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diff --git a/43736-8.txt b/43736-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index defd824..0000000 --- a/43736-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,13729 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fourteenth Century Verse & Prose, by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Fourteenth Century Verse & Prose - -Author: Various - -Editor: Kenneth Sisam - -Release Date: September 15, 2013 [EBook #43736] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOURTEENTH CENTURY VERSE & PROSE *** - - - - -Produced by David Starner and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - -[Transcriber's Note: This text has words or letters enclosed in caret -brackets < > that were added by the author to complete the manuscript; -corrupt readings retained in the text are indicated in the original by -daggers [+][+]. #Bold# text has been marked by #; _underscores_ have -been used to indicate _italic_ fonts; an emphasis by font change of -single letters within an _it~a~lic_ context has been indicated by ~. -For transcription of unusual letters and errata see the Transcriber's -Note at the end. Original spelling variants and punctuation have not -been standardized. The companion volume, _A Middle English Vocabulary, -designed for use with SISAM's Fourteenth Century Verse & Prose_, by J. -R. R. Tolkien is available at PG #43737.] - - -Fourteenth Century - -VERSE & PROSE - -edited by - -KENNETH SISAM - -OXFORD - -AT THE CLARENDON PRESS - -M D CCCC XXI - - Oxford University Press - _London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen - New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town - Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai_ - Humphrey Milford - Publisher to the UNIVERSITY - -PRINTED IN ENGLAND. - - - - -CONTENTS - - PAGE - - - MAP viii - INTRODUCTION ix - - I. ROBERT MANNYNG OF BRUNNE'S HANDLYNG SYNNE 1 - The Dancers of Colbek 4 - II. SIR ORFEO 13 - III. MICHAEL OF NORTHGATE'S AYENBYTE OF INWYT 32 - How Mercy increases Temporal Goods 33 - IV. RICHARD ROLLE OF HAMPOLE 36 - A. Love is Life 37 - B. The Nature of the Bee 41 - C. The Seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost 42 - V. SIR GAWAYNE AND THE GRENE KNIGHT 44 - The Testing of Sir Gawayne 46 - VI. THE PEARL, ll. 361-612 57 - VII. THE GEST HYSTORIALE OF THE DESTRUCTION OF TROY 68 - Prologue 69 - The XXXI Book: Of the Passage of the Grekys fro Troy 72 - VIII. PIERS PLOWMAN 76 - A. From the B-Text, Passus VI 78 - B. From the C-Text, Passus VI 89 - IX. MANDEVILLE'S TRAVELS 94 - Ethiopia.--Of Diamonds 96 - Beyond Cathay 100 - Epilogue 104 - X. JOHN BARBOUR'S BRUCE 107 - An Assault on Berwick (1319) 108 - XI. JOHN WICLIF 115 - A. The Translation of the Bible 117 - B. Of Feigned Contemplative Life 119 - XII. JOHN GOWER 129 - A. Ceix and Alceone 131 - B. Adrian and Bardus 137 - XIII. JOHN OF TREVISA'S TRANSLATION OF HIGDEN'S - POLYCHRONICON 145 - A. The Marvels of Britain 146 - B. The Languages of Britain 148 - XIV. POLITICAL PIECES 151 - A. On the Scots, by Minot 152 - B. The Taking of Calais, by Minot 153 - C. On the Death of Edward III 157 - D. John Ball's Letter to the Peasants of Essex 160 - E. On the Year 1390-1 161 - XV. MISCELLANEOUS PIECES IN VERSE 162 - A. Now Springs the Spray 163 - B. Spring 164 - C. Alysoun 165 - D. The Irish Dancer 166 - E. The Maid of the Moor 167 - F. The Virgin's Song 167 - G. Judas 168 - H. The Blacksmiths 169 - I. Rats Away 170 - XVI. THE YORK PLAY 'HARROWING OF HELL' 171 - XVII. THE TOWNELEY PLAY OF NOAH 185 - - NOTES 204 - APPENDIX: THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 265 - - - - -[Illustration: Names of Middle English texts placed on a map of England -and Wales.] - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -I - -Two periods of our early history promise most for the future of English -literature--the end of the seventh with the eighth century; the end of -the twelfth century with the thirteenth. - -In the first a flourishing vernacular poetry is secondary in importance -to the intellectual accomplishment of men like Bede and Alcuin (to name -only the greatest and the last of a line of scholars and teachers) who, -drawing their inspiration from Ireland and still more from Italy direct, -made all the knowledge of the time their own, and learned to move easily -in the disciplined forms of Latin prose. - -During the second the impulse again came from without. In -twelfth-century France the creative imagination was set free. In -England, which from the beginning of the tenth century had depended more -and more on France for guidance, the nobles, clergy, and entertainers, -in whose hands lay the fortunes of literature, had a community of -interest with their French compeers that has never since been -approached. So England shared early in the break with tradition; and -during the thirteenth century the native stock is almost hidden by the -brilliant growth of a new graft. - -Every activity of the mind was quickened. A luxuriant invention of forms -distinguished the Gothic style in architecture. All the decorative arts -showed a parallel enrichment. Oxford (at least to insular eyes) was -beginning to rival Paris in learning, and to contribute to the -over-production of clerks which at first extended the province of the -Church, and finally, by breaking the bounds set between ecclesiastics -and laymen, played an important part in the secularization of letters. -The friars, whose foundation was the last great reform of the mediaeval -Church, were at the height of their good fame; and one of them, the -Franciscan Roger Bacon, by his work in philosophy, criticism, and -physical science, raised the name of English thinkers to an eminence -unattained since Bede. If among the older monastic orders feverish and -sometimes extravagant reforms are symptoms of decline, the richness of -Latin chronicles like those of Matthew Paris of St. Albans is evidence -that in some of the great abbeys the monks were still learned and -eloquent. Nor was Latin the only medium in which educated Englishmen -were at home. They wrote French familiarly, and to some extent repaid -their debt to France by transcribing and preserving Continental -compositions that would else have perished. - -Apart from all these activities, the manifestations of a new spirit in -English vernacular works are so important, and the break with the past -is so sharp, that the late twelfth century and the thirteenth would be -chosen with more justice than Chaucer's time as the starting-point for a -study of modern literature. - -Then romance was established in English, whether we use the word to mean -the imaginative searching of dark places, or in the more general sense -of story-telling unhampered by a too strict regard for facts. Nothing is -more remarkable in pre-Conquest works than the Anglo-Saxon's dislike of -exaggeration and his devotion to plain matter of fact. Here is the -account of the whales in the far North that King Alfred received from -Ohthere (a Norseman, of course, but it is indifferent):--'they are eight -and forty ells long, and the biggest fifty ells long'. Compare with this -parsimony the full-blooded description of the griffins in -_Mandeville_:--'But o griffoun hath the body more gret, and is more -strong, žanne eight lyouns, of suche lyouns as ben o this half; and more -gret and strongere žan an hundred egles suche as we han amonges vs, -&c.', and you have a rough measure of the progress of fiction. - -To take pleasure in stories is not a privilege reserved for favoured -generations: but special conditions had transformed this pleasure into a -passion. When Edward I became King in 1272, Western Europe had enjoyed a -long period of internal peace, during which national hatreds burnt low. -The breaking down of barriers between Bretons and French, Welsh and -English, brought into the main stream of European literature the Celtic -vein of idealism and delicate fancy. At the universities, in the -Crusades, in the pilgrimages to Rome or Compostella, the nations -mingled, each bringing from home some contribution to the common stock -of stories; each gaining new experiences of the outside world, fusing -them, and repeating them with embellishments. To those who stayed at -home came the minstrels in the heyday of their craft--they were freemen -of every Christian land who reported whatever was marvellous or -amusing--and at second hand the colours of the rediscovered world seemed -no less brave. It was an age greedy for entertainment that fed a rich -sense of comedy on the jostling life around it; and to serve its ideals -called up the great men of the past--Orpheus opening the way to -fairyland, the heroes of the Trojan war, Alexander; Arthur and the -Knights of the Round Table and Merlin the enchanter; Charlemagne with -his peers--or won back from the shadows not Eurydice alone, but Helen -and Criseyde, Guinevere and Ysolde, Rymenhild and Blauncheflour. - -While she still claimed to direct public taste, the Church could not be -indifferent to the spread of romance. A policy of uniform repression was -no longer possible. Her real power to suppress books was ineffective to -bind busy tongues and minds; popular movements were assured of a measure -of practical tolerance when order competed with order and church with -church for the goodwill of the people; and even if the problem had been -well defined, a disciplined attitude unvarying throughout all the -divisions of the Church was not to be expected when her mantle covered -clerks ranging in character from the strictest ascetic to that older -Falstaff who passed under the name of Golias and found his own Muse in -the tavern,-- - - _Tales versus facio quale vinum bibo; - Nihil possum scribere nisi sumpto cibo; - Nihil valet penitus quod ieiunus scribo,-- - Nasonem post calices carmine praeibo!_ - -So it came about that while some of the clergy denounced all minstrels -as 'ministers of Satan', others made a truce with the more honest among -them, and helped them to add to their repertories the lives of saints. -Officially 'trifles and trotevales' were still censured: but it seemed -good to mould the _chansons de geste_ to pious uses,[1] and to purify -the court of King Arthur, which popularity had led into dissolute ways, -by introducing the quest of the Graal. And if Rolle preached sound -doctrine when he ranked among the Sins of the Mouth 'to syng seculere -sanges and lufe žam', their style and music were not despised as baits -to catch the ears of the frivolous: when a singer began - - Ase y me rod žis ender dai - By grene wode to seche play, - Mid herte y žohte al on a may, - Suetest of alle žinge,-- - -the lover of secular songs would be tempted to listen; but he would stay -to hear a song of the Joys of the Virgin, to whose cult the period owes -its best devotional poetry. - -[Foot-note 1: For illustrations from Old French, see _Les Légendes -Épiques_ by Professor Joseph Bédier, 4 vols., Paris 1907-, a book that -maintains the easy pre-eminence of the French school in the appreciation -of mediaeval literature.] - -The power of the Church to mould the early growth of vernacular -literature is so often manifested that there is a risk of -underestimating the compromises and surrenders which are the signs of -its wane. The figures of romance invaded the churches themselves, -creeping into the carvings of the portals, along the choir-stalls, and -into the historiated margins of the service books. Ecclesiastics -collected and multiplied stories to adorn their sermons or illustrate -their manuals of vices and virtues. In the lives of saints marvels -accumulated until the word 'legend' became a synonym for an untrue tale. -Though there are moments in the fourteenth century when the -preponderance of the clerical over the secular element in literature -seems as great as ever, by the end of the Middle Ages the trend of the -conflict is plain. It is the Church that draws back to attend to her own -defences, which the domestic growth of pious fictions has made -everywhere vulnerable. But imaginative literature, growing always -stronger and more confident, wins full secular liberty. - -Emancipation from the bondage of fact, and to some extent from -ecclesiastical censorship, coincided with the acquisition of a new -freedom in the form of English poetry. Old English had a single -metre--the long alliterative line without rime. It was best suited to -narrative; it was unmusical in the sense that it could not be sung; it -had marked proclivities towards rant and noise; and like blank verse it -degenerated easily into mongrel prose. - -Degeneration was far advanced in the eleventh century; and about the end -of the twelfth some large-scale experiments show that writers were no -longer content with the old medium. In _Layamon_, the last great poem in -this metre before the fourteenth century, internal rime and assonance -are common. Orm adopted the unrimed _septenarius_ from Latin, but -counted his syllables so faithfully as to produce an intolerable -monotony. Then French influence turned the scale swiftly and decisively -in favour of rime, so that in the extant poetry of the thirteenth -century alliteration is a secondary principle or a casual ornament, but -never takes the place of rime. - -The sudden and complete eclipse of a measure so firmly rooted in -tradition is surprising enough; but the wealth and elaborateness of the -new forms that replaced it are still more matter for wonder. It is -natural to think of the poets before Chaucer as children learning their -art slowly and painfully, and often stumbling on the way. Yet in this -one point of metrical technique they seem to reach mastery at a bound. - -That the development of verse forms took place outside of English is -part of the explanation. Rimed verse had its origin in Church Latin. In -the monastic schools the theory of classical and post-classical metres -was a principal study; and the practical art of chant was indispensable -for the proper conduct of the services. Under these favourable -conditions technical development was rapid, so that in such an early -example of the rimed stanza as the following, taken from a poem that -Godescalc wrote in exile about the year 845,-- - - _Magis mihi, miserule, - Flere libet, puerule, - Plus plorare quam cantare - Carmen tale iubes quale, - Amor care. - O, cur iubes canere?