid, 3 Marzo, 1540; 10 Junio, 1541. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XV, 300–408. See page 380 _ante_. - - Proctor, Edna Dean. - - The song of the ancient people.—Boston 1893. - - Contains preface and note by John Fiske and commentary by F. - H. Cushing. - - Ptolemy, C. - - La Geografia di Clavdio Ptolemeo, con alcuni comenti & aggiunti - fatteui da Sebastiano munstero, con le tauole non solamente - antiche & moderne solite di stāparsi, ma altre nuoue.—In - Venetia, M.D.XLVIII. - - The maps in this edition of Ptolemy’s _Geography_ for the - first time present the results of Coronado’s explorations. - See plate XLI _ante_. The bibliography of Ptolemy has been - set forth with great clearness and in most convenient form - by Dr Justin Winsor in the _Bibliographical Contributions_ - of the Harvard College Library, No. 18; and with greater - detail by Mr Wilberforce Eames, in volume XVI of Sabin’s - _Dictionary of American Books_. - - Purchas, Samuel. - - Pvrchas his pilgrimage. Or relations of the world and the - religions observed and places discouered . . .—London, 1613. - - The eighth book, America, chap. VII, _Of Cibola, Tiguez, - Quivira, and Noua Albion_, pp. 648–653. There were two - editions of this work in 1614, one in 1617, and one, the - best, in 1626, forming the fifth volume of the _Pilgrimes_. - - — Haklvytvs posthumus or Purchas, his pilgrimes. Contayning a - history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells, by - Englishmen & others . . . In fower parts, each containing fiue - bookes. By Samvel Pvrchas.—London, 1625. - - Part (volume) IV, pp. 1560–1562, gives a sketch of the - discovery of Cibola and Quivira, abridged from Ramusio. The - best guide to the confused bibliography of Purchas is that - of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in vol. XVI of Sabin’s _Dictionary - of American Books_. [p611] - - Putnam, Frederick Ward. - - The pueblo ruins and the interior tribes. Edited by Frederick W. - Putnam. - - _U.S. Geog. Survey West 100th Meridian_, VII, Archæology pt. - ii, p. 315, Washington, 1879. Appendix (p. 399) contains - Albert S. Gatschet’s classification into seven linguistic - stocks, etc. - - Ramusio, Giovanni Battista. - - Terzo volvme delle navigationi et viaggi.—In Venetia. MDLVI. - - In this, the first edition of the third volume of Ramusio’s - collection, folios 354–370 contain the narratives which - relate to the discoveries in the territory of the present - southwestern United States. The volumes of Ramusio have - an especial value, because in many cases the editor and - translator used the originals of documents which have not - since been found by investigators. Ramusio’s Italian text - furnished one chief reliance of Hakluyt, and of nearly all - the collectors and translators who followed him, including, - in the present century, Henri Ternaux-Compans. The best - guide to the various issues and editions of Ramnsio is that - of Mr Wilberforce Eames, in Sabin’s _Dictionary of American - Books_. The most complete single edition of the three - volumes is that of 1606. - - Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias. Mandadas - imprimir, y pvblicar por la magestad catolica del rey don Carlos - II. Tomo I (-IV).—Madrid, 1681. - - New editions were issued in 1756, 1774, and 1791. - - Ribas, Andres Perez de. - - Historia de los trivmphos de nvestra Santa Fee entre gentes - del nueuo Orbe: refierense assimismo las costvmbres, ritos, - y supersticiones que vsauan estas gentes; sus puestos, y - temples: . . .—Madrid, 1645. - - The mass of facts collected into this heavy volume throw - much light on the civil as well as the ecclesiastical - history of New Spain. - - Rudo Ensayo, tentativa de una prevencional descripcion geographica - de la provincia de Sonora, . . . compilada así de noticias - adquiridas por el colector en sus viajes por casi toda ella, - como subministradas por los padres missioneros y practicos de la - tierra.—San Augustin de la Florida, 1863. - - Edited by Buckingham Smith. An English translation by - Eusebio Guitéras is in the _Records of the American Catholic - Historical Society_, Philadelphia, June, 1894. - - Ruge, Sophus. - - Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen.—Berlin, 1881. - - In _Allgemeine Geschichte_, von Wilhelm Oncken. _Coronado’s - Feldzug nach Cibola und Quivira_, pp. 415–423. The map - on page 417 is one of the best suggestions of Coronado’s - probable route. - - — Die Entdeckungs-Geschichte der Neuen Welt. - - In _Hamburgische Festschrift zur Erinnerung an die - Entdeckung Amerika’s_, Hamburg, 1892. I Band. _Coronado’s - Zug nach Cibola und Quivira_, pp. 87–89. - - — Die Entwickelung der Kartographie von America bis 1570.—Gotha, - 1892. - - Festschrift zur 400 jährigen Feier der Entdeckung Amerikas. - Ergänzungsheft no. 106 zu “Petermann’s Mitteilungen.” An - admirable outline of the early history of the geographical - unfolding of America. - - Salazar, Francisco Cervantes. _See_ Cervantes Salazar. - - Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de. - - Carta escrita por Fr. Gerónimo de Santisteban á don Antonio - Mendoza, virey de Nueva España, relacionando la pérdida de la - armada que salió en 1542 para las islas del poniente, al cargo - de Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.—De Cochin, de la India del Rey de - Portugal. 22 Henero 1547. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XIV, 151–165. See page 412 _ante_. - - Savage, James Woodruff. - - The discovery of Nebraska. - - _Nebraska, Historical Society Transactions_, I, 180–202. - Read before the Society, April 16, 1880. In this paper Judge - Savage accepts the statements that Quivira was situated - in latitude 40 degrees north as convincing evidence that - Coronado’s Spaniards explored the territory of the present - State of Nebraska. This paper, together with one by the same - author on “A visit to Nebraska, in 1662” (by Peñalosa), was - reprinted by the Government Printing Office (Washington, - 1893) for the use of the United States Senate, for what - purpose the resolution ordering the reprint does not state. - It forms Senate Mis. Doc. No. 14, 53d Congress, 2d session. - - Schmidt, Emil. - - Vorgesehichte Nordamerikas im Gebiet der Vereinigten - Staaten.—Braunschweig, 1894. - - Die vorgeschichtlichen Indianer im Südwesten der Vereinigten - Staaten, pp. 177–216. Compiled in large part from - Nordenskiöld and V. Mindeleff. - - Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe. - - Historical and statistical information respecting the history, - condition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United - States.—Philadelphia, 1851–1855. - - For _Coronado’s expedition_ see vol. IV, pp. 21–40. - Schoolcraft’s map of Coronado’s route is opposite p. 38. - - Shipp, Barnard. - - The history of Hernando de Soto and Florida; or, record of the - events of fifty-six years, from 1512 to 1568.—Philadelphia, - 1881. - - For _Coronado_, see pp. 121–132. - - Simpson, James Hervey. - - Journal of a military reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, - to the Navajo country. - - _Senate Ex. Doc_. 64, 31st Congress, 1st sess., Washington, - 1850, pp. 56–168. - - — Coronado’s march in search of the “Seven Cities of Cibola,” - and discussion of their probable location. - - _Smithsonian Report_ for 1869, pp. 309–340. Reprinted by - the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 1884. Contains an - excellent map of Coronado’s route. [p612] - - Smith, (Thomas) Buckingham. - - Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y - tierras adyacentes. Tomo I [1516–1794].—Londres (Madrid, 1857). - - Only one volume was ever published. Cited as B. Smith’s - _Florida_. These documents are printed, for the most part, - from copies made by Muñoz or by Navarrete. See note to the - English translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s _Naufragios_, and - see also Rudo Ensayo and Soto. - - Sosa, Gaspar Castaño de. _See_ Castaño de Sosa. - - Soto, Hernando de. - - Asiento y capitulacion hechos por el capitan Hernando de Soto - con el Emperador Carlos V para la conquista y poblacion de la - provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la gobernacion, de la - isla de Cuba.—Valladolid, 20 Abril, 1537. - - _Doc. de Indias_, XV, 351–363. B. Smith, _Florida_, 140–146. - - — Narratives of the career of Hernando de Soto in the conquest - of Florida, as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a relation by - Luys Hernandez de Biedma, factor of the expedition. Translated - by Buckingham Smith.—New York, 1866. - - Bradford Club series, V. - - — Letter of Hernando de Soto [in Florida, to the Justice and - Board of Magistrates in Santiago de Cuba. July 9, 1539] and - memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda. Translated from the - Spanish by Buckingham Smith.—Washington, 1854. - - This is not the place for an extensive list of the sources - for the history of de Soto’s expedition, and no effort has - been made to do more than mention two volumes which have - proved useful during the study of the Coronado expedition. - The best guide for the student of the travels of de Soto - and Narvaez is the critical portions of John Gilmary Shea’s - chapter in Winsor’s _Narrative and Critical History of - America_, vol. II, pp. 283–298. - - Squier, Ephraim George. - - New Mexico and California. The ancient monuments, and the - aboriginal, semicivilized nations, . . . with an abstract of - the early Spanish explorations and conquests. - - _American Review_, VIII, Nov., 1848, pp. 503–528. Also - issued separately. - - Stevens, John. - - A new dictionary, Spanish and English. . . . Much more copious - than any hitherto extant, with . . . proper names, the - surnames of families, the geography of Spain and the West - Indies.—London, 1726. - - Captain John Stevens was especially well read in the - literature of the Spanish conquest of America, and his - dictionary is often of the utmost value in getting at - the older meaning of terms which were employed by the - conquistadores in a sense very different from their present - use. Captain Stevens translated Herrera and Veitia Linage - (see note under Moses), taking very great liberties with the - texts. - - Stevenson, James. - - (Illustrated catalogues of collections obtained from the Indians - of New Mexico in 1879, 1880, and 1881.) - - _Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1880–81, - pp. 307–465; _Third Annual Report_, 1881–82, pp. 511–594. - - Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. - - The religious life of the Zuñi child. - - _Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, 1883–84, - pp. 539–555. - - — The Sia. - - _Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, - 1889–90, pp. 9–157. - - Suarez de Peralta, Joan. - - Tratado del descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista, - y los ritos . . . de los yndios; y de los virreyes y - gobernadores, . . . y del principio que tuvo Francisco Draque - para ser declarado enemigo.—Madrid, 1878. - - See entry under Zaragoza and note on page 377 _ante_. This - very valuable historical treatise was written in the last - third of the XVI century. - - Tello, Fray Antonio. - - Fragmentos de una historia de la Nueva Galicia, escrita hácia - 1650, por el Padre Fray Antonio Tello, de la órden de San - Francisco. - - Icazbalceta’s _Mexico_, II, 343–438. Chapters viii–xxxix are - all that are known to have survived. - - Ternaux-Compans, Henri. - - Voyages, relations et mémoires originaux pour servir a - l’histoire de la découverte de l’Amerique publiés pour la - première fois, en français.—Paris, 1837–1841. - - Twenty volumes. Volume IX contains the translation of - _Castañeda_, and of various other narratives relating to - the Coronado expedition. These narratives are referred to - under the authors’ names in the present list. It is cited as - Ternaux’s _Cibola_. - - Thomas, Cyrus. - - Quivira: A suggestion. - - _Magazine of American History_ X, New York, Dec., 1883, pp. - 490–496. - - Tomson, Robert. - - The voyage of Robert Tomson marchant, into Noua Hispania in the - yeere 1555, with diuers obseruations concerning the state of - the countrey: And certaine accidents touching himselfe. - - _Hakluyt_, III, 447–454 (ed. 1600). See note on page 375 - _ante_. - - Torquemada, Juan de. - - Los veynte i vn libros rituales y monarchia Yndiana, con el - origen y guerras de los Yndios Occidentales. Compvesto por - Fray Ivan de Torquemada, Ministro Prouincial de la orden de S. - Françisco en Mexico, en la Nueba España.—Seuilla, 1615. - - This work was reprinted at Madrid in 1723 by Barcia. This, - the second, is the better edition. The first two volumes - contain an invaluable mass of facts concerning [p613] the - natives of New Spain. The comments by the author are, of - course, of less significance. - - Ulloa, Francisco de. - - A relation of the discouery, which in the name of God the fleete - of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally, made - with three ships; the one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes, - the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes, and the thirde S. Thomas - of the burthen of 20. tunnes. Of which fleete was captaine the - right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the citie - of Merida. - - _Hakluyt_, III, 397–424 (ed. 1600). Translated from Ramusio, - III, fol. 339–354 (ed. 1556). - - — _See_ Alarcon. - - Vetancurt, Augustin de. - - Teatro Mexicano descripcion breve de los svcessos exemplares, - historicos, politicos, militares y religiosos del nuevo mundo - Occidental de las Indias.—México, 1698. - - — Menologio Franciscano de los Varones mas señalados, quo con - sus vidas exemplares . . . ilustraron la Provincia de el Santo - Evangelio de Mexico. - - This work forms a part of the second volume of the Teatro - Mexicano. - - Villagra, Gaspar de. - - Historia de la Nveva Mexico.—Alcala, 1610. - - Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de. _See_ Santisteban, Fray Gerónimo de. - - Ware, Eugene F. - - Coronado’s march. - - _Agora_, Lawrence, Kansas, Nov., 1895 [not completed.] A - translation of Castañeda’s narrative from the French of - Ternaux. - - Whipple, A. W., _et al._ - - Report upon the Indian tribes [of Arizona and New Mexico]. - - _Pacific Railroad Reports_, vol. III, pt. 3, Washington, - 1856. - - Winship, George Parker. - - A list of titles of documents relating to America, in volumes - I–CX of the Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia - de España. - - _Bulletin of the Boston Public Library_, October, 1894. - Reprinted, 60 copies. - - — The Coronado Expedition, 1540–1542. - - _Fourteenth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology_, Washington, - 1896. Contains the Spanish text of Castañeda, and - translations of the original narratives. - - — Why Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540. - - _Papers of American Historical Association_, 1894, - Washington, 1895, pp. 83–92. - - — New Mexico in 1540. - - _Boston Transcript_, Oct. 14, 1893. A translation of the - _Relation de lo que . . . Alvarado y Padilla descubrieron_. - - — Coronado’s journey to New Mexico and the great plains. - 1540–1542. - - _American History Leaflet_, No. 13, New York, 1894. - Contains a translation of the _Relacion del Suceso_, and of - Coronado’s _Letter to Mendoza_, 20 October, 1541. - - Winsor, Justin. - - Narrative and critical history of America, edited by Justin - Winsor (8 volumes).—Boston, 1889. - - Besides Professor Haynes’ chapter in volume II, pp. 473–503 - (see entry under Haynes), the same volume contains chapters - by Dr Winsor on _Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North - America_, pp. 431–472; by Clements R. Markham on _Pizarro - and the Conquest and Settlement of Peru and Chile_, pp. - 505–573, and by John G. Shea on _Ancient Florida_, pp. - 231–298. The fact that special investigators in minute - fields of historical study have found omissions and errors - in this encyclopedic work only serves to emphasize the value - of the labors of Dr Winsor. There is hardly a subject of - study in American history in which the student will not, of - necessity, begin his work by consulting the critical and - bibliographical portions of Winsor’s _America_. - - Wytfliet, Cornelius. - - Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Avgmentvm, siue Occidentis Notitia - Breui commentario illustrata Studio et opera Cornely Wytfliet - Louaniensis.—Lovanii, M.D.XCVII. - - For _Coronado_, see p. 170, or p. 91 of the French - translation of 1611. Qvivira et Anian. See plates LI–LIII - _ante_. - - Zamacois, Niceto de. - - Historia de Méjico desde sus tiempos mas remotos.—Méjico, - 1878–1888. - - Nineteen volumes. For the chronicle of events in New Spain - during the years 1535–1546, see vol. IV, 592–715. - - Zaragoza, Justo. - - Noticias históricas de la Nueva España.—Madrid, 1878. - - In this volume Señor Zaragoza has added much to the inherent - value of the Tratado of Suarez de Peralta (see entry above) - by his ample and scholarly notes, and by a very useful - “Indice geográfico, biográfico, y de palabras Americanas.” - These indices, within their inevitable limitations, contain - a great deal of information for which the student would - hardly know where else to look. This is equally true of the - indices to the _Cartas de Indias_, for the excellence of - which Señor Zaragoza was largely responsible. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTORY MATERIAL, pp. 339–412 - -[1] The Indian’s story is in the first chapter of Castañeda’s -Narrative. Some additional information is given in Bandelier’s -Contributions to the History of the Southwest, the first chapter -of which is entitled “Sketch of the knowledge which the Spaniards -in Mexico possessed of the countries north of the province of New -Galicia previous to the return of Cabeza de Vaca.” For bibliographic -references to this and other works referred to throughout this -memoir, see the list at the end of the paper. - -[2] The most important source of information regarding the expedition -of Narvaez is the Relation written by Cabeza de Vaca. This is best -consulted in Buckingham Smith’s translation. Mr Smith includes in -his volume everything which he could find to supplement the main -narration. The best study of the route followed by the survivors of -the expedition, after they landed in Texas, is that of Bandelier -in the second chapter of his Contributions to the History of the -Southwest. In this essay Bandelier has brought together all the -documentary evidence, and he writes with the knowledge obtained -by traveling through the different portions of the country which -Cabeza de Vaca must have traversed. Dr J. G. Shea, in his chapter -in the Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii, p. 286, -disagrees in some points with Mr Bandelier’s interpretation of the -route of Cabeza de Vaca west of Texas, and also with Mr Smith’s -identifications of the different points in the march of the main army -before it embarked from the Bahia de los Cavallos. Other interesting -conjectures are given in H. H. Bancroft’s North Mexican States, vol. -i, p. 63, and map at p. 67. - -[3] Buckingham Smith collected in his Letter of Hernando de Soto, pp. -57–61, and in his Narrative of the Career of Hernando de Soto (see -index), all that is known in regard to Ortiz, one of the soldiers of -Narvaez, who was found among the Indians by De Soto in 1540. - -[4] Mendoza to Charles V, 10 Diciembre, 1537. Cabeza de Vaca y -Dorantes, . . . despues de haber llegado aquí, determinaron de irse -en España, y viendo que si V. M. era servido de enviar aquella tierra -alguna gente para saber de cierto lo que era, no quedaba persona que -pudiese ir con ella ni dar ninguna razon, compré á Dorantes para este -efecto un negro que vino de allá y se halló con ellos en todo, que -se llama Estéban, por ser persona de razon. Despues sucedió, como el -navio en que Dorantes ibase volvió al puerto, y sabido esto, yo le -escribí á la Vera-Cruz, rogándole que viniese aquí; y como llegó á -esta ciudad, yo le hablé diciéndole que hubiese por bien de volver -á esta tierra con algunos religiosos y gente de caballo, que yo le -daria á calalla, y saber de cierto lo que en ella habia. Y él vista -mi voluntad, y el servicio que yo le puse delantre que hacia con -ello á Dios y á V. M., me respondió que holgaba dello, y así estoy -determinado de envialle allá con la gente de caballo y religiosos que -digo. Pienso que ha de redundar dello gran servicio á Dios y á V. -M.—From the text printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, Docs. de Indias, ii, -206. - -[5] Some recent writers have been misled by a chance comma inserted -by the copyist or printer in one of the old narratives, which divides -the name of Maldonado—Alonso del Castillo, Maldonado—making it appear -as if there were five instead of four survivors of the Narvaez -expedition who made their way to Mexico. - -[6] Besides the general historians, we have Cabeza de Vaca’s own -account of his career in Paraguay in his Comentarios, reprinted in -Vedia, Historiadores Primitivos, vol. i. Ternaux translated this -narrative into French for his Voyages, part vi. - -[7] The Spanish text of this letter has not been seen since Ramusio -used it in making the translation for his Viaggi, vol. iii, fol. -355, ed. 1556. There is no date to the letter as Ramusio gives it. -Ternaux-Compans translated it from Ramusio for his Cibola volume -(Voyages, vol. ix, p. 287). It is usually cited from Ternaux’s -title as the “Première lettre de Mendoza.” I quote from the French -text the portion of the letter which explains my narrative: “. . . -Andrès Dorantès, un de ceux qui firent partie de l’armée de Pamphilo -Narvaez, vint près de moi. J’eus de fréquents entretiens avec lui; -je pensai qu’il pouvait rendre un grand service à votre majesté; -si je l’expédiais avec quarante ou cinquante chevaux et tous les -objets nécessaires pour découvrir ce pays. Je dépensai beaucoup -d’argent pour l’expédition, mais je ne sais pas comment il se fit que -l’affaire n’eut pas de suite. De tous les préparatifs que j’avais -faits, il ne me resta qu’un nègre qui est venu avec Dorantès, -quelques esclaves que j’avais achetés, et des Indiens, naturels de ce -pays, que j’avais fait rassembler.” - -[8] Two of these are extant—the Relacion of Cabeza de Vaca and -Oviedo’s version of an account signed by the three Spaniards and sent -to the Real Audiencia at Santo Domingo, in his Historia General de -las Indias, lib. xxxv, vol. iii, p. 582, ed. 1853. - -[9] See Buckingham Smith’s translation of Cabeza de Vaca’s Narrative, -p. 150. - -[10] The effect of the stories told by Cabeza de Vaca, and later by -Friar Marcos, is considered in a paper printed in the Proceedings -of the American Historical Association at Washington, 1894, “Why -Coronado went to New Mexico in 1540.” - -[11] The best sources for these proceedings is in Mota Padilla’s -Historia de la Nueva Galicia (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. 104–109). A more -available account in English is in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, -p. 457. - -[12] An official investigation into the administration of an official -who is about to be relieved of his duties. - -[13] The best account, in English, of the Casa de Contratacion is -given by Professor Bernard Moses, of Berkeley, California, in the -volume of papers read before the American Historical Association at -its 1894 meeting. - -[14] See Fragmentos de una Historia de la Nueva Galicia, by Father -Tello (Icazbalceta, Documentos de Mexico, vol. ii, p. 369). - -[15] Mendoza, in the “première lettre,” gives a brief sketch of the -efforts which Cortes had been making, and then adds: “Il ne put -donc jamais en faire la conquête; il semblait même que Dieu voulût -miraculeusement l’en eloigner.” Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 287. - -[16] On the maps it is usually designated as S. †. - -[17] The details of this episode are given in the relations and -petitions of Cortes. H. H. Bancroft tells the story in his North -Mexican States, vol. i, p. 77. The Cortes map of 1536 is reproduced, -from a tracing, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of -America, vol. ii, p. 442. - -[18] This is the story which Garcilaso de la Vega tells in his -Commentales Reales, pt. II, lib. ii. - -[19] Contributions to the History of the Southwest, pp 79–103. - -[20] This region is identified by Bandelier in his Contributions, p. -104, note. The letter from which the details are obtained, written to -accompany the report of Friar Marcos when this was transmitted to the -King, is in Ramusio, and also in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 285. - -[21] This certification, with the report of Friar Marcos and other -documents relating to him, is printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas -Coleccion, vol. iii, pp. 325–351. - -[22] The instructions given to Friar Marcos have been translated by -Bandelier in his Contributions, p. 109. The best account of Friar -Marcos and his explorations is given in that volume. - -[23] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. vii, cap. vii. - -[24] Bandelier, in his Contributions, p. 122, says this was “about -the middle of April,” but his chronology at this point must be at -fault. - -[25] See F. W. Hodge, “Aboriginal Use of Adobes,” The Archæologist, -Columbus, Ohio, August, 1895. - -[26] These are described in the Castañeda narrative. - -[27] In lieu of turquoises the Pima and Maricopa today frequently -wear small beaded rings pendent from the ears and septum. - -[28] Bandelier, Contributions, pp. 154, 155. - -[29] There is an admirable and extended account, with many -illustrations, of the Apache medicine men, by Captain John G. Bourke -in the ninth report of the Bureau of Ethnology. - -[30] This is precisely the method pursued by the Zuñis today -against any Mexicans who may be found in their vicinity during the -performance of an outdoor ceremonial. - -[31] This question has been fully discussed by F. W. Hodge. See -“The First Discovered City of Cibola,” American Anthropologist, -Washington, April, 1895. - -[32] Tomson’s exceedingly interesting narrative of his experiences in -Mexico is printed in Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 447, ed. 1600. - -[33] Compare the ground plan of Hawikuh, by Victor Mindeleff, in the -eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. XLVI, with the -map of the city of Mexico (1550?), by Alonzo de Santa Cruz, pl. XLIII -of this paper. - -[34] Diaz started November 17, 1539. The report of his trip is given -in Mendoza’s letter of April 17, 1540, in Pacheco y Cardenas, ii, p. -356, and translated herein. - -[35] The Spanish text from which I have translated may be found -on pages 144 and 148 of Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s -Tratado. This edition is of the greatest usefulness to every student -of early Mexican history. - -[36] The depositions as printed in the Pacheco y Cardenas Docs. de -Indias, vol. xv., pp. 392–398, are as follows: Pedro Nuñez, testigo -rescebido en la dicha razon, juró segun derecho, é dijo: . . . que -estando en la ciudad de México, puede haber tres meses [the evidence -being taken November 12, 1539], poco mas ó menos, oyó decir este -testigo públicamente, que habia venido un fraile Francisco, que se -dice Fray Marcos, que venia la tierra adentro, é que decia el dicho -fraile que se habia descobierto una tierra muy rica é muy poblada; é -que habia cuatrocientas leguas dende México allá; é que dice que han -de ir allá por cerca del río de Palmas; . . . - -Garcia Navarro, . . . oyó decir publicamente, puede haber un mes ó -mes y medio [and so all the remaining witnesses] que habia venido -un fraile, nuevamente, de una tierra, nuevamente descobierta, que -dicen ques quinientas leguas de México, en la tierra de la Florida, -que dicen ques hácia la parte del Norte de la dicha tierra; la cual -diz, que es tierra rica de oro é plata é otros resgates, é grandes -pueblos; que las casas son de piedra é terrados á la manera de -México, é que tienen peso é medida, é gente de razon, é que no casan -mas de una vez, é que visten albornoces, é que andan cabalgando en -unos animales, que no sabe cómo se llaman, . . . - -Francisco Serrano, . . . el fraile venia por tierra, por la via -de Xalisco; é ques muy rica é muy poblada é grandes ciudades -cercadas; é que los señores dellas, se nombran Reyes; é que las -casas son sobradas, é ques gente de mucha razon; que la lengua es -mexicana, . . . - -Pero Sanchez, tinturero . . . una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada -de ciudades é villas; . . . por la vía de Xalisco . . . hácia en -medio de la tierra. . . . - -Francisco de Leyva . . . en la Vera-Cruz, oyó decir que habia venido -un fraile de una tierra nueva muy rica é muy poblada de ciudades é -villas, é ques á la banda del Sur, . . . Otrosí, dixo: que es verdad -que no embargante que no toca en este puerto, dejaba de seguir su -viaje; pero que entró en este puerto por necesidad que llevaba -de agua é otros bastimentos é de ciertas personas que venian muy -enfermos. - -Hernando de Sotomayor . . . questando en la Puebla de los -Angeles . . . públicamente se decia . . . é que las casas son de -piedras sobradadas, é las ciudades cercadas, é gente de razon; . . . -é questa dicha tierra es la parte donde vino Dorantes é Cabeza de -Vaca, los cuales escaparon de la armada de Narvaez; é que sabe é vido -este testigo, que fué mandado al maestre por mandado del Virey é -con su mandamiento, que no tocase en parte ninguna, salvo que fuese -derechamente á España, con la dicha nao, é quel secretario del Virey -hizo un requirimiento al dicho maestre, viniendo por la mar, que no -tocase en este puerto ni en otra parte destas islas. . . . [This -statement appears in each deposition.] - -Andrés Garcia, dixo: . . . questando en la ciudad de México, un -Francisco de Billegas le dió cartas para dar en esta villa, para -dar al Adelantado D. Hernando de Soto, é si no lo hallase, que las -llevase á España é las diese al hacedor suyo; é queste testigo tiene -un yerno barbero que afeitaba al fraile que vino de la dicha tierra; -é quel dicho su yerno, le dixo este testigo, questando afeitando -al dicho fraile, le dixo como antes que llegasen á la dicha tierra -estaba una sierra, é que pasando la dicha sierra estaba un río, é -que habia muchas poblazones de ciudades é villas, é que las ciudades -son cercadas é guardadas á las puertas, é muy ricas; é que habia -plateros; é que las mugeres traian sartas de oro é los hombres -cintos de oro, é que habia albarnios é obejas é vacas é perdices é -carnicerias é herreria, é peso é medida; é que un Bocanegra, dixo -á este testigo que se quedare, que se habia descobierto un nuevo -mundo. . . . - -[37] The document, as printed in Doc. Inéd. Hist. España, vol. iv, -pp. 209–217, is not dated. The date given in the text is taken from -the heading or title to the petition, which, if not the original, -has at least the authority of Señor Navarrete, the editor of this -Coleccion when the earlier volumes were printed. This memorial -appears, from the contents, to have been one of the documents -submitted in the litigation then going on between the rival claimants -for the privilege of exploring the country discovered by Friar -Marcos, although the document is not printed with the other papers in -the case. - -[38] Documentos Inéditos Hist. España, vol. iv, p. 211: Memorial -que dió el Marqués del Valle en Madrid á 25 de Junio de 1540. . . . -“Al tiempo que yo vine de la dicha tierra el dicho Fray Marcos -habló conmigo . . . é yo le dí noticia de esta dicha tierra y -descubrimiento de ella, porque tenia determinacion de enviarlo en -mis navíos en proseguimiento y conquista de la dicha costa y tierra, -porque parescia que se le entendia algo de cosas de navegacion: el -cual dicho fraile lo comunicó con el dicho visorey, y con su licencia -diz que fué por tierra en demanda de la misma costa y tierra que yo -habia descubierto, y que era y es de mi conquista; y despues que -volvió el dicho fraile ha publicado que diz que llegó á vista de la -dicha tierra; lo cual yo niego haber él visto ni descubierto, antes -lo que el dicho fraile refiere haber visto, lo ha dicho y dice por -sola la relacion que yo le habia hecho de la noticia que tenia de los -indios de la dicha tierra de Santa Cruz que yo truje, porque todo lo -que el dicho fraile se dice que refiere, es lo mismo que los dichos -indios á mí me dijeron; y en haberse en esto adelantado el dicho Fray -Marcos fingiendo y refiriendo lo que no sabe ni vió, no hizo cosa -nueva, porque otras muchas veces lo ha hecho y lo tiene por costumbre -como es notorio en las provincias del Perú y Guatemala, y se dará de -ello informacion bastante luego en esta corte, siendo necesario.” - -[39] The request occurs in the earliest letters from the viceroy, -and is repeated in that of December 10, 1537. This privilege was -withdrawn from all governors in the colonies by one of the New Laws -of 1543. (Icazbalceta, Col. Hist. Mexico, ii, 204.) The ill success -of Coronado’s efforts did not weaken Mendoza’s desire to enlarge his -territory, for he begs his agent in Spain, Juan de Aguilar, to secure -for him a fresh grant of the privilege in a later letter. (Pacheco y -Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. iii, p. 506; B. Smith, Florida, p. 7.) - -[40] Ulloa’s Relation is translated from Ramusio in Hakluyt, vol. -iii, p. 397, ed. 1600. - -[41] Memorial que dió al Rey el Marques del Valle, en Madrid, 25 de -junio, 1540: Printed in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. iv, p. 209. Compare -with this account that in H. H. Bancroft’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 425. -Mr Bancroft is always a strong advocate of the cause of Cortes. - -[42] Oviedo, Historia General, vol. iv, p. 19. - -[43] The capitulacion or agreement with De Soto is printed in Pacheco -y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, pp. 354–363. - -[44] These documents fill 108 pages in volume XV of the Pacheco y -Cardenas Documentos de Indias. At least one other document presented -in the case, the Capitulacion . . . que hizo Ayllon, is printed -elsewhere in the same Coleccion. This, also, does not include the two -long memorials which Cortes succeeded in presenting to the King in -person. - -[45] This much feared conjunction came very near to being realized. -A comparison of the various plottings of the routes De Soto and -Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows -that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present -Oklahoma or Indian territory, or perhaps north of that region. This -evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related by -Castañeda. Dr J. G. Shea, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History, -vol. ii, p. 292, states that Coronado heard of his countryman De -Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a mistake, -which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made -by Jaramillo. - -[46] See his Carta in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. civ, p. 491. - -[47] The Titulo, etc, dated 6 Julio, 1529, is in Pacheco y Cardenas, -Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Indias, vol. iv, pp. 572–574. - -[48] Fragmento Visita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90, -§ 86. “Porque antes que el dicho visorey viniese . . . habia muy poca -gente y los corregimientos bastaban para proveellos y sustentallos, -y como despues de la venida del dicho visorey creció la gente y se -aumentó, y de cada dia vienen gentes pobres á quien se ha de proveer -de comer, con la dicha baja y vacaciones se han proveido y remediado, -y sin ella hubieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no se -poblara tanto la tierra, y dello se dió noticia á S. M. y lo aprobó -y se tuvo por servido en ello. § 194 (p. 117): Despues que el dicho -visorey vino á esta Nueva España, continamente ha acogido en su casa -á caballeros y otras personas que vienen necesitados de España y de -otras partes, dándoles de comer y vestir, caballos y armas con que -sirvan á S. M.” . . . - -[49] Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, part II, cap. i, lib. -ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado’s experiment. -The picture of the life and character of the Spanish conquerors of -America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and -suggestive that its omission would be unjustifiable. - -[50] Tomson’s whole narrative, in Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. -447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional -information in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a -little later date, may be found in the “Discourses” which follow -Tomson’s Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt. - -[51] The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following -statements which are taken from Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva -Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they -illustrate in the translation of Castañeda’s narrative. I hope -this arrangement will prove most convenient for those who study -the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the -introductory narrative to make any further references showing my -indebtedness to Mota Padilla’s invaluable work. - -[52] The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the -historical student that I have translated it in full herein. - -[53] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi, vol. iii, -p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army. -For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds, -see notes from Mota Padilla, etc, accompanying the translation of -Castañeda. - -[54] Castañeda’s statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General, -dec. VI, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Tello, -in Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 370. - -[55] See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, -vol. ii, p. 95. - -[56] The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543, -and the copy printed in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. -214, was promulgated in New Spain, March 13, 1544. - -[57] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, December 10, 1537. - -[58] The proceso which was served on Cortes is in Pacheco y Cardenas, -Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371. - -[59] The grant, dated at Madrid, November 8, 1539, is given in -Tello’s Fragmento (Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 371). - -[60] Before the end of the month Mendoza wrote a letter to the King, -in which he gave a detailed account of the preparations he had made -to insure the success of the expedition, and of the departure of the -army. This letter is not known to exist. - -[61] This march from Compostela to Culiacan, according to the letter -which Coronado wrote from Granada-Zuñi on August 3, occupied eighty -days. The same letter gives April 22 as the date when Coronado left -Culiacan, after stopping for several days in that town, and this date -is corroborated by another account, the Traslado de las Nuevas. April -22 is only sixty days after February 23, the date of the departure, -which is fixed almost beyond question by the legal formalities of -the Testimonio of February 21–26. We have only Ramusio’s Italian -text of Coronado’s August 3 letter, so that it is easy to suspect -that a slip on the part of the translator causes the trouble. But to -complicate matters, eighty days previous to April 22 is about the -1st of February. Mota Padilla, who used material of great value in -his Historia de la Nueva Galicia, says that the army marched from -Compostela “el 1° de Febrero del año de 1540.” Castañeda does not -give much help, merely stating that the whole force was assembled at -Compostela by “el dia de carnes tollendas,” the carnival preceding -Shrove tide, which in 1540 fell on February 10, Easter being March -28. Mendoza, who had spent the New Year’s season at Pasquaro, the -seat of the bishopric of Michoacan, did not hasten his journey across -the country, and we know only that the whole force had assembled -before he arrived at Compostela. At least a fortnight would have -been necessary for completing the organization of the force, and for -collecting and arranging all the supplies. - -Another combination of dates makes it hard to decide how rapidly the -army marched. Mendoza was at Compostela February 26. He presumably -started on his return to Mexico very soon after that date. He went -down the coast to Colima, where he was detained by an attack of fever -for some days. Thence he proceeded to Jacona, where he wrote a letter -to the King, April 17, 1540. March 20 Mendoza received the report -of Melchior Diaz, who had spent the preceding winter in the country -through which Friar Marcos had traveled, trying to verify the friar’s -report. Diaz, and Saldivar his lieutenant, on their return from the -north, met the army at Chiametla as it was about to resume its march, -after a few days’ delay. Diaz stopped at Chiametla, while Saldivar -carried the report to the viceroy, and he must have traveled very -rapidly to deliver his packets on March 20, when Mendoza had left -Colima, although he probably had not arrived at Jacona. - -Everything points to the very slow progress of the force, hampered -by the long baggage and provision trains. Castañeda says that they -reached Culiacan just before Easter, March 28, less than thirty-five -days after February 23. Here Coronado stopped for a fortnight’s -entertainment and rest, according to Castañeda, who was present. Mota -Padilla says that the army stayed here a month, and this agrees with -Castañeda’s statement that the main body started a fortnight later -than their general. - -The attempt to arrange an itinerary of the expedition is perplexing, -and has not been made easier by modern students. Professor Haynes, -in his Early Explorations of New Mexico (Winsor’s Narrative and -Critical History, vol. ii, p. 481), following Bandelier’s statement -on page 26 of his Documentary History of Zuñi, says that the start -from Compostela was made “in the last days of February, 1540.” Mr -Bandelier, however, who has given much more time to the study of -everything connected with this expedition than has been possible -for any other investigator, in his latest work—The Gilded Man, p. -164—adopts the date which is given by Mota Padilla. The best and the -safest way out of this tangle in chronology is gained by accepting -the three specific dates, February 23—or possibly 24—Easter, and -April 22, disregarding every statement about the number of days -intervening. - -[62] Mota Padilla says, “warden of one of the royal storehouses in -Mexico,” which may refer to some other position held by Samaniego, or -may have arisen from some confusion of names. - -[63] This is taken from Mota Padilla’s account of the incident, -without any attempt to compare or to harmonize it with the story told -by Castañeda. Mota Padilla’s version seems much the more reasonable. - -[64] A note, almost as complicated as that which concerns the date -of the army’s departure, might be written regarding the length of -the stay at Culiacan. Those who are curious can find the facts in -Coronado’s letter from Granada, in Castañeda, and in the footnotes to -the translation of the latter. - -[65] The complete text of Alarcon’s report was translated into -Italian by Ramusio (vol. iii, fol. 303, ed. 1556), and the Spanish -original is not known to exist. Herrera, however, gives an account -which, from the close similarity to Ramusio’s text and from the -personality of the style, must have been copied from Alarcon’s own -narrative. The Ramusio text does not give the port of departure. -Herrera says that the ships sailed from Acapulco. Castañeda implies -that the start was made from La Natividad, but his information could -hardly have been better than second hand. He may have known what the -viceroy intended to do, when he bade the army farewell, two days -north of Compostela. Alarcon reports that he put into the port of -Santiago de Buena Esperanza, and as the only Santiago on the coast -hereabout is south of La Natividad, which is on the coast of the -district of Colima, H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i, p. -90) says the fleet probably started from Acapulco. Bancroft does not -mention Herrera, who is, I suppose, the conclusive authority. Gen. J. -H. Simpson (Smithsonian Report for 1869, p. 315), accepted the start -from La Natividad, and then identified this Santiago with the port -of Compostela, which was well known under the name of Xalisco. The -distance of Acapulco from Colima would explain the considerable lapse -of time before Alarcon was ready to start. - -[66] Coronado’s description of this portion of the route in -the letter of August 3 is abbreviated, he says, because it was -accompanied by a map. As this is lost, I am following here, as I -shall do throughout the Introduction, Bandelier’s identification of -the route in his Historical Introduction, p. 10, and in his Final -Report, part II, pp. 407–409. The itinerary of Jaramillo, confused -and perplexing as it is, is the chief guide for the earlier part -of the route. There is no attempt in this introductory narrative -to repeat the details of the journey, when these may be obtained, -much more satisfactorily, from the translation of the contemporary -narratives which form the main portion of this memoir. - -[67] This “Red House,” in the Nahuatl tongue, has been identified -with the Casa Grande ruins in Arizona ever since the revival of -interest in Coronado’s journey, which followed the explorations in -the southwestern portion of the United States during the second -quarter of the present century. Bandelier’s study of the descriptions -given by those who saw the “Red House” in 1539 and 1540, however, -shows conclusively that the conditions at Casa Grande do not meet the -requirements for Chichilticalli. Bandelier objects to Casa Grande -because it is white, although he admits that it may once have been -covered with the reddish paint of the Indians. This would suit Mota -Padilla’s explanation that the place was named from a house there -which was daubed over with colored earth—almagre, as the natives -called it. This is the Indian term for red ocher. Bandelier thinks -that Coronado reached the edge of the wilderness, the White Mountain -Apache reservation in Arizona, by way of San Pedro river and Arivaypa -creek. This requires the location of Chichilticalli somewhere in the -vicinity of the present Fort Grant, Arizona. - -[68] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 375, ed. 1600. - -[69] Hawikuh, near Ojo Caliente, was the first village captured by -the Spaniards, as Bandelier has shown in his Contributions, p. 166, -and Documentary History of Zuñi, p. 29. The definite location of -this village is an important point, and the problem of its site was -one over which a great deal of argument had been wasted before Mr -Bandelier published the results of his critical study of the sources, -which he was enabled to interpret by the aid of a careful exploration -of the southwestern country, undertaken under the auspices of the -Archæological Institute of America. It was under the impetus of the -friendly guidance and careful scrutiny of results by Professor Henry -W. Haynes and the other members of the Institute that Mr Bandelier -has done his best work. It is unfortunate that he did not use the -letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Hawikuh, August 3, 1540, -which is the only official account of the march from Culiacan to -Zuñi. The fact that Bandelier’s results stand the tests supplied by -this letter is the best proof of the exactness and accuracy of his -work. (This note was written before the appearance of Mr Bandelier’s -Gilded Man, in which he states that Kiakima, instead of Hawikuh, -is the Granada of Coronado. Mr F. W. Hodge, in an exhaustive paper -on The First Discovered City of Cibola (American Anthropologist, -Washington, April, 1895), has proved conclusively that Mr Bandelier’s -earlier position was the correct one.) - -[70] Marcos returned to Mexico with Juan de Gallego, who left -Cibola-Zuñi soon after August 3. Bandelier, in his article on the -friars, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551, -says that “the obvious reason” for Marcos’s return “was the feeble -health of the friar. Hardship and physical suffering had nearly -paralyzed the body of the already aged man. He never recovered his -vigor, and died at Mexico, after having in vain sought relief in the -delightful climate of Jalapa, in the year 1558”—seventeen years later. - -[71] Alvarado’s official report is probably the paper known as -the Relacion de lo que. . . . Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla -descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur, which is translated -herein. The title, evidently the work of some later editor, is -a misnomer so far as the Mar del Sur is concerned, for this—the -Pacific ocean—was west, and Alvarado’s explorations were toward the -east. This short report is of considerable value, but it is known -only through a copy, lacking the list of villages which should have -accompanied it. Muñoz judged that it was a contemporary official -copy, which did not commend itself to that great collector and -student of Spanish Americana. There is nothing about the document to -show the century or the region to which it relates, so that one of -Hubert H. Bancroft’s scribes was misled into making a short abstract -of it for his Central America, vol. ii, p. 185, as giving an account -of an otherwise unknown expedition starting from another Granada, on -the northern shore of Lake Nicaragua. - -[72] Castañeda says that this Indian accompanied Alvarado on the -first visit to the buffalo plains, and this may be true without -disturbing the statement above. - -[73] He was called “The Turk” because the Spaniards thought that he -looked like one. Bandelier, in American Catholic Quarterly Review, -vol. xv, p. 555, thinks this was due to the manner in which he wore -his hair, characteristic of certain branches of the Pawnee. - -[74] This probability is greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla’s -statement in relation to the Turk and Quivira, quoted in connection -with Castañeda’s narrative. - -[75] The Spaniards had already observed two distinct branches of -these pure nomads, whom they knew as Querechos and Teyas. Bandelier, -in his Final Report, vol. i. p. 179, identified the Querechos with -the Apaches of the plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney -shows that Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa of western -central Texas (Hodge, Early Navajo and Apache, Am. Anthropologist, -Washington, July, 1895, vol. iii, p. 235). I am unable to find any -single tribal group among the Indians whom we know which can be -identified with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Hodge has suggested, they -may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone -Park to Durango, Mexico. - -[76] I am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo’s statement that the -day’s marches on the journey to Quivira were short ones. But when he -writes that the journey occupied “more than thirty days, or almost -thirty days’ journey, although not long day’s marches,”—seguimos -nuestro viaje . . . más de treinta dias ú casi treinta dias de -camino, aunque no de jornadas grandes—and again, that they decided to -return “because it was already nearly the beginning of winter, . . . -and lest the winter might prevent the return,”—nos paresció á todos, -que pues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno, porque si me acuerdo -bien, jera media y más de Agosto, y por ser pocos para inbernar -allí, . . . y porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos de nieves -y rios que no nos dexesen pasar (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, -vol. xiv, pp. 312, 314)—we experience some of the difficulties which -make it hard to analyse the captain’s recollections critically and -satisfactorily. - -[77] Final Report, vol. i, p. 170. - -[78] Ibid., vol. i, p. 178. - -[79] Bandelier’s best discussion of the route is in his article on -Fray Juan de Padilla, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, -vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Man also contains an outline of the -probable route. An element in his calculation, to which he gives -much prominence, is the tendency of one who is lost to wander always -toward the right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Man; but -it can, I think, hardly merit the importance which he gives to it. -The emphasis appears, however, much more in Bandelier’s words than in -his results. I can not see that there is anything to show that the -Indian guides ever really lost their reckoning. - -[80] Bandelier accounts for sixty-seven days of short marches and -occasional delays between the separation of the force on Canadian -river and the arrival at Quivira. It may be that the seventy-seven -days of desert marching which Coronado mentions in his letter of -October 20, 1541, refers to this part of the journey, instead of to -the whole of the journey from the bridge (near Mora on the Canadian) -to Quivira. But the number sixty-seven originated in a blunder of -Ternaux-Compans, who substituted it for seventy-seven, in translating -this letter. The mistake evidently influenced Bandelier to extend the -journey over more time than it really took. But this need not affect -his results materially, if we extend the amount of ground covered by -each day’s march and omit numerous halts, which were very unlikely, -considering the condition of his party and the desire to solve the -mystery of Quivira. If the Spaniards crossed the Arkansas somewhere -below Fort Dodge, and followed it until the river turns toward the -southeast, Quivira can hardly have been east of the middle part of -the state of Kansas. It was much more probably somewhere between -the main forks of Kansas river, in the central part of that state. -Bandelier seems to have abandoned his documents as he approached -the goal, and to have transported Coronado across several branches -of Kansas river, in order to fill out his sixty-seven days—which -should have been seventy-seven—and perhaps to reach the region fixed -on by previous conceptions of the limit of exploration. He may have -realized that the difficulty in his explanation of the route was that -it required a reduction of about one-fourth of the distance covered -by the army in the eastward march, as plotted by General Simpson. -This can be accounted for by the wandering path which the army -followed. - -[81] See the note at the end of the translation. - -[82] The Spanish (judicial) league was equivalent to 2.63 statute -miles. - -[83] Castañeda implies that Friar Antonio Victoria, who broke his leg -near Culiacan, accompanied the main force on its march to Cibola. -This is the last heard of him, and it is much more probable that he -remained in New Galicia. - -[84] Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives the date of the martyrdom of -Fray Juan de Padilla as November 30, 1544, and I see no reason to -prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, Castañeda, and Mota -Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and -the other companions of the friar brought the news to Mexico. They -must have returned some time previous to 1552, for Gomara mentions -their arrival in Tampico, on the Mexican gulf, in his Conquista -de Mexico published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the -fugitives had been captured by Indians and detained as slaves for -ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the -fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Coronado -expedition is in the stories of one accompanying Estevan which -Alarcon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the death -of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by Castañeda to the use of -these animals as beasts of burden by certain plains tribes. - -Mendiota and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died -soon after his return, and the other lived long as a missionary among -the Zacatecas. - -[85] The maps of the New World drawn and published between 1542 and -1600, reproductions of several of which accompany this memoir, give -a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries made -by Coronado than any bare statement could give. In 1540, European -cartographers knew nothing about the country north of New Spain. -Cortes had given them the name—Nueva España or Hispania Nova—and -this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the inland -region stretching toward the north and west. Such was the device -which Mercator adopted when he drew his double cordiform map in -1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot -published his elaborate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had -heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes toward the head of -the Gulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror -himself. He confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the -interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548 the maps of -America in Ptolemy’s Geography for the first time show the results of -Coronado’s discoveries (see plate XLI). During the remainder of the -century Granada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other places whose names -occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps. -Their location, relative to each other and to the different parts of -the country, constantly changes. Quivira moves along the fortieth -parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and -Totonteac are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf -of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South sea. Acuco and Cicuye -are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker -may be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado’s -expedition to the Rio Grande. But many as were the mistakes, they -are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people -of Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of -Mexico, and that the world was, by so much, larger than before. - -[86] See Castañeda’s account of the finding of similar message by the -party under Diaz. - -[87] The account of this trip in Herrera (dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. -xv, ed. 1728) is as follows: “Haviendo llegado à ciertas Montañas, -adonde el Rio se estrechaba mucho, supo, que vn Encantador andaba -preguntando por donde havia de pasar, y haviendo entendido, que por -el Rio, puso desde vna Ribera à la otra algunas Cañas, que debian de -ser hechiçadas; pero las Barcas pasaron sin daño; y haviendo llegado -mui arriba, preguntando por cosas de la Tierra, para entender, si -descubriria alguna noticia de Francisco Vazquez de