[2]--_ - -the arrangement of longer and shorter lines, the management of rime or -assonance, and the studied grouping of consonant sounds, give rather the -impression of too much than too little artifice. - -[Foot-note 2: _Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini_, vol. iii (ed. L. Traube), p. -731.] - -From Church Latin rime passed into French, and with the twelfth century -entered on a new course of development at the hands of the _trouvčres_ -and the minstrels. The _trouvčres_, or 'makers', studied versification -and music as a profession, and competed in the weaving of ingenious -patterns. Since their living depended on pleasing their audience, those -minstrels who were not themselves composers spared no pains to sing or -recite well the compositions of others; and good execution encouraged -poets to try more difficult forms. - -The varied results obtained in two such excellent schools of experience -were offered to the English poets of the thirteenth century in exchange -for the monotony of the long line; and their choice was unhesitating. In -an age of lyrical poetry they learned to sing where before they could -only declaim: and because the great age of craftsmanship had begun, the -most intricate patterns pleased them best. Chaucer was perhaps not yet -born when the over-elaboration of riming metres in English drew a -protest from Robert Mannyng:[3] and when, after a period of hesitancy, -rimed verse regained its prestige in Chaucer's prime, nameless writers -again chose or invented complex stanza forms and sustained them -throughout long poems. If _The Pearl_ stood alone it might be accounted -a literary _tour de force_: the York and Towneley plays compel the -conclusion that a high standard of metrical workmanship was appreciated -by the common people. - -[Foot-note 3: - - If it were made in _ryme couwee_, - Or in strangere, or _enterlacé_, - Žat rede Inglis it ere inowe - Žat couthe not haf coppled a kowe, - Žat outhere in _couwee_ or in _baston_ - Som suld haf ben fordon. - - (_Chronicle_, Prologue, ll. 85 ff.)] - -Thus far, by way of generalization and without the _caveats_ proper to a -literary history, I have indicated some aspects of the preceding period -that are important for an understanding of the fourteenth century. But -it would be misleading to pass on without a word of reservation. There -is reason to suppose that the extant texts from the thirteenth century -give a truer reflection of the tastes of the upper classes, who were in -closest contact with the French, than of the tastes of the people. But -however this may be, they do not authorize us to speak for every part of -the country. All the significant texts come from the East or the -South--especially the western districts of the South, where an -exceptional activity is perhaps to be connected with the old preference -of the court for Winchester. In the North and the North-West a silence -of five centuries is hardly broken. - - -II - -Judged by what survives, the literary output of the first half of the -fourteenth century was small in quantity; though it must be remembered -that, unlike the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries which made a fresh -start and depended almost entirely on their own production, the -fourteenth inherited and enjoyed a good stock of verse, to which the new -compositions are a supplement. - -Our first impression of this new material is negative and disappointing. -The production of rimed romances falls off: their plots become -increasingly absurd and mechanical; the action, so swift in the early -forms, moves sluggishly through a maze of decorative descriptions; and -their style at its best has the pretty inanity of _Sir Thopas_. The -succession of merry tales--such as _Dame Siriz_, or _The Fox and the -Wolf_[4] where Reynard, Isengrim, and Chauntecleer make their first bow -in English--is broken until the appearance of the _Canterbury Tales_ -themselves. To find secular lyrics we must turn to the very beginning -or the very end of the century, and Chaucer himself does not recover the -fresh gaiety of the earlier time. - -[Foot-note 4: Both are in Bodleian MS. Digby 86 (about 1280), and are -accessible in G. H. McKnight's _Middle English Humorous Tales_, Boston -1913.] - -The decline of these characteristic thirteenth-century types becomes -less surprising when we notice that literature has changed camps. The -South, more especially the South-West, is now almost silent: the North -and the North-West reach their literary period. Minot and Rolle are -Northerners, Wiclif is a Yorkshireman by birth, the York and Towneley -Miracle cycles are both from the North, and with Barbour the literature -of the Scots dialect begins; Robert Mannyng belongs to the North-East -Midlands; while _Sir Gawayne_, _The Pearl_, and _The Destruction of -Troy_ represent the North-West. This predominance in the present volume -rests on no mere chance of selection, since the Northern (Egerton) -version of _Mandeville_ might have been preferred to the Cotton; and if -the number of extracts were to be increased, the texts that first come -to mind--_Cursor Mundi_ (about 1300),[5] _Prick of Conscience_ (about -1340), _Morte Arthure_ (about 1360), the Chester Plays--are Northern and -North-Western. - -[Foot-note 5: Early English Text Society, ed. R. Morris. Unless other -editions are mentioned, the longer works which are not represented by -specimens may be read among the Early English Texts.] - -It is impossible to give more than a partial explanation of the change -in the area of production. But as the kinds of poetry that declined -early in the fourteenth century are those that owed most to French -influence, it is reasonable to assume that in the South the impulse that -produced them had spent its force. The same pause is observable at the -same time in France, where it coincides with the transition from oral -poetry to more reflective compositions written for the eye of a reader. -It is the pause between the passing of the minstrels and the coming of -men of letters. - -Such changes were felt first in the centres of government, learning, and -commerce, whence ideas and fashions spread very slowly to the country -districts. At this time the North, and above all the North-West, was the -backward quarter of England, thinly populated and in great part -uncultivated. An industrial age had not yet dotted it with inland -cities; and while America was still unknown the western havens were -neglected.[6] In these old-fashioned parts the age of minstrel poetry -was prolonged, and the wave of inspiration from France, though it came -late, stirred the North and North-West after the South had relapsed into -mediocrity or silence. - -[Foot-note 6: See p. 150.] - -So, about the middle of the century, imaginative poetry found a new home -in the West-Midlands. As before, poets turned to French for their -subjects, and often contented themselves with free adaptation of French -romances. They accepted such literary conventions as the Vision, which -was borrowed from the _Roman de la Rose_ to be the frame of _Wynnere and -Wastoure_ (1352)[7] and _The Parlement of the Thre Ages_,[8] before it -was used in _Piers Plowman_ and _The Pearl_ and by Chaucer. But time and -distance had weakened the French influence, and the new school of poets -did not catch, as the Southern poets did, the form and spirit of their -models. - -[Foot-note 7: Ed. Sir Israel Gollancz, Oxford 1920.] - -[Foot-note 8: Ed. Gollancz, Oxford 1915.] - -They preferred the unrimed alliterative verse, which from pre-Conquest -days must have lived on in the remote Western counties without a written -record; and for a generation rime is overshadowed. The suddenness and -importance of this revival in a time otherwise barren of poetry will -appear from a list of the principal alliterative poems that are commonly -assigned to the third quarter of the century:--_Wynnere and Wastoure_, -_The Parlement of the Thre Ages_, _Joseph of Arimathie_ (the first -English Graal romance), _William of Palerne_, _Piers Plowman_ (A-text), -_Patience_, _Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight_, _The Destruction of -Troy_, _Morte Arthure_. - -At the time alliterative verse was fitted to become the medium of -popular literature. Prose would not serve, because its literary life -depends on books and readers. Up to the end of the century (if we -exclude sermons and religious or technical treatises, where practical -considerations reinforced a Latin tradition) the function of prose in -English literature is to translate Latin or French prose;[9] and even -this narrow province is sometimes invaded by verse. Yet it was not easy -to write verse that depended on number of syllables, quantity, or rime. -The fall of inflexions brought confusion on syllabic metres; there were -great changes in the quantity and quality of vowels; and these -disturbances affected the dialects unevenly.[10] It must have been hard -enough for a poet to make rules for himself: but popularity involved the -recital of his work by all kinds of men in all kinds of English, when -the rimes would be broken and the rhythm lost. It is perhaps unfair to -call Michael of Northgate's doggerel (p. 33) to witness the misfortunes -of rimed metres. But the text of _Sir Orfeo_ from the Auchinleck -manuscript shows how often Englishmen who were nearly contemporary with -the composer had lost the tune of his verses. The more fortunate makers -of alliterative poems, whose work depended on the stable yet elastic -frame of stress and initial consonants, possessed a master-key to the -dialects. - -[Foot-note 9: Chaucer's prose rendering of the _Metra_ of Boethius is an -apparent exception, but Jean de Meung's French prose version lay before -him.] - -[Foot-note 10: See the Appendix.] - -Adaptability made easier the diffusion of alliterative verse: but its -revival was not due to a deliberate choice on practical grounds. It was -a phase of a larger movement, which may be described as a weakening of -foreign and learned influences, and a recovery of the native stock. And -the metrical form is only the most obvious of the old-fashioned elements -that reappeared. In spirit, too, the authors of the alliterative school -have many points of kinship with the Old English poets. They are more -moderate than enthusiastic. Left to themselves, their imaginations move -most easily among sombre shapes and in sombre tones. They have not the -intellectual brilliance and the wit of the French poets; and when they -laugh--which is not often--the lightness of the thirteenth century is -rarer than the rough note of the comic scenes in the Towneley plays. It -is hard to say how much the associations and aptitudes of the verse -react on its content: but _Sumer is icumen in_, which is the essence of -thirteenth-century poetry, is barely conceivable in Old English, where -even the cuckoo's note sounded melancholy; and it would come oddly from -the poets of the middle fourteenth century, who have learned from the -French _trouvčres_ the convention of spring, with sunshine, flowers, and -singing birds, but seem unable to put away completely the memory of -winter and rough weather. - -In the last quarter of the century the tide of foreign influence runs -strong again; and the work of Gower and Chaucer discloses radical -changes in the conditions of literature which are the more important -because they are permanent. The literary centre swings back to the -capital--London now instead of Winchester--which henceforth provides the -models for authors of any pretensions throughout England and across the -Scottish border. In Chaucer we have for the first time a layman, writing -in English for secular purposes, who from the range and quality of his -work may fairly claim to be ranked among men of letters. The strictly -clerical writers had been content to follow the Scriptures, the Fathers -and commentators, the service books and legendaries; and Chaucer does -not neglect their tradition.[11] The minstrels had exploited a popular -taste for merry tales 'that sownen into synne'; and he borrowed so -gladly from them that many have doubted his repentance.[12] But his -models are men of letters:--the Latin poets headed by Ovid, who was -Gower's favourite too; French writers, from the satirical Jean de Meung -to makers of studied 'balades, roundels, virelayes' like Machaut and -Deschamps; and the greater Italian group--Boccaccio, Petrarch, and -Dante. Keeping such company, he was bound to reject the rusticity of the -alliterative school, and the middle way followed by those who added a -tag of rime at the end of a rimeless series (as in _Sir Gawayne_), or -invented stanzas in which alliteration remains, but is subservient to -rime (as in _The Pearl_ and the York plays). After his day, even for -Northerners who wish to write well, there will be no more '_rum-ram-ruf_ -by lettre'.