Cornado. . . . -Viendo Alarcon, que no hallaba lo que deseaba, i que havia subido por -aquel Rio 85 Leguas, determinò de bolver.” . . . - -[88] Mota Padilla (p. 158, § 1). “Los Indios, para resistir el frio, -llevan en las manos un troncon ardiendo que les calienta el pecho, y -del mismo modo la espalda; siendo esto tan comun en todos los indios, -que por eso los nuestros pusieron á este rio el nombre del rio del -Tison, cerca de él vieron un árbol en el cual estaban escritas unas -letras, que decian: al pié está una carta: y con efecto; la hallaron -en una olla, bien envuelta, porque no se humedeciese, y su contenido -era: que el año de 40 llegó alli Francisco de Alarcon con tres -navíos, y entrando por la barra de aquel rio, enviado por el virey -D. Antonio de Mendoza, en busca de Francisco Vazquez Coronado; y que -habiendo estado alli muchos dias sin noticia alguna le fué preciso -salir porque los navíos se comian de broma.” - -[89] The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft -repeats the charge in his Mexico, but it should always be remembered -that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everything connected with -the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write, -without criticism or question. - -[90] The report or memorandum was written by Juan Paez, or more -probably by the pilot Ferrel. It has been translated in the reports -of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth -Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, Archæology, pp. 293–314.) -The translation is accompanied by notes identifying the places named, -on which it is safe enough to rely, and by other notes of somewhat -doubtful value. - - -NOTES TO THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA, pp. 413–598 - -[91] This text is, as far as possible, a copy of the Relacion in the -Lenox Library. No attempt has been made to add marks of punctuation, -to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist’s pen. - -[92] The Primera Parte begins a new leaf in the original. - -[93] This is a marginal correction of what is clearly a slip of the -pen in the text. - -[94] The Segunda Parte begins a new page in the manuscript. - -[95] The heading of the third part is written on the same page with -the preceding text of the second part, there being no break between -the end of the second part and the heading which follows it. The -following page is left blank. - -[96] There were several representatives of the family of Castañeda -among the Spaniards in America as early as the middle of the -sixteenth century, but the only possible mention of this Pedro, -of the Biscayan town of Najera, which I have seen outside of the -present document, is the following item from a Relacion de los pesos -de oro quo están señalados por indios vacos á los conquistadores de -Nueva España y á sus hijos, cuyos nombres se expresan (año 1554), -in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, xiv, 206: “A los nueve hijos -de Pero Franco, conquistador, é su mujer, que son: María de Acosta, -madre de todos, Pero Francisco de Castañeda, Juana de Castañeda, -Inés de Castañeda, Francisco de Castañeda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de -Castañeda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de Castañeda, les están señalados -de entretenimiento en cada un año duzientos y setenta pesos. CCLXX.” - -[97] Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552. - -[98] Ternaux renders this: “C’est ainsi que l’homme qui se place -derrière la barrière qui dans les courses des taureaux, sépare le -spectateur des combattants, voit bien mieux la position dans laquelle -il se trouvait lorsqu’il combattait, qu’alors même qu’il était dans -la carrière.” - -[99] President, or head, of the Audiencia, the administrative and -judicial board which governed the province. - -[100] The Segunda Relacion Anónima de la Jornada que hizo Nuño de -Guzman, 1529, in Icazbelceta’s Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, -vol. ii, p. 303, also implies that the name of the “Seven Cities” had -already been given to the country which he was trying to discover. - -[101] Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva -España y de la Costa del Sur. - -[102] Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain -at the time, for the murder of his first wife seven years previously -(October, 1522). See Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s -Tratado, p. 315. - -[103] The name was changed in 1540. - -[104] The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the -Seven Cities is in Bandelier’s Contributions, p. 9, ff. - -[105] A judge appointed to investigate the accounts and -administration of a royal official. - -[106] A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and his -administration is given by Mota Padilla (ed. Icazbalceta, pp. -103–106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538. - -[107] They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536, before Coronado’s -appointment. Castañeda may be right in the rest of his statement. - -[108] This account has been translated by Buckingham Smith. See -Bibliography for the full title. - -[109] Bandelier (Contributions, p. 104) says this was Topia, in -Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines. - -[110] Mota Padilla, xxii, 2, p. 111: “Determinó el virey lograr la -ocasion de la mucha gente noble que habia en México, que como corcho -sobre el agua reposado, se andaba sin tener qué hacer nī en qué -ocuparse, todos atenidos á que el virey les hiciese algunas mercedes, -y á que los vecinos de México les sustentasen á sus mesas; y asi, le -fué fácil aprestar mas de trescientos hombres, los mas de á caballo, -porque ya se criaban muchos; dióles á treinta pesos y prometioles -repartimientos en la tierra que se poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba -haber un cerro de plata y otras minas.” - -[111] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, regarding Samaniego’s -position. - -[112] Mota Padilla, xxii, iii. p. 112, mentions among those who had -commands on the expedition D. Diego de Guevara and Diego Lopez de -Cardenas. The second error may be due to the presence of another -Diego Lopez in the party. - -[113] The correct date is 1540. Castañeda carries the error -throughout the narrative. - -[114] See the instructions given by Mendoza to Alarcon, in Buckingham -Smith’s Florida, p. 1. The last of them reads: “Llevareys ciertas -cossas que doña Beatriz de Strada embia para el Capitan General su -marido, y mandareys que en ello y en lo que mas llevaredes para -algunos de los soldados que con él estan que os ayan recomendado -amigos ó parientes sayos haya buen recaudo.” - -[115] See the writings of Tello and Mota Padilla concerning Oñate. -Much of the early prosperity of New Galicia—what there was of -it—seems to have been due to Oñate’s skillful management. - -[116] The following sections from the Fragmento de la Visita hecha -á don Antonio de Mendoza, printed in Icazbalceta’s Documentos para -la Historia de Mexico, ii, 72, add something to the details of the -departure of the expedition: - -“199. Item, si saben &c. que la gente que salió de la villa de S. -Miguel de Culuacan, que es el postrer lugar de Galicia de la Nueva -España, para ir en descubrimiento de la tierra nueva de Cibola con -el capitan general Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, fueron hasta -doscientos y cincuenta españoles de á caballo, los cuales así -para sus personas, como para su carruaje, armas, y bastimentos, y -municiones, y otras cosas necesaries para el dicho viaje, llevaron -mas de mill caballos y acémilas, y así lo dirán los testigos, porque -lo vieron y hallaron presentes, y fueron al dicho viaje: digan lo que -saben &c. - -“200. Item, . . . que asimismo con la dicha gente española salieron -de la dicha villa de S. Miguel de Culuacan hasta trescientos -indios, poco mas ó menos, los cuales fueron de su voluntad á servir -en la dicha jornada, y el dicho visorey les mandó socorrer, y se -les socorrió con dineros y provisiones, y á los que eran casados -y dejaban acá sus mujeres les proveyó de lo necesario para su -sustentamiento, y esto es público y notorio. . . . - -“201. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey proveyó para la gente que -fué al dicho descubrimiento, demas de los socorros que les hizo en -dineros, y caballos, y armas y otras cosas, les dió mucha cantidad -de ganados vacunos y ovejunos, sin otra mucha cantidad de ganados -que llevaban los capitanes y soldados, que bastaron para proveorse -todo el tiempo que estuvieron al dicho descubrimiento; y asimismo el -dicho visorey les dió mucha cantidad de rescates que llevaba á cargo -el fator de S.M., para que con ellos comprasen maiz y las otras cosas -de bastimentos de la tierra por do pasasen, porque no se hiciese -molestia á los indios: . . . - -“202. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey mandó y encargó al dicho -capitan general tuvieso especial cuidado que los indios que desta -tierra iban á servir en el dicho descubrimiento, fuesen bien tratados -y proveidos de lo que hubiesen menester, y los que se quisiesen -volver no fuesen detenidos, antes los enviase ricos y contentos, y el -dicho general así lo hizo y cumplió, . . . - -“203. Item, si saben que por razon de los dichos caballos y carruaje -que llevaron los capitanes y españoles, los indios fueron reservados -de llevar cargas de los capitanes y españoles, y si algunos llevaron, -seria de su comida, y ropa y bastimentos, como otros españoles lo -hacian, que cargahan sus caballos y sus personas de bastimentos, . . . - -“204. Item, . . . que de todos los dichos indios que fueron á servir -en la dicha jornada, murieron tan solamente hasta veinte ó treinta -personas, y si mas murieran, los testigos lo vieran y supieran: . . . - -“205. Item, . . . que todos los tamemes que los indios dieron, . . . -se les pagó muy á su contento á los indios, por mandado del dicho -visorey:” . . . - -The evidence of the Informacion, which was taken at Compostela just -after the army departed, is so suggestive that I have translated the -most valuable portions in full at the end of this memoir. - -Mota Padilla, xxii, 3, p. 112: . . . “habiendo llegado la comitiva á -Compostela hizo el gobernador reseña de la gente y halló doscientos -y sesenta hombres de á caballo con lanzas, espadas y otras armas -manuales, y algunos con cotas, celadas y barbotes, unas de hierro y -otras de cuero de vaca crudio, y los caballos con faldones de manta -de la tierra; sesenta infantes, ballesteros y arcabuceros, y otros -con espadas y rodelas: dividió la gente en ocho compañias. . . . -Repartida, pues, la gente de esta suerte, con mas de mil caballos sin -acémilas, y otros de carga con seis pedreros, pólvora y municion, y -mas de mil indios amigos é indias de servicio, vaqueros y pastores de -ganado mayor y menor.” - -[117] The account which Mota Padilla gives, cap. xxii, sec. 4, p. -112, is much clearer and more specific than the somewhat confused -text of Castañeda. He says: “Á Chametla . . . hallaron la tierra -alzada, de suerte que fué preciso entrar á la sierra en busca de -maiz, y por cabo el maese de campo, Lopez de Samaniego; internáronse -en la espesura de un monte, en donde un soldado que inadvertidamente -se apartó, fué aprehendido por los indios, dió voces, á las que, como -vigilante, acudió el maese de campo, y libró del peligro al soldado, -y pareciéndole estar seguro, alzó la vista á tiempo que de entre unos -matorrales se le disparó una flecha, que entrándole por un ojo, le -atravesó el cerebro. . . . Samaniego (era) uno de los mas esforzados -capitanes y amado de todos; enterróse en una ramada, de donde despues -sus huesos fueron trasladados á Compostela.” - -[118] Compare the Spanish text.—The report of Diaz is incorporated -in the letter from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This -letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Chichilticalli; but if such -was his intention when writing the report to Mendoza, he must have -changed his mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla. - -[119] Compare the Spanish text for this whole paragraph. Ternaux -renders this clause “feignant d’être très-effrayé.” - -[120] Bandelier, in his Gilded Man, identifies this with Zuñi river. -The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the Little Colorado or Colorado -Chiquito. - -[121] Mota Padilla, p. 113: “They reached Tzibola, which was a -village divided into two parts, which were encircled in such a way -as to make the village round, and the houses adjoining three and -four stories high, with doors opening on a great court or plaza, -leaving one or two doors in the wall, so as to go in and out. In the -middle of the plaza there is a hatchway or trapdoor, by which they -go down to a subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large pine -beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the walls plastered. -The Indian men stayed there days and nights playing (or gaming) and -the women brought them food; and this was the way the Indians of the -neighboring villages lived.” - -[122] The war cry or “loud invocation addressed to Saint James -before engaging in battle with the Infidels.”—Captain John Stevens’ -Dictionary. - -[123] Compare the translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas herein. -There are some striking resemblances between that account and -Castañeda’s narrative. - -[124] Gomara, Hist. Indias, cap. ccxiii, ed. 1554: “Llegando a Sibola -requirieron a los del pueblo que los recibiessen de paz; ca no yuan -a les hazer mal, sino muy gran bien, y pronecho, y que les diessen -comida, ca lleuauan falta de ella. Ellos respondieron que no querian, -pues yuan armados, y en son de les dar guerra: que tal semblante -mostrauan. Assi que cōhatieron el pueblo los nuestros, defendieron -lo gran rato ochocientos hombres, que dentro estanan: descalabraron -a Francisco Vazquez, capitan general del exercito. y a otros muchos -Españoles: mas al cabo se salieron huyendo. Entraron los nuestros y -nombraron la Granada, por amor del virrey, [=q] es natural dela de -España. Es Sibola de hasta doziētas casas de tierra y madera tosca, -altas quatro y cinco sobrados, y las puertas como escotillones de -nao, suben a ellos con escaleras de palo, que quitan de noche y en -tiempos de guerra. Tiene delante cada casa una cueua, donde como en -estafa, se recogen los inuiernos, que son largas, y de muchas nienes. -Aunque no esta mas de 37-1/2 grados de la Equinocial: que sino fuesse -por las montañas, seria del temple de Sevilla. Las famosas siete -ciudades de fray Marcos de Niça, que estan en espacio de seys leguas, -ternan obra de 4,000 hombres. Las riquezas de su reyno es no tener -que comer, ni que vestir, durādo la nieve siete meses.” - -[125] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, lib. XXXV, cap. vi, p. 610 (ed. -1853), says of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions: “Pues passadas las -sierras ques dicho, llegaron estos quatro chripstianos . . . á tres -pueblos que estaban juntos é pequeños, en que avia hasta veynte casas -en ellos, las quales eran como las passadas é juntas, . . . á este -pueblo, ó mejor diçiendo pueblos juntos, nombraron los chripstianos -la _Villa de los Coraçones_, porque les dieron alli más de -seysçientos coraçones de venados escalados é secos.” Cabeza de Vaca -describes this place in his Naufragios, p. 172 of Smith’s translation. - -[126] It is possible that the persistent use of the form Señora, -Madame, for the place Sonora, may be due to the copyists, although -it is as likely that the Spanish settlers made the change in their -common parlance. - -[127] This should be September. See the next chapter; also the -Itinerary. - -[128] Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i, p. 108, suggests the -following from the Relacion of Padre Sedelmair, S.J., 1746, which -he quotes from the manuscript: “Sus rancherías, por grandes de -gentío que sean, se reducen á una ó dos casas, con techo de terrado -y zacate, armadas sobre muchos horcones por pilares con viguelos de -unos á otros, y bajas, tan capaces que caben en cada una mas de cien -personas, con tres divisiones, la primera una enramada del tamaño de -la casa y baja para dormir en el verano, luego la segunda division -como sala, y la tercera como alcoba, donde por el abrigo meten los -viejos y viejas, muchachitos y muchachitas, escepto los pimas que -viven entre ellos, que cada familia tiene su choza aparte.” These -were evidently the ancestors of the Yuman Indians of Arizona. - -[129] Fletcher, in The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, p. -131, (ed. 1854) tells a similar story of some Indians whom Drake -visited on the coast of California: “Yet are the men commonly so -strong of body, that that which 2 or 3 of our men could hardly beare, -one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging, carrie -it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.” -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 158, describes an attempt to catch -one of these Indians: “Quiso el capitan [Melchior Diaz] remitir -á un indio, porque el virey viese su corpulencia y hallando á un -mancebo, trataron de apresarlo; mas hizo tal resistencia, que entre -quatro españoles no pudieron amarrarlo, y daba tales gritos, que los -obligaron á dejarlo, por no indisponer los ánimos de aquellos indios.” - -[130] Father Sedelmair, in his Relacion, mentions this custom of the -Indians. (See Bandelier, Final Report, vol. i, p. 108): “Su frazada -en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándole á la boca -del estómago caminan por las mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como á -las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los -caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes; de suerte que todos -estos rios pueden llarmarse rios del Tizon, nombre que algunas mapas -ponen á uno solo.” - -[131] Cortes. - -[132] Mota Padilla, sec. xxxii, p. 158, says: Melchior Dias paso -el rio del Tison “en unos cestos grandes que los indios tienen -aderezados con un betum que no les pasa el agua, y asidos de él -cuatro ó seis indios, lo llevan nadando, . . . á lo que ayudaron -tambien las indias.” - -[133] The Zunis make a similar sort of preserves from the fruit of -the tuna and the yucca. See Cushing in The Millstone, Indianapolis, -July, 1884, pp. 108–109. - -[134] Compare the Spanish text for this whole description. Mota -Padilla, sec. xxii, 6, p. 113, says: “Chichilticali (que quiere -decir casa colorada, por una que estaba en él embarrada con tierra -colorada, que llaman almagre); aquí se hallaron pinos con grandes -piñas de piñones muy buenos; y mas adelante, en la cima de unas -peñas, se hallaron cabezas de carneros de grandes cuernos, y algunos -dijeron haber visto tres ó cuatro carneros de aquellos, y que eran -muy ligeros (de estos animales se han visto en el Catay, que es la -Tartaria.)” - -[135] Compare chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the -same. - -[136] Compare the lines which the Hopi or Maki Indians still mark -with sacred meal during their festivals, as described by Dr Fewkes in -his “Few Summer Ceremonials,” in vol. ii of the Journal of American -Ethnology and Archæology. - -[137] Compare the Spanish text. - -[138] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux translates it: “Les bords -sont tellement élevés qu’ils croyaient être à trois ou quatre lieues -en l’air.” - -[139] The report of Alvarado, translated herein, is probably the -official account of what he accomplished. - -[140] In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma see Bandelier’s -Introduction, p. 14, and his Final Report, vol. i, p. 133. The -Spaniards called it by a name resembling that which they heard -applied to it in Zuñi-Cibola. The true Zuñi name of Acoma, on the -authority of Mr F. W. Hodge, is Hákukia; that of the Acoma people, -Hákukwe. - -[141] An error for Tiguex, at or near the present Bernalillo. Simpson -located this near the mouth of the river Puerco, southeast of -Acoma, but I follow Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a -northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Introduction, p. 30, and -Final Report, vol. i, p. 129. - -[142] Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. i, p. 127, see -Bandelier’s Report on the Pecos Ruins. - -[143] The account which Mota Padilla (cap. xxxii, 5, p. 161) gives -of the Turk and his stories is very significant: Alvarado “halló un -indio en aquellos llanos quien le dijo, mas por señas que por voces, -ser de una provincia que distaba treinta soles, la cual se llamaba -Copala, y al indio se le puso por nombre el Turco, por ser muy -moreno, apersonado y de buena disposicion; y les dijo tantas cosas -de aquella provincia, que los puso en admiracion, y en especial que -habia tanta cantidad de oro, que no solo podian cargar los caballos, -sino carros; que habia una laguna en la que navegaban canoas, y que -las del cacique tenian argollas de oro; y para que se explicase, -le mostraban plata, y decia que no, sino como un anillo que vió -de oro; decia que á su cacique lo sacaban en andas á las guerras, -y que cuando queria, les quitaban los bozales á unos lebreles que -despedazaban á los enemigos; que tenian una casa muy grande, adonde -todos acudian á servirle; que en las puertas tenian mantas de -algodon.” - -Gomara, Indias, cap. ccxiiii, adds some details: “Viendo la poca -gente, y muestra de riqueza, dieron los soldados muy pocas gracias -a los frayles, que conellos yuan, y que loauan aquella tierra de -Sibola: y por no boluer a Mexico sin hazer algo, ni las manos vazias, -acordaron de passar adelante, que les dezian ser mejor tierra. Assi -que fueron a Acuco, lugar sobre vn fortissimo peñol, y desde alii fue -don Garci lopez de Cardenas con su compañia de cauallos a la mar, y -Francisco Vazquez con los de mas a Tiguex, que esta ribera de vn gran -rio. Alli tuuieron nueua de Axa, y Quiuira: donde dezian, que estana -vn Rey, dicho por nombre Tatarrax, barbudo, canos, y rico, que ceñia -vn bracamarte, que rezaua en horas, que adoraua vna cruz de oro, y -vna ymagen de muger, Señora Del cielo. Mucho alegro, y sostuuo esta -nueua al exercito, aunque algunos la tuuieron por falsa, y echadiza -de frayles. Determinaron yr alla con intencion de inuernar en tierra -tan rica como se sonaua.” - -[144] Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near the present -Isleta. Jaramillo applies this name to Acoma, and perhaps he is more -correct, if we ought to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguas (the -inhabitants of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris pueblos) call Acoma -Tuthea-uây, according to Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 211. - -[145] This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain, -about 18 miles from Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped. - -[146] The Spanish manuscript is very confusing throughout this -chapter. As usual, Ternaux passes over most of the passages which -have given trouble, omitting what he could not guess. - -[147] Dutch Jack, perhaps. - -[148] The instructions which Mendoza gave to Alarcon show how -carefully the viceroy tried to guard against any such trouble with -the natives. Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 4: “Iten: si poblaredes -en alguna parte, no sea entre los yndios, sino apartado dellos, y -mandareys que ningun español ni otra persona de las vuestras vaya -al lugar ni á las cassas de los yndios sino fuere con expressa -licencia vuestra, y al que lo contrario hiziere castigalle eys muy -asperamente, y licencia aveys de dalla las vezes que fuere necessario -para alguna cossa que convenga y á personas de quien vos esteys -confiado que no hará cossa mal hecha, y estad muy advertido en -guardar esta orden, porque es cossa que conviene mas de lo que vos -podeys pensor.” - -[149] Espejo, Relacion del Viaje, 1584 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. -de Indias, vol. xv, p. 175), says that at Puala (Tiguex) pueblo, -“hallamos relacion muy verdadera; que estubo en esta provincia -Francisco Vazquez Coronado y le mataron en ella nueve soldados y -cuarenta caballos, y que por este respeto habia asolado la gente de -un pueblo desta provincia, y destos nos dieron razon los naturales -destos pueblos por señas que entendimos.” - -[150] Ternaux says Diego Lopez Melgosa, and when Melgosa’s name -appears again he has it Pablo Lopez Melgosa. - -[151] Evidently the underground, or partially underground, ceremonial -chambers or kivas. - -[152] Compare the Spanish text. - -[153] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii, gives the following account of these -events: “Fueronse los Indios vna noche y amanecieron muertos treynta -cauallos, que puso temor al exercito. Caminando, quemaron vn -lugar, y en otro que a cometieron, les mataron ciertos Españoles, -y hirieron cinquenta cauallos, y metieron dentro los vezinos a -Francisco de Onãdo, herido, o muerto, para comer, y sacrificar, -a lo que pensaron, o quiça para mejor ver, que hombres oran los -Españoles, ca no se hallo por alli rastro de sacrificio humano. -Pusieron cerco los nuestros al lugar, pero no lo pudieron tomar en -mas de quarenta, y cinco dias. Bouian niene los cercaños por falta -de agua, y viendose perdidos, hizieron vna hoguera, echaron en ella -sus mãtas, plumajes, Turquesas, y cosas preciadas, porque no las -gozassen aquellos estrangeres. Salieron en esquadron, con los niños, -y mugeres en medio, para abrir camino por fuerça, y saluarse: mas -pocos escaparon de las espadas, y canallos, y de vn rio [=q] cerca -estaua. Murieron en la pelea siete Españoles y quedaron heridos -ochẽta, y muchos cauallos, por[=q] veays quanto vale la determinacion -en la necessidad. Muchos Indios se boluieron al pueblo, con la gente -menuda, y se defendieron hasta que se les puso fuego. Elose tanto -aquel rio estãdo en siete y treynta grados de la Equinocial, que -sufria passar encima hombres a cauallo, y cauallos con carga. Dura la -nieve medio año. Ay en a[=q]lla ribera melones, y algodon blanco, y -colorado, de que hazen muy mas anchas mantas, que en otras partes de -Indias.” - -Mota Padilla, xxxii, 6, p. 161: “Esta accion en tuvo en España por -mala, y con razon, porque fué una crueldad considerable; y habiendo -el maese de campo, Garcia Lopez pasado á España á heredar un -mayorazgo, estuvo preso en una fortaleza por este cargo.” - -[154] Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers. - -[155] Mota Padilla, xxxii, 7, p. 161, describes this encounter: “D. -García pasó al pueblo mayor á requerir al principal cacique, que -se llamaba D. Juan Loman, aunque no estaba bautizado, y se dejó -ver por los muros sin querer bajar de paz, y á instancias de D. -García, ofreció salirle á hablar, como dejase el caballo y espada, -porque tenia mucho miedo; y en esta conformidad, desmontó D. García -del caballo, entrególe con la espada á sus soldados, á quienes -hizo retirar, y acercándose á los muros, luego que Juan Loman se -afrontó, se abrazó de él, y al punto, entre seis indios que habia -dejado apercibidos, lo llevaron en peso y lo entraran en el pueblo -si la puerta no es pequeña, por lo que en ella hizo hincapié, y -pudo resistir hasta que llegaron soldados de á caballo, que le -defendieron. Quisieron los indios hacer alguna crueldad con dicho D. -García, por lo que intentaron llevarlo vivo, que si los indios salen -con macanas ó porras que usaban, le quitan la vida.” - -[156] But see the Spanish. Ternaux translates it: “Les Indiens -parvinrent à s’emparer de (d’Obando) et l’emmenèrent vivant dans leur -village, . . . car c’était un homme distingué qui, par sa vertu et -son affabilité, s’était fait aimer de tout le monde.” - -[157] Ternaux substituted the name of Don Garci-Lopez for that of Don -Lope throughout this passage. - -[158] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Ils prizent le parti -d’abandonner le village pendant la nuit: ils se mirent done en route: -les femmes marchaient au milieu d’eux. Quand ils furent arrivés à un -endroit où campait don Rodrigo Maldonado, les sentinelles donnèrent -l’alarme.” - -[159] There is much additional information of the siege and capture -of Tiguex in the account given by Mota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161: -“Habiéndose puesto el cerco, estuvieron los indios rebeldes á los -requerimientos, por lo que se intentó abrir brecha, y rota la -argamasa superficial, se advirtió que el centro del muro era de -palizada, troncos y mimbrea bien hincados en la tierra, por lo que -resistian los golpes que daban con unas malas barras, en cuyo tiempo -hacian de las azoteas mucho daño en los nuestros con las piedras y -con la flechas por las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado tapar con -lodo una tronera de donde se hacia mucho daño, por un ojo le entraron -una flecha, de que cayó muerto: llamábase Francisco Pobares; y á otro -que se llamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble, -le dieron otro flechazo en el párpado de un ojo, y publicaba que á -la devocion del rosario, que siempre rezaba, debió la vida; otre -soldado, llamado Francisco de Ovando, se entró de bruzas por una -portañuela, y apenas hubo asomado la cabeza, cuando le asieron y le -tiraron para adentro, quitándole la vida: púsose una escala por donde -á todo trance subieron algunos; pero con arte, los indios tenian -muchas piezas á cielo descubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como -á cortas distancias habia torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras, -hacian mucho daño, de suerte que hirieron mas de sesenta, de los -que murieron tres: un fulano Carbajal, hermano de Hernando Trejo, -quien fué despuesteniente de gobernador por Francisco de Ibarra, en -Chametla: tambien muriõ un vizcaino, llamado Alonso de Castañeda, y -un fulano Benitez; y esto fué por culpa de ellos, pues ya que habia -pocas armas de fuego con que ofender, pudieron haber pegado fuego á -los muros, pues eran de troncones y palizadas con solo el embarrado -de tierra. - -“9. Viendo el gobernador el poco efecto de su invasion, mandó se -tocase á recoger, con ánimo de rendirlos por falta de agua, ya que no -por hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron de -curar los heridos, aunque se enconaron, y se cicatrizaban; y segun se -supo, era la causa el que en unas vasijas de mimbre encerraban los -indios vívoras, y con las flechas las tocaban para que mordiesen las -puntas y quedasen venenosas; y habiéndose mantenido algun tiempo, -cuando se esperaba padeciesen falta de agua, comenzó á nevar, con -cuya nieve se socorrieron y mantuvieron dos meses, en los que -intentaron los nuestros muchos desatinos: el uno fué formar unos -ingenios con unos maderos, que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos -arietes con que se batian las fortalezas en tiempo que no se conocia -la pólvora; mas no acertaron: despues, por falta de artillería, -intentaron hacer unos cañones de madera bien liados de cordeles á -modo de cohetes; mas tampoco sirvió; y no arbitraron el arrimar leña -á los muros y prenderles fuego: á mi ver entiendo que la crueldad -con que quitaron la vida á los ciento y treinta gandules, los hizo -indignos del triunfo, y así, en una noche los sitiados salieron y -se pusieron en fuga, dejando á los nuestros burlados y sin cosa de -provecho que lograsen por despojos de la plaza sitiada y se salieron -los indios con su valeroso hecho. - -“10. Por la parte que salieron estaban de centinelas dos soldados -poco apercibidos, de los cuales el uno no pareció, y el otro fué -hallado con el corazon atravesado con una flecha; y traido el -cuerpo, le pusieron junto á la lumbrada comun del campo; y cuando -volvieron los soldados, que intentaron el alcance de los indios, al -desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pisó la boca al miserable, y -se atribuyó su fatal muerte á haber sido renegador y blasfemo. Luego -que amaneció, se trató de reconocer el pueblo, y entrando, se halló -abastecido pero sin agua, y se reconoció un pozo profundo en la plaza -que aquellos indios abrieron en busca de agua, y por no encontrarla, -se resolvieron á la fuga, que consiguieron.” . . . - -[160] Ternaux translated this, “à la fin de 1542.” Professor Haynes -corrected the error in a note in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical -History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that “it is evident that the siege -must have been concluded early in 1541.” - -[161] Should be Alcaraz. - -[162] Mota Padilla’s account of the death of Diaz is translated in -the Introduction. - -[163] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Le général le rétablit dans -sa dignité, examina le pays, et retourna au camp.” - -[164] Or Cervantes, as Ternaux spells it. - -[165] Coronado says, in his letter of October 20, that he started -April 23. - -[166] The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless built across -the upper waters of the Canadian. - -[167] There is an elaborate account of the sign language of the -Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first annual report of the Bureau -of Ethnology, 1879–80. - -[168] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165, says: “Hasta allí caminaron -los nuestros, guiados por el Turco para el Oriente, con mucha -inclinacion al Norte, y desde entônces los guió vía recta al Oriente; -y habiendo andado tres jornadas, hubo de hacer alto el gobernador -para conferir sobre si seria acertado dejarse llevar de aquel -indio, habiendo mudado de rumbo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, ó -por travesura, ó por hacer carne, se apartó, y aunque lo esperaron, -no se supo mas de él; y á dos jornadas que anduvieron, guiados -todavía del indio, pasaron una barranca profunda, que fué la primera -quiebra que vieron de la tierra desde Tigües.” Compare the route of -the expedition in the Introduction, and also in the translation of -Jaramillo. - -[169] Compare the Spanish. Temaux: “Mais cette fois on n’avait pas -voulu le croire; les Querechos ayant rapporté la même chose que le -Turc.” - -[170] Ternaux read this Coloma. The reference is clearly to the -district of Colima in western Mexico, where one of the earliest -Spanish settlements was made. - -[171] The Spanish text is very confused. Ternaux says: “Les chevaux -rompirent leurs liens et s’échappèrent tous à l’exception de deux ou -trois qui furent retenus par des nègres qui avaient pris des casques -et des boucliers pour se mettre à l’abri. Le vent en enleva d’autres -et les colla contre les parois du ravin.” - -[172] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165: “A la primera barranca. . . . -á las tres de la tarde hicieron alto, y repentinamente un recio -viento les llevó una nube tan cargada, que causó horror el granizo, -que despedia tan gruesos como nueces, huevos de gallina y de ánsares, -de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse para la resistencia; los -caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga, y no se pudieran -hallar si la barranca no los detiene; las tiendas que se habian -armado quedaron rotas, y quebradas todas las ollas, cazuelas, comales -y demas vasijas; y afligidos con tan varios sucesos, determinaron en -aquel dia que fué el de Ascension del Señor de 541, que el ejército -se volviese á Tigües á reparar, como que era tierra abastecida de -todo.” - -[173] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xi, xii, -vol. iii, p. 206, ed. 1728: “La relacion que este Indio hacia, de -la manera con que se governaban en vna Provincia mas adelante, -llamada Harae, i juzgandose, que era imposible que alli dexase de -haver algunos Christianos perdidos del Armada de Panfilo de Narvuez, -Francisco Vazquez acordò de escrivir vna Carta, i la embiò con el -Indio fiel de aquellos dos, porque el que havia de quedar, siempre le -llevaron de Retaguarda, porque el bueno no le viese. . . . Embiada -la Carta, dando cuenta de la jornada que hacia el Exercito, i -adonde havia llegado, pidiendo aviso, i relacion de aquella Tierra, -i llamando aquellos Christianos, si por caso los huviese, ò que -avisasen de lo que havian menester para salir de cautiverio.” - -[174] A manera de alixares. The margin reads Alexeres, which I can -not find in the atlases. The word means threshing floor, whence -Ternaux: “autres cabanes semblables à des bruyères (alixares).” - -[175] Bandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the -Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia!—friends! friends!—with which they -first greeted the Spaniards. - -[176] Ternaux: “il y avait des vignes, des mûriers et des rosiers -(_rosales_), dont le fruit que l’on trouve en France, sert en guise -de verjus; il y en avait de mûr.” - -[177] Captain John Stevens’s New Dictionary says the sanbenito was -“the badge put upon converted Jews brought out by the Inquisition, -being in the nature of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging -before and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and -yellow. The name corrupted from Saco Benito, answerable to the -sackcloth worn by penitents in the primitive church.” Robert Tomson, -in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536, -describes his imprisonment by the Holy Office in the city of Mexico: -“We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his -backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put -in a mans head in the middest, and cast ouer a mans head: both flaps -hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of euery -flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the -same, and that is called S. Benito.” - -[178] The Tiguex country is often referred to as the region where -the settlements were. Ternaux says “depuis Tiguex jusqu’au dernier -village.” - -[179] Compare the Spanish text. - -[180] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. -iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728): “Los treinta Caballos fueron en busca de la -Tierra poblada, i hallaron buenos Pueblos, fundados junto à Buenos -Arroíos, que van à dàr al Rio Grande, que pasaron. Anduvieron cinco, -ò seis dias por estos Pueblos, llegaron à lo vltimo de Quivira, -que decian los Indios ser mucho, i hallaron vn Rio de mas Agua, i -poblacion que los otros; i preguntando que si adelante havia otra -cosa, dixeron, que de Quivira no havia sino Harae, i que era de la -misma manera en Poblaciones, i tamaño. . . . Embiòse à llamar al -Señor, el qual era vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena -proporcion, llevò docientos Hombres desnudos, i mal cubiertas sus -carnes, llevaban Arcos, i Flechas, i Plumas en las cabeças.” Compare -Jaramillo’s statement and Coronado’s letter, as discussed in the -Introduction. - -[181] Ternaux: “les rives, qui sont convertes d’une plante dont le -fruit ressemble au raisin muscat.” - -[182] Compare the Spanish text; Ternaux omits this sentence. - -[183] Castañeda’s date is, as usual, a year later than the actual one. - -[184] Yuge-ning-ge, as Bandelier spells it, is the aboriginal name of -a former Tewa village, the site of which is occupied by the hamlet of -Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by. - -[185] Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier’s Final Report, vol. i, p. -123, for the identification of these places. - -[186] This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. The -Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins -to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. The -Castañeda family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula. - -[187] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p. 165: “Al cabo de dos meses, poco -mas ó ménos, volvió con su gente el general á Tigües, y dieron razon -que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. . . . Quivira se halló ser -un pueblo de hasta cien casas.” - -[188] The Newfoundland region. - -[189] Ternaux’s rendering. Compare the Spanish text. - -[190] Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not -very clear. Ternaux omits them, as usual. - -[191] Omitted by Ternaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas. - -[192] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders: “Ils ont -soin de bâtir leurs villages de manière a ce qu’ils soient séparés -les uns des autres par des ravins impossibles à franchir,” which is -perhaps the meaning of the Spanish. - -[193] Ternaux, p. 156: “couvertes en nattes de glaīeul.” The Spanish -manuscript is very obscure. - -[194] An account of these people is given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1, -cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Ribas, S. J. “Estas [casas] hazian, -vnas de varas de monte hincadas en tierra, entretexidas, y atadas -con vejneos, que son vnas ramas como de çarçaparrilla, muy fuertes, -y que duran mucho tiēpo. Las parades que haziā con essa barazon las -afortanan con vna torta de barro, para que no las penetrasse el -Sol, ni los vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra, -ó barro, con que hazian açotea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros -hazian sus casas de petates [=q] es genero de esteras texidas de caña -taxada.” Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with -“a slight foundation of cobblestones which supported a framework -of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a -slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole.”—Final -Report, pt. i, p. 58. - -[195] The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly -clear. Ternaux, p. 156: “Cette manière de bâtir . . . change dans cet -endroit probablement, parce qu’il n’y a plus d’arbres sans épines.” - -[196] The _Opuntia tuna_ or prickly pear. - -[197] _Prosopis juliflora._ - -[198] _Cereus thurberii._ - -[199] Sonora. - -[200] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853): “Toda esta -gente, dende las primeras casas del mahiz, andan los hombres muy -deshonestos, sin se cobrir cosa alguna de sus personas; é las mugeres -muy honestas, con unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los piés, é -con falda que detrás les arrastra alguna cosa, é abiertas por delante -hasta el suelo y enlaçadas con unas correas. É traen debaxo, por -donde están abiertas, una mantilla de algodon é otra ençima, é unas -gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos.” - -[201] Ternaux, pp. 157–158: “une multitude de tribus à part, réunis -en petites nations de sept ou huit, dix ou douze villages, ce sont: -Upatrico, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d’autres qui son -près des montagues.” - -[202] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 111, quotes from the -Relaciones of Zárate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians: “Tambien -tienen para su sustento Mescali que es conserva de raiz de maguey.” -The strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican or American -agave. - -[203] These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians -still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here described. - -[204] The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuñi and Hopi, keep eagles -for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed -sacred character. - -[205] Chichiltic-calli, a red object or house, according to Molina’s -Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p. -11, gives references to the ancient and modern descriptions. The -location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir. - -[206] Ternaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt -to identify this fish. - -[207] Ternaux, p. 162: “A l’entrée du pays inhabité on rencontre une -espèce de lion de couleur fauve.” Compare the Spanish text. These -were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat. - -[208] Albert S. Gatschet, in his Zwölf Sprachen, p. 106, says that -this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of -Isleta, under the form sibúlodá, buffalo. - -[209] Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of -Thunder mountain. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt. i, p. 133, and -Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola. - -[210] The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those -of turkey plumes are out of use altogether. See Bandelier’s Final -Report, pt. i, pp. 37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca -and agave for making clothes. - -[211] J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American -Archæology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 _n._, says: “The dress -of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket -about 3-1/2 feet square, folded around the body from the left side. -It passes under the left arm and over the right shoulder, being -sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long -near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted -in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though -not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of -muslin, tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to -be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which -they put on at certain times.” - -Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: “Hazen con todo esso -vnas mantillas de pieles de conejos, y liebres, y de venados, que -algodon muy poco alcançan: calçan çapatos de cuero, y de inuierno -vnas como botas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Metl -hasta en pies, andan ceñidas, trençan los cabellos, y rodeanselos -ala cabeça por sobre las orejas. La tierra es arenosa, y de poco -fruto, oreo [=q] por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, lleua mayz, -frisoles, calabaças, y frutas, y aun se crian en ella gallipauos, que -no se hazen en todos cabos.” - -In his Relacion de Viaje, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuñi: “en esta -provincia se visten algunos de los naturales, de mantas de algodon -y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de -algodon las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que debajo de partes -vergonzosas traen unos paños de algodon pintados, y algunos dellos -traen camisas, y las mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchas dellas -bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los -indios mexicanos, y atada con un paño de manos como tohalla labrada, -y se lo atan por la cintura con sus borlas, y las naguas son que -sirven de faldas de camisa á raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo -trae con la mas ventaja que puede; y todos, asi hombres como mujeres, -andan calzados con zapatos y hotas, las suelas de cuero de vacas, -y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugeres traen el -cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con sus moldes que traen en la -cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, á donde ponon el cabello con -curiosidad sin traer nengun tocado en la cabeza.” - -Mota Padilla, xxxii, 4, p. 160: “Los indios son de buenas estaturas, -las indias bien dispuestas: traen unas mantas blancas, que las -cubren desde los hombros hasta los piés y por estar cerradas, tienen -por donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, usan traer sobre las dichas -otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el un cabo -tercian por debajo del brazo derecho como capa: estiman en mucho los -cabellos; y así, los traen muy peinados, y en una jícara de agua, -se miran como en un espejo; pártense el cabello en dos trenzas, -liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado de la cabeza -forman dos ruedas ó circulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejan -la punta del cabello levantado como plumajes y en unas tablitas -de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que -llaman chalchihuites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice -las hubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real de minas que se nombra -Chalchihuites, por esta razon; . . . con dichas piedras forman -sortijas que con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete: -son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecer mal.” - -[212] Ternaux, p. 164: “les épis partent presque tous du pied, et -chaque épi a sept ou huit cents grains, ce que l’on n’avait pas -encore vu aux Indes.” The meaning of the Spanish is by no means -clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been -omitted in the translation. - -[213] Ternaux, p. 164: “ni de conseils de vieillards.” - -[214] Papa in the Zuñi language signifies “elder brother,” and may -allude either to age or to rank. - -[215] Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the -Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the Dā’wā-wýmp-ki-yas, a small -number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the -rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare -offerings to it. - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, “no se vió -templo alguno, ni se les conoció ídolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido -adoraban al sol y á la luna, lo que se confirmó, porque una noche que -hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha gritería.” - -[216] Ternaux, p. 165: “Les étuves sont rares dans ce pays. Ils -regardent comme un sacrilége que les femmes entrent deux à la fois -dans un endroit.” - -In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that -“with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in -the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said that -they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia -of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent -dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.” - -[217] Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, in the Compte-rendu of the Congrès -International des Americanistes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171–172, speaking -of the excavations of “Los Muertos” in southern Arizona, says: “All -the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials], -were, with but few exceptions, disposed with the heads to the east -and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face -the west; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed -over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household -utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite -invariably partook of a sacerdotal character.” In the pyral mounds -outside the communal dwellings, “each burial consisted of a vessel, -large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly -cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily, -with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal -property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel -was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover (roughly rounded by -chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most cases, showed traces of -having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels -they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always -from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed, -a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and -bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small, -and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels -actually designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the -receptacle of his or her remains. In every such case the vessel had -been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently -cracked—from Zuñi customs, in the process of ‘killing’ it.” The -remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire. - -Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted -by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the prehistoric Hopī pueblo of Sikyatki, -an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forthcoming -report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyatki is located at the base -of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house -structures were situated on an elongated elevation, the western -extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the -northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the -village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the -excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth -varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such -condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying these -remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety -of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than -any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the -remains of the priests there were found, in addition to the usual -utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes, beads, prayer-sticks, quartz -crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and -other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The -house walls were constructed of small, flat stones brought from the -neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and plastered with the same -material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet -square, and the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in -the houses, nor were any evidences of cremation observed. - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, describes a funeral which was -witnessed by the soldiers of Coronado’s army: “en una ocasion vieron -los españoles, que habiendo muerto un indio, armaron una grande -balsa ó luminaria de leña, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con -una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron -poniendo sobre la cama de leña, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole, -maiz tostado, y de lo demas que usaban comer, y dieron fuego por -todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo se convirtió en cenizas con -el cuerpo.” - -[218] The pueblo of Picuris. - -[219] Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of -the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in -his Final Report, pt. i, p. 135. - -[220] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides, -Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and -convents in the pueblo region were built: “los hā hecho tan solamēte -las mugeres, y los muchachos, y muchachas de la dotrina; porque entre -estos naciones se vsa hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres -hilan y texen sus mantas, y van á la guerra, y a la caza, y si -obligamos a algū hombre á hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mugeres -se rien.” - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 159: “estos pueblos [de Tigües y -Tzibola] estaban murados . . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los -pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados de pizarras unidas con argamasa de -tierra; y los de Tigües son de una tierra güijosa, aunque muy fuerte; -sus fábricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada -de estos muros son puertas pequeñas y se sube por unas escalerillas -angostas, y se entra de ellas á una sala de terraplen, y por otra -escalera se baja al plan de la poblacion.” - -Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives, -who were telling him about Cibola, described the way in which these -lofty houses were built: “para dármelo á entender, tomaban tierra y -ceniza, y echábanle agua, y señalábanme como ponian la piedra y como -subīan el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello -en lo alto; preguntábales á los hombres de aquella tierra si tenian -alas para subir aquellos sobrados; reianse y señalábanme el escalera, -tambien como la podria yo señalar, y tomaban un palo y ponianlo -sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de sobrado á sobrado.” -Relacion de Fray Marcos in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol. -iii, p. 339. - -Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum -Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says: “Adobe is a kind of pulverized -clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion. -In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense -tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat -in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their -pottery has the largest per cent of alumina, and its presence is -indicated by the salt weed which grows in this particular soil. This -kind also makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it freely in -laying their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and -although it never acquires the hardness of cement, it disintegrates -slowly . . . This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of -southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation -is less than 5 inches per annum . . . To the presence of this adobe -soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the -sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments, -we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house -building.” - -[221] Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p. -144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writers, with his usual -wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zuñi Summer Ceremonials, says: -“These rooms are semisubterranean (in Zuñi), situated on the first or -ground floor, never, so far as I have seen, on the second or higher -stories. They are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with -openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and -still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole -in the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished, -but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats.” - -[222] The Spanish is almost illegible. Ternaux (pp. 169–170) merely -says: “Au milien estun foyer allumé.” - -[223] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: “En los casamientos [á -Tigües] hay costumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir á una -doncella, la espera en la parte donde va á acarrear agua, y coge el -cántaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta á los deudos de ella, la -voluntad de casarse: no tienen estos indios mas que una muger.” - -Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135: - - Y tienen una cosa aquestas gentes, - Que en saliendo las mozas de donzellas, - Son á todos comunes, sin escusa, - Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga, - Es una vil bageza, tal delito, - Mas luego que se casan viuen castas, - Contenta cada qual con su marido, - Cuia costumbre, con la grande fuerça, - Que por naturaleza ya tenian, - Teniendo por cortissimo nosotros, - Seguiamos tambien aquel camino, - Iuntaron muchas mantas bien pintadas, - Para alcançar las damas Castellanas, - Que mucho apetecieron y quisieron. - -It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the -historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of -literature, may be published in the not distant future. - -[224] This appears to be the sense of a sentence which Ternaux omits. - -[225] The American turkey cocks. - -[226] A custom still common at Zuñi and other pueblos. Before the -introduction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant. - -[227] Mr. Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, -vol. ii, p. 163 _n._, describes these mealing troughs: “In every -house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8 -inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older -houses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some -of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is -a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide, -set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This -is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3 -inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is -against the edge of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone of -the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and -varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired. -The larger stone is called a máta, and the smaller one a matáki. The -woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps -the matáki in both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back, -back and forth over the máta. At intervals she releases her hold -with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon -the upper end of the máta. She usually sings in time to her grinding -motion.” - -There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleff’s -Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, -p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustrations, -is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern -village Indians. - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 3, p. 159: “tienen las indias sus cocinas -con mucho aseo, y en el moler el maiz se diferencian de las demas -poblaciones [á Tigües], porque en una piedra mas áspera martajan el -maiz, y pasa á la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como -harina; no usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican -con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen á darle al maiz un cocimiento -con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal.” - -[228] See W. H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual -Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; also his Illustrated Catalogue of -a portion of the collections made during the field season of 1881, in -the Third Annual Report. See p. 519 _n._, regarding pottery found at -Sikyatki. - -[229] Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the -former name of the pueblo was Aquiu, and suggests the possibility of -Castañeda having originally written Acuyó. The Relacion del Sucoso, -translated herein, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the -Spanish text, the Lenox manuscript copy of Castañeda spells the name -of this village sometimes Cicuyo and sometimes Cicuye. - -[230] Compare Bandelier’s translation of this description, from -Ternaux’s text, in his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying -illustrations, especially of Zuñi, which give an excellent idea of -these terraces or “corridors” with their attached balconies. - -[231] The spring was “still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of -rocks on the west sill” when Bandelier sketched it in 1880. - -[232] The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast -of the present town of the same name, in Santa Fé county. - -[233] According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite. - -[234] These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey across -the plains. As Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the -Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on -the pueblo of Pecos. - -[235] Ternaux’s rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish -text. Molina, in the Vocabulario Mexicana (1555), fol. 30, has “brauo -hombre . . . tlauele.” Gomara speaks of the chichimecas in the -quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all -wild tribes. - -[236] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 34: “With the exception of -Acoma, there is not a single pueblo standing where it was at the -time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Oñate -accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican village -Indians.” Compare with the discussion in this part of his Final -Report, Mr Bandolier’s attempt to identify the various clusters of -villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22–24. - -[237] For the location of this group of pueblos see page 492, note. - -[238] The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, San -Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castañeda’s Chia), and Cochiti. Acoma and -Laguna, to the westward, belong to the same linguistic group. Laguna, -however, is a modern pueblo. - -[239] One of these was the Tano pueblo of Galisteo, as noted on page -523. - -[240] The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons. -See pl. LXX. - -[241] The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Chamita, -above Santa Fé, now stands. - -[242] Taos. - -[243] The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia. - -[244] As Ternaux observes, Castañeda mentions seventy-one. Sia may -not have been the only village which he counted twice. - -[245] The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo -settlements is really westward. - -[246] Compare the Spanish text. - -[247] The Tusayan Indians belong to the same linguistic stock as the -Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock, and others. The original habitat -of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although -certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See -Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau -of Ethnology, p. 108. - -[248] The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend -to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text. - -[249] Ternaux, p. 184: “D’après la route qu’ils ont suivie, ils -ont dú venir de l’extrémité de l’Inde orientale, et d’une partie -très-inconnue qui, d’après la configuration des côtes, serait située -très-avant dans l’intérieur des terres, entre la Chine et la Norwège.” - -[250] See the Carta escrita por Santisteban á Mendoza, which tells -nearly everything that is known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can -only surmise what Castañeda may have known about it. - -[251] The Spanish text fully justifies Castañeda’s statement that he -was not skilled in the arts of rhetoric and geography. - -[252] Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux’s rendering. - -[253] In a note Ternaux, p. 185, says: “Le [dernier] mot est -illisible, mais comme l’auteur parle de certain émail que les -Espagnols trouvèrent, . . . j’ai cru pouvoir hasarder cette -interprétation.” The word is legible enough, but the letters do not -make any word for which I can find a meaning. - -[254] More than once Castañeda seems to be addressing those about him -where he is writing in Culiacan. - -[255] Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the -attempt to understand this description of the rolling western -prairies. - -[256] Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux. - -[257] Espejo, Relacion, p. 180: “los serranos acuden á servir á los -de las poblaciones, y los de las poblaciones les llaman á estos, -querechos; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones, llevandoles -sal y caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros -géneros de cosas, á trucque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas con -que les satisfacen la paga el gobierno.” - -[258] Compare the Spanish. - -[259] The well known travois of the plains tribes. - -[260] Benavides: Memorial (1630), p. 74: “Y las tiendas las llenan -cargadas en requas de perros aparejados cō sus en xalmillas, y son -los perros medianos, y suelē lleuar quiniētos perros en vna requa vno -delante de otro, y la gente lleua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca -por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de [=q] carecen.” - -[261] Pemmican - -[262] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 2, p. 165: “Habiendo andado cuatro -jornadas por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los -soldados rastro como de picas de lanzas arrastradas por el suelo, -y llevados por la curiosidad, le siguieron hasta dar con cincuenta -gandules, que con sus familias, seguian unas manadas de dichas vacas, -y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con -las que formaban sus tiendas ó toritos, en donde se entraban para -resistir el sol ó el agua. Los indios son de buena estatura, y no se -supo si eran haraganes ó tenian pueblos; presumióse los tendrian, -porque ninguna de las indias llevaba niño pequeño; andaban vestidas -con unos faldellines de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y -del mismo cuero unos capisayos ó vizcainas, con que se cubren; traen -unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero crudo: ellos -andan desnudos, y cuando mas les affige el frio, se cubren con cueros -adobados; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mujeres, cabello largo, sino -trasquilados, y de media cabeza para la frente rapados á navaja; -usan por armas las flechas, y con los sesos de las mismas vacas -benefician y adoban los cueros: llámanse cibolos, y tienen mas impetu -para embestir que los toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza; y en las -fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de México por la jura -de nuestro rey D. Luis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se -llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verla se despobló -México, por hallar lugar en la plaza, que le fué muy útil al tabla -jero aquel dia.” - -[263] Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux. - -[264] Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical -Society, vol. i, p. 198, shows how closely the descriptions of -Castañeda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize -with the flora and fauna of his State. - -[265] Ternaux, p. 194, read this Capetlan. - -[266] Temaus, ibid., miscopied it Guyas. - -[267] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol. -iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730): “Toda esta Tierra [Quivira] tiene mejor -aparencia, que ninguna de las mejores de Europa, porque no es mui -doblada, sino de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa vista, i buena para -Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de -Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las -Vacas se hallò Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como -el Ganado no lo come, se queda por alli con sus cabeçuelas, i flor -azul; i en algunos Arroios, se ballaron Vbas de buen gusto, Moras, -Nueces, i otras Frutas; las Casas, que estos Indios tenian eran de -Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Paja llegaba hasta el suelo, i -encima vna como Capitla, ò Garita, de donde se asomaban.” - -Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Esta Quinira en quarenta grados, es tierra -templada, de buenas aguas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, -melones, y vuas, que maduran bien: no ay algodon, y visten cueros de -vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes -de oro, y de plata en las proas, cō mercaderias, y pensaron ser del -Catayo, y China, por[=q] señalauan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray -Iuan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y -torno a Quinira, con hasta doze Indios de Mechuacan, y con Andres do -Campo Portugues, hortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo caualgaduras, -y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y -ornamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira mataron a los frayles, y -escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qual, aun que se -libro entonces de la muerte, no se libro de catinerio, porque luego -le prendieron: mas de alli a diez meses, que fue esclauo, huyo con -dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con vna cruz, aque le ofrecian -mucho, y do quiera que llegaua, le dauan limosna, aluergue, y de -comer. Vino a tierra de Chichimecas, y aporto a Panuco.” - -[268] The Mississippi and Missouri rivers. - -[269] This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative. - -[270] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the -failure of the expedition: “It was most likely the chastisement of -God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this -ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the -conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with -fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is -not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst -is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness.” - -[271] Or perhaps as Ternaux, p. 202, rendered it, “courir la bague.” - -[272] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 6, p. 166: “así el [gobernador] -como los demas capitanes del ejército, debían estar tan ciegos de -la pasion de la codicia de riquezas, que no trataban de radicarse -poblando en aquel paraje que veian tan abastecido, ni de reducir -á los indios é instruirlos en algo de la fé, que es la que debian -propagar: solo trataron de engordar sus caballos para lo que se -ofreciese pasado el invierno; y andando adiestrando el gobernador -uno que tenia muy brioso, se le fué la silla, y dando la boca en el -suelo, quedó sin sentido, y aunque despues se recobró, el juicio -le quedó diminuto, con lo cual trataron todos de desistir de la -empresa.” Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Cayo en Tiguex del cauallo Francisco -Vazquez, y con el golpe salio de sentido, y deuaneuua: lo qual vnos -tuuierō por dolor, y otros por fingido, ca estanan mal con el, porque -no poblaua.” - -[273] _Or_, During the time that he was confined to his bed, . . . . - -[274] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 203: “Le chirurgien qui le -pansait et qui lui servait en méme temps d’espion, l’avait averti du -mécontentement des soldats.” - -[275] Compare the Spanish. - -[276] Compare the Spanish text. - -[277] Ternaux, p. 209: “à une heure très-avancée.” - -[278] Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 of the Spanish -text. - -[279] The correct date is, of course, 1542. - -[280] A Franciscan. He was a “frayle de misa.” - -[281] General W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico, -p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish -MS. at Santa Fé: “When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind -him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father fray Francisco Juan de -Padilla, the father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named -Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Padilla and the -Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira, -where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved. -After traveling several days, they reached a large settlement in -the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle -array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese -and his attendants to take to flight, while he would await their -coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. -The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within -view, saw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming -upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately -put him to death. The same happened to Juan de la Cruz, who was -left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and -his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived safely in -Mexico, where he told what had occurred.” In reply to a request for -further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated -that when he revisited Santa Fé, a few years ago, he learned that one -of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having -despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and -records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them -to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot—an invaluable collection -of material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early -European and native inhabitants—as junk. - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of -the friars: “Pero porque el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla cuando acompañó -á D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso -en él una cruz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costase la -vida, por tener entendido hacer fruto en aquellos indios y en los -comarcanos, determinó volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del -gobernador y demas capitanes para que desistiese por entónces del -pensamiento. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda rogó tambien le dejasen -volver con el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite, -en donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo á aquellos -indios por parecerle se hallaban con alguna disposicion; y que pues -él era viejo, emplearia la corta vida que le quedase en procurar la -salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien -el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, religioso lego (como lo era Fr. Luis -de Ubeda) pretendió quedarse en aquellas provincias de Tigües, y -porque se discurrió que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion -de aquellas tierras, condescendió el gobernador á los deseos de -aquellos apostólicos varones, y les dejaron proveidos de lo que por -entónces pareció necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado, -de nacion portugues, llamado Andres del Campo, con ánimo de servir -al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Lúcas -y Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan; y otros dos indizuelos que en -el ejército hacian oficios de sacristanes, y otro muchacho mestizo: -dejáronle á dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que -celebrase el santo sacrificio de la misa, y algunos bienecillos que -pudiese dar á los indios para atraerlos á su voluntad. - -“8. . . . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre -lobos; y viéndose solos, trató el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla, con -los de Tigües, el fin que le movia á quedarse entre ellos, que no -era otro que el detratar de la salvacion de sus almas; que ya los -soldados se habian ido, que no les serian molestos, que él pasaba -á otras poblaciones y les dejaba al padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz para -que les fuese instruyendo en lo que debian saber para ser cristianos -é hijos de la Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas, -que les tratasen bien, y que él procuraria volver á consolarles: -despídese con gran ternura, dejando, como prelado, lleno de -bendiciones, á Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y los indios de Tigües señalaron -una escuadra de sus soldados que guiasen a dichos padres Fr. Juan -de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde -les recibieron con demostraciones de alegría, y haciendo la misma -recomendacion por el padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda, le dejó, y guiado de -otros naturales del mismo pueblo, salió para Quivira con Andres del -Campo, donados indizuelos y el muchacho mestizo: llegó á Quivira y -se postró al pié de la cruz, que halló en donde la habia colocado; -y con limpieza, toda la circunferencia, como lo habia encargado, de -que se alegró, y luego comenzó á hacer los oficios de padre maestro y -apóstol de aquellas gentes; y hallándolas dóciles y con buen ánimo, -se inflamó su corazon, y le pareció corto número de almas para Dios -las de aquel pueblo, y trató de ensanchar los senos de nuestra madre -la Santa Iglesia, para que acogiese á cuantos se le decia haber en -mayores distancias. - -“9. Salió de Quivira, acompañado de su corta comitiva, contra la -voluntad de los indios de aquel pueblo, que le amaban como á su -padre, mas á una jornada le salieron indios de guerra, y conociendo -mal ánimo de aquellos bárbaros, le rogó al portugues, que pues iba -á caballo huyese, y que en su conserva llevase aquellos donados y -muchachos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse: hiciéronlo así -por no hallarse capaces de otro modo para la defensa, y el bendito -padre, hincado de rodillas ofreció la vida, que por reducir almas á -Dios tenia sacrificada, logrando los ardientes deseos de su corazon, -la felicidad de ser muerto flechado por aquellos indios bárbaros, -quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo, cubriendo el cuerpo con innumerables -piedras. Y vuelto el portugues con los indizuelos á Quivira, dieren -la noticia, la que sintieron mucho aquellos naturales, por el amor -que tenian á dicho padre, y mas lo sintieran si hubieran tenido pleno -conocimiento de la falta que les hacia; no sabe el dia de su muerte, -aunque sí se tiene por cierto haber sido en el año de 542: y en -algunos papeles que dejó escritos D. Pedro de Tovar en la villa de -Culiacan, se dice que los indios habian salido á matar á este bendito -padre, por robar los ornamentos, y que habia memoria de que en su -muerte se vieron grandes prodigios, como fué inundarse la tierra, -verse globos de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol. - -“10. . . . Del padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la noticia que se tiene -es, que despues de haber trabajado en la instruccion de los indios -en Tigües y en Coquite, murió flechado de indios, porque no todos -abrazaron su doctrina y consejos, con los que trataba detestasen sus -bárbaras costumbres, aunque por lo general era muy estimado de los -caciques y demas naturales, que habian visto la veneracion con que el -general, capitanes y soldados lo trataban. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda -se mantenia en una choza por celda ó cueva, en donde le ministraban -los indios, con un poco de atole, tortillas y frijoles, el limitado -sustento, y no se supo de su muerte; si quedó entre cuantos le -conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida.” - -When the reports of these martyrdoms reached New Spain, a number -of Franciscans were fired with the zeal of entering the country -and carrying on the work thus begun. Several received official -permission, and went to the pueblo country. One of them was killed at -Tiguex, where most of them settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos, -where they found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceeding to -Quivira, the natives there counseled them not to proceed farther. The -Indians gave them an account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said -that if he had taken their advice he would not have been killed. - -[282] Antonio de Espejo, in the Relacion of his visit to New Mexico -in 1582 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentes de Indias, vol. xv, p. -180), states that at Zuñi-Cibola, “hallamos tres indios cristianos -que se digeron llamar Andrés de Cuyacan y Gaspar de México y Anton -de Guadalajara, que digeron haber entrado con Francisco Vazquez, y -reformándolos en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olvidada; -destos supimos que habia llegado allí el dicho Francisco Vazquez -Coronado.” - -[283] There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one -occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the -Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castañeda. - -[284] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 5, p. 166, says that at Sonora . . . -“murió un fulano Temiño, hermano de Baltasar Bañuelos, uno de los -quatro mineros de Zacatecas; Luis Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y -otros.” - -[285] Rudo Ensayo, p. 64: “Mago, en lengua Opata [of Sonora], es -un arbol pequeño, mui lozano de verde, y hermoso á la vista; pero -contiene una leche mortal que á corta incision de su corteza brota, -con la que los Naturales suelen untar sus flechas; y por esto la -llaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien -dicha leche para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara, -por su calidad venenoso.” This indicates a euphorbiacea. Bandelier -(Final Report, pt. i, p. 77) believes that no credit is to be given -to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake -poison. The Seri are the only Indians of northern Mexico who in -recent times have been reported to use poisoned arrows. - -[286] Ternaux, p. 223: “On parvint ainsi à Petatlan, qui dépend de -la province de Culiacan. A cette époque, ce village était soumis. -Mais quoique depuis il y ait eu plusieurs soulèvements, on y resta -quelques jours pour se refaire.” Compare the Spanish. - -[287] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Quando llego a Mexico traya el cabello -muy largo, y la barua trençada, y contaua estrañezas de las tierras, -rios, y montañas, [=q] a trauesso. Mucho peso a don Antonio de -Mendoça, que se boluiessen, porque auia gastado mas de sesenta mil -pesos de oro en la empresa, y aun deuia muchos dellos, y no trayan -cosa ninguna de alla, ni muestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra -riqueza. Muchos quisieron quedarse alla, mas Francisco Vazquez de -Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con hermosa muger, no quiso, -diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, ni defender, en tan pobre -tierra, y tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nouecientas leguas -de largo esta jornada.” - -[288] Ternaux, p. 228: “il n’y ait pas de succès à espérer sans -peine; mais il vaut mieux que ceux qui voudront tenter l’entreprise, -soient informés d’avance des peines et des fatigues qu’ont éprouvées -leurs prédécesseurs.” - -[289] The letters of Mendoza during the early part of his -administration in Mexico repeatedly call attention to the lack of -arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World. - -[290] Ternaux, p. 236: “l’on trouva sur le bord oriental d’un des -lacs salés qui sont vers le sud, un endroit qui avait environ une -demi-portée de mousquet de longueur, et qui était entièrement couvert -d’os de bisons jusqu’à la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large, -ce qui est surprenant dans un pays désert, et où personne n’aurait pu -rassembler ces os.” - -[291] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 237: “Ils ont sur la partie -antérieure du corps un poil frisé semblable à la laine de moutons, il -est tres-fin sur la croupe, et lisse comme la crinière du lion.” - -[292] The kersey, or coarse woolen cloth out of which the habits of -the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name, grey friars. - -[293] The earliest description of the American buffalo by a European -is in Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios, fol. xxvii verso (ed 1555): -“Alcançā aqui vacas y yo las he visto tres vezes, y comido dellas: y -paresceme que seran del tamaño de las de España: tienē los cuernos -pequeños como moriscas, y el pelo muy largo merino como vna bernia, -vnas son pardillas y otras negras: y a mi parescer tienen mejor y mas -gruessa carne que de las de aca. De las que no son grandes hazen los -indios mātas para cubrirse, y de las mayores hazen capatos y rodelas: -estas vienen de hazia el norte . . . mas de quatrociētas leguas: y -en todo este camino por los valles por donde ellas vienē baxan las -gentes que por allí habitan y se mantienen dellas, y meten en la -tierra grande contidad de cueros.” - -Fray Marcos heard about these animals when he was in southern -Arizona, on his way toward Cibola-Zuñi: “Aquí . . . me truxeron un -cuero, tanto y medio mayor que de una gran vaca, y me dixeron ques -de un animal, que tiene solo un cuerno en la frente y queste cuerno -es corbo hacia los pechos, y que de allí sale una punta derecha, en -la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia -que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella; y dicen que hay muchos -animales destos en aquella tierra; la color del cuero es á manera -de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo.”—Pacheco y Cardenas, -Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 311. - -Gomara, cap. ccxv, gives the following description to accompany his -picture of these cows (plate LV, herein): “Son aquellos bueyes del -tamaño, y color, que nuestros toros, pero no de tan grandes cuernos. -Tienen vna gran giba sobre la cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante, -que de medio atras, y es lana. Tienen como clines sobre el espinazo, -y mucho pelo, y muy largo de las rodillas abaxo. Cuelgan es por -la frente grandes guedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los -muchos pelos del garguero, y varrillas. Tienen la cola muy larga -los machos, y con vn flueco grande al cabo: assique algo tienen de -leon, y algo de camello. Hieren con los cuernos, corren, alcançan, y -matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embrauecen, y enojan: finalmente es -animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huyē de los cauallos por su -mala catadura, o por nunca los auer visto. No tienen sus dueños otra -riqueza, ni hazienda, dellos comen, beuen, visten, calçan, y hazen -muchas cosas de los cueros, casas, calçado, vestido y sogas: delos -huessos, punçones: de los nernios, y pelos, hilo: de los cuernos, -buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las boñigas, lumbre: y de las terneras, -odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosas dellos -quantas han menester, o quantas las bastan para su biuienda. Ay -tambien otros animales, tan grandes como cauallos, que por tener -cuernos, y lana fina, los llaman carneros, y dizen, que cada cuerno -pesa dos arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perros, que lidian con vn toro, -y que lleuan dos arrouas de carga sobre salmas. quando vã a caça, o -quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato.” - -Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 164, says: “son estas vacas menores que -las nuestras; su lana menuda y mas fina que la merina; por encima un -poco morena, y entre sí un pardillo agraciado, á la parte de atras es -la lana mas menuda; y de allí para la cabeza, crian unos guedejones -grandes no tan fines; tienen cuernos pequeños, y en todo lo demas son -de la hechura de las nuestras, aunque mas cenceñas: los toros son -mayores, y sus pieles se curten dejándoles la lana, y sirven, por su -suavidad, de mullidas camas; no se vió becerrilla alguna, y puede -atribuirse, ó á los muchos lobos que hay entre ellas, ó á tener otros -parajes mas seguros en que queden las vacas con sus crias, y deben -de mudarse por temporadas, ó porque falten las aguas de aquellas -lagunas, ó porque conforme el sol se retira, les dañe la mutacion del -temperamento, y por eso se advierten en aquellos llanos, trillados -caminos ó veredas por donde entran y salen, y al mismo movimiento -de las vacas, se mueven cuadrillas de indios. . . . y se dijo ser -desabrida la carne de la hembra, y es providencia del Altisimo, -para que los indios maten los machos y reserven las hembras para el -multiplico.” - -[294] Scattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Zuñi -and Tusayan Indians will be found many descriptions of the páhos -or prayer sticks and other forms used as offerings at the shrines, -together with exact accounts of the manner of making the offerings. - -[295] The northeastern province of New Spain. - -[296] The conception of the great inland plain stretching between the -great lakes at the head of the St Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico -came to cosmographers very slowly. Almost all of the early maps show -a disposition to carry the mountains which follow the Atlantic coast -along the Gulf coast as far as Texas, a result, doubtless, of the -fact that all the expeditions which started inland from Florida found -mountains. Coronado’s journey to Quivira added but little to the -detailed geographical knowledge of America. The name reached Europe, -and it is found on the maps, along the fortieth parallel, almost -every where from the Pacific coast to the neighborhood of a western -tributary to the St Lawrence system. See the maps reproduced herein. -Castañeda could have aided them considerably, but the map makers did -not know of his book. - -[297] Captain John Stevens’ Dictionary says that this is “a northern -province of North America, rich in silver mines, but ill provided -with water, grain, and other substances; yet by reason of the mines -there are seven or eight Spanish towns in it.” Zacatecas is now one -of the central states of the Mexican confederation, being south of -Coahuila and southeast of Durango. - -[298] Ternaux, p. 242, miscopied it Quachichiles. - -[299] Ternaux, p. 243, reads: “puis pendant six cent cinquante -vers le nord, . . . De sorte qu’après avoir fait plus de huit cent -cinquante lienes.” . . . The substitution of six for two may possibly -give a number which is nearer the actual distance traversed, but the -fact is quite unimportant. The impression which the trip left on -Castañeda is what should interest the historian or the reader. - -[300] The dictionary of Dominguez says: “Isla de negros; ó isla -del Almirantazgo, en el grande Océano equinoccial; grande isla -de la América del Norte, sobre la costa oeste.” Apparently the -location of this island gradually drifted westward with the increase -of geographical knowledge, until it was finally located in the -Philippine group. - -[301] From the Spanish text in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de -Indias, vol. ii, p. 356. The letter mentioned in the opening sentence -is not known to exist. - -[302] Presumably the fortress of which Samaniego was warden. - -[303] Buckingham Smith’s Florida gives many documents relating to the -damage done by French brigantines to the Spanish West Indies during -1540–41. - -[304] In his paper on the Human Bones of the Hemenway Collection -(Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, VI, p. 156 et seq.), -Dr Washington Matthews discusses the possible former existence of a -variety of the llama in certain parts of the southwest. - -[305] The headbands are doubtless here referred to. - -[306] The Spanish text for the foregoing paragraph is as follows: -“Salidos deste despoblado grande, están siete lugares y habrá una -jornada pequeña del uno al otro, á los quales todos juntos llaman -Civola; tienen las casas de piedra y barro, toscamente labradas, son -desta manera hechas: una pared larga y desta pared á un cabo y á otro -salen unas cámaras atajadas de veinte piés en cuadra, segund señalan, -las cuales están maderadas de vigas por labrar; las más casas se -mandan por las azoteas con sus escaleras á las calles; son las casas -de tres y de cuatro altos; afirman haber pocas de dos altos, los -altos son demás de estado y medio en alto, ecebto el primero ques -bajo, que no terná sino algo más que un estado; mandánse diez ó doce -casas juntas por una escalera, de los bajos se sirven y en los más -altos habitan: en el más bajo de todos tienen unas saeteras hechas -al soslayo como en fortalezas en España. Dicen los indios que cuando -les vienen á dar guerra, que se meten en sus casas todos y de allí -pelean, y que cuando ellos van á hacer guerra, que llevan rodelas y -unas cueras vestidas que son de vacas de colores, y que pelean con -flechas y con unas macetas de piedra y con otras armas de palo que -no he podido entender. Comen carne humana y los que prenden en la -guerra tiénenlos por esclavos. Hay muchas gallinas en la tierra, -mansas, tienen mucho maiz y frisoles y melones, tienen en sus casas -unos animales bedijudos como grandes podencos de Castilla, los quales -tresquilan, y del pelo hacen cabelleras de colores que se ponen, como -esa que envio á V.S., y tambien en la ropa que hacen echan de lo -mismo. Los hombres son de pequeña estatura; las mujeres son blancas -y de buenos gestos, andan vestidas con unas camisas que les llegan -hasta los piés, y los cabellos parténselos á manera de lados con -ciertas vueltas, que les quedan las orejas de fuera, en las cuales se -cuelgan muchas turquesas y al cuello y en las muñecas de los brazos. -El vestido de los hombres son mantas y encima cueros de vaca, como el -que V.S. veria que llevó Cabeza de Vaca y Dorantes; en las cabezas -se ponen unas tocas; traen en verano zapatos de cuero pintados ó de -color, y en el invierno borceguíes altos. - -“De la misma manera, no me saben dar razon de metal ninguno, ni dicen -que lo tengan; turquesas tienen en cantidad, aunque no tantas como el -padre provincial dice; tienen unas pedrezuelas de christal como esa -que envio á V.S., de las cuales V.S. habia visto hartas en esa Nueva -España; labran las tierras á uso de la Nueva España; cárganse en la -cabeza como en México; los hombres tejen la ropa ó hilan el algodon; -comen sal de una laguna questá á dos jornadas de la provincia de -Civola. Los indios hacen sus bailes y cantos con unas flantas que -tienen sus puntos do ponen los dedos, hacen muchos sones, cantan -juntamente con los que tañen, y los que cantan dan palmas á nuestro -modo. Aún indio de los que llevó Estéban el Negro, questuvo allá -cautivo, le vi tañer, que selo mostraron allá, y otros cantaban como -digo, aunque no muy desenvueltos; dicen que se juntan cinco ó seis á -tañer, y que son las flautas unas mayores que otras.” - -[307] The same salt lake from which the Zuñis obtain their salt -supply today. - -[308] Compare with this hearsay description of something almost -unknown to the Spaniards, the thoroughly scientific descriptions of -the Hopi dances and ceremonials recorded by Dr J. Walter Fewkes. - -[309] The peaches, watermelons, cantaloupes, and grapes, now so -extensively cultivated by the Pueblos, were introduced early in the -seventeenth century by the Spanish missionaries. - -[310] At first glance it seems somewhat strange that although Zuñi -is considerably more than 100 miles south of Totonteac, or Tusayan, -the people of the former villages did not cultivate cotton, but in -this I am reminded by Mr Hodge that part of the Tusayan people are -undoubtedly of southern origin and that in all probability they -introduced cotton into that group of villages. The Pimas raised -cotton as late as 1850. None of the Pueblos now cultivate the plant, -the introduction of cheap fabrics by traders having doubtless brought -the industry to an end. See page 574. - -[311] “Y otras simillas como chia” is the Spanish text. - -[312] Doubtless the pueblo of Marata (Makyata) mentioned by Marcos -de Niza. This village was situated near the salt lake and had been -destroyed by the Zuñis some years before Niza visited New Mexico. - -[313] Translated from the Italian version, in Ramusio’s Viaggi, vol. -iii, fol. 359 (ed. 1556). There is another English translation in -Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii, p. 373 (ed. 1600). Hakluyt’s translation -is reprinted in Old South Leaflet, general series, No. 20. Mr Irving -Babbitt, of the French department in Harvard University, has assisted -in correcting some of the errors and omissions in Hakluyt’s version. -The proper names, excepting such as are properly translated, are -spelled as in the Italian text. - -[314] This statement is probably not correct. It may be due to a -blunder by Ramusio in translating from the original text. See note -on page 382. Eighty days (see pp. 564, 572) would be nearly the time -which Coronado probably spent on the journey from Culiacan to Cibola, -and this interpretation would render the rest of the sentence much -more intelligible. - -[315] The valley into which Friar Marcos did not dare to enter. See -the Historical Introduction, p. 362. - -[316] Doubtless the Yaquimi or Yaqui river. - -[317] These were doubtless the Seri, of Yuman stock, who occupied a -strip of the Gulf coast between latitude 28° and 29° and the islands -Angel de la Guardia and Tiburon. The latter island, as well as the -coast of the adjacent mainland, is still inhabited by this tribe. - -[318] As Indian news goes, there is no reason why this may not have -been one of Ulloa’s ships, which sailed along this coast during the -previous summer. It can hardly have been a ship of Alarcon’s fleet. - -[319] Ramusio: “mi ritrouano lunge dal mare quindici giornate.” -Hakluyt (ed. 1600): “I found my selfe tenne dayes iourney from the -Sea.” - -[320] It is possible that this is a blunder, in Ramusio’s text, for -“His Majesty.” The Marquis, in New Spain, is always Cortes, for whom -neither Mendoza nor Coronado had any especial regard. - -[321] Hakluyt: . . . “very excellent good houses of three or foure or -fiue lofts high, wherein are good lodgings and faire chambers with -lathers in stead of staires.” - -[322] The kivas or ceremonial chambers. - -[323] See the footnote on page 564 in regard to the similarity of -names. The note was written without reference to the above passage. - -[324] Many garnets are found on the ant-hills throughout the region, -especially in the Navajo country. - -[325] The natives doubtless told the truth. Eagle and turkey feathers -are still highly prized by them for use in their ceremonies. - -[326] It should be noted that Coronado clearly distinguishes between -hills or mesas and mountains. Zuñi valley is hemmed in by heights -varying from 500 to 1,000 feet. - -[327] This accords perfectly with the condition of the vegetation in -Zuñi valley at the present time. - -[328] See the translation of Castañeda’s narrative, p. 487. - -[329] Doubtless a slip of Ramusio’s pen for cows, i. e., buffalos. - -[330] Coronado doubtless misinterpreted what the natives intended -to communicate. The “hot lake” was in all probability the salt lake -alluded to on page 550, near which Marata was situated. Totonteac was -of course Tusayan, or “Tucano.” - -[331] This is a form of the Zuñi name for Acoma—Hakukia. - -[332] As clear a description of the form of tribal government among -the Pueblo Indians as is anywhere to be found is in Bandelier’s -story, The Delight Makers. Mr Bandelier has been most successful in -his effort to picture the actions and spirit of Indian life. - -[333] Dr J. Walter Fewkes has conclusively shown that the snake -dance, probably the most dramatic of Indian ceremonials, is -essentially a prayer for rain. Coming as it does just as the natural -rainy season approaches, the prayer is almost invariably answered. - -[334] Possibly those used in weaving. - -[335] This whole sentence is omitted by Hakluyt. The conquerors, in -the literature of New Spain, are almost always those who shared with -Cortes in the labors and the glory of the Spanish conquest of Mexico. - -[336] Translated from Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, -vol. xix, p. 529. This document is anonymous, but it is evidently -a copy of a letter from some trusted companion, written from -Granada-Hawikuh, about the time of Coronado’s letter of August 3, -1540. In the title to the document as printed, the date is given as -1531, but there can be no doubt that it is an account of Coronado’s -Journey. - -[337] The printed Spanish text reads: “que como venian abriendo y -descobriendo, cada dia, camino, los arcabucos y rios, y malos pasos, -se llevaban en parte.” . . . - -[338] A part of Granada, near the Alhambra. There is a curious -similarity in the names Albaicin and Hawikuh, the latter being the -native name of Coronado’s Granada. - -[339] Uttering the war cry of Santiago. - -[340] The printed manuscript is V. M., which signifies Your Majesty. - -[341] Doubtless Thunder mountain. - -[342] The source of this document is stated in the bibliographic -note, p. 413. This appears to be a transcript from letters written, -probably at Tiguex on the Rio Grande, during the late summer or early -fall of 1541. - -[343] The Spanish text of this document is printed in Buckingham -Smith’s Florida, p. 147, from a copy made by Muñoz, and also in -Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 318, from a -copy found in the Archives of the Indies at Seville. The important -variations in the texts are noted in the footnotes. See page 398 in -regard to the value of this anonymous document. No date is given in -the document, but there can be no doubt that it refers to Coronado’s -expedition. In the heading to the document in the Pacheco y Cardenas -Coleccion, the date is given as 1531, and it is placed under that -year in the chronologic index of the Coleccion. This translation, as -well as that of the letter to Charles V, which follows, has already -been printed in American History Leaflet, No. 13. - -[344] The spelling of Cibola and Culiacan is that of the Pacheco y -Cardenas copy. Buckingham Smith prints Civola and Culuacan. - -[345] Buckingham Smith prints Tovar and Tuçan. - -[346] See the letter of August 3, 1540, p. 562. - -[347] The Acoma people call their pueblo Áko, while the name for -themselves is Akómë, signifying “people of the white rock.” The Zuñi -name of Acoma, as previously stated, is Hákukia; of the Acoma people, -Hákukia. Hacus was applied by Niza to Hawikuh, not to Acoma—_Hodge_. - -[348] The Rio Grande. - -[349] Evidently Taos, the native name of which is Tūatá, the Picuris -name being Tuopá, according to Hodge. - -[350] The Spanish text (p. 323) is: “Tiene diez é ocho barrios; cada -uno tiene tanto sitio como dos solares, las casas muy juntas.” - -[351] Identical with Castañeda’s Cicuyc or Cicuye—the pueblo of Pecos. - -[352] Southeast, in Buckingham Smith’s Muñoz copy. - -[353] Tuxeque, in the Muñoz copy. - -[354] Or mines, as Muñoz guesses. - -[355] And jerked beef dried in the sun, in the Muñoz copy only. - -[356] The text of this letter is printed in Pacheco y Cardenas, -Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 363, from a copy made by Muñoz, -and also in the same collection, vol. xiii, p. 261, from a copy in -the Archives of the Indies at Seville. There is a French translation -in Ternaux, Cibola volume, p. 355. See the footnote to the preceding -document. - -[357] Coronado had apparently forgotten the atrocities committed by -the Spaniards at Tiguex. - -[358] The text of this narrative is found in Buckingham Smith’s -Florida, p. 154, from a copy made by Muñoz, and in Pacheco y -Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 304, from the copy -in the Archives of the Indies. A French translation is given in -Ternaux-Compans’ Cibola volume, p. 364. - -[359] The Spanish text reads: “Habrá como dos jornadas (;) en este -pueblo de los Corazones. (es) Es un arroyo de riego y de tierra -caliente, y tienen sus viviendas de unos ranchos que despues de -armados los palos, casi á manera de hornos, aunque muy mayores, los -cubren con unos petates. Tienen maiz y frisoles y calabazas para su -comer, que creo que no le falta. Vistense de cueros de venados, y -aquí por ser este puesto al parecer cosa decente, se mandó poblar -aquí una villa de los españoles que iban traseros donde vivieron -hasta casi que la jornada peresció. Aquí hay yerba y seguro (segund) -lo que della se vió, y la operacion que hace es la más mala que se -puede hallar, y de lo que tuvimos entendido ser, era de la leche de -un árbol pequeño, á manera de lantisco en cuasci, (, E Nasce) en -pizarrillas y tierra estéril.” This quotation follows the Pacheco y -Cardenas text. The important variations of Buckingham Smith’s copy -are inclosed within parentheses. The spelling of the two, in such -matters as the use of _b_ and _v_, _x_ and _j_, and the punctuation, -differ greatly. - -[360] See Bandelier’s Gilded Man, p. 175. This is Castañeda’s -“Guagarispa” as mistakenly interpreted by Ternaux-Compans, the -present Arispe, or, in the Indian dialect, Huc-aritz-pa. The words -“Ispa, que” are not in the Pacheco y Cardenas copy. - -[361] The Spanish text is either “ino mui salada de yerva” (B. -Smith), or “y no muy solada de yerva” (Pacheco y Cardenas). Doubtless -the reference is to the alkali soil and vegetation. - -[362] The Spanish text (p. 308) is: “el vestido de los indios es de -cueros de venados, estremadísimo el adobo, alcanzan ya algunos cueros -de vacas adobado con quo se cobijan, que son á manera de bernias y de -mucho abrigo; tienen mantas de algodon cuadradas; unas mayores que -otras, como de vara y media en largo; las indias las traen puestas -por el hombro á manera de gitanas y ceñidas una vuelta sobre otra por -su cintura con una cinta del mismo algodon; estando en este pueblo -primero de Cibola, el rostro el Nordeste; un poquito ménos está á -la mano izquierda de él, cinco jornadas, una provincia que se dice -Tucayan.” - -[363] Acoma. See note on page 492. - -[364] Sia. - -[365] Identical with Taos—the Braba of Castañeda and the Yuraba of -the Relacion del Suceso. - -[366] Pecos. In Pacheco y Cardenas this is spelled Tienique. - -[367] All references to hot rooms or estufas are of course to be -construed to mean the kivas or ceremonial chambers. - -[368] Tiguex is here doubtless referred to. - -[369] One of the villages whose names Jaramillo did not know was -probably the Ximena (Galisteo) of Castañeda. - -[370] In Buckingham Smith’s copy occurs the phrase, “que decian ellos -para significarnoslo Teucarea.” This is not in Pacheco y Cardenas. - -[371] The Spanish text (p. 315) of this description of the -Kansas-Nebraska plains is: “Esta tierra tiene muy linda la -apariencia, tal que no la he visto yo mejor . . . porque no es tierra -muy doblada sino de lo más (de lomas) y llanos, y rios de muy linda -apariencia y aguas, que cierto me contento y tengo presuncion que -será muy fructífera y de todos frutos. En los ganados ya está la -esperencia (inspiriencia) en la mano por la muchedumbre que hay, que -estanta cuanto quieran pensar: jallamos cirguelas de Castilla, un -género dellas que nī son del todo coloradas, sino entre coloradas y -algo negras y verdes. (,) El árbol y el fruto es cierto de Castilla, -de muy gentil sabor; jallamos entre las vacas, lino, que produce la -tierra, é brecitas (hebrecitas) arredradas unas de otras, que como -el ganado no las come se quedan por allí con sus cabezuelas y flor -azul, y aunque pequeño muy perfecto, natural del de nuestra España -(perfecto; zumaque natural . . . ). En algunos arroyos, uvas de -razonable sabor para no beneficiadas: las casas que estos indios -tenian, eran de paxa y muchas dellas redondas, y la paxa llegaba -hasta el suelo como pared que no tenia la proporcion y manera de las -de acá; por de fuera y encima desto, tenian una manera como capilla -ó garita, con una entrada donde se asomaban los indios sentados ó -echados.” - -[372] The pueblos of the Rio Grande. - -[373] This is the spelling of Panuco in both texts. - -[374] The text of this report is printed in Buckingham Smith’s -Florida, p. 65, from the Muñoz copy, and in Pacheco y Cardenas, -Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 511. See note on page 391. A -translation of this document was printed in the Boston Transcript for -October 14, 1893. - -[375] Acuco or Acoma. The route taken by Alvarado was not the same -as that followed by Coronado, who went by way of Matsaki. Alvarado’s -course was the old Acoma trail which led directly eastward from -Hawikuh or Ojo Caliente. - -[376] Day of the nativity of the Blessed Virgin, September 8. This -was the Tiguex or present Rio Grande. - -[377] Translated freely and abridged from the depositions as printed -in Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentos de Indias, vol. xiv, p. 373. See -note on page 377. The statements of the preceding witnesses are -usually repeated, in effect, in the testimony of those who follow. - -[378] Judge of the highest court of the province. - -[379] Thursday. - - - - -INDEX - - - ACAPULCO, port on coast of New Spain … 385 - —, rendezvous for Alvarado's fleet … 409 - —, departure of Alarcon from … 403 - —, departure of Ulloa from … 369 - ACAXES indians of Culiacan … 514 - ACHA pueblos … 519 - ACOCHIS, indian name for gold … 493, 512 - ACOMA, Jaramillo's name for … 587 - —, Tigua name for … 492 - —, Zuñi name for … 490 - —, Alvarado's description of … 594 - —, Castañeda's description of … 491 - —, description of by companions of Coronado … 569, 575 - —, reputation of, in Sonora … 357 - —, visit of Arellano to … 494 - —, visit of Spaniards to … 390 - —, worship of cross at … 544 - —, <i>see</i> ACUCO, ACUS. - ACORNS, use of, by indians as food … 517 - ACOSTA, MARIA DE, wife of Pedro Castañeda … 470 - ACUCO, location of … 519, 524 - —, visit of Alvarado to … 490 - —, cartographic history of … 403 - —, <i>see</i> ACOMA, ACUS. - ACUCU, Coronado's comments on name of … 560 - ACUIQUE, name for Cicuye … 523 - ACUS, identified with Acoma … 357 - —, Coronado's account of … 560 - —, <i>see</i> ACOMA, ACUCO. - ADOBE, description of … 520, 562, 569 - —, making of, described … 356 - AGAVE, liquor made from … 516 - — fiber, use of, for garments … 517 - AGUAIAUALE, seaport of Culiacan … 385 - AGUAS CALIENTES, pueblo of … 525 - AGUILAR, JUAN DE, Mendoza's agent in Spain … 368 - AHACUS, identified with Hawikuh … 358 - ÁKO, native name for Acoma … 575 - AKÓNË, native name for people of Acoma … 575 - ALARCON, D. DE, confusion of, with Alcaraz … 501 - ALARCON, H. DE, expedition by sea, under … 385,478 - —, Colorado river discovered by … 403, 574 - —, Estevan's death reported to … 360 - —, message of, found by Diaz … 407, 486 - —, Coronado's fears for … 555 - ALBAICIN, similarity of, with Hawikuh … 564 - ALCARAZ, DIEGO DE, lieutenant of Diaz … 485, 501 - —, incompetence of … 502 - —, death of … 533 - ALEMAN, JUAN, inhabitant of Mexico … 495 - ALEXERES, uncertain meaning of … 507 - ALKALI soil, references to … 586 - ALLIGATORS, danger from, in rivers of New Galicia … 539 - ALMAGRO, struggles of, in Peru against Pizarro … 376 - ALMAGUER, ANTONIO DE, secretary in New Spain … 598 - ALMIDEZ CHERINO, PERO, royal veedor for New Spain … 596, 598 - ALMIRANTAZGO, island of … 545 - ALOE, Mexican, use of, for clothing by pueblo indians … 569 - ALVARADO, HERNANDO DE, appointment of … 477 - —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola … 483 - —, expedition of, to Rio Grande … 390, 490, 575 - —, report of discoveries by … 594 - —, Pecos chiefs imprisoned by … 493 - —, visit of, to Braba … 511 - —, wounded by indians … 557 - ALVARADO, PEDRO DE, lieutenant of Cortes, conqueror of Guatemala … 352 - —, failure of expedition to Peru … 352 - —, unites with Mendoza for exploration … 353 - —, arguments before Council for the Indies … 372 - —, efforts to provide wives for colonists … 374 - —, arrival of, in New Spain … 408 - —, expedition of, to Peru … 474 - —, feats of … 540 - —, death of, a Nochistlan … 410 - AMATEPEQUE, revolt in, quelled by Coronado … 380 - AMBUSH, use of, by Spaniards … 500 - AMMUNITION, lack of, in New Spain … 540 - ANACAPA ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to … 412 - ANDREW TARASCAN remains in pueblo country … 592 - ANGEL DE LA GUARDIA, island of … 554 - ANIMALS of pueblo region … 518 - — taken by Coronado for food supply … 553 - ANTONIO DE CICDAD-RODRIGO, Franciscan provincial in Mexico … 354 - ANTONIO BE SANTA MARIA, Franciscan friar … 474 - ANTONIO VICTORIA, friar, leg of, broken … 482 - APALACHE BAY explored by Narvaez … 346 - ÂQUIU, name for Cienye … 523 - ARACHE, province of great plains … 529, 588 - ARAE, indian village on great plains … 577 - ARAHEI, province of, on great plains … 588 - ARCHE, province near Quivira … 503 - ARELLANO, TRISTAN DE, lieutenant to Coronado … 508 - —, appointment of, as captain … 477 - —, command of, in Coronado's army … 391, 481, 572, 577, 581 - —, at Corazones … 485 - —, arrival of, at Cibola and Tiguex … 492, 494, 510 - ARISPA, settlement of … 515 - —, visit of Coronado to … 585 - ARIVAYPA CREEK in Arizona … 387 - ARIZONA, adobe of … 520 - ARIZPE, <i>see</i> ARISPA. - ARKANSAS RIVER followed by Coronado … 397 - ARROWPOINTS, in graves at Sikyatki … 519 - ARTILLERY, substitutes for, devised by Spaniards … 500 - —, use of, at Chiametla … 481 - —, use of, by Indians … 524 - —, use of, in exploring expeditions … 546 - ATAHUALPA killed by Pizarro … 354 - AUDIENCIA, definition of … 472 - —, functions of the … 350 - AUDIENCIA, expeditions into new territory forbidden by … 369 - AVILA, PEDRO DE, ringleader in rebellion at Suya … 533 - AXA, province in great plains … 492 - AZTEC warriors allies of Spaniards in Mixton war … 410 - - BABBITT, IRVING, acknowledgments to … 552 - BACALLAOS, name applied to Newfoundland, … , 526 - BACHELORS forbidden to hold land in America … 374 - BALCONIES, description of, in pueblo houses … 523 - BALSAS, RIO DE LAS, crossed by Coronado on rafts … 586 - BANCROFT, H.H., on Cabeza de Vaca's route … 348 - —, mistake in dating Alvarado's report … 391 - BANDELIER, A.F., researches in southwestern history … 339 - —, discussion of indian legends … 345 - —, on Cabeza de Vaca's route … 347 - —, on Friar Juan de la Asuncion … 353 - —, on route of Friar Marcos … 358 - —, defense of veracity of Friar Marcos … 363 - —, on date of Coronado's departure … 382 - —, on Coronado's route from Culiacan … 386 - —, identification of Chichilticalli by … 387, 516 - —, identification of Hawikuh-Granada by … 489 - —, identification of pueblos by … 511, 524 - —, Querechos identified with Apaches by … 396 - —, identification of Rio Vermejo by … 482 - —, identification of Vacapa by … 355 - —, use of sources of Coronado expedition by … 414 - —, considers the Turk indian probably a Pawnee … 394 - —, on Arizona indian liquor … 516 - —, on Opata poison … 538 - —, on indian government and estufas … 520 - —, on pueblo indian life and government … 561 - —, on name of Cicuye … 523 - —, on name Teya or Texia … 507 - —, on name Tutahaco … 492 - —, on Indian giants … 485 - —, on Acoma … 490 - —, on Ispa and Guagarispa … 585 - —, on location of Quivira … 397 - —, on location of Tiguex and Cicuye … 491 - —, on Matsaki … 517 - —, on Petlatlan … 515 - —, on the Seven Cities … 473 - —, on Topira … 478 - —, on Yuqueyunque … 510 - BANNOCK, linguistic affinity of the … 525 - BANUELOS, B., miner of Zacatecas … 538 - BARBELS, native American fish … 517 - BARK used in mat making … 259 - BARRANCA, RIO DE LA, crossed by Coronado … 586 - BARRIONUEVO, FRANCISCO DE, companion of Coronado … 479 - —, explorations of … 510 - —, adventure of, at Tiguex … 496 - BATUCA, Opata settlement in Sonora … 537 - BEADS found in graves at Sikyatki … 519 - BEANS, stores of, kept by Indians … 584 - —, wild, found by Coronado … 507 - BEAR in pueblo region … 518, 560 - BEJARANO, SERVAN, testimony of … 598 - BENAVIDES, A. DE, on methods of building pueblos … 520 - —, on use of dogs by plains indians … 527 - BENITEZ, death of … 500 - BERMEJO, <i>See</i> VERMEJO. - BERNALILLO, location of Tiguex at … 391, 491 - BIBLIOGRAPHY of Coronado expedition … 599 - BIGOTES, captain of Cicuye indians … 490 - —, <i>see</i> WHISKERS. - BILLEGAS, FRANCISCO DE, agent for De Soto in Mexico … 366 - —, correspondence of, with De Soto … 370 - BIRDS of pueblo region … 521 - BISON first seen by Coronado's force … 391 - —, description of … 527, 541, 543 - — described by Cicuye indians … 490 - — described by Colorado river indians … 405 - — described by companion of Coronado … 570 - — described by Coronado … 580 - — described by Jaramillo … 587 - —, Alvarado's