[13] - -[Foot-note 11: - - And for to speke of other holynesse, - He hath in prose translated Boece, - And of the Wrechede Engendrynge of Mankynde - As man may in pope Innocent ifynde, - And made the Lyfe also of Seynt Cecile; - He made also, gon ys a grete while, - Origenes upon the Maudeleyne. - - (_Legend of Good Women_, Prologue A, ll. 424 ff.)] - -[Foot-note 12: _Parson's Tale_, at the end.] - -[Foot-note 13: _Prologue to Parson's Tale_, l. 43.] - - -III - -In outlining the main movements of the century, I have mentioned -incidentally the fortunes of certain kinds of composition,--the -restriction of the lyrical form to devotional uses; the long dearth in -the records of humorous tales; the decadence of romances in rime, and -the flourishing of alliterative romances. The popular taste for stories -was still unsatisfied, and guided authors, from Robert Mannyng to -Chaucer, in their choice of subjects or method of treatment. -Translators were busier than ever in making Latin and French works -available to a growing public who understood no language but English; -and of necessity the greater number of our specimens are translations, -ranging from the crude literalness of Michael of Northgate to the -artistic adaptation seen in Gower's tales. But the chief new -contribution of the century is the vernacular Miracle Play, with which -the history of the English drama begins. - -Miracle plays grew out of the services for the church festivals of -Easter and Christmas. Towards the end of the tenth century a -representation of the Three Maries at the Sepulchre is provided for in -the English Easter service. Later, the Shepherds seeking the Manger and -the Adoration of the Magi are represented in the services for the -Christmas season. In their early form these dramatic ceremonies consist -of a few sentences of Latin which were sung by the clergy with a minimum -of dignified action. - -From the eleventh to the thirteenth century the primitive form underwent -a parallel development in all parts of Europe. Records of Miracles in -England are at this time scanty and casual:--Matthew Paris notes one at -Dunstable because precious copes were borrowed for it from St. Albans, -and were accidentally burnt; another, given in the churchyard at -Beverley, is mentioned because a boy who had climbed to a post of -vantage in the church, and thence higher to escape the sextons, fell and -yet took no harm. But the scantiness of references before 1200 is in -itself evidence of growth without active enemies, and the few -indications agree with the general trend observable on the Continent. -The range of subjects was extended to include the acts of saints, and -the principal scenes of sacred history from the Fall of Lucifer to the -Last Judgement. Single scenes were elaborated to something like the -scale familiar in Middle English. By the end of the twelfth century -French begins to appear beside or in place of Latin; the French verses -were spoken, not sung; the plays were often acted outside the church; -and it may be assumed that laymen were admitted as performers alongside -the minor clergy, who seem to have been the staunchest supporters of the -plays. - -The Miracle had become popular, and there is soon evidence of its -perversion by the grotesque imaginings of the people. In 1207 masking -and buffoonery in the churches at Christmas came under the ban of Pope -Innocent III, and his prohibition was made permanent in the Decretals. -Henceforth we must look for new developments to the Miracles played -outside the church. To these freedom from the restraints of the sacred -building did not bring a better reputation. Before 1250 the most -influential churchman of the time, Bishop Grosseteste of Lincoln, who -was far from being a kill-joy, urged his clergy to stamp out Miracles; -and later William of Wadington, and Robert Mannyng his translator, while -allowing plays on the Resurrection and the Nativity if decently -presented in the church, condemn the Miracles played in open places, and -blame those of the clergy who encouraged them by lending vestments to -the performers.[14] - -[Foot-note 14: _Handlyng Synne_, ll. 4640 ff.] - -From the first three-quarters of the fourteenth century, which -include the critical period for the English Miracles, hardly a -record survives. The memoranda on which the history of the English -plays is based begin toward the end of the century, and the texts -are drawn from fifteenth- and sixteenth-century manuscripts. Hence -it will be simplest to set out the changes that were complete by -1400 without attempting to establish their true sequence; and to -disregard the existence, side by side with the fully developed -types, of all the gradations between them and the primitive form -that might result from stunted growth or degeneration. - -The early references point to the representation of single plays or -small groups of connected scenes; and such isolated pieces survive as -long as there are Miracles: Hull, for instance, specialized on a play of -Noah's Ship. But now we have to record the appearance of series or -cycles of plays, covering in chronological order the whole span of -sacred history. Complete cycles were framed on the Continent as early as -the end of the thirteenth century. In England they are represented by -the York, Towneley (Wakefield), and Chester plays, and the so-called -_Ludus Coventriae_.[15] There are also records or fragments of cycles -from Beverley, Coventry, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and Norwich. The -presentation of the cycle sometimes occupied a day (York), sometimes two -or three successive days (Chester), and sometimes a part was carried -over to the next year's festival (_Ludus Coventriae_). - -[Foot-note 15: These are not the Coventry plays, of which only two -survive, but a cycle of plays torn from their local connexions (ed. J. -O. Halliwell, Shakespeare Society, 1841). The title is due to a -seventeenth-century librarian, who possibly had heard of no Miracle -cycle but the famous one at Coventry.] - -The production of a long series of scenes in the open requires fine -weather, and once the close connexion with the church services had been -broken, there was a tendency to throw forward the presentation into May -or June. The Chester plays were given in Whitsun-week--at least in later -times. But normally the day chosen in fourteenth-century England was the -Feast of Corpus Christi (the first Thursday after Trinity Sunday), which -was made universal throughout the Church in 1311. So the Miracles get -the generic name of 'Corpus Christi Plays'. - -The feature of the Corpus Christi festival was its procession. As a -result either of inclusion in this procession or of imitation, the -cycles came to be played processionally: each play had its stage on -wheels which halted at fixed stations in the streets, and at each -station the play was reenacted. This was the usage at York, Wakefield, -Chester, Coventry, and Beverley. The older practice of presentation on -fixed stages was followed in the _Ludus Coventriae_. - -Our last records from the end of the thirteenth century indicated that -the open-air Miracle had been disowned by the Church from which it -sprang. Yet a century later processional performances appear on a scale -that postulates strong and competent management. In the interim the -control of the great cycles had passed from the clergy to the -municipalities, who laid upon each guild of craftsmen within their -jurisdiction the duty of presenting a play. Ecclesiastics still wrote -Miracles, and occasionally performed them; but when Canterbury, London, -Salisbury, Winchester, Oxford, which have no extant texts and few -records of popular performances, are named against York, Wakefield, -Chester, Coventry, Beverley, it is obvious that official Church -influences were no longer the chief factor in the development of -Miracles. For their growth and survival in England the cycles depended -on the interest of powerful corporations, willing to undertake the -financial responsibility of their production, and able to maintain them -against the attacks of the Lollards, or change of policy in the orthodox -Church, or the fickleness of fashion in entertainment. - -The steps by which the English guilds assumed the guardianship of the -plays cannot now be retraced. We must be content to note that the -undertaking called for just that combination of religious duty, civic -patriotism, and pride of craft that inspired the work of the guilds in -their best days. And the clergy had every reason to welcome the -disciplining by secular authority of a wayward offspring that had grown -beyond their own control. The York texts, which bring us nearest to the -time when the corporations and guilds first took charge of the Miracles, -are very creditable to the taste of the city, and must represent a -reform on the irresponsible productions that scandalized the thirteenth -century. The vein of coarseness in some of the comic scenes of the -Towneley group seems to be due to a later recrudescence of incongruous -elements. - -The last great change to be noted was inevitable when the plays became -popular: they were spoken in English and in rimed verse, with only an -occasional tag or stage direction or hymn in Latin to show their origin. -The variety of the texts, and of the modes and purposes of their -representation, make it impossible to assign a date to the transition -that would be generally applicable; and its course was not always the -same. There is an example of direct translation from Latin in the -Shrewsbury fragments,[16] which contain one actor's cues and parts in -three plays: first the Latin foundation is given in verse or prose, and -then its expansion in English alternate rime. That translations were -sometimes made from the French is proved by the oldest known manuscript -of a Miracle in English--an early fourteenth-century fragment of a -Nativity play, consisting of a speech in French followed by its -rendering in the same stanza form.[17] But there is no reason to doubt -that as English gained ground and secularization became more complete, -original composition appeared side by side with translation.[18] - -[Foot-note 16: Shrewsbury School MS. Mus. iii. 42 (early fifteenth -century), ed. Skeat, _Academy_, January 4 and January 11, 1890. The -fragments are (i) the part of the Third Shepherd in a Nativity play; -(ii) the part of the third Mary in a Resurrection play; (iii) the part -of Cleophas in _Pilgrims to Emmaus_. Manly, who reprints the fragments -in _Specimens of the Pre-Shaksperean Drama_, vol. i (1900), pp. xxvi -ff., notes that these plays seem to have been church productions rather -than secular.] - -[Foot-note 17: See _The Times Literary Supplement_ of May 26 and June 2, -1921. The fragment comes from Bury St. Edmunds. The dialect is E. -Midland.] - -[Foot-note 18: On the production of Miracle plays see L. Toulmin Smith, -Introduction to _York Plays_, Oxford 1885; and A. F. Leach in _An -English Miscellany presented to Dr. Furnivall_, pp. 205 ff.] - -For one other kind of writing the fourteenth century is notable--its -longer commentaries on contemporary life and the art of living. In the -twelfth century England had an important group of satirical poets who -wrote in Latin; and in the thirteenth there are many French and a few -English satires. Their usual topic was the corruption of the religious -orders, varied by an occasional attack on some detail of private folly, -such as extravagance in dress or the pride of serving-men. These pieces -are mostly in the early French manner, where so much wit tempers the -indignation that one doubts whether the satirist would be really happy -if he succeeded in destroying the butts of his ridicule. - -This is not the spirit of the fourteenth century, when a darker side of -life is turned up and reported by men whose eyes are not quick to catch -brightness. The number of short occasional satires in English increases, -but they are seldom gay. The greater writers--Rolle, Wiclif, Langland, -Gower--were obsessed by the troubles of their time, and are less -satirists than moralists. Certainly the events of the century gave -little cause for optimism. The wane of enthusiasm throughout Europe and -the revival of national jealousies are evident very early in the failure -of all attempts to organize an effective Crusade after 1291, when the -Turks conquered the last Christian outposts in Palestine. There was no -peace, for the harassing wars with Scotland were followed by the long -series of campaigns against France that sapped the strength of both -countries for generations. The social and economic organization was -shaken by the severest famines (1315-21) and the greatest pestilence -(1349) in English history, and both famine and plague came back more -than once before the century was done. The conflict of popes and -anti-popes divided the Western Church, while England faced the domestic -problem of Lollardry. There was civil revolt in 1381; and the century -closed with the deposition of Richard II. A modern historian balances -the account with the growth of parliamentary institutions, the improving -status of the labouring classes, and the progress of trade: but in so -far as these developments were observable at all by contemporary -writers, they were probably interpreted as signs of general decay. - -In such an atmosphere the serene temper with which Robert Mannyng -handles the sins and follies of his generation did not last long. Rolle -tried to associate with men in order to improve their way of life: but -his intensely personal attitude towards every problem, and the low value -he set on the quality of reasonableness, made success impossible; and -after a few querulous outbursts against his surroundings, he found his -genius by withdrawing into pure idealism. - -Wiclif was the one writer who was also a practical reformer. Having made -up his mind that social evils could be remedied only through the Church, -and that the first step was a thorough reform of the government, -doctrine, and ministers of the Church, he acted with characteristic -logic. The vices and follies of the people he regarded as secondary, and -refused to dissipate his controversial energies upon them. His strength -was reserved for a grim, ordered battle against ecclesiastical abuses; -and while he pulled down, he did not neglect to lay foundations that -outlasted his own defeat. - -_Piers Plowman_ gives a full picture of the times and their bewildering -effect on the mind of a sincere and moderate man. Its author belonged to -the loosely organized secular clergy who, by reason of their middle -position, served as a kind of cement in a ramshackle society. He has no -new system and no practical schemes of reform to expound--only -perplexing dreams of a simple Christian who, with Conscience and Reason -as his guides, faces in turn the changing shapes of evil. He attacks -them bravely enough, and still they seem to evade him; because he -shrinks from destroying their roots when he finds them too closely -entwined with things to which his habits or affections cling. In the end -he cannot find a sure temporal foothold: yet he has no vision of a -Utopia to come in which society will be reorganized by men's efforts. -That idea brought no comfort to his generation who, standing on the -threshold of a new order, looked longingly backward. - -Passing over Gower, whose direct studies of contemporary conditions were -written in Latin and French, we come round again to Chaucer. He has not -Rolle's idealism, or Wiclif's fighting spirit, or Langland's -earnestness--in fact, he has no great share of moral enthusiasm. A man -of the world with keen eyes and the breadth of outlook and sympathy that -Gower lacked, he is at home in a topsy-turvy medley of things half-dead -with things half-grown, and the thousand disguises of convention and -propriety through which the new life peeped to mock at its puzzled and -despairing repressors were to him a never-ending entertainment. _Ubique -iam abundat turpitudo terrena_, says Rolle in an alliterative flight, -_vilissima voluptas in viris vacillat;... bellant ut bestiae; breviantur -beati; nullus est nimirum qui nemini non nocet_. That was one side, but -it was not the side that interested Chaucer. He had the spirit of the -thirteenth-century poets grown up, with more experience, more -reflection, and a mellower humour, but not less good temper and capacity -for enjoyment. He no longer laughs on the slightest occasion for sheer -joy of living: but he would look elvishly at Richard Rolle--a hermit who -made it a personal grievance that people left him solitary, a fugitive -from his fellows who unconsciously satisfied a very human and pleasing -love for companionship and admiration by becoming the centre of a -coterie of women recluses. A world that afforded such infinite amusement -to a quiet observer was after all not a bad place to live in. - - -IV - -Chaucer, who suffers when read in extracts, is not represented in this -book, although without him fourteenth-century literature is a body -without a head. But in the choice of literary forms and subjects, I have -aimed at illustrating the variety of interest that is to be found in the -writings of lesser men. - -It may be asked whether the choice of specimens gives a true idea of the -taste and accomplishment of the age. This issue is raised by Professor -Carleton Brown's Afterword in the second volume of his _Register of -Middle English Religious and Didactic Verse_, a book that will be to -generations of investigators a model of unselfish research. There he -emphasizes the popularity of long poems, and especially of long didactic -poems, as evidenced by the relatively great number of manuscript copies -that survive. _The Prick of Conscience_ leads with ninety-nine -manuscripts, against sixty-nine of _The Canterbury Tales_, and -forty-seven of _Piers Plowman_. What is to be said of a book that, -impoverished by the exclusion of Chaucer, passes by also the most -popular poem of his century? - -I would rest an apology on the conditions under which manuscript copies -came into being and survived; and begin with Michael of Northgate as he -brings his _Ayenbyte_ to an end in the October of 1340, before the short -days and the numbing cold should come to make writing a pain. The book -has no elegance that would commend it to special care, for Dan Michael -is a dry practical man, as indifferent to the graces of style as to the -luxury of silky vellum and miniatures stiff with gold and colour. But -from his cell it goes into the library of his monastery--a library well -ordered and well catalogued, and (as if to guarantee security) boasting -the continuous possession of books that Gregory the Great gave to the -first missionaries. We know its place exactly--the fourth shelf of -press XVI. And there it remained safe until the days of intelligent -private collectors, passing finally with the Arundel library to the -British Museum. The course was not often so smooth, for of two dozen -manuscripts left by Michael to St. Augustine's, Dr. James, in the year -1903, could identify only four survivors in as many different libraries. -But the example is enough to illustrate a proposition that will not -easily be refuted:--the chances of an English mediaeval manuscript -surviving greatly depend on its eligibility for a place in the library -of a religious house, since these are the chief sources of the -manuscripts that have come down to us. - -The attitude of the Church towards the vernacular literature of the -later Middle Ages did not differ materially from her attitude towards -the classics in earlier times, though the classics had always the -greater dignity. Literary composition as a pure art was not encouraged. -Entertainment for its own sake was discountenanced. The religious houses -were to be centres of piety and learning; and if English were admitted -at all in the strongholds of Latin and French, a work of unadorned -edification like _The Prick of Conscience_ would make very suitable -reading for those who craved relaxation from severer studies. There -were, of course, individuals among the professed religious who indulged -a taste for more worldly literature; but the surviving catalogues of -libraries that were formed under the eye of authority show a marked -discrimination in favour of didactic works. - -In England the private libraries of fourteenth-century laymen were -relatively insignificant. But Guy, Earl of Warwick, in 1315 left an -exceptionally rich collection to the Abbey of Bordesley, which failed to -conserve the legacy. The list was first printed in Todd's _Illustrations -of Gower and Chaucer_ (1810),[19] and (among devotional works and lives -of saints that merge into religious romances like _Joseph of Arimathea -and the Graal_, _Titus and Vespasian_, and _Constantine_) it includes -most of the famous names of popular history:--Lancelot, Arthur and -Modred; Charlemagne, Doon of Mayence, Aimery of Narbonne, Girard de -Vienne, William of Orange, Thibaut of Arraby, Doon of Nanteuil, Guy of -Nanteuil, William Longespée, Fierebras; with two Alexander romances, a -_Troy Book_, a _Brut_; the love story of _Amadas e Idoine_; the romance -_de Guy e de la Reygne 'tut enterement'_; a book of physic and surgery; -and a miscellany--_un petit rouge livere en lequel sount contenuz mous -diverses choses_. Yet even a patron so well disposed to secular poems -did little to perpetuate the manuscripts of English verse. His education -enabled him to draw from the fountain head, and most of his books were -French. - -[Foot-note 19: p. 161.] - -Neither in the libraries of the monasteries, nor in the libraries of the -great nobles, should we expect to find a true mirror of popular taste. -The majority of the people knew no language but English; and the -relative scarcity of books of every kind, which even among the educated -classes made the hearers far outnumber the readers, was at once a cause -and a symptom of illiteracy: the majority of the people could not read. -This leads to a generalization that is cardinal for every branch of -criticism:--up to Chaucer's day, the greater the popularity of an -English poem, the less important becomes the manuscript as a means of -early transmission. The text, which would have been comparatively safe -in the keeping of scribe, book, and reader, passes to the uncertain -guardianship of memorizer, reciter, and listener; so that sometimes it -is wholly lost, and sometimes it suffers as much change in a generation -as would a classical text in a thousand years. Already Robert Mannyng -laments the mutilation of _Sir Tristrem_ by the 'sayers' (who could -hardly be expected to avoid faults of improvisation and omission in the -recitation of so long a poem from memory);[20] and his regret would -have been keener if he could have looked ahead another hundred years to -see how the texts of the verse romances paid the price of popularity by -the loss of crisp phrases and fresh images, and the intrusion of every -mode of triteness. - -[Foot-note 20: - - I see in song, in sedgeyng tale - Of Erceldoun and of Kendale, - Non žam says as žai žam wroght, - And in žer sayng it semes noght. - Žat may žou here in _Sir Tristrem_-- - Ouer gestes it has že steem, - Ouer alle žat is or was, - If men it sayd as made Thomas: - But I here it no man so say, - Žat of som copple som is away. - - (_Chronicle_, Prologue, ll. 93 ff.) - -Robert blames the vanity of the reciters more than their memories, on -the excellence of which Petrarch remarks in his account of the -minstrels: _Sunt homines non magni ingenii, magnae vero memoriae, -magnaeque diligentiae_ (to Boccaccio, _Rerum Senilium_, Bk. v, ep. ii).] - -Of course manuscripts of the longer secular poems were made and -used,--mean, stunted copies from which the travelling entertainer could -refresh his memory or add to his stock of tales; fair closet copies that -would enable well-to-do admirers to renew their pleasure when no skilled -minstrel was by; and, occasionally, compact libraries of romance, like -the Auchinleck manuscript, which must have been the treasure of some -great household that enjoyed 'romanz-reding _on že bok_'--the pastime -that encouraged the rise of prose romances in the late Middle Ages. But -as a means of circulation for popular verse, as distinct from learned -verse and from prose, the book was of secondary importance in its own -time, and was always subject to exceptional risks. The fates of three -stories in different kinds, all demonstrably favourites in the -fourteenth century, will be sufficient illustration: of _Floris and -Blauncheflour_, one of the best of the early romances in the courtly -style, several manuscripts survive, but when all are assembled the -beginning of the story is still wanting; of _Havelok_, typical of the -homely style, one imperfect copy and a few charred fragments of another -are extant; of the _Tale of Wade_, that was dear to 'olde wydwes',[21] -and yet considered worthy to entertain the noble Criseyde,[22] no text -has come down. Evidently, to determine the relative popularity of the -longer tales in verse we need not so much a catalogue of extant -manuscripts, as a census, that cannot now be taken, of the repertories -of the entertainers. - -[Foot-note 21: Chaucer, _Merchant's Tale_, ll. 211 ff.] - -[Foot-note 22: Chaucer, _Troilus and Criseyde_, Bk. iii, l. 614.] - -If the manuscript life of the longer secular poems was precarious, the -chances of the short pieces--songs, ballads, jests, comic dialogues, -lampoons--were still worse. Since they were composed for the day -without thought of the future, and were no great charge on the ordinary -memory, the chief motives for writing them down were absent; and no -doubt the professional minstrel found that to secure his proprietary -rights against competitors, he must be chary of giving copies of his -best things. Many would never be put into writing; some were jotted -down on perishable wax; but parchment, always too expensive for -ephemeral verse, was reserved for special occasions. In France, in the -thirteenth century, Henri d'Andeli adds a touch of dignity to his poem -celebrating the memory of a distinguished patron by inscribing it on -parchment instead of the wax tablets he used for lighter verses.[23] In -England in 1305, a West-Country swashbuckler, whom fear of the statute -against _Trailebastouns_ kept in the greenwood, relieves his offended -dignity by composing a poem half apologetic, half minatory, and chooses -as the safest way of publication to write it on parchment and throw it -in the high road:-- - - _Cest rym fust fet al bois desouz vn lorer, - La chaunte merle, russinole, e crye l'esperuer. - Escrit estoit en parchemyn pur mout remenbrer, - Et gitté en haut chemyn, qe vm le dust trouer.[24]_ - -These loose sheets or tiny rolls[25] rarely survive, and the -preservation of their contents, as of pieces launched still more -carelessly on the world, depends on the happy chance of inclusion in a -miscellany; quotation in a larger work; or entry on a fly-leaf, margin, -or similar space left blank in a book already written. - -[Foot-note 23: - - _Et icil clers qui ce trova ... - Por ce qu'il est de verité, - Ne l'apele mie flablel, - Ne l'a pas escrit en tablel, - Ainz l'a escrit en parchamin: - Par bois, per plains et par chamins, - Par bors, par chateals, par citez - Vorra qu'il soit bien recitez._ - - (_OEuvres_, ed. A. Héron, Paris 1881, p. 40.)] - -[Foot-note 24: 'This rime was made in the wood beneath a bay-tree, where -blackbird and nightingale sing and the sparrow-hawk cries. It was -written on parchment for a record, and flung in the high road so that -folk should find it.' _The Political Songs of England_, ed. T. Wright -(London 1839), p. 236.] - -[Foot-note 25: A rare example of a roll made small for convenience of -carrying is the British Museum Additional MS. 23986. It is about three -inches wide and, in its imperfect state, twenty-two inches long, so that -when rolled up it is not much bigger than one's finger. On the inside it -contains a thirteenth-century _Song of the Barons_ in French (T. Wright, -_Political Songs_, 1839, pp. 59 ff.); on the outside, two scenes from a -Middle English farce called _Interludium de Clerico et Puella_ -(Chambers, _Mediaeval Stage_, vol. ii, pp. 324 ff.) which, like so many -happy experiments of the earlier time, appears to have no successor in -the fourteenth century.] - -Most productive, though not very common in the fourteenth century, are -the miscellanies of short pieces--volumes like Earl Guy's 'little red -book containing many divers things'--in which early collectors noted -down the scraps that interested them. A codex of West-Country origin, -MS. Harley 2253 in the British Museum, preserves among French poems such -as the complaint of the _Trailebastoun_, a group of English songs that -includes _Lenten is Come_ and _Alysoun_. Most of its numbers are unique, -and the loss of this one volume would have swept away the best part of -our knowledge of the early Middle English secular lyrics. - -Of survival by quotation there is an example in the history of the -Letter of Theodric, which lies behind Mannyng's tale of the Dancers of -Colbek; and the circumstances are worth lingering over both for the -number of by-paths they open to speculation, and for the glimpse they -give of Wilton in a century from which there are few records of the -nunnery outside the grim, tax-gatherer's entries of Domesday. - -In the year before the Conquest, Theodric the foreigner, still racked by -the curse that was laid on Bovo's company, made his way from the court -of Edward the Confessor to the shrine of St. Edith. As he walked through -the quiet valley to Wilton in the spring of the year, we may be sure the -thought came to him that here at last was the spot where a man wearied -with wandering from land to land, from shrine to shrine, might hope to -be cured and to set up his rest. From the moment he reaches the abbey it -is impossible not to admire his feeling for dramatic effect. By a -paroxysm of quaking he terrifies the peasants; but to the weeping nuns -he tells his story discreetly; and, lest a doubt should remain, produces -from his scrip a letter in which St. Bruno, the great Pope Leo IX, -vouches for all. It is notable that at this stage the convent appear to -have taken no steps to record a story so marvellous and so well -authenticated; and had Theodric continued his restless wandering we -should know of him as little as is known of three others from the band -of carollers, who had preceded him at Wilton with a similar story. But -when he obtains leave to sleep beside the shrine of St. Edith, and in -the morning of the great feast of Lady Day wakes up healed, exalting the -fame of their patron saint who had lifted the curse where all the saints -of Europe had failed, then, and then only, the convent order that an -official record should be made, and the letter copied: _Hec in presencia -Brichtive ipsius loci abbatisse declarata et patriis litteris[26] sunt -mandata_. Henceforth it exists only as a chapter in the Acts of St. -Edith, and as such it lay before Robert of Brunne. Of the other -communities or private persons visited by Theodric (who, whether saint -or _faitour_, certainly did not produce his letter for the first and -last time at Wilton) none have preserved his memory. It would be hard to -find a better example of the power of the clergy in early times to -control the keys to posterity, or of the practical considerations which, -quite apart from merit or curiosity, governed the preservation of -legends. - -[Foot-note 26: _Patriis litteris_ according to Schröder and Gaston Paris -means 'English language', but if it is not a mere flourish, it means -rather the 'English script' in which the Latin letter was copied, as -distinct from the foreign hand of Theodric's original letter. What -'English script' meant at Wilton in 1065 is a question of some delicacy. -The spelling _Folcpoldus_ for _Folcwoldus_ in some later copies of the -Wilton text must be due to confusion of _p_ and Anglo-Saxon [wynn] = -_w_. This would be decisive for 'Anglo-Saxon script' if it occurred -anywhere but in a proper name.] - -But it is the verses casually jotted down in unrelated books that bring -home most vividly the slenderness of the thread of transmission. A -student has committed _Now Springs the Spray_ to solitary imprisonment -between the joyless leaves of an old law book. The song of the Irish -Dancer and _The Maid of the Moor_ were scribbled, with some others from -a minstrel's stock, on the fly-leaf of a manuscript now in the Bodleian. -On a blank page of another a prudent man (who used vile ink, long since -faded) has written the verses that banish rats, much as a modern -householder might treasure up some annihilating prescription. To these -waifs the chance of survival did not come twice, and to a number -incalculable it never came. - -It has been the purpose of this digression to bring the extant -literature into perspective: not to raise useless regrets for what is -lost, since we can learn only from what remains; nor to contest the -value of statistics of surviving copies as a proof of circulation, -provided the works compared are similar in length and kind, and are -represented in enough manuscripts to make figures significant; nor yet -to deny that didactic verse bulks large in the output of the fourteenth -century: it could not be otherwise in an anxious age, when the scarcity -of remains gives everything written in English a place in literary -history, and when for almost everything verse was preferred to prose. It -seemed better to redress the balance of chance by stealing from the end -of the thirteenth century a few fragments that following generations -would not forget, than to lend colour to the suggestion that ninety-nine -of the men of Chaucer's century enjoyed _The Prick of Conscience_ for -every one that caught up the refrain of _Now Springs the Spray_, or -danced through _The Maid of the Moor_, or sang the praises of Alison. - - -V - -However much a maker of excerpts may stretch his commission to give -variety, it is in vain if the reader will not do his part; for it lies -with him to find interest. Really no effective attack can be made on a -crust of such diversified hardness until the reader looks at his text as -a means of winning back something of the life of the past, and feels a -pleasure in the battle against vagueness. - -The first step is to find out the verbal meaning. Strange words, that -force themselves on the attention and are easily found in dictionaries -and glossaries, try a careful reader less than groups of common -words--such lines as - - _Že fairest leuedi, for že nones, - Žat mi[gh]t gon on bodi and bones_ II 53-4 - -which, if literally transposed into modern English, are nonsense. Those -who think it is beneath the dignity of an intelligent reader to weigh -such gossamer should turn to Zupitza's commentary on the Fifteenth -Century Version of _Guy of Warwick_,[27] and see how a master among -editors of Middle English relishes every phrase, missing nothing, and -yet avoiding the opposite fault of pressing anything too hard. For these -tags, more or less emptied of meaning through common use, and ridiculous -by modern standards, have their importance in the economy of spoken -verse, where a good voice carried them off. They helped out the composer -in need of a rime; the reciter on his feet, compelled to improvise; and -the audience who, lacking the reader's privilege to linger over -close-packed lines, welcomed familiar turns that by diluting the sense -made it easier to receive. - -[Foot-note 27: Early English Text Society, extra series, 1875-6.] - -Repeated reading will bring out clearly the formal elements of -style--the management of rime and alliteration in verse, the grouping -and linking of clauses in prose, the cadences in both verse and prose: -and before the value of a word or phrase can be settled it is often -necessary to inquire how far its use was dictated by technical -conditions, compliance with which is sometimes ingenuous to the point of -crudity. Where a prose writer would be content with _Mathew sayth_, an -alliterative poet elaborates (VIII _a_ 234) into: - - _Mathew with mannes face mouthed žise wordis_ - -and in such a context _mouthed_ cannot be pressed. The frequent oaths in -the speeches in _Piers Plowman_ are no more than counters in the -alliteration: being meaningless they are selected to prop up the verse, -just as the barrenest phrases in the poem _On the Death of Edward III_ -owe their inclusion to the requirements of rime. Again, it will be -easier to acquiesce in a forced sense of _bende_ in - - _On bent much baret bende_ V 47 - -when it is observed that rime and alliteration so limit the poet's -choice that no apter word could be used. Conversely, in the absence of -disturbing technical conditions, a reader who finds nonsense should -suspect his understanding of the text, or the soundness of the text, -before blaming the author. - -When the sense expressed and the methods of expression have been -studied, it remains to examine the implications of the words--an endless -task and perhaps the most entertaining of all. Take as a routine example -the place where the Green Knight, preparing a third time to deliver his -blow, says to Gawayne-- - - _Halde že now že hy[gh]e hode žat Aržur že ra[gh]t, - And kepe žy kanel at žis kest, [gh]if hit keuer may_ V 229 f. - -A recent translator renders very freely: - - 'but yet thy hood up-pick, - Haply 'twill cover thy neck when I the buffet strike'-- - -though the etiquette of decapitation, and the delicacy of the stroke -that the Green Knight has in mind, require just the opposite -interpretation:--Gawayne's hood has become disarranged since he bared -his neck (V 188), and the Green Knight wants a clear view to make sure -of his aim. An observation of Gaston Paris on the Latin story of the -Dancers of Colbek will show how much an alert mind enriches the reading -of a text with precise detail. From the incident of Ave's arm he -concludes that the dancers did not form a closed ring, but a line with -Bovo leading (I 55) and Ave, as the last comer (I 43-54), at its end, so -that she had one arm free which her brother seized in his attempt to -drag her away (I 111 ff.). - -Intensive reading should be combined with discursive. Intensive reading -cultivates the habit of noticing detail; and it is a sound rule of -textual criticism to interpret a composition first in the light of the -evidence contained within itself. For instance, the slight flicker in -the verse - - _Sche most wiž him no lenger abide_ II 330 - -should recall as surely as a cross-reference the earlier line - - _No durst wiž hir no leng abide_ II 84 - -and raise the question whether in both places in the original work the -comparative had not the older form _leng_. Discursive reading is a -safeguard against the dangers of a narrow experience, and especially -against the assumption that details of phrase, style, or thought are -peculiar to an author or composition, when in fact they are common to a -period or a kind. A course of both will enable the reader to cope with a -school of critics who rely on superficial resemblances to strip the mask -from anonymous authors and attach their works to some favoured name. -Whether _Sir Gawayne_ and _The Destruction of Troy_ are from the same -hand is still seriously debated. Both are alliterative poems; but it is -impossible to read ten lines from each aloud without realizing the wide -gap that divides their rhythms. The differences of spirit are more -radical still. The facility of the author of _The Destruction_ is -attained at the cost of surrender to the metre. Given pens, ink, vellum, -and a good original, he could go on turning out respectable verses while -human strength endured. And because his meaning is all on the surface, -the work does not improve on better acquaintance. The author of _Sir -Gawayne_ is an artist who never ceases to struggle with a harsh medium. -He has the rare gift of visualizing every scene in his story: image -succeeds image, each so sharply drawn as to suggest that he had his -training in one of the schools of miniature-painting for which early -England was famous. It is this gift of the painter that, more than -likeness of dialect or juxtaposition in the manuscript, links _Sir -Gawayne_ with _The Pearl_. - -It cannot be too strongly urged that the purpose of a worker in Middle -English should be nothing less than to read sensitively, with the -fullest possible understanding. Of such a purpose many _curricula_ give -no hint. Nor could it be deduced readily from the latest activities of -research, where the tendency is more and more to leave the main road -(which should be crowded if the study is to thrive) for side-tracks and -by-paths of side-tracks in which the sense of direction and proportion -is easily lost. - -That much may be accomplished by specialists following a single line of -approach has been demonstrated by the philologists, who have burrowed -tirelessly to present new materials to a world which seldom rewards -their happiest elucidations with so much as a 'Well said, old mole!' The -student of literature (in the narrower modern sense of the word) brings -a new range of interests. He will be disappointed if he expects to find -a finished art, poised and sustained, in an age singularly afflicted -with growing pains; but there are compensations for any one who is -content to catch glimpses of promise, and--looking back and forward, and -aside to France--to take pleasure in tracing the rise and development of -literary forms and subjects. It is still not enough. The specialist in -language as a science, or in literature as an art, may find the Sixth -Passus of _Piers Plowman_ (VIII _a_) or the Wiclifite sermon (XI _b_) of -secondary interest. Yet both are primary documents, the one for the -history of society, the other for the history of religion. - -There is no escape from a counsel of perfection:--whoever enters on a -course of mediaeval studies must reckon as a defect his lack of interest -in any side of the life of the Middle Ages; and must be deaf to those -who, like the fox in Aesop that had lost its tail, proclaim the benefits -of truncation. The range of knowledge and experience was then more than -in later times within the compass of a single mind and life. And so much -that is necessary to a full understanding has been lost that no possible -source of information should be shut out willingly. It is an exercise in -humility to call up in all its details some scene of early English life -(better a domestic scene than one of pageantry) and note how much is -blurred. - -Every blur is a challenge. There are few familiar subjects in which a -beginner can sooner reach the limits of recorded knowledge. The great -scholars have found time to chart only a fraction of their discoveries; -and the greatest could not hope or wish for a day when the number of -quests worth the making would be appreciably less. - - * * * * * - -This book had its origin in a very different project. Professor Napier -had asked me to join him in producing for the use of language students a -volume of specimens from the Middle English dialects, with an apparatus -strictly linguistic. The work had not advanced beyond the choice of -texts when his death and my transfer to duties in which learning had no -part brought it to an end. When later the call came for a book that -would introduce newcomers to the fourteenth century, I was able to bring -into the changed plan his favourite passage from _Sir Gawayne_, and to -draw upon the notes of his lectures for its interpretation. It is a -small part of my debt to the generous and modest scholar whose mastery -of exact methods was an inspiration to his pupils. - - * * * * * - -I am obliged to the Early English Text Society and to the Clarendon -Press for permission to use extracts from certain of their publications; -to the librarians who have made their manuscripts available, or have -helped me to obtain facsimiles; to Mr. J. R. R. Tolkien who has -undertaken the preparation of the Glossary, the most exacting part of -the apparatus; and to Mr. Nichol Smith who has watched over the book -from its beginnings. - - - - -THE TEXTS - - -A single manuscript is chosen as the basis of each text, and -neither its readings nor its spellings are altered if they can -reasonably be defended. Where correction involves substitution, -the substituted letters are printed in italics, and the actual -reading of the manuscript will be found in the Foot-notes (or -occasionally in the Notes). Words or letters added to complete the -manuscript are enclosed in caret brackets < >. Corrupt readings -retained in the text are indicated by daggers [+][+]. -Paragraphing, punctuation, capitals, and the details of word -division are modern, and contractions are expanded without notice, -so that the reader shall not be distracted by difficulties that -are purely palaeographical. A final _e_ derived from OFr. _é(e)_ -or _ie_, OE. _-ig_, is printed _é_, to distinguish it from -unaccented final _e_ which is regularly lost in Modern English. - -The extracts have been collated with the manuscripts, or with complete -photographs, except Nos. IV (Thornton MS.), VII, VIII _b_, XI _a_, XVII, -the manuscripts of which I have not been able to consult. The foot-notes -as a rule take no account of conjectural emendations, variants from -other manuscripts, or minutiae like erasures and corrections -contemporary with the copy. - - - - -SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY[28] - -[Foot-note 28: Books primarily of reference are distinguished by an -asterisk. Details relating to texts, manuscript sources, editions, -monographs, and articles that have appeared in periodicals, will be -found in the bibliographical manuals cited.] - - -DICTIONARIES. - - *_A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles_, ed. Sir J. - A. H. Murray, H. Bradley, W. A. Craigie, C. T. Onions, Oxford - 1888--[quoted as _N.E.D._]. - - *Stratmann, F. A. _A Middle English Dictionary_, new edn. by H. - Bradley, Oxford 1891. - - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL. - - *Brown, Carleton. _A Register of Middle English Religious and - Didactic Verse_ (Part I, List of MSS.; Part II, Indices), Oxford - 1916-20 (Bibliographical Society). - - *Hammond, Miss E. P. _Chaucer: A Bibliographical Manual_, New York - 1908. - - *Wells, J. E. _A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, - 1050-1500_, New Haven, &c., 1916; Supplement, 1919. - - -LITERATURE AND LEARNING. - - Chambers, E. K. _The Mediaeval Stage_, 2 vols., Oxford 1903. - - Clark, J. W. _The Care of Books_, Cambridge (new edn.) 1909. - - Ker, W. P. _English Literature, Mediaeval_, London 1912. [A good - brief orientation.] - - Legouis, E. _Chaucer_ (transl. L. Lailavoix), London 1913. - - Rashdall, H. _The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, 2 - vols., Oxford 1895. - - -CHURCH HISTORY. - - Capes, W. W. _The English Church in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth - Centuries_, London 1909. - - *Dugdale, Sir William. _Monasticon Anglicanum_, new edn. by Caley, - Ellis and Bandinel, 6 vols., London 1846. [Gives detailed - histories of the English religious houses.] - - Gasquet, Cardinal F. A. _English Monastic Life_, London, 4th edn. - 1910. - - -GENERAL HISTORY. - - Ashley, W. J. _An Introduction to English Economic History and - Theory_, 2 vols., London 1888-93. - - Bateson, Mary. _Mediaeval England (1066-1350)_, London 1903. [A - brief and exact social history.] - - Cutts, E. L. _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_, London - 1872; 3rd edn. 1911. [Useful for its illustrations from MSS.] - - Gasquet, Cardinal F. A. _The Black Death of 1348 and 1349_, - London, 2nd edn. 1908. - - Jessopp, A. _The Coming of the Friars and other Historical - Essays_, London, 4th edn. 1890. - - Jusserand, J. J. _English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages_ - (transl. L. Toulmin Smith), London 1889, &c.; revised 1921. - [Invaluable.] - - Lechler, G. V. _John Wiclif and his English Precursors_ (transl. - P. Lorimer), 2 vols., London 1878. - - Oman, Sir Charles Wm. C. _The Great Revolt of 1381_, Oxford 1906. - - Reville, A., et Petit-Dutaillis, Ch. _Le Soulčvement des - Travailleurs d'Angleterre en 1381_, Paris 1898. - - Riley, H. T. _Memorials of London and London Life (1270-1419)_, - London 1868. - - *Rogers, J. E. T. _A History of Agriculture and Prices in England - (1259-1793)_. 7 vols., Oxford 1866-1902. [Rich in facts.] - - Smith, S. Armitage. _John of Gaunt_, London 1904. - - *Stubbs, Wm. _The Constitutional History of England_, 3 vols., - Oxford (1st edn. 1874-78), 1903-6. - - Tout, T. F. _The History of England from the Accession of Henry - III to the Death of Edward III (1216-1377)_, London 1905; new edn. - 1920. - - Trevelyan, G. M. _England in the Age of Wycliffe_, London 1899; - new edn., 1909. [A brilliant study.] - - -WORKS RELATING CHIEFLY TO FRANCE. - - Enlart, C. _Le Costume_ (vol. iii of his _Manuel d'Archéologie - Franēaise_), Paris 1916. - - Faral, E. _Les Jongleurs en France au Moyen Āge_, Paris 1910. - - Paris, G. _La Littérature Franēaise au Moyen Āge_, Paris, 5th edn. - 1909. [A model handbook.] - - - - -I - -ROBERT MANNYNG OF BRUNNE'S -HANDLYNG SYNNE - -A.D. 1303 - - -What is known of Robert Mannyng of Brunne is derived from his own works. -In the Prologue to _Handlyng Synne_ he writes: - - To alle Crystyn men vndir sunne, - And to gode men of Brunne, - And speciali, alle be name, - Že felaushepe of Symprynghame, - Roberd of Brunne gretež [gh]ow - In al godenesse žat may to prow; - Of Brunne wake yn Kesteuene, - Syxe myle besyde Sympryngham euene, - Y dwelled yn že pryorye - Fyftene [gh]ere yn cumpanye.... - -And in the Introduction to his _Chronicle_: - - Of Brunne I am; if any me blame, - Robert Mannyng is my name; - Blissed be he of God of heuene - Žat me Robert with gude wille neuene! - In že third Edwardes tyme was I, - When I wrote alle žis story, - In že hous of Sixille I was a throwe; - Dan[gh] Robert of Malton, žat [gh]e know, - Did it wryte for felawes sake - When žai wild solace make. - -From these passages it appears that he was born in Brunne, the modern -Bourn, in Lincolnshire; and that he belonged to the Gilbertine Order. -Sempringham was the head-quarters of the Order, and the dependent priory -of Sixhill was near by. It has been suggested, without much evidence, -that he was a lay brother, and not a full canon. - -His _Chronicle of England_ was completed in 1338. It falls into two -parts, distinguished by a change of metre and source. The first, edited -by Furnivall in the Rolls Series (2 vols. 1887), extends from the Flood -to A.D. 689, and is based on Wace's _Brut_, the French source of -Layamon's _Brut_. The second part, edited by Hearne, 2 vols., Oxford -1725, extends from A.D. 689 to the death of Edward I, and is based on -the French _Chronicle_ of a contemporary, who is sometimes called Pierre -de Langtoft, sometimes Piers of Bridlington, because he was a native of -Langtoft in Yorkshire, and a canon of the Austin priory at Bridlington -in the same county. Mannyng's _Chronicle_ has no great historical value, -and its chief literary interest lies in the references to current -traditions and popular stories. - -_Handlyng Synne_ is a much more valuable work. It was begun in 1303: - - Dane Felyp was mayster žat tyme - Žat y began žys Englyssh ryme; - Že [gh]eres of grace fyl žan to be - A žousynd and žre hundred and žre. - In žat tyme turnede y žys - On Englyssh tunge out of Frankys - Of a boke as y fonde ynne, - Men clepyn že boke 'Handlyng Synne'. - -The source was again a French work written by a contemporary -Northerner--William of Wadington's _Manuel de Pechiez_. The popularity -of such treatises on the Sins may be judged from the number of works -modelled upon them: e.g. the _Ayenbyte of Inwyt_, Gower's _Confessio -Amantis_, and Chaucer's _Parson's Tale_. Their purpose was, as Robert -explains, to enable a reader to examine his conscience systematically -and constantly, and so to guard himself against vice. - -Two complete MSS. of _Handlyng Synne_ are known: British Museum MS. -Harley 1701 (about 1350-75), and MS. Bodley 415, of a slightly later -date. An important fragment is in the library of Dulwich College. The -whole text, with the French source, has been edited by Furnivall for the -Roxburghe Club, and later for the Early English Text Society. It treats, -with the usual wealth of classification, of the Commandments, the Sins, -the Sacraments, the Requisites and Graces of Shrift. But such a bald -summary gives no idea of the richness and variety of its content. For -Mannyng, anticipating Gower, saw the opportunities that the illustrative -stories offered to his special gifts, and spared no pains in their -telling. A few examples are added from his own knowledge. More often he -expands Wadington's outlines, as in the tale of the Dancers of Colbek. -Here the French source is brief and colourless. But the English -translator had found a fuller Latin version--clearly the same as that -printed from Bodleian MS. Rawlinson C 938 in the preface to Furnivall's -Roxburghe Club edition--and from it he produced the well-rounded and -lively rendering given below. - -Robert knew that a work designed to turn 'lewde men' from the ale-house -to the contemplation of their sins must grip their attention; and in the -art of linking good teaching with entertainment he is a master. He has -the gift of conveying to his audience his own enjoyment of a good story. -His loose-knit conversational style would stand the test of reading -aloud to simple folk, and he allows no literary affectations, no forced -metres or verbiage, to darken his meaning: - - Haf I alle in myn Inglis layd - In symple speche as I couthe, - Žat is lightest in mannes mouthe. - I mad noght for no disours, - Ne for no seggers, no harpours, - But for že luf of symple men - Žat strange Inglis can not ken; - For many it ere žat strange Inglis - In ryme wate neuer what it is, - And bot žai wist what it mente, - Ellis me thoght it were alle schente. - - (_Chronicle_, ll. 72 ff.) - -The simple form reflects the writer's frankness and directness. He -points a moral fearlessly, but without harshness or self-righteousness. -And the range of his sympathies and interests makes _Handlyng Synne_ the -best picture of English life before Langland and Chaucer. - - -THE DANCERS OF COLBEK - -MS. Harley 1701 (about A.D. 1375); ed. Furnivall, ll. 8987 ff. - - Karolles, wrastlynges, or somour games, 1 - Whoso euer hauntež any swyche shames - Yn cherche, ožer yn cherche[gh]erd, - Of sacrylage he may be aferd; - Or entyrludes, or syngynge, 5 - Or tabure bete, or ožer pypynge-- - Alle swyche žyng forbodyn es - Whyle že prest stondež at messe. - Alle swyche to euery gode preste ys lothe, - And sunner wyl he make hym wroth 10 - Žan he wyl, žat haž no wyt, - Ne vndyrstondež nat Holy Wryt. - And specyaly at hygh tymes - Karolles to synge and rede rymys - Noght yn none holy stedes, 15 - Žat my[gh]t dysturble že prestes bedes, - Or [gh]yf he were yn orysun - Or any oužer deuocyun: - Sacrylage ys alle hyt tolde, - Žys and many ožer folde. 20 - But for to leue yn cherche for to daunce, - Y shal [gh]ow telle a ful grete chaunce, - And y trow že most žat fel - Ys sože as y [gh]ow telle; - And fyl žys chaunce yn žys londe, 25 - Yn Ingland, as y vndyrstonde, - Yn a kynges tyme žat hyght Edward - Fyl žys chau<n>ce žat was so hard. - Hyt was vppon a Crystemesse ny[gh]t - Žat twelue folys a karolle dy[gh]t, 30 - Yn wodehed, as hyt were yn cuntek, - Žey come to a tounne men calle Colbek. - Že cherche of že tounne žat žey to come - Ys of Seynt Magne, žat suffred martyrdome; - Of Seynt Bukcestre hyt ys also, 35 - Seynt Magnes suster, žat žey come to. - Here names of alle žus fonde y wryte, - And as y wote now shul [gh]e wyte: - Here lodesman, žat made hem glew, - Žus ys wryte, he hy[gh]te Gerlew. 40 - Twey maydens were yn here coueyne, - Mayden Merswynde and Wybessyne. - Alle žese come žedyr for žat enchesone - Of že prestes doghtyr of že tounne. - Že prest hy[gh]t Robert, as y kan ame; 45 - A[gh]one hyght hys sone by name; - Hys doghter, žat žese men wulde haue, - Žus ys wryte, žat she hy[gh]t Aue. - Echoune consented to o wyl - Who shuld go Aue oute to tyl, 50 - Žey graunted echone out to sende - Bože Wybessyne and Merswynde. - Žese wommen [gh]ede and tolled here oute - Wyž hem to karolle že cherche aboute. - Beu<u>ne ordeyned here karollyng; 55 - Gerlew endyted what žey shuld syng. - Žys ys že karolle žat žey sunge, - As tellež že Latyn tunge: - '_Equitabat Beuo per siluam frondosam, - Ducebat secum Merswyndam formosam. 60 - Quid stamus? cur non imus?_' - 'By že leued wode rode Beuolyne, - Wyž hym he ledde feyre Merswyne. - Why stonde we? why go we noght?' - Žys ys že karolle žat Grysly wroght; 65 - Žys songe sunge žey yn že cherche[gh]erd-- - Of foly were žey no žyng aferd-- - Vnto že matynes were alle done, - And že messe shuld bygynne sone. - Že preste hym reuest to begynne messe, 70 - And žey ne left žerfore neuer že lesse, - But daunsed furže as žey bygan, - For alle že messe žey ne blan. - Že preste, žat stode at že autere, - And herd here noyse and here bere, 75 - Fro že auter down he nam, - And to že cherche porche he cam, - And seyd 'On Goddes behalue, y [gh]ow forbede - Žat [gh]e no lenger do swych dede, - But comež yn on feyre manere 80 - Goddes seruyse for to here, - And dož at Crystyn mennys lawe; - Karollež no more, for Crystys awe! - Wurschyppež Hym with alle [gh]oure my[gh]t - Žat of že Vyrgyne was bore žys ny[gh]t.' 85 - For alle hys byddyng lefte žey no[gh]t, - But daunsed furž, as žey žo[gh]t. - Že preste žarefor was sore agreued; - He preyd God žat he on beleuyd, - And for Seynt Magne, žat he wulde so werche-- 90 - Yn whos wurschyp sette was že cherche-- - Žat swych a veniaunce were on hem sent, - Are žey oute of žat stede were went, - Žat <žey> my[gh]t euer ry[gh]t so wende - Vnto žat tyme tweluemonth ende; 95 - (Yn že Latyne žat y fonde žore - He seyž nat 'tweluemonth' but 'euermore';) - He cursed hem žere alsaume - As žey karoled on here gaume. - As sone as že preste hadde so spoke 100 - Euery hand yn oužer so fast was loke - Žat no man my[gh]t with no wundyr - Žat tweluemo<n>že parte hem asundyr. - Že preste [gh]ede yn, whan žys was done, - And commaunded hys sone A[gh]one 105 - Žat <he> shulde go swyže aftyr Aue, - Oute of žat karolle algate to haue. - But al to late žat wurde was seyd, - For on hem alle was že veniaunce leyd. - A[gh]one wende weyl for to spede; 110 - Vnto že karolle as swyže he [gh]ede, - Hys systyr by že arme he hente, - And že arme fro že body wente. - Men wundred alle žat žere wore, - And merueyle mowe [gh]e here more, 115 - For, sežen he had že arme yn hand, - Že body [gh]ede furž karoland, - And nožer <že> body ne že arme - Bledde neuer blode, colde ne warme, - But was as drye, with al že haunche, 120 - As of a stok were ryue a braunche. - A[gh]one to hys fadyr went, - And broght hym a sory present: - 'Loke, fadyr,' he seyd, 'and haue hyt here, - Že arme of žy doghtyr dere, 125 - Žat was myn owne syster Aue, - Žat y wende y my[gh]t a saue. - Žy cursyng now sene hyt ys - Wyth veniaunce on žy owne flessh. - Fellyche žou cursedest, and ouer sone; 130 - Žou askedest veniaunce,--žou hast žy bone.' - [Gh]ow žar nat aske [gh]yf žere was wo - Wyth že preste, and wyth many mo. - Že prest, žat cursed for žat daunce, - On some of hys fyl harde chaunce. 135 - He toke hys doghtyr arme forlorn - And byryed hyt on že morn; - Že nexte day že arme of Aue - He fonde hyt lyggyng aboue že graue. - He byryed <hyt> on anoužer day, 140 - And eft aboue že graue hyt lay. - Že žrydde tyme he byryed hyt, - And eft was hyt kast oute of že pyt. - Že prest wulde byrye hyt no more, - He dredde že veniaunce ferly sore; 145 - Ynto že cherche he bare že arme, - For drede and doute of more harme, - He ordeyned hyt for to be - Žat euery man my[gh]t wyth ye hyt se. - Žese men žat [gh]ede so karolland, 150 - Alle žat [gh]ere, hand yn hand, - Žey neuer oute of žat stede [gh]ede, - Ne none my[gh]t hem ženne lede. - Žere že cursyng fyrst bygan, - Yn žat place aboute žey ran, 155 - Žat neuer ne felte žey no werynes - As many [+]bodyes for goyng dos[+], - Ne mete ete, ne drank drynke, - Ne slepte onely alepy wynke. - Ny[gh]t ne day žey wyst of none, 160 - Whan hyt was come, whan hyt was gone; - Frost ne snogh, hayle ne reyne, - Of colde ne hete, felte žey no peyne; - Heere ne nayles neuer grewe, - Ne solowed cložes, ne turned hewe; 165 - Žundyr ne ly[gh]tnyng dyd hem no dere, - Goddys mercy ded hyt fro hem were;-- - But sungge žat songge žat že wo wro[gh]t: - 'Why stonde we? why go we no[gh]t?' - What man shuld žyr be yn žys lyue 170 - Žat ne wulde hyt see and žedyr dryue? - Že Emperoure Henry come fro Rome - For to see žys hard dome. - Whan he hem say, he wepte sore - For že myschefe žat he sagh žore. 175 - He ded come wry[gh]tes for to make - Coueryng ouer hem, for tempest sake. - But žat žey wroght hyt was yn veyn, - For hyt come to no certeyn, - For žat žey sette on oo day 180 - On že toužer downe hyt lay. - Ones, twyys, žryys, žus žey wro[gh]t, - And alle here makyng was for no[gh]t. - Myght no coueryng hyle hem fro colde - Tyl tyme of mercy žat Cryst hyt wolde. 185 - Tyme of grace fyl žurgh Hys my[gh]t - At že tweluemonth ende, on že [gh]ole ny[gh]t. - Že same oure žat že prest hem banned, - Že same oure atwynne žey [+]woned[+]; - Žat houre žat he cursed hem ynne, 190 - Že same oure žey [gh]ede atwynne, - And as yn twynkelyng of an ye - Ynto že cherche gun žey flye, - And on že pauement žey fyl alle downe - As žey had be dede, or fal yn a swone. 195 - Žre days styl žey lay echone, - Žat none steryd ožer flesshe or bone, - And at že žre days ende - To lyfe God graunted hem to wende. - Žey sette hem vpp and spak apert 200 - To že parysshe prest, syre Robert: - 'Žou art ensample and enchesun - Of oure long confusyun; - Žou maker art of oure trauayle, - Žat ys to many grete meruayle, 205 - And žy traueyle shalt žou sone ende, - For to žy long home sone shalt žou wende.' - Alle žey ryse žat yche tyde - But Aue,--she lay dede besyde. - Grete sorowe had here fadyr, here brožer; 210 - Merueyle and drede had alle oužer; - Y trow no drede of soule dede, - But with pyne was broght že body dede. - Že fyrst man was že fadyr, že prest, - Žat deyd aftyr že do[gh]tyr nest. 215 - Žys yche arme žat was of Aue, - Žat none my[gh]t leye yn graue, - Že Emperoure dyd a vessel werche - To do hyt yn, and hange yn že cherche, - Žat alle men my[gh]t se hyt and knawe, 220 - And ženk on že chaunce when men hyt sawe. - Žese men žat hadde go žus karolland - Alle že [gh]ere, fast hand yn hand, - Žogh žat žey were žan asunder - [Gh]yt alle že worlde spake of hem wunder. 225 - Žat same hoppyng žat žey fyrst [gh]ede, - Žat daunce [gh]ede žey žurgh land and lede, - And, as žey ne my[gh]t fyrst be vnbounde, - So efte togedyr my[gh]t žey neuer be founde, - Ne my[gh]t žey neuer come a[gh]eyn 230 - Togedyr to oo stede certeyn. - Foure [gh]ede to že courte of Rome, - And euer hoppyng aboute žey nome, - [+]Wyth sundyr lepys[+] come žey žedyr, - But žey come neuer efte togedyr. 235 - Here cložes ne roted, ne nayles grewe, - Ne heere ne wax, ne solowed hewe, - Ne neuer hadde žey amendement, - Žat we herde, at any corseynt, - But at že vyrgyne Seynt Edyght, 240 - Žere was he botened, Seynt Teodryght, - On oure Lady day, yn lenten tyde, - As he slepte here toumbe besyde. - Žere he had hys medycyne - At Seynt Edyght, že holy vyrgyne. 245 - Brunyng že bysshope of seynt Tolous - Wrote žys tale so merueylous; - Sežže was hys name of more renoun, - Men called hym že pope Leoun. - Žys at že court of Rome žey wyte, 250 - And yn že kronykeles hyt ys wryte - Yn many stedys be[gh]ounde že see, - More žan ys yn žys cuntré. - Žarfor men seye, an weyl ys trowed, - 'Že nere že cherche, že fyržer fro God'. 255 - So fare men here by žys tale, - Some holde hyt but a troteuale, - Yn ožer stedys hyt ys ful dere - And for grete merueyle žey wyl hyt here. - A tale hyt ys of feyre shewyng, 260 - Ensample and drede a[gh]ens cursyng. - Žys tale y tolde [gh]ow to <make> [gh]ow aferde - Yn cherche to karolle, or yn cherche[gh]erde, - Namely a[gh]ens že prestys wylle: - Leuež whan he byddež [gh]ow be stylle. 265 - -[Foot-note: 21 for (2nd) _om. MS. Bodley 415_.] - -[Foot-note: 24 Ys as sož as že gospel _MS. Bodley_.] - -[Foot-note: 78 behalue] halfe _MS. Bodley_.] - -[Foot-note: 94 žey] _so MS. Bodley: om. MS. Harley_.] - -[Foot-note: 106 he] _so MS. Bodley_.] - -[Foot-note: 118 že] _so MS. Bodley_.] - -[Foot-note: 136-7 forlor[=n]... mor[=n] _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 140 hyt] _so MS. Bodley_: _om. MS. Harley._] - -[Foot-note: 171 Žat] Žat hyt _MS. Harley_.] - -[Foot-note: 221 men] žey _MS. Bodley_.] - -[Foot-note: 227 [gh]ede] wente _MS. Bodley._] - -[Foot-note: 229 togedyr... neuer] my[gh]t žey neuer togedyr _MS. -Bodley._] - -[Foot-note: 241 Seynt _om. MS. Bodley._] - - - - -II - -SIR ORFEO - - -_Sir Orfeo_ is found in three MSS.: (1) the Auchinleck MS. (1325-1350), -a famous Middle English miscellany now in the Advocates' Library, -Edinburgh; (2) British Museum MS. Harley 3810 (fifteenth century); (3) -Bodleian MS. Ashmole 61 (fifteenth century). Our text follows the -Auchinleck MS., with ll. 1-24 and ll. 33-46 supplied from the Harleian -MS. The critical text of O. Zielke, Breslau 1880, reproduces the MSS. -inaccurately. - -The story appears to have been translated from a French source into -South-Western English at the beginning of the fourteenth century. It -belongs to a group of 'lays' which claim to derive from Brittany, e.g. -_Lai le Freine_, which has the same opening lines (1-22); _Emaré_; and -Chaucer's _Franklin's Tale_. - -The story of Orpheus and Eurydice was known to the Middle Ages chiefly -from Ovid (_Metamorphoses_ x) and from Virgil (_Georgics_ iv). King -Alfred's rendering of it in his _Boethius_ is one of his best prose -passages, despite the crude moralizing which makes Orpheus's backward -glance at Eurydice before she is safe from Hades a symbol of the -backslider's longing for his old sins. The Middle English poet has a -lighter and daintier touch. The Greek myth is almost lost in a tale of -fairyland, the earliest English romance of the kind; and to provide the -appropriate happy ending, Sir Orfeo is made successful in his attempt to -rescue Heurodis. The adaptation of the classical subject to a mediaeval -setting is thorough. An amusing instance is the attempt in the -Auchinleck MS. to give the poem an English interest by the unconvincing -assurance that _Traciens_ (which from 'Thracian' had come to mean -'Thrace') was the old name of Winchester (ll. 49-50). - - <We redyn ofte and fynde ywryte, - As clerkes don us to wyte, - The layes that ben of harpyng - Ben yfounde of frely thing. - Sum ben of wele, and sum of wo, 5 - And sum of ioy and merthe also; - Sum of trechery, and sum of gyle, - And sum of happes žat fallen by whyle; - Sum of bourdys, and sum of rybaudry, - And sum žer ben of the feyré. 10 - Of alle žing žat men may se, - Moost _o_ lo_u_e forsože žey be. - In Brytayn žis layes arne ywryte, - Furst yfounde and forže ygete, - Of aventures žat fillen by dayes, 15 - Wherof Brytouns made her layes. - When žey myght owher heryn - Of aventures žat žer weryn, - Žey toke her harpys wiž game, - Maden layes and [gh]af it name. 20 - Of aventures žat han befalle - Y can sum telle, but nou[gh]t all. - Herken, lordyngys žat ben trewe, - And y wol [gh]ou telle of Sir Orphewe.> - Orfeo was a king, 25 - In Inglond an hei[gh]e lording, - A stalworž man and hardi bo, - Large and curteys he was also. - His fader was comen of King Pluto, - And his moder of King Iuno, 30 - Žat sum time were as godes yhold, - For auentours žat žai dede and told. - <Orpheo most of ony žing - Louede že gle of harpyng; - Syker was euery gode harpoure 35 - Of hym to haue moche honoure. - Hymself loued for to harpe, - And layde žeron his wittes scharpe. - He lernyd so, žer nožing was - A better harper in no plas; 40 - In že world was neuer man born - Žat euer Orpheo sat byforn, - And he my[gh]t of his harpyng here, - He schulde žinke žat he were - In one of že ioys of Paradys, 45 - Suche ioy and melody in his harpyng is.> - Žis king soiournd in Traciens, - Žat was a cité of noble defens; - For Winchester was cleped žo - Traciens wižouten no. 50 - Že king hadde a quen of priis, - Žat was ycleped Dame Herodis, - Že fairest leuedi, for že nones, - Žat mi[gh]t gon on bodi and bones, - Ful of loue and of godenisse; 55 - Ac no man may telle hir fairnise. - Bifel so in že comessing of May, - When miri and hot is že day, - And oway bež winter-schours, - And eueri feld is ful of flours, 60 - And blosme breme on eueri bou[gh] - Oueral wexež miri anou[gh], - Žis ich quen, Dame Heurodis, - Tok to maidens of priis, - And went in an vndrentide 65 - To play bi an orchard side, - To se že floures sprede and spring, - And to here že foules sing. - Žai sett hem doun al žre - Vnder a fair ympe-tre, 70 - And wel sone žis fair quene - Fel on slepe opon že grene. - Že maidens durst hir nou[gh]t awake, - Bot lete hir ligge and rest take. - So sche slepe til afternone, 75 - Žat vndertide was al ydone. - Ac as sone as sche gan awake, - Sche crid and ložli bere gan make, - Sche froted hir honden and hir fet, - And crached hir visage, it bled wete; 80 - Hir riche robe hye al torett, - And was reuey<se>d out of hir witt. - Že tvo maidens hir biside - No durst wiž hir no leng abide, - Bot ourn to že palays ful ri[gh]t, 85 - And told bože squier and kni[gh]t - Žat her quen awede wold, - And bad hem go and hir athold. - Kni[gh]tes vrn, and leuedis also, - Damisels sexti and mo, 90 - In že orchard to že quen hye come, - And her vp in her armes nome, - And brou[gh]t hir to bed atte last, - And held hir žere fine fast; - Ac euer sche held in o cri, 95 - And wold vp and owy. - When Orfeo herd žat tiding, - Neuer him nas wers for no žing. - He come wiž kni[gh]tes tene - To chaumber ri[gh]t bifor že quene, 100 - And biheld, and seyd wiž grete pité: - 'O lef liif, what is te, - Žat euer [gh]ete hast ben so stille, - And now gredest wonder schille? - Ži bodi, žat was so white ycore, 105 - Wiž žine nailes is al totore. - Allas! ži rode, žat was so red, - Is al wan as žou were ded; - And also žine fingres smale - Bež al blodi and al pale. 110 - Allas! ži louesom ey[gh]en to - Lokež so man dož on his fo. - A! dame, ich biseche merci. - Lete ben al žis reweful cri, - And tel me what že is, and hou, 115 - And what žing may že help now.' - Žo lay sche stille atte last, - And gan to wepe swiže fast, - And seyd žus že king to: - 'Allas! mi lord, Sir Orfeo, 120 - Sežžen we first togider were, - Ones wrož neuer we nere, - Bot euer ich haue yloued že - As mi liif, and so žou me. - Ac now we mot delen ato; 125 - Do ži best, for y mot go.' - 'Allas!' quaž he, 'forlorn icham. - Whider wiltow go, and to wham? - Whider žou gost, ichil wiž že, - And whider y go, žou schalt wiž me.' 130 - 'Nay, nay, sir, žat nou[gh]t nis; - Ichil že telle al hou it is: - As ich lay žis vndertide, - And slepe vnder our orchard-side, - Žer come to me to fair kni[gh]tes 135 - Wele y-armed al to ri[gh]tes, - And bad me comen an hei[gh]ing, - And speke wiž her lord že king. - And ich answerd at wordes bold, - Y durst nou[gh]t, no y nold. 140 - Žai priked o[gh]ain as žai mi[gh]t driue; - Žo com her king also bliue, - Wiž an hundred kni[gh]tes and mo, - And damisels an hundred also, - Al on snowe-white stedes; 145 - As white as milke were her wedes: - Y no sei[gh]e neuer [gh]ete bifore - So fair creatours ycore. - Že king hadde a croun on hed, - It nas of siluer, no of gold red, 150 - Ac it was of a precious ston, - As bri[gh]t as že sonne it schon. - And as son as he to me cam, - Wold ich, nold ich, he me nam, - And made me wiž him ride 155 - Opon a palfray, bi his side, - And brou[gh]t me to his palays, - Wele atird in ich ways, - And schewed me castels and tours, - Riuers, forestes, friž wiž flours, 160 - And his riche stedes ichon; - And sežžen me brou[gh]t o[gh]ain hom - Into our owhen orchard, - And said to me žus afterward: - "Loke, dame, to-morwe žatow be 165 - Ri[gh]t here vnder žis ympe-tre, - And žan žou schalt wiž ous go, - And liue wiž ous euermo; - And [gh]if žou makest ous ylet, - Whar žou be, žou worst yfet, 170 - And totore žine limes al, - Žat nožing help že no schal; - And žei žou best so totorn, - [Gh]ete žou worst wiž ous yborn."' - When King Orfeo herd žis cas, 175 - 'O we!' quaž he, 'allas, allas! - Leuer me were to lete mi liif, - Žan žus to lese že quen mi wiif!' - He asked conseyl at ich man, - Ac no man him help no can. 180 - Amorwe že vndertide is come, - And Orfeo haž his armes ynome, - And wele ten hundred kni[gh]tes wiž him - Ich y-armed stout and grim; - And wiž že quen wenten he 185 - Ri[gh]t vnto žat ympe-tre. - Žai made scheltrom in ich a side, - And sayd žai wold žere abide, - And dye žer euerichon, - Er že quen schuld fram hem gon. 190 - Ac [gh]ete amiddes hem ful ri[gh]t - Že quen was oway ytui[gh]t, - Wiž fairi forž ynome; - Men wist neuer wher sche was bicome. - Žo was žer criing, wepe and wo. 195 - Že king into his chaumber is go, - And oft swoned opon že ston, - And made swiche diol and swiche mon - Žat nei[gh]e his liif was yspent: - Žer was non amendement. 200 - He cleped togider his barouns, - Erls, lordes of renouns; - And when žai al ycomen were, - 'Lordinges,' he said, 'bifor [gh]ou here - Ich ordainy min hei[gh]e steward 205 - To wite mi kingdom afterward; - In mi stede ben he schal, - To kepe mi londes ouer al. - For, now ichaue mi quen ylore, - Že fairest leuedi žat euer was bore, 210 - Neuer eft y nil no woman se. - Into wildernes ichil te, - And liue žer euermore - Wiž wilde bestes in holtes hore. - And when [gh]e vnderstond žat y be spent, 215 - Make [gh]ou žan a parlement, - And chese [gh]ou a newe king. - Now dož [gh]our best wiž al mi žing.' - Žo was žer wepeing in že halle, - And grete cri among hem alle; 220 - Vnneže mi[gh]t old or [gh]ong - For wepeing speke a word wiž tong. - Žai kneled adoun al yfere, - And praid him, [gh]if his wille were, - Žat he no schuld nou[gh]t fram hem go. 225 - 'Do way!' quaž he, 'it schal be so.' - Al his kingdom he forsoke; - Bot a sclauin on him he toke; - He no hadde kirtel no hode, - Schert, <no> no nožer gode. 230 - Bot his harp he tok algate, - And dede him barfot out atte [gh]ate; - No man most wiž him go. - O way! what žer was wepe and wo, - When he, žat hadde ben king wiž croun, 235 - Went so pouerlich out of toun! - Žurch wode and ouer hež - Into že wildernes he gež. - Nožing he fint žat him is ays, - Bot euer he liuež in gret malais. 240 - He žat hadde ywerd že fowe and griis, - And on bed že purper biis, - Now on hard heže he liž, - Wiž leues and gresse he him wriž. - He žat hadde had castels and tours, 245 - Riuer, forest, friž wiž flours, - Now, žei it comenci to snewe and frese, - Žis king mot make his bed in mese. - He žat had yhad kni[gh]tes of priis - Bifor him kneland, and leuedis, 250 - Now sež he nožing žat him likež, - Bot wilde wormes bi him strikež. - He žat had yhad plenté - Of mete and drink, of ich deynté, - Now may he al day digge and wrote 255 - Er he finde his fille of rote. - In somer he liuež bi wild frut - And berien bot gode lite; - In winter may he nožing finde - Bot rote, grases, and že rinde. 260 - Al his bodi was oway duine - For missays, and al tochine. - Lord! who may telle že sore - Žis king sufferd ten [gh]ere and more? - His here of his berd, blac and rowe, 265 - To his girdelstede was growe. - His harp, whereon was al his gle, - He hidde in an holwe tre; - And, when že weder was clere and bri[gh]t, - He toke his harp to him wel ri[gh]t, 270 - And harped at his owhen wille. - Into alle že wode že soun gan schille, - Žat alle že wilde bestes žat žer bež - For ioie abouten him žai tež; - And alle že foules žat žer were 275 - Come and sete on ich a brere, - To here his harping afine, - So miche melody was žerin; - And when he his harping lete wold, - No best bi him abide nold. 280 - He mi[gh]t se him bisides - Oft in hot vndertides - Že king o fairy wiž his rout - Com to hunt him al about, - Wiž dim cri and bloweing; 285 - And houndes also wiž him berking; - Ac no best žai no nome, - No neuer he nist whider žai bicome. - And ožer while he mi[gh]t him se - As a gret ost bi him te 290 - Wele atourned ten hundred kni[gh]tes, - Ich y-armed to his ri[gh]tes, - Of cuntenaunce stout and fers, - Wiž mani desplaid baners, - And ich his swerd ydrawe hold, 295 - Ac neuer he nist whider žai wold. - And ožer while he sei[gh]e ožer žing: - Kni[gh]tes and leuedis com daunceing - In queynt atire, gisely, - Queynt pas and softly; 300 - Tabours and trunpes [gh]ede hem bi, - And al maner menstraci. - And on a day he sei[gh]e him biside - Sexti leuedis on hors ride, - Gentil and iolif as brid on ris,-- 305 - Nou[gh]t o man amonges hem žer nis. - And ich a faucoun on hond bere, - And riden on haukin bi o riuere. - Of game žai founde wel gode haunt, - Maulardes, hayroun, and cormeraunt; 310 - Že foules of že water arisež, - Že faucouns hem wele deuisež; - Ich faucoun his pray slou[gh]. - Žat sei[gh]e Orfeo, and lou[gh]: - 'Parfay!' quaž he, 'žer is fair game, 315 - Žider ichil, bi Godes name! - Ich was ywon swiche werk to se.' - He aros, and žider gan te. - To a leuedi he was ycome, - Biheld, and haž wele vndernome, 320 - And sež bi al žing žat it is - His owhen quen, Dam Heurodis. - [Gh]ern he biheld hir, and sche him eke, - Ac noižer to ožer a word no speke. - For messais žat sche on him sei[gh]e, 325 - Žat had ben so riche and so hei[gh]e, - Že teres fel out of her ei[gh]e. - Že ožer leuedis žis ysei[gh]e, - And maked hir oway to ride, - Sche most wiž him no lenger abide. 330 - 'Allas!' quaž he, 'now me is wo. - Whi nil dež now me slo? - Allas! wr_e_che, žat y no mi[gh]t - Dye now after žis si[gh]t! - Allas! to long last mi liif, 335 - When y no dar nou[gh]t wiž mi wiif, - No hye to me, o word speke. - Allas! whi nil min hert breke? - Parfay!' quaž he, 'tide wat bitide, - Whider so žis leuedis ride, 340 - Že selue way ichil streche; - Of liif no dež me no reche.' - His sclauain he dede on also spac, - And henge his harp opon his bac, - And had wel gode wil to gon,-- 345 - He no spard noižer stub no ston. - In at a roche že leuedis ridež, - And he after, and nou[gh]t abidež. - When he was in že roche ygo - Wele žre mile ožer mo, 350 - He com into a fair cuntray, - As bri[gh]t so sonne on somers day, - Smože and plain and al grene, - Hille no dale nas žer non ysene. - Amidde že lond a castel he si[gh]e, 355 - Riche and real, and wonder hei[gh]e. - Al že vtmast wal - Was clere and schine as cristal; - An hundred tours žer were about, - Degiselich, and bataild stout; 360 - Že butras com out of že diche, - Of rede gold y-arched riche; - Že vousour was anow<rn>ed al - Of ich maner diuers animal. - Wižin žer wer wide wones 365 - Al of precious stones. - Že werst piler on to biholde - Was al of burnist gold. - Al žat lond was euer li[gh]t, - For when it schuld be žerk and ni[gh]t, 370 - Že riche stones li[gh]t gonne, - As bri[gh]t as dož at none že sonne. - No man may telle, no ženche in žou[gh]t, - Že riche werk žat žer was wrou[gh]t; - Bi al žing him žink žat it is 375 - Že proude court of Paradis. - In žis castel že leuedis ali[gh]t; - He wold in after, [gh]if he mi[gh]t. - Orfeo knokkež atte gate, - Že porter was redi žerate, 380 - And asked what he wold haue ydo. - 'Parfay!' quaž he, 'icham a minstrel, lo! - To solas ži lord wiž mi gle, - [Gh]if his swete wille be.' - Že porter vndede že [gh]ate anon, 385 - And lete him into že castel gon. - Žan he gan bihold about al, - And sei[gh]e [+]ful[+] liggeand wižin že wal - Of folk žat were žider ybrou[gh]t, - And žou[gh]t dede, and nare nou[gh]t. 390 - Sum stode wižouten hade, - And sum non armes nade, - And sum žurch že bodi hadde wounde, - And sum lay wode, ybounde, - And sum armed on hors sete, 395 - And sum astrangled as žai ete, - And sum were in water adreynt, - And sum wiž fire al forschreynt - Wiues žer lay on childbedde, - Sum ded, and sum awedde; 400 - And wonder fele žer lay bisides, - Ri[gh]t as žai slepe her vndertides. - Eche was žus in žis warld ynome, - Wiž fairi žider ycome. - Žer he sei[gh]e his owhen wiif, 405 - Dame Heurodis, his l_e_f liif, - Slepe vnder an ympe-tre: - Bi her cložes he knewe žat it was he. - And when he hadde bihold žis meruails alle, - He went into že kinges halle. 410 - Žan sei[gh]e he žer a semly si[gh]t, - A tabernacle blisseful and bri[gh]t, - Žerin her maister king sete, - And her quen fair and swete. - Her crounes, her cložes, schine so bri[gh]t, 415 - Žat vnneže bihold he hem mi[gh]t. - When he hadde biholden al žat žing, - He kneled adoun bifor že king. - 'O lord,' he seyd, '[gh]if it ži wille were, - Mi menstraci žou schust yhere.' 420 - Že king answerd: 'What man artow, - Žat art hider ycomen now? - Ich, no non žat is wiž me, - No sent neuer after že; - Sežžen žat ich here regni gan, 425 - Y no fond neuer so folehardi man - Žat hider to ous durst wende, - Bot žat ichim wald ofsende.' - 'Lord,' quaž he, 'trowe ful wel, - Y nam bot a pouer menstrel; 430 - And, sir, it is že maner of ous - To seche mani a lordes hous; - Žei we nou[gh]t welcom no be, - [Gh]ete we mot proferi forž our gle.' - Bifor že king he sat adoun, 435 - And tok his harp so miri of soun, - And temprež his harp, as he wele can, - And blisseful notes he žer gan, - Žat al žat in že palays were - Com to him for to here, 440 - And liggež adoun to his fete, - Hem ženkež his melody so swete. - Že king herknež and sitt ful stille, - To here his gle he haž gode wille; - Gode bourde he hadde of his gle, 445 - Že riche quen also hadde he. - When he hadde stint his harping, - Žan seyd to him že king: - 'Menstrel, me likež wele ži gle. - Now aske of me what it be, 450 - Largelich ichil že pay. - Now speke, and tow mi[gh]t asay.' - 'Sir,' he seyd, 'ich biseche že - Žatow woldest [gh]iue me - Žat ich leuedi, bri[gh]t on ble, 455 - Žat slepež vnder že ympe-tre.' - 'Nay,' quaž že king, 'žat nou[gh]t nere! - A sori couple of [gh]ou it were, - For žou art lene, rowe, and blac, - And sche is louesum, wižouten lac; 460 - A ložlich žing it were forži - To sen hir in ži compayni.' - 'O sir,' he seyd, 'gentil king, - [Gh]ete were it a wele fouler žing - To here a lesing of ži mouže, 465 - So, sir, as [gh]e seyd nouže, - What ich wold aski, haue y schold, - And nedes žou most ži