journey among … 576 - —, Coronado's army supplied with meat of … 577, 581 - — killed by plains indians … 504 - BISON, pile of bones of … 542 - —, skins of, found by Coronado at Cibola … 560 - —, stampede of … 505 - BITUMEN used by indians in making rafts … 407 - BLANKETS of native American cotton … 517 - BLIZZARD experienced by Coronado … 506 - BOCANEGRA, HERNAND PEREZ DE, <i>See</i> PEREZ. - BOSTON TRANSCRIPT, translation of Alvarado's report in … 594 - BOURKE, J.G., on Apache medicine-men … 360 - BOYOMO, river and settlement of … 515 - BRABA, pueblo of … 525 - —, description of, by Alvarado … 505 - —, village of, visited by Spaniards … 511 - BRACELETS of Turk indian … 493 - BREAD of pueblo indians … 522 - —, use of, among Colorado river indians … 485 - BRIDGE built by Spaniards across Canadian river … 397, 504 - —, Indian, across Rio Grande … 511 - BRIGANTINES, French, on the coast of New Spain … 547 - BUENAGUIA, Alarcon's name for Colorado river … 406, 574 - BUFFALO, <i>see</i> BISON. - BUFFALO SKINS given to Coronado … 505 - — obtained through trade by Sonora indians … 357 - BURGOS, JUAN DE, estates of, forfeited for bachelorhood … 379 - BURIAL among pueblo indians … 518 - — by Tiguex indians … 595 - BURIEL, a variety of cloth … 543 - BURNING of indian captives condemned by Spaniards … 393 - — of indians at stake by Spaniards … 407 - - CABEZA DE VACA, ALVAR NUÑEZ, arrival of, in New Spain … 345, 474 - —, royal treasurer on Narvaez' expedition … 347 - —, narrative of Narvaez' expedition by … 349 - —, narrative of, translated by Ternaux … 349 - —, tells Alvarado of his discoveries … 352 - —, indian traditions regarding … 539 - —, efforts to verify reports of … 354 - —, description of bison by … 543, 548 - —, uses gourds of indian medicine-men … 360 - —, traces of, found by Coronado … 505, 506 - —, in Corazones valley … 484, 585 - CABOT, SEBASTIAN, map of, cited … 403 - CABRILLO, J.R., voyage of, along California coast … 411 - CALIFORNIA, coast of, explored by Ferrel … 412 - —, exploration of gulf of … 369, 514 - —, peninsula of, mistaken for an island … 404, 486 - —, natives of peninsula of … 514 - CAMPO, ANDRES DO, Portuguese companion of Padilla … 400 - —, remains in Quivira … 529, 535 - —, return of, to New Spain … 401, 544 - CANADIAN RIVER, journey of Alvarado along … 391, 576 - —, crossed by Coronado … 397, 504 - CANTELOUPES, introduction of, into pueblo country … 550 - —, indian use of, as food … 516 - CANYON OF THE COLORADO visited by Spaniards … 390, 489 - CAPETLAN, <i>see</i> CAPOTHAN. - CAPOTHAN, province in New Spain … 529 - CAPOTLAN <i>or</i> CAPOTEAN, indians from, accompany Padilla … 592 - CARBAJAL, death of Spaniard named … 500 - CARDENAS, DIEGO LOPEZ DE, name of, given by Mota Padilla … 477 - CARDENAS, GARCIA LOPEZ, succeeds Samaniego as field-master … 388 - —, appointment of, as captain … 477 - —, confusion of, with Urrea … 489 - —, visits Colorado river … 390, 489, 574 - —, indian village attacked by … 496 - —, Coronado protected by, at Cibola … 483, 557, 573 - —, treachery of indians toward … 498 - —, indians interviewed by … 497 - —, interview of, with indians … 555, 556 - —, at Tiguex … 492 - —, preparations for winter quarters by … 576 - —, accident to … 505, 577 - —, death of brother of … 530 - CARDENAS, GARCIA LOPEZ, recalled to Spain … 399, 578, 583 - CARDONA, ANOTNIO SERRANO DE, <i>See</i> SERRANO. - CARTOGRAPHIC results of Coronado expedition … 403 - CASA DE CONTRATACION, description of … 351 - CASA GRANDE, attempts to identify with Chichilticalli … 387 - CASTAÑEDA, ALONSO DE, death, of … 500 - CASTAÑEDA, PEDRO DE, narrative of Coronado expedition by … 413, 417 - —, manuscript of, in Lenox library … 339, 413 - —, story of an indian trader … 345 - —, explanation of troubles between Friar Marcos and Estevan … 355 - —, story of Estevan's death … 360 - —, says Friar Marcos' promotion was arranged by Mendoza … 364 - —, accusations against Friar Marcos … 366 - —, mistake regarding departure of Alarcon … 385 - —, stories of revolt of Rio Grande indians … 393 - —, credibility of his version of the Turk's stories of Quivira … 394 - —, Spanish family name … 511 - —, difficulties in manuscript of … 513, 514 - —, peculiarities of style of … 525, 526 - CASTILLO, ALONSO DEL, same as Maldonado … 348 - CATTLE, imported into New Spain … 375 - CAVALLOS, BAHIA DE LOS, site of Narvaez' camp … 347 - CEDROS, ARROYO DE LOS, crossed by Coronado … 584 - CENTIZPAC, a river in New Galicia … 382 - CEREMONIAL meal, use of, on Moki trails … 488 - CEREMONIES of pueblo indians … 544, 550, 573 - —, pueblo, studied by Fewkes … 359 - — of Tiguex indians … 595 - CERECS THURBERH, <i>see</i> PITAHAYA. - CERVANTES, a Spanish soldier … 503 - CEVOLA, <i>see</i> CIBOLA. - CHAMETLA, <i>see</i> CHIAMETLA. - CHAMITA, on site of Yuqueyunque … 510, 525 - CHANNING, EDWARD, acknowledgments to … 339 - CHERINO, PERO ALMIDEZ, <i>see</i> ALMIDEZ. - CHIA, indian village mentioned by Jaramillo … 587 - —, mention of road to … 594 - —, cannon deposited in villages of … 503 - —, <i>see</i> SIA. - CHIAMETLA, appointment of Trejo in … 500 - —, death of Samaniego at … 480, 547 - —, desertion of … 383 - CHICHILTICALLI, description of … 516 - — described by Jaramillo … 584 - — described by Mota Padilla … 487 - —, limit of Diaz' exploration … 303 - —, first sight of, by Coronado … 482 - — visited by Coronado … 387 - —, Coronado's description of … 554 - —, visit of Diaz to … 480 - —, visit of Friar Marcos to … 475 - CHICHIMECAS, Mexican word for braves … 524 - —, Mexican indians … 529 - CHINA, coast of, connected with America … 513, 526 - CIBOLA described by indians of Sonora … 356 - —, extent of range of … 358 - —, stories of, inspired by Friar Marcos … 364 - — captured by Coronado lvii, 388, 556, 565, 573 - —, Castañeda's description of … 482 - —, Diaz' description of houses at … 548 - —, Coronado's description of … 558 - —, description of … 517, 565, 569, 573 - —, description of houses at … 520 - —, cartographic history of … 403 - —, <i>see</i> ZUÑI. - CICUIC, <i>see</i> CICUYE, PECOS. - CICUIQUE, <i>see</i> CICUYE. - CICUYE, synonymous with Pecos … 391 - —, description of … 523, 525 - — described by companions of Coronado … 570, 575 - — described by Jaramillo … 587 - —, indians from, visit Coronado … 490 - —, Alvarado's visit to … 491 - —, visit of Coronado to … 502 - —, treachery of indians at … 509 - —, siege of, by Spaniards … 511 - —, cartographic history of … 403 - —, river of, crossed by Spaniards … 504, 510 - CINALOA RIVER crossed by Coronado … 584 - — north of New Galicia … 386, 515 - CLIMATE of Cibola, Coronado's account of … 559 - CLOTHING of the Hopi … 517 - — of indians at Quivira … 582 - — of indians at Sonora … 515 - — of indians taken by Spaniards … 495 - — of plains indians … 507 - — of pueblo indians … 404, 517, 549, 562, 563, 569, 573, 586, 595 - CLUBS, indian … 498 - COAHUILA, a Mexican state … 545 - COCHIN, letter from, to Mendoza … 412 - COCHITI, pueblo of … 525 - COCO, Alvarado's name for Acoma … 594 - COLIMA, town in western New Spain … 385 - —, illness of Mendoza at … 551 - —, ravines of … 505 - COLONISTS of New Spain, characteristics of … 373 - COLONIZATION of New Spain … 374 - COLORADO, adobe of … 520 - COLORADO RIVER, discovery of … 403, 574 - —, visit of Diaz to … 406, 485 - —, visit of Cardonas to … 390, 489 - COLUMBIA RIVER, drift of, seen by Ferrel … 412 - COMANCHE, identification of, with Teya … 524 - —, linguistic affinity of the … 525 - COMBS, use of, in weaving … 562 - COMPOSTELA, establishment of … 473 - —, rendezvous of Coronado's army at … 362 - —, review of Coronado's force in … 596 - —, departure of Coronado from … 377, 478 - COMUPATRICO, settlement of … 515 - CONA, settlement of plains Indians … 507 - CONQUISTADORES, meaning of term in New Spain … 563 - COPALA, name of province in great plains … 492 - COPPER found by Coronado at Quivira … 397, 509, 577, 582 - — recognized by Colorado river indians … 405 - — bell found among Texas Indians … 350 - — mines, ancient, in Michigan … 345 - COQUITE, pueblo of … 523 - CORAZONES, settlement of, by Arellano … 572 - —, river and settlement of … 515 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 585 - —, food supply in … 553 - —, kindness of Indians of … 534, 537 - —, or valley of Hearts, in Sonora … 392 - —, Coronado's army in valley of … 484 - CORN, description of native American … 518 - —, stores of, kept by Indians … 584 - —, method of grinding, at pueblos … 522, 559 - —, <i>see</i> MAIZE. - CORONADO, FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ, commission of, as governor of New - Galicia … 351 - —, escorts Friar Marcos to Culiacan … 355 - —, returns to Mexico with Friar Marcos … 362, 381 - —, accompanied Mendoza to Mexico … 376 - —, request by, for investigation of personnel of force … 377 - —, marriage and history … 379, 474 - —, quells revolt of miners at Amatepeque … 380 - —, rumors of his appointment as governor … 380 - —, wounded at Cibola … 573, 565, 388, 483, 557 - —, departure of, for Quivira … 395, 577 - —, return of, to Mexico … 401 - —, end of career of … 402 - —, appointment of … 474, 476 - —, departure of, from Compostela … 478 - —, Tutahaco visited by … 492 - —, letter written by, to survivors of Narvaez' expedition … 507, 590 - —, separation of, from main army … 508 - —, cause of illness of … 531, 538, 579 - —, departure of, from Culiacan … 552 - —, regrets of, for failure of expedition … 583 - —, petition from, to Mendoza … 596 - CORONADO EXPEDITION, memoir on … 329–613 - CORTES, HERNANDO, defeats Narvaez … 346 - —, Marquis del valle de Oxitipar … 350 - —, settlement at Santa Cruz … 351 - —, declares Friar Marcos' report to be a lie … 367 - —, troubles of, with Mendoza … 368, 409 - —, expedition under Ulloa to head of gulf of California … 369 - —, arguments before the Council for the Indies … 371 - —, efforts to populate New Spain … 373 - —, importation of cattle by … 374 - —, name Nueva España given by … 403 - —, rivalry of, with Guzman … 473 - CORTES, HERNANDO, trial for murder of wife of … 473 - —, feats of … 540 - —, probably mistaken reference to, in Ramusio … 556 - COTTON at Acoma, Coronado's account of … 569 - —, cultivation of, on Rio Grande … 575 - — found at Cibola by Coronado … 558 - —, use of, by pueblo indians … 569 - — blankets, native American … 517 - — cloth at Tusayan … 489 - COUNCIL FOR THE INDIES, investigates charges against Cabeza de Vaca - … 349 - COWS, <i>see</i> BISON. - CRANES in pueblo region … 521 - CREMATION among pueblo indians … 518 - CROSS, sign of, among pueblo indians … 518 - —, veneration for, among indians … 544, 548, 555 - — raised by Coronado in Quivira … 591 - CROW INDIANS, arrows of the … 279 - CROWS in pueblo region … 521 - CRUZ, BAHIA DE LA, explored by Narvaez … 346 - CULIACAN, SAN MIGUEL DE … 547 - —, foundation of, by Guzman … 473 - —, description of … 513 - —, arrival of Cabeza de Vaca at … 474 - —, Coronado entertained at … 384 - —, Coronado's departure from … 552 - —, return of Coronado to … 538 - CULUACAN, <i>see</i> CULIACAN. - CURRANTS, wild, found by Coronado … 510 - CUSHING, F.H., on Acus, Totonteac, and Marata … 357 - —, on indian burials … 518 - —, on indian fruit preserves … 487 - CUYACAN, ANDRES DE, indian ally of Coronado … 535 - - DANCES of the Tahus … 613 - DANIEL, Franciscan friar and lay brother … 474, 556 - DAVIS, W.W.H., on destruction of New Mexican documents … 535 - DĀ´ WĀ·WÝMP-KI-YAS, Tusayan sun priests … 518 - DEER at Cibola … 560 - —, description of, by Colorado river indians … 405 - — in pueblo region … 518 - — of great plains … 528 - DESCALONA, LOUIS, labors of, at Pecos … 401 - DE SOTO, <i>see</i> SOTO. - DIALECTS among plains indians … 582 - DIAZ, MELCHIOR, position of … 477 - —, ordered to verify Friar Marcos' reports … 363 - —, Niza's report investigated by … 547, 553, 572 - —, on Niza's discoveries … 383 - —, in command of San Hieronimo … 392 - —, command of, at Corazones … 484 - —, exploration by … 406, 480, 485, 574 - —, death of … 407, 501 - DIVORCE among pueblo indians … 521 - —, <i>see</i> MARRIAGE. - DO CAMPO, <i>see</i> CAMPO. - DOGS, mention of, in connection with Coronado expedition … 401, 405, 407 - —, use of, by plains indians … 504, 507, 527, 570, 579 - DOMINGUEZ, quotations from dictionary of … 545 - DONADO, ecclesiastical use of term … 400 - DORANTES, ANDRES, survivor of Narvaez expedition … 348 - —, remains in Mexico to conduct explorations … 349 - —, travels of … 474 - —, traces of, found by Coronado … 505, 506 - DORANTES, FRANCISCO, mistake for Andres … 348 - —, <i>see</i> CABEZA DE VACA. - DRAKE, FRANCIS, on indian giants … 485 - DRUM at Pecos … 491 - DRUNKENNESS, absence of, at Cibola 518 - — among the Tahus … 574 - DURANGO, a Mexican state … 545 - —, province of New Spain … 353 - —, mines in … 476 - - EAGLES, tame, kept by indians … 516 - EAMES, WILBERFOECE, acknowledgments to … 339 - EARTHENWARE of indians mentioned by Castañeda … 511 - —, <i>see</i> POTTERY. - EARTHQUAKES near mouth of Colorado river … 501 - ECLIPSE, effect of, at Cibola … 518 - ENCACONADOS, Sonoran use of term … 358 - ESPEJO, ANTONIO DE, Mexican indians found at Cibola by … 401, 536 - —, on clothing of Zuñi indians … 517 - —, on Coronado's attack on Tiguex … 496 - —, on plains indians … 527 - ESPINOSA, death of … 555, 564, 586 - ESPIRITU SANTO river identified with Mississippi … 346 - ESTEBANILLO, <i>see</i> ESTEVAN. - ESTEVAN, survivor of Narvaez expedition … 348 - —, qualifications as a guide … 354 - — proceeds to Cibola in advance of Niza … 355 - —, travels of … 474 - —, death of … 475, 551, 586 - —, Coronado's account of the death of … 563 - —, death of, described by Colorado river indians … 405 - —, native legends of death of … 361 - ESTRADA, ALONZO DE, royal treasurer for New Spain … 379 - —, parentage of … 474 - ESTRADA, BEATRICE DE, wife of Coronado … 379, 478 - ESTREMADURA, Spanish province … 511 - ESTUFAS, descriptions of … 520 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 587 - —, reference to … 569 - — at Cibola … 518 - —, very large, at Braba … 511 - —, <i>see</i> KIVA - EUDEVE, branch of Opata Indians … 537 - EUPHOEBIACEA, name of Opata poison … 538 - - FEATHERS, Indian trade in … 472 - —, use of, by pueblo indians … 544, 559, 570 - —, use of, for garments … 517 - FERDINAND, KING, family of … 474 - FERNANDEZ, DOMINGO, Spanish soldier, death of … 538 - FERREL, B. DE, pilot and successor of Cabrillo … 411 - FETICHES, found in graves at Sikyatki … 519 - FEWKES, J. WALTER, excavations by … 519 - —, researches at Tusayan and Zuñi … 339, 359 - —, on estufas … 520 - —, on Hopi ceremonials … 544,550 - —, on snake dance … 561 - —, on sun priests and kiva ceremonies … 518 - FIGUEROA, GOMEZ SUAREZ DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - FIREBRAND, use of, by Indians in traveling … 485 - FIREBRAND RIVER, <i>see</i> COLORADO, TIZON. - FLAX, river of … 554, 555 - —, wild, on great plains … 528, 591 - FLETCHER, FRANCIS, on indian giants … 485 - FLORIDA explored by De Soto … 370 - — explored by Narvaez … 340, 474 - —, reputed bad character of country of … 545 - FLOWERS, use of, in pueblo ceremonials … 544 - FLUTES at Pecos … 491 - FOOD of Acoma Indians … 491 - —, supply of, in Acoma … 594 - — of pueblo Indians … 506, 527, 549, 559, 569, 586, 593 - — supply of Tiguex Indians … 595 - — supply of Spanish army … 562 - — of Tusayan Indians … 489 - FOWLS, domestic, among the pueblos … 516, 521,559 - FRANCISCANS, election of Niza by … 476 - —, dress of … 543 - — in New Spain … 474 - FRIO, RIO, crossed by Coronado … 586 - FRUIT, introduction of, into pueblo country … 550 - —, wild, of great plains … 528 - FUNERAL witnessed by Coronado … 519 - - GALERAS, JUAN, exploration of Colorado river canyons by … 489 - GALICIA, NEW KINGDOM OF, in New Spain … 473 - GALINDO, LUIS, chief justice for New Galicia … 351 - GALISTEO, pueblo of … 523, 525 - —, mention of, by Jaramillo … 587 - GALLEGO, JUAN, companion of Coronado … 477 - —, messenger from Coronado to Mendoza … 392,394 - —, messenger from Mexico to Coronado … 533, 534 - —, in Corazones … 484 - —, meets Coronado on his return … 537 - —, feats of … 540 - GAME in pueblo region … 518, 521, 560 - GARCIA, ANDRES, on effect of Marcos' report … 365 - GARCIA ICAZBALCETA <i>see</i> ICAZBALCETA. - GARNETS found at Cibola by Coronado … 559 - GATSCHET, A.S., on name of Cibola … 517 - GEESE in pueblo region … 521 - GEOGRAPHICAL results of Coronado expedition … 403 - GIANTS, discovery of tribe of … 392 - —, indian, finding of, by Maldonado … 484 - —, indian, visit of Diaz among … 485 - GILA RIVER, possible early visit to … 333 - GOATS, mountain, in pueblo country … 550, 560 - —, mountain, seen by Spaniards … 516 - GOLD, discovery of, Suya … 533 - — found by Coronado at Cibola … 503 - —, reports of, from Quivira … 503, 501, 512 - — found at Quivira by Coronado … 582 - —, use of, in indian trade … 472 - GOMARA, F.L. de, on Chichimecas … 524 - —, on clothing of pueblo Indians … 517 - —, description of bison by … 513 - —, on illness of Coronado … 531 - —, on return of Coronado … 539 - —, on capture of Cibola … 483 - —, on stories told by Turk indian … 492 - —, on Quivira and Padilla … 529 - GOOSE, <i>see</i> GEESE. - GORBALAN, FRANCISCO, companion of Coronado … 477 - GOURD used by Estevan as sign of authority … 360 - —, use of, for carrying water … 490 - GOVERNMENT of pueblo indians … 356, 518, 561 - — of Sonora indians … 513 - GRANADA, Coronado's name for Hawikuh … 389, 558, 564 - —, <i>see</i> HAWIKUH, CIBOLA. - GRAND CANYON, <i>see</i> COLORADO RIVER. - GRAPES, introduction of, into pueblo country … 550 - —, wild, found by Coronado … 507, 510, 528, 582, 591 - GREAT PLAINS, description of 527 - —, description of, by companion of Coronado … 570 - —, Coronado's description of … 580 - —, dangers of traveling on … 578 - GREY FRIARS, name of … 513 - GUACHICHULES, Mexican native province … 515 - GUADALAJARA, citizens of, in Coronado's army … 598 - —, defense of, in Mixton war … 408, 410 - —, election of magistrates at … 381 - GUADALAJARA, ANTON DE, native ally of Coronado … 536 - GUADALAXARA, name of, changed in 1540 … 473 - GUADALUPE CANYON, pueblos in … 525 - GUADIAINA, Spanish river … 511 - GUAES, province near Quivira … 503, 529 - GUAGARISPA, settlement of … 515 - —, <i>see</i> ARISPA, ISPA. - GUAS, province of great plains … 503, 529 - GUATEMALA explored by Alvarado 352 - —, wives for settlers imported into … 374 - GUATULCO, port of New Spain … 369 - GUATUZACA, indian mythological personage … 405 - GUEVARA, DIEGO DE, name of, cited by Mota Padilla … 477 - —, indian village captured by … 500 - GUEVARA, JUAN DE, appointment of son of … 477 - GUEVARA, PEDRO DE, appointment of, as captain … 477 - GUTIERRES, DIEGO, appointment of, as captain … 477 - GUYAS, <i>see</i> GUAS. - GUZMAN, NUÑO DE, president of Mexican audiencia … 350 - —, position of, in New Spain … 472 - —, conquest of New Galicia by … 351 - —, arguments of, before Council for the Indies … 372 - —, Culiacan settled by … 513 - —, expedition of, to Seven Cities … 473 - —, result of abuses of … 408 - —, imprisoned in Mexico … 351 - - HACUS, use of name by Niza … 575 - HAILSTONES, effect of, in Coronado's camp … 506 - HAIR-DRESS of pueblo women … 517 - HAKLUYT, R., translation of Coronado's letter by … 552 - —, omissions in translation by … 563 - —, quotation from … 554, 558, 560 - —, Zuñi name for Acoma … 490, 560, 575 - —, Zuñi name for Acoma people … 490, 575 - HANO, a Tusayan village … 510 - HARAHEY, chief of, visits Coronado … 590 - HARAL, <i>see</i> HAXA. - HARALE, description of, told to Coronado … 576 - HAWIKUH former importance of … 358 - —, scene of Estevan's death … 361 - —, similarity of, with Albaicin … 564 - —, Spanish namo for … 389 - HAXA or HAYA, province near Mississippi river … 504, 505, 507 - HAYNES, HENRY W., acknowledgments to … 339 - —, error of Castañeda corrected by … 501 - —, on date of Coronado's departure … 382 - —, on identification of Cibola … 389 - HEADBANDS of pueblo indians referred to … 549 - HEARTS, of animals, use of, as food … 484 - HEARTS VALLEY, named by Cabeza de Vaca … 392 - —, <i>See</i> CORAZONES. - HEMENWAY, AUGUSTUS, acknowledgments to … 339 - HEMENWAY EXPEDITION, bones in collection of … 549 - HEMES pueblos … 519, 525 - —, visit of Barrionuevo to … 510 - —, <i>see</i> JEMEZ. - HENIQUEN FIBER used by pueblo indians … 573 - HERBALISTS, <i>see</i> MEDICINE-MEN. - HERNANDEZ, Luis, Spanish soldier, death of … 538 - HERRERA, A. DE, on Coronado's visit to Quivira … 509 - —, on explorations by Diaz … 406 - —, quotation from … 507 - HODGE, F.W., acknowledgments to … 339, 599 - —, identification of cities of Cibola … 361, 389 - —, identification of plains indians … 396 - —, on Zuñi name of Acoma … 490 - —, on probable identification of Teyas … 524 - —, on cotton at Tusayan … 550 - —, on pueblo of Matsaki … 517 - —, on native names for Taos … 575 - HOLMES, W.H., on pueblo pottery … 522 - HONDURAS, exploration of, by Alvarado … 352 - HOPI, tribal name of indians at Tusayan … 390 - —, natal ceremonies of … 517 - —, paraphernalia found in graves at Sikyatki … 519 - —, tame eagles among … 516 - —, use of urine by … 522 - —, <i>see</i> MOKI, TUSAYAN. - HORSES, epidemic among, in New Mexico … 536 - —, utility of, in new countries … 546 - HOUSES, of plains indians … 528 - —, <i>see</i> ADOBE. - HUC-ARITZ-PA., <i>see</i> ARISPA. - - IBARRA, FRANCISCO DE, mention of … 500 - ICAZBALCETA, JOAQUIN GARCIA, acknowledgments to … 339, 413, 568 - IDOLATRY among Tahus … 513 - IMMIGRATION, early, into New Spain … 374 - INCAS, effect of stories of wealth of … 350 - INDIA, coast of, connected with America … 513, 526 - INFANTADO, DUKE OF, appointment of brother-in-law of … 477 - INQUISITION, badge of, described … 507 - INTERMARRIAGE, <i>see</i> MARRIAGE. - INTERPRETERS, followers of Cabeza de Vaca trained as … 354 - ISLAND OF THE MARQUIS, same as Lower California … 351 - ISLETA, Coronado's visit to … 492 - —, name of Cibola at … 517 - ISOPETE, <i>see</i> YSOPETE. - ISPA, Indian settlement visited by Coronado … 585 - —, <i>see</i> ARISPA. - - JACONA, Mendoza's letter from … 551 - JARAMILLO, JUAN, on the visit to Quivira … 396 - —, translation of narrative of … 584 - JEMES pueblos … 525 - —, <i>see</i> HEMES. - JERONIMO DE SANTISTEBAN, letter of, to Mendoza … 412 - JUANA, Queen of Spain … 477 - JUAN ALEMAN, name given to pueblo indian … 495 - —, treachery of … 498 - JUAN DE LA ASUNCION, Franciscan friar in New Spain … 353 - JUAN DE LA CRUZ, death of, at Tiguex … 401, 535 - JUAN RODRIGUES, ISLA DE, Spanish name for San Miguel … 411 - JUEZ DE RESIDENCIA, functions of … 474 - - KANSAS, Castañeda's description of … 528 - —, location of Quivira in … 397, 591 - —, <i>see</i> QUIVIRA. - KANSAS RIVER crossed by Coronado … 397 - KERES pueblo, <i>see</i> QUERES. - K´IAKIMA, a pueblo of Cibola … 389 - —, legend of Estevan's death at … 361 - K´IAPKWAINAKWIN, location of … 358 - KILLIKINIK, <i>see</i> TOBACCO. - KIVA, Coronado's description of … 558 - —, described by Colorado river indians … 405 - —, <i>see</i> ESTUFA. - KNIVES, stone, of plains indians … 528 - - LACHIMI RIVER mentioned … 553 - —, <i>see</i> YAQUI, YAQUIMI. - LAGUNA, pueblo of … 525 - LA NATIVIDAD, arrival of Alvarado at … 409 - LAND assigned to Spanish settlers … 374 - LANGUAGE, diversity of, among plains indians … 582 - —, difficulties of interpreting indian … 394 - LA PAZ, colony at, under Cortes … 352 - LARA, ALONSO MANRIQUE DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - LENOX LIBRARY, acknowledgment to … 339, 413 - LEON, JUAN DE, copy of evidence made by … 598 - LEOPARD, <i>see</i> WILDCAT. - LEYVA, FRANCISCO DE, on effect of Marcos' report … 366 - LINGUISTICS, <i>see</i> LANGUAGE. - LINO, RIO DEL, reference to … 554, 555 - LIONS, native American … 517 - — in pueblo region … 518 - —, mountain, found by Coronado at Cibola … 560 - LITTLE VALLEY, settlement of … 515 - LLAMA, former habitat of … 549 - LOPEZ, DIEGO, appointment of, as captain … 477 - —, appointment of, as army-master … 508 - —, Samaniego succeeded by … 480 - —, horse of, killed at Cibola … 557 - —, adventure of, at Tiguex … 496 - —, visit of, to Haxa … 505 - LOPEZ DE CARDENAS, G., <i>see</i> CARDENAS. - LOS MUERTOS, excavations at, in Arizona … 518 - LOWER CALIFORNIA, early name of … 351 - —, colony in, under Cortes … 351 - —, Cortes' colony recalled from … 369 - LUCAS, native companion of Padilla … 400, 535 - LUIS, a Franciscan friar … 556, 565, 579 - LUIS DE ESCALONA, settlement of, at Cicuye … 592 - LUIS DE UBEDA remains at Cicuye … 401, 534, 535 - - MACAQUE, a pueblo settlement … 517 - —, <i>see</i> MATSAKI. - MAGO, Opata word for poisonous plant … 538 - MAGUEY, use of, for clothing by indians … 569 - MAIZE, description of … 518 - —, <i>see</i> CORN. - MAKYATA, <i>see</i> MARATA, MATYATA. - MALDONADO, ALONSO DEL CASTILLO, survivor of Narvaez, expedition … 348 - MALDONADO, RODRIGO, appointment of, as captain … 477 - —, oidor in New Spain … 596 - —, visit to seacoast by … 484 - —, explores Gulf of California … 392 - —, travels of … 474 - —, camp of, attacked … 499 - —, buffalo skins given to, by indians … 505 - —, horse of, injures Coronado … 531 - MALLERY, GARRICK, Indian sign language … 504 - MALLETS, indian … 498 - MALUCO, visit to, by Villalobos … 412 - MANRICH, A. DE, horse of, killed at Cibola … 557 - MANRIQCE DE LARA, ALONSO, <i>see</i> LARA. - MAP drawn by Coronado … 392 - — showing results of Coronado expedition … 403 - MARATA, Coronado's account of … 560 - — identified with Matyata … 357 - —, mention of, by Diaz … 550 - MARCO POLO, quotation from … 571 - —, stories of, compared with Castañeda … 345 - MARCOS, <i>see</i> NIZA. - MARJORAM, native American … 517 - —, wild, found by Coronado … 510 - —, wild, of great plains … 528 - MARKSMANSHIP of indians … 499, 507 - MARQUÉS, ISLA DEL, name of, given to Lower California … 486 - MARQUIS OF THE VALLEY, title of, given to Cortes … 473 - —, <i>see</i> CORTES. - MARRIAGE among the Tahus … 513 - — at Cibola … 518, 521 - — of settlers favored by government … 374 - MARTIN, DOMINGO, soldier with Coronado … 597 - MÁTA, a pueblo millstone … 522 - MATAKI, a pueblo millstone … 522 - MATAPA, a settlement in Sonora … 355 - MATS used in housebuilding … 514 - MATSAKI, Cibola pueblo, description of … 493 - —, ruins of pueblo settlement … 517 - — visited by Coronado … 594 - MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON, on llama in pueblo country … 549 - MATYATA, forioer New Mexican pueblo … 357 - MEAL, sacred, use of, at Tusayan … 488 - MEDICINE-MEN, authority of … 360 - MELAZ, JUAN … 560 - MELGOSA, PABLO DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - —, wounded at Cibola … 557 - —, exploration of Colorado river canyons by … 489 - —, adventure of, at Tiguex … 496 - MELONS, native American … 516 - —, stories of, kept by Indians … 584 - MENDIETA, G. DE, cited on work of friars in New Mexico … 401 - MENDOZA, ANTONIO DE, Cabeza de Vaca entertained by … 348 - —, unsuccessful expedition of, under Dorantes … 349 - —, effects of administration of … 350 - —, plans of, for exploring expeditions … 352 - —, instructions from, for Niza … 354 - —, report of, on Niza's discoveries … 363 - —, petitions by, for right of conquest … 368 - —, endeavors to prevent Cortes' expeditions … 369 - —, interference with navigation by … 370 - —, right of, to explore confirmed … 373 - —, importation of cattle by … 375 - —, family of … 376 - —, appointment of Coronado by … 474 - —, friendship of, for Coronado … 476 - —, address to soldiers by … 478 - —, instructions of, to avoid trouble with Indians … 496 - —, complaints of, regarding arms … 540 - —, requests for arms by … 378 - —, disappointment of, on Coronado's return … 401 - —, investigation ordered by … 596 - —, agreement with Alvarado … 409 - —, illness of … 551 - —, death of … 470 - MERCATOR, G., map by, cited … 403 - MESA, Spanish soldier, cured by quince juice … 538 - MESCALI, native American liquor … 516 - MESQUITE, native American fruit … 515 - MEXICO, CITY OF, in 1556 … 363, 375 - MEXICO, CASPAR DE, native ally of Coronado … 536 - MICER POGIO, reference to … 571 - MICHOACAN, province in New Spain … 473 - —, journey of Mendoza across … 478 - MIGRATIONS, extent of, of various tribes … 345 - MILLS of pueblo women … 522 - MINDELEFF, VICTOR, ground plan of Hawikuh by … 363 - —, on pueblo mealing troughs … 522 - MISSIONARIES, Spanish, early success of, among Indians … 551 - —, Spanish, introduction of fruit by … 550 - MISSISSIPPI RIVER described by Castañeda … 529 - — described to Coronado … 504 - —, description of … 493 - —, Menomini name of … 218 - —, mention of … 510 - —, Narvaez wrecked at mouth of … 347 - MISSOURI RIVER mentioned by Castañeda … 529 - MIXTON PEÑOL, capture of … 411 - — WAR, causes of … 408 - MOCCASINS, use of, by pueblo women … 517 - MOCHILA, settlement of … 515 - MOCHILAGUA, indian settlement of … 515 - MOKI, rabbit-hair mantles at … 517 - —, name for pueblo settlements at Tusayan … 390 - —, <i>see</i> HOPI, TUSAYAN. - MOLINA on name of Chichilticalli … 516 - — on meaning of tlauele … 524 - MONTCALM, Menomini at fall of … 16 - MONTEJO, —, feats of, in Tabasco … 540 - MONTEZUMA, <i>see</i> MOTECUHZOMA. - MOONEY, JAMES, on identification of Querechos … 396 - MORA RIVER, tributary of the Canadian … 397 - MORGAN, LEWIS H., on adobe … 520 - MORTAR, substitute for, among pueblo indians … 520 - —, <i>see</i> ADOBE. - MOSES, BERNARD, on Casa de Contratacion … 351 - MOTA PADILLA, M. DE LA, acknowledgments to … 414 - —, historian of New Galicia … 375 - —, description of Cibola by … 483 - —, on Chichilticalli … 487 - —, on Coronado's route from Culiacan … 386 - —, on death of Friar Juan … 401 - —, on death of Samaniego … 480 - —, on discovery of Colorado river … 407 - —, on indian giants … 485 - —, on stories told by Turk indian … 492 - —, on Torre's administration … 474 - —, quotations from writings of … 476, 477, 479, 480, 483, 486, 487, - 492, 497, 498, 500, 504, 506, 511, 518, 519, 520, 521, 522, 523, - 530, 531, 535, 538, 543 - MOTECUHZOMA conquered by Cortes … 345 - MOTOLINIA, T. DE, correspondence of, with friars accompanying Coronado - … 413 - MOUNTAIN GOAT, horns of, seen by Coronado … 387 - MOUNTAIN LION, <i>see</i> LION. - MULBERRIES, wild, found by Coronado … 507, 528, 582 - MUÑOZ, —, copy of Alvarado's report by … 594 - —, documents copied by … 572, 580, 584 - MUSIC of Pecos indians … 491 - — of pueblo indians … 522, 550, 594 - MUTINY of Spanish settlers at San Hieronimo … 502 - - NAJERA, birthplace of Castañeda … 470 - NARVAEZ, PANFILO DE, ordered to conquer Cortes … 345 - —, imprisoned in Mexico … 346 - —, authority for explorations granted to … 346 - —, expedition of … 349 - —, loses vessel on voyage from Spain … 346 - —, route of expedition of … 347 - —, drowned off mouth of Mississippi … 347 - —, loss of expedition of … 474 - —, expedition, rumors of survivors of, heard by Coronado … 507, 590 - NATIVIDAD, departure of Alarcon from … 478 - NAVARRETE, —, cited on date of petition of Cortes … 307 - NAVARRO, GARCIA, on effect of Marcos' report … 366 - NEBRASKA, description of, by Castañeda … 528 - —, location of Quivira in … 397 - —, description of Quivira … 591 - NEEDLE, use of, among Indians … 562 - NEGRO slave, Estevan a purchaser of … 348 - NEGROES, island of … 545 - —, mention of, in New Spain … 348, 379, 402, 406 - — with Coronado … 506, 592 - —, death of, accompanying Coronado … 555, 564 - NEWFOUNDLAND, Spanish name for … 513 - NEW GALICIA, conquest of … 372 - —, demoralization of Coronado's army in … 401 - —, description of … 513 - — explored by Nuño de Guzman … 351 - —, uprising in, during Mixton war … 408 - NEXPA RIVER followed by Coronado … 585 - —, identification of … 387 - NICHOLAS, the Venetian, quotation from … 571 - NIZA, MARCOS DE, visit of, to Cibola … 353 - —, career of, in Peru … 354 - —, travels of … 474 - —, visit of, to seacoast from San Pedro valley … 359 - —, experience of, after Estevan's death … 360 - —, visit of, to valley containing gold … 362 - —, selection of, as provincial of Franciscans … 364, 476 - —, effect of report of, in New Spain … 365 - —, reports of, investigated by Diaz … 480, 547, 553 - —, satisfies doubts raised by Diaz … 384 - —, mistakes of, concerning Cibola … 573 - —, description of bison by … 543 - —, on indian pueblos … 520 - —, sermon by … 482 - —, return of, to Mexico … 389, 484 - NOCHISTLAN, death of Alvarado at … 410 - NUÑEZ, PEDRO, on effect of Marcos' report … 366 - - OATS, wild, of great plains … 528 - OAXACA, MARQUÉS DEL VALLE DE, title of, given to Cortes … 473 - OBANDO, FRANCISCO DE, killing of, by indians … 499, 500 - —, <i>see</i> OVANDO. - OJO CALIENTE visited by Alvarado … 594 - —, a Zuñi summer village … 358 - OLD SOUTH LEAFLET, translation of Coronado's letter in … 552 - OÑATE, CHRISTOBAL DE, acting governor of New Galicia … 351 - —, Coronado entertained by … 478 - —, testimony of … 598 - OÑATE, COUNT OF, appointment of nephew of … 477 - OÑATE, JUAN DE, reduction of pueblos by … 524 - ONORATO, companion of Friar Marcos … 355 - OPATA, a tribe of Sonora … 537 - —, houses of the … 515 - OPUNTIA TUNA. <i>See</i> TUNA. - OREGON, coast of, explored by Cabrillo … 411 - ORTIZ, survivor of Narvaez' expedition … 348 - OTTER in pueblo region … 518 - OVANDO, FRANCISCO DE, treatment of, by indians … 522 - —, companion of Coronado … 477 - —, <i>see</i> OBANDO. - OVIEDO Y VALDEZ, G.F. DE, on Corazones … 484 - —, on Indian clothing … 515 - OWENS, J.G., on Hopi dress … 517 - —, on Hopi mealing troughs … 522 - OXITIPAR, district of, in New Spain … 472 - - PACASAS, Ternaux's name for Pacaxes … 514 - PACAXES, indian tribe of Culiacan … 514 - PADILLA, JUAN DE, leader of friars with Coronado … 400 - —, visit of, to Tusayan … 488 - —, accompanies Alvarado … 391 - —, report of discoveries by … 594 - —, journey of, to Quivira … 571, 579, 592 - —, remains in Quivira … 529, 534 - PAEZ, JUAN, report of Cabrillo's voyage by … 411 - PAHOS, reference to … 573 - PAINT found in graves in Sikyatki … 519 - PAINTING of pueblo Indians … 558 - PALMOS, RIO DE, probable identification of … 346 - PANIAGUA, JUAN, miraculous recovery of … 500 - PANICO, <i>see</i> PANUCO. - PANUCO, reference to … 592 - — bay, location of … 346 - PAPA, title of, given to priests at Zuñi … 518 - PASQUARO, visit of Mendoza to … 478 - PATEATLAN, <i>see</i> PETATLAN. - PAWNEE mode of hair dressing … 394 - PEACE ceremonies at Tiguex … 496 - —, form of making, at Acoma … 491 - PEACHES, introduction of, into pueblo country … 550 - PEARLS on coast of Gulf of California … 350 - PECOS, labors of Friar Descalona at … 401 - — visited by Spaniards … 391 - —, <i>see</i> CICUYE. - PECOS RIVER crossed by Spaniards … 504 - PEMMICAN used by plains tribes … 528 - PENNYROYAL, native American … 517, 528 - PEREZ, ALONSO, companion of Coronado … 597 - PEREZ, MELCHOR, mention of slave of … 592 - PEREZ DE BOCANEGRA, HERNAND, testimony of … 596 - PEREZ DE RIBAS, ANDRES, <i>see</i> RIBAS. - PERU, Alvarado's expedition to … 352 - PETATES, or mats, used for houses … 515 - PETATLAN <i>or</i> PETLATLAN, Indian settlement in New Galicia … 355 - —, description of … 514, 538 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 584 - —, description of indians of … 568, 572 - —, indian from, captive and interpreter at Cibola … 563 - —, friendly indians at river of … 548 - —, river of, in Sinaloa … 348 - PETRATLAN, <i>see</i> PETATLAN. - PHILIP, King of Spain … 474 - PHILIPPINE ISLANDS … 545 - PICONES, native American fish … 517 - PICURIS, pueblo of … 519 - —, name for Acoma among … 492 - —, name of Taos among … 575 - PIMA, cultivation of cotton by the … 350 - —, Friar Marcos among the … 356 - PINE NUTS, use of, as food … 517, 518 - PIÑON NUTS, use of, as food … 517, 522 - PIPES found at Sikyatki … 519 - PITAHAYA, native American fruit … 515 - PIZARRO, FRANCISCO, purchases Alvarado's expedition … 352 - —, struggles of, in Peru … 376 - PLAINS, Spanish soldiers lost on … 508 - —, descriptions of Indians of … 527, 578, 580 - —, <i>see</i> GREAT PLAINS. - PLUMS of great plains … 528 - POBARES, F., death of … 499, 500 - POISON, native, of Sonora … 537, 541 - —, use of, by indians … 500, 502 - PORCUPINE found by Coronado at Cibola … 560 - POTTERY found at Sikyatki … 519 - — of pueblo indians … 522 - POWELL, J.W., on indian linguistic stocks … 525 - PRAIRIE DOGS seen by Coronado on great plains … 510, 528 - PRICKLY PEAR, <i>see</i> TUNA. - PRIESTS of pueblo indians … 518 - —, <i>see</i> MEDICINE-MEN. - PROSOPIS JULIFLORA, <i>see</i> MESQUITE. - PROSTITUTION among the Tahus … 513 - PRUNES, wild, found by Coronado … 507, 582, 591 - PTOLEMY, maps in geography of, cited … 403 - PUALA, Espejo's name for Tiguex pueblo … 496 - PUEBLO, use of term, by Niza … 358 - — method of building … 520 - — settlements, description of, by Colorado river indians … 404 - — settlements, description of, by Sonora indians … 356 - PUERCO RIVER, pueblos on … 491 - PURIFICACION, defense of, in Mixton war … 409 - - QUACHICHULES, <i>see</i> GUACHICHULES. - QUAREZ, AGONIEZ, wounded at Cibola … 557 - QUERECHOS, description of … 527, 578 - —, description of, by Coronado … 580 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 587 - — identified with Tonkawa … 396 - —, manner of life of … 504 - QUERES, PUEBLOS of the … 525 - QUINCE JUICE, use of, as poison antidote … 537, 541 - QUIRIX, Spaniards visit province of … 503, 519, 525 - —, <i>see</i> QUERES. - QUIVIRA, causes for stories of Turk regarding … 588 - —, cartographic history of … 403, 544 - —, descriptions of, received by Coronado … 393, 576, 580 - —, departure of Coronado for … 503 - — visited by Coronado lvii, 508, 396 - —, description of … 521, 577 - —, description of, by Coronado … 582 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 589 - —, mention of … 492 - —, death of Friar Padilla at … 401 - - RABBIT skins, use of, for garments … 517 - RAFTS made for Diaz by Colorado river indians … 407 - —, use of, in crossing Colorado river … 486 - RAIN, worship of, by pueblo indians … 561 - RAMIREZ DE VARGAS, LUIS, <i>see</i> VARGAS. - RAMUSIO, G.B., translation of Mendoza's letter by … 349 - —, translation of Coronado's letter by … 552 - —, quotation from … 554, 556 - RED RIVER, identification of, with Zuñi river … 482 - —, possible southern limit of Coronado's route across plains … 399 - RELIGION of plains indians … 578 - — of pueblo indians … 573 - — of the Tahus … 513 - — of Tiguex indians … 575 - RESIDENCIA, definition of … 474 - REVOLT of pueblo indians … 392 - RIBAS, ANDRES PEREZ DE, on Petlatlan … 515 - RIBEROS, EL FACTOR, companion of Coronado … 477 - RIO DE LA PLATA misgoverned by Cabeza de Vaca … 348 - RIO GRANDE, disappearance of, underground … 511 - —, discovery of, by Alvarado … 575, 594 - —, ice of, crossed by Spaniards … 503 - —, limit of Narvaez' territory … 346 - —, pueblos near … 519, 524 - — visited by Spanish soldiers … 390 - ROSE-BUSHES, wild, found by Coronado … 507, 510, 517 - RUDO ENSAYO, quotation from, on poison … 538 - RUINS, discovery of, by Alvarado … 594 - —, <i>see</i> PUEBLO. - - SAABEDRA, FERNANDARIAS DE, appointment of, at Chiametla … 481 - SAABEDRA, H.A. DE, mayor of Culiacan … 533, 534 - SACATECAS, <i>see</i> ZACATECAS. - SALAZAR, G. DE, royal factor for New Spain … 596, 597 - SALDIVAR, JUAN DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - —, lieutenant to Diaz … 548 - —, carries Diaz' report to Mendoza … 382 - —, explorations by … 480 - —, adventures of, at Tiguex … 496 - —, Indian village captured by … 500 - —, escape of indian woman from … 510 - SALT among pueblo indians … 550, 559 - — found at Zuñi … 389 - — found by Spaniards on great plains … 510 - —, natural crystals, finding of, in Arizona … 490 - SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, appointment of, as army-master … 477 - SAMANIEGO, LOPE DE, death of … 383, 480, 547 - —, testimony concerning … 597 - SANBENITOS, description of … 507, 515 - SANCHEZ, ALONSO, soldier with Coronado … 597, 598 - SANCHEZ, PERO, effect of Friar Marcos' report … 366 - SANDIA, name for Acoma at … 492 - SAN DIEGO, pueblo of … 525 - SAN FELIPE, pueblo of … 525 - SAN FRANCISCO BAY overlooked by Ferrel … 412 - SAN GABRIEL, vessel in Alarcon's fleet … 385 - SAN HIERONIMO DE LOS CORAZONES, founding of … 484 - —, settlement of, under Diaz … 406 - —, description of town of … 515 - —, events in, during Diaz' absence … 501 - —, destruction of … 530 - SAN JUAN, pueblo of … 510 - SAN JUAN RIVER named by Coronado … 586 - SANJURJO, ALVARO DE, representative of De Soto in Mexico … 380 - SAN LUCAS ISLANDS, death of Cabrillo at … 411 - SAN PEDRO BAY visited by Ferrel … 412 - — RIVER in Arizona … 387 - — VALLEY visited by Niza … 359 - SANTA ANA, pueblo of … 525 - SANTA BARBARA, visit of Ferrel to … 412 - SANTA CLARA, visit of Ferrel to … 412 - SANTA CRUZ, colony at, under Cortes … 351 - — ISLAND, visit of Ferrel to … 412 - — RIVER in Arizona … 387 - SANTA CRUZ, ALONSO DE, early map of city of Mexico by … 363 - SANTIAGO, use of, as war cry … 388, 483, 565 - SANTO DOMINGO, pueblo of … 525 - SAVAGE, JAMES, on natural products of Nebraska … 528 - SCARAMOIO, name for a Spanish grass … 555 - SEBASTIAN, native companion of Padilla … 400, 535 - —, negro slave of Jaramillo … 592 - SEDELMAIR, PADRE, on indian giants … 485 - SEÑORA, <i>see</i> SONORA. - SERI, Coronado's account of … 554 - —, use of poison by … 538 - SERRANO, FRANCISCO, on effect of Marcos' report … 366 - SERRANO DE CARDONA, ANTONIO, testimony of … 597 - SERVANTES, <i>see</i> CERVANTES. - SEVEN CITIES, stories and legends concerning … 363, 553 - —, expedition to, under Guzman … 473 - —, <i>see</i> CIBOLA, ZUÑI. - —, <i>see</i> MEDICINE-MEN. - SHAWANO <i>or</i> SHAWNEE, migrations of the … 345 - SHEA, J.G., on Cabeza de Vaca's route … 348 - —, on possible conjunction of Coronado and De Soto … 371 - SHEEP given to friars by Coronado … 592 - —, merino, imported by Mendoza … 375 - —, mountain, description of, by Castañeda … 487 - —, native American … 516 - — taken by Spanish soldiers for food … 501, 535, 542 - —, <i>see</i> MOUNTAIN GOAT. - SHOSHONI, linguistic affinity of the … 525 - SHRINES of Sonora Indians … 515 - SIA, pueblo of … 525 - — mentioned by Jaramillo … 587 - —, <i>see</i> CHIA. - SIBOLA, <i>see</i> CIBOLA. - SIBU´LODĀ´, Isleta name for buffalo … 517 - SIGNS, use of, by plains Indians … 504, 527 - SIKYATKI, excavations at … 519 - SILVER found by Coronado at Cibola … 563 - — found by Spaniards at Yuqueyunque … 511 - —, reports of, from Quivira … 503, 504, 512 - — mines in Culiacan … 514 - SILVER, use of, by pueblo indians for glazing … 526 - —, use of, in indian trade … 472 - — workers, stories of … 473 - SIMPSON, JAMES H., on location of Quivira … 397 - —, on location of Tiguex … 491 - SINALOA, river and settlement of … 515 - —, <i>see</i> CINALOA. - SKULLS used by Acaxes to decorate houses … 514 - SLAVERY among pueblo indians … 548 - — at Pecos … 491 - SLAVES, captive indians used as, by Spaniards … 499–510 - — in army of Coronado … 402 - SMITH, BUCKINGHAM, Cabeza de Vaca's relation translated by … 347, 474 - —, copy of Alvarado's report printed by … 594 - —, documents printed by … 572, 584 - —, quotation from document printed by … 590 - SNAKE DANCE, significance of … 561 - SNAKE POISON, use of, by indians … 500 - SNAKES, absence of, on great plains … 513 - —, worship of, among Tahus … 513 - SOBAIPURI, Friar Marcos among the … 356 - —, knowledge of Cibola among … 358 - SODOMY, absence of, at Cibola … 518, 522 - — among indians of Petatlan … 515 - — among indians at Suya … 516 - — among Pacaxes … 514 - SOLIS, FRANCISCO DE … 529 - SOLIS, ISIDORO DE, mention of, by Jaramillo … 592 - SOLIS DE MERAS, GONZALO, mention of, by Jaramillo … 592 - SONORA, description of … 515 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 585 - —, food supply in … 554 - — river and valley … 387 - — valley, location of … 355 - — valley, Spanish, settlement in … 484 - —, settlement of, by Spaniards … 572 - — traversed by Friar Marcos … 355 - SORCERY among Pacaxes … 514 - SOTO, HERNANDO DE, account of meeting with Ortiz … 348 - —, soldiers of, hear of Coronado … 510 - —, reputed route of … 515 - —, discoveries of … 370, 491 - —, on great plains … 529 - —, right of, to Niza's discoveries … 371 - SOTOMAYOR, HERNANDO DE, on effect of Niza's report … 366 - SOTOMAYOR, JUAN DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - SOTOMAYOR, P. DE, chronicler of Cardenas' expedition … 490 - SPINOSA, <i>see</i> ESPINOSA. - SQUASH, <i>see</i> GOURD, MELON. - —, <i>see</i> PRAIRIE DOG. - STARLINGS in pueblo region … 521 - STEPHEN, <i>see</i> ESTEVAN. - STEVENS, JOHN, quotation from dictionary of … 547 - STEVENSON, MATILDA C., researches by … 359 - STRADA, <i>see</i> ESTRADA. - SUAREZ, AGANIEZ, wounded at Cibola … 388 - SUAREZ DE FIGUEROA, GOMEZ, <i>see</i> FIGUEROA. - SUAREZ DE PERALTA, JOAN, reminiscences of Coronado's departure … 364 - —, on return of Coronado … 402 - SUMAC, wild, in Quivira … 591 - SUN priests at Tusayan … 518 - — worship by plains indians … 578 - SURGEON, mention of, in Spanish army … 498 - SUYA, San Hieronimo removed to … 502 - —, description of … 515 - —, massacre of settlers at … 408 - —, destruction of … 399, 533, 578 - - TĀAIYALONE, a stronghold near Zuñi … 390 - —, <i>see</i> THUNDER MOUNTAIN. - TAHUS, a tribe in Culiacan … 513 - TANO, a pueblo tribe … 523 - TAOS, pueblo of … 525 - — mentioned by Jaramillo … 587 - — called Valladolid by Spaniards … 511 - —, name for Acoma at … 492 - —, visit of Alvarado to … 575 - TARASCA, a district in Michoacan … 473 - TAREQUE, indian village on great plains … 577 - TARTARS, use of dogs by … 571 - TATARRAX, name of Indian chief … 492 - TATTOOED indians visit Friar Marcos … 356 - TATTOOING among plains indians … 506 - —, practice of, among indians … 516 - TEGUI branch of Opata Indians … 537 - TEJO, stories told by … 472 - TEMIÑO, Spanish soldier, death of … 538 - TENTS of plains Indians, description of … 504, 578, 581, 583, 588, 591 - TEOCOMO, river and settlement of … 515 - TEREDO NAVALIS, damage to Alarcon's ships by … 407 - TERNAUX-COMPANS, HENRI, translation of Castañeda by … 413 - —, translation of Coronado's letter by … 580 - —, translation of Jaramillo by … 584 - —, mistake in translating … 398 - —, mistake of, regarding Ispa … 585 - —, quotations of translation of Castañeda by … 472, 481, 489, 494, - 496, 499, 501, 502, 503, 505, 506, 507, 508, 510, 511, 513, 514, - 515, 517, 518, 521, 523, 524, 526, 527, 529, 531, 532, 533, 538, - 539, 542, 545 - TE-UAT-HA <i>or</i> TAOS … 511 - TEULES, a Mexican term … 524 - TEWA pueblos … 525 - TEXAS, copper found in, by Cabeza de Vaca … 350 - —, intended destination of Narvaez … 346 - —, limit of De Soto's government … 370 - TEYAS, Cicuye besieged by … 524 - — met by Coronado … 507, 527, 578 - —, description of, by Coronado … 581 - — identified with Comanche … 396 - THUNDER MOUNTAIN, mesa near Zuñi … 390 - —, ruins at … 517 - —, visit of Coronado to … 565 - TIBEX, <i>see</i> TIGUEX. - TIBURON ISLAND in gulf of California … 554 - TIENIQUE, possible printer's error in Pacheco y Cardenas for Cicuye - … 587 - TIGERS found in Cibola by Coronado … 560 - TIGUA, name of Acoma among the … 492 - TIGUEX, cartographic history of … 403 - —, description of … 519, 520, 524 - —, description of, by companions of Coronado … 569, 575 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 587 - —, discovery of, by Alvarado … 390, 491, 594 - —, indians of, refuse to trust Spaniards … 499, 503 - —, revolt of indians at … 576 - —, siege of, by Spaniards … 497, 500 - —, death of Friar Juan at … 401 - —, river of, identified with Rio Grande … 390 - TIRIPITIO, meeting of Alvarado and Mendoza at … 409 - TIZON, RIO DEL, Spanish name for Colorado river … 407 - —, reason for name of … 485 - —, <i>see</i> COLORADO RIVER. - TLAPA, estate at, given to Coronado … 379 - TLAUELE, Mexican word … 524 - TOBAR, <i>see</i> TOVAR. - TOMSON, ROBERT, on Mexico in 1556 … 363, 375 - —, quotation from … 507 - TONALA, settlement of, by Guzman … 473 - TONKAWA identified with the Querecho … 396 - TOPIA <i>or</i> TOPIRA, in Durango … 353 - TOPIRA, expedition of Coronado to … 476 - TORRE, DIEGO PEREZ DE LA, appointed to replace Nuño de Guzman … 357 - —, administration of … 474 - —, mention of son of … 592 - TORRES OF PANUCO, wounded at Cibola … 557 - TOTONTEAC, cartographic history of … 403 - —, Coronado's account of … 560 - —, cultivation of cotton at … 550 - — identified with Tusayan … 357 - —, <i>see</i> HOPI, MOKI, TUSAYAN. - TOVAR, FERNANDO DE, position of … 477 - TOVAR, PEDRO DE, appointment of, as ensign … 477 - —, accompanies Gallego to Corazones … 395 - —, journey of, from Tiguex to Corazones … 577 - —, at San Hieronimo … 502 - —, flight of, from Suya … 530,533 - —, discovery of Tusayan by … 390, 488, 562, 574 - —, wounded by Indians … 557 - —, use of papers of, by Mota Padilla … 536 - TRADE between plains and pueblo indians … 578 - — among plains indians … 527 - — of Sonora indians with Cibola … 357 - — of Spaniards with Colorado river indians … 406 - —, indian stories of … 472 - TRAIL, method of marking, on great plains … 505, 509, 571 - TRANSPORTATION, <i>see</i> DOGS, TRAVOIS. - TRAVOIS, dog saddle used by plains indians … 527 - TREACHERY of indians in Mixton war … 408 - — of indians toward Spaniards … 498 - TREJO, HERNANDO, death of brother of … 500 - TRUXILLO, adventure of, with devil … 481 - TŬ·ATÁ´, native name of Taos … 575 - TUÇAN <i>or</i> TUCANO, <i>see</i> TUSAYAN. - TUNA, native American fruit … 515 - —, preserve made from … 487 - TUOPÁ, Picuris name for Taos … 575 - TURK, name of indian slave who described Quivira … 394 - —, communications of, with devil … 503 - —, stories of … 491 - —, stories of, told by Castañeda … 492 - —, Coronado's version of stories of … 580 - —, reports of stories told by … 576 - —, motive of, in misleading Coronado … 588 - —, execution of … 509, 589, 590 - TURKEY PLUMES, use of, for garments … 517 - TURKEYS in pueblo region … 491, 521 - TURQUOIS brought from north by Sonora indians … 357 - —, collection of, by Estevan … 474 - — of pueblo Indians … 480, 518, 549, 561, 573 - —, presents of, made to devil … 513 - TUSAYAN, ceremonials at … 544 - —, cultivation of cotton at … 550 - —, description of … 510, 524 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 586 - —, description of, by Zuñi Indian … 488 - —, known to Sonora indians … 357 - —, visit of Tovar to … 390, 562, 593 - —, Tucano identified with … 390 - —, <i>see</i> HOPI, MOKI. - TUTAHACO pueblos … 519, 525 - —, Coronado's visit to … 492 - —, description of, by Jaramillo … 587 - —, worship of cross at … 544 - TUTAHAIO, Tigua name for Acoma … 492 - TUTHEA-UÂY, Tigua name for Acoma … 492 - TUXEQUE, indian village on great plains … 577 - TUZAN, <i>see</i> TUSAYAN. - - UBEDA, F. LUIS DE, <i>see</i> LUIS. - ULLOA, FRANCISCO DE, explores gulf of California … 369 - —, limit of explorations of … 404 - UPATRICO, settlement of … 515 - URABA, indian village mentioned by Jaramillo … 587 - —, <i>see</i> BRABA, TAOS, YURABA. - URINE, use of, as mordant … 522 - URREA, LOPE DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - —, Indians interviewed by … 499 - UTE linguistic affinity … 525 - - VACAPA, identification of … 355 - VACAPAN, province crossed by Coronado … 487 - VALLADOLID, Spanish name for Braba … 511, 525 - VALLE DE LOS VELLACOS, <i>see</i> VALLEY OF KNAVES. - VALLECILLO, settlement of … 515 - VALLEY OF KNAVES, rebellious Indians in … 502 - VARGAS, LUIS RAMIREZ DE, companion of Coronado … 477 - VEGETATION of great plains … 527 - — of pueblo country … 586 - VERA CRUZ, port of New Spain … 348 - VERMEJO, RIO, crossed by Coronado … 586 - —, identified with Colorado Chiquito … 482 - VERMEJO, HERNANDO, companion of Coronado … 565 - —, <i>see</i> VERMIZZO. - VERMIZZO, HERNANDO, companion of Coronado … 556 - —, with Coronado at Cibola … 388 - VETANCURT, A. DE, on date of Padilla's martyrdom … 401 - VIGLIEGA, horse of, killed at Cibola … 557 - VILLALOBOS, R.G. DE, voyage of, across Pacific … 412, 526, 539 - —, expedition, reports of, to Council for the Indies … 370, 371, 373 - VILLAGRA, G., on marriage of pueblo indians … 520 - VIRGINS among the Tahus … 514 - —, treatment of, among pueblo indians … 522,523 - - WALNUTS, wild, found by Coronado … 507 - WATER, worship of, by pueblo indians … 581 - WATERCRESS, native American … 517 - WATERMELONS, introduction of, into pueblo county … 550 - WEAPONS, indian … 498 - —, lack of, in New Spain … 540 - — of pueblo indians … 404, 548, 563 - WEAVING, <i>see</i> MATS. - WELL dug by besieged indians … 499 - WHISKERS, name given to Cicuye indian … 490, 497 - — taken prisoner by Alvarado … 493 - —, release of … 503 - WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE RESERVATION traversed by Niza … 359 - — crossed by Coronado … 387 - WICHITA, KANSAS, location of Quivira near … 397 - WICKER BASKETS among pueblo indians … 562 - WILDCAT, native American … 517 - —, in pueblo region … 518 - WINE, native American, of pitahaya … 516 - WINSHIP, G.P., memoir by, on Coronado expedition … 329–613 - WINSOR, JUSTIN, acknowledgments to … 330, 413, 599 - —, quotation from … 501 - WITCHCRAFT among Pacaxes … 514 - WOLVES on great plains … 528 - WOMEN, functions of, in pueblo ceremonies … 518 - —, surrender of, by Indians … 499 - WOOD-WORKING by the Menomini … 241 - - XABE, indian from Quivira, with Coronado … 501, 511 - XALISCO, settlement of, by Guzman … 473 - —, destination of Alarcon at … 478 - XIMENA, pueblo of … 523, 525 - —, name of, forgotten by Jaramillo … 587 - - YAQUI <i>or</i> YAQUIMI, river and settlement of … 515, 553 - — river followed by Coronado … 584 - — river north of Galicia … 386 - YSOPETE, a painted plains indian … 505, 507 - — supplants Turk in confidence of Coronado … 509 - —, efforts of, to guide Coronado … 588 - YUCATAN explored by Alvarado … 352 - YUCCA FIBER, use of, for garments … 517 - —, preserve made from … 487 - YUGEUINGGE pueblo … 525 - —, indian form for Yuqueyunque … 510 - YUMA INDIANS, Coronado's account of … 554 - —, description of … 485 - YUQUEYUNQUE, pueblo of … 525 - —, visit of Barrionuevo to … 500 - —, <i>see</i> YUGEUINGGE. - YURABA, visit of Alvarado to … 575 - —, <i>see</i> BRABA, URABA. - - ZACATECAS, a Mexican province … 545 - —, missionary work in … 401 - ZALDYVAR, <i>see</i> SALDIVAR. - ZARAGOZA, JUSTO, editor of Suarez de Peralta … 364 - —, on murder of Cortes' wife … 473 - ZARATE-SALMERON on native American liquor … 516 - ZUÑI, burial customs at … 519 - —, ceremonials of … 544 - —, fruit preserves made by … 487 - —, name of Acoma among indians of … 490 - —, salt supply of … 550 - —, tame eagles among … 516 - — treatment of Mexicans at ceremonies … 361 - — RIVER crossed by Coronado … 482 - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - -This book is excerpted from the Fourteenth Annual Report of the -Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, -1892–93, by J. W. Powell, Director; Publication Date 1896. -Original scanned images are available from archive.org, search for -"annualreportofbu19293smit". - -Original printed spelling and grammar are retained, with a few -exceptions noted below. The transcriber created the cover image, -and hereby assigns it to the public domain. Illustrations have -been moved from their original locations to nearby places between -paragraphs. The Plates are shown herein in their original printed -order, but notice that Plates LXXXII to LXXXIV are located between -Plates LIV and LV. Footnotes have been renumbered 1–379, and changed -to Endnotes. The original index included references to other material -located on pp i–328 of the Fourteenth Annual Report Part 1. The -entries that reference pages 329–613 (_The Coronado Expedition_) -have been excerpted and inserted herein after the Endnotes. Original -italics _look like this_. Original small caps are all capitals. - -There are five accented letters in the printed version that have no -Unicode equivalents. These are coded herein: “[~r]”—latin small r -with tilde above; “[~q]”—latin small q with tilde above; “[=q]”—latin -small q with macron above; “[=r]”—latin small r with macron above; -“[~p]”—latin small p with tilde above. The spanish section is full -of macrons and tildes, and it was sometimes difficult to distinguish -them in the scanned images available to the transcribers; some -mistakes of transcription are likely. - -Page 380. Full stop was changed to comma in this phrase “A month -later. September 7, 1538, the representative”. - -Page 396. Full stop was removed from the phrase “to select 30 of the -best equipped horsemen. who should go”. - -Page 407. Changed _obaining_ to _obtaining_, in “without obaining any -news, he was”. - -Page 444. Changed “bio entre aquellag ente” to “bio entre aquella -gente”. - -Page 465. In “querido se sepan tambien las que agora dire”, the _que_ -assumed herein was not printed clearly. - -Page 523 first footnote. In “former name of the pueblo was Aquiu”, -there was a smudge atop the A, might have hidden an accent mark, -perhaps. There was also a big smudge atop the G in “Gilded Man”. - -Page 564. The first footnote seems to have no anchor in the printed -text, but probably should be anchored to the chapter title—as shown -in this edition. - -Page 570. There was a missing phrase between “the third about” and -“These three are like”. Nine spaces are included herein to indicate -this, as in the printed version. - -Page 601, under heading Barcia, Andres Gonzales. The phrase -originally printed “1512 hasta 1722, escrito por Don Gabriel de -Cardenas z Cano.—Madrid, CIↃIↃCCXXIII” includes a scarcely supported -glyph, U+2183 ROMAN NUMERAL REVERSED ONE HUNDRED. The combination -CI[U+2183] means “M”=1000. The combination I[U+2183] means “D”=500. -Therefore, the text in this edition has been rendered “MDCCXXIII”. - -Page 609. The phrase “November, 1895, and Febuary, 1896” was changed -to “November, 1895, and February, 1896”. - -Page 627. Index entry "MATYATA, forioer New Mexican pueblo" was -retained despite the obvious spelling issue. In the entry "MENOOZA, -ANTONIO DE, Cabeza de Vaca entertained by", "MENOOZA" was changed to -"MENDOZA". - -Page 628. Two consecutive entries read - - "MONTCALM, Menomini at fall of … 16 - MONTEJO, —, feats of, in Tabasco … 540" - -The first entry pertains to an essay outside the scope of this book, -but has been retained so that the EM DASH in the second entry may be -interpreted properly. The transcriber hopes that the reader of this -book makes better sense of it than the transcriber has. Likewise, the -EM DASH in "MUÑOZ, —, copy of Alvarado's report by … 594" does not -seem to make sense. Again, on page 629, the meaning of the EM DASH -is not clear in "NAVARRETE, —, cited on date". - -Page 636. "TUTHEA-NÂY" was changed to "TUTHEA-UÂY" to agree with the -reference in the note on page 492; the last A has been rendered with -a circumflex, but this is not clear in the scanned images. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542., by -George Parker Winship - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CORONADO EXPEDITION *** - -***** This file should be named 50448-0.txt or 50448-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/4/4/50448/ - -Produced by DP Project Manager for Bureau of American -Ethnology Projects, RichardW, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. This file was -produced from images generously made available by the -Biblioth{~INVALID CHARACTER 117 4233B8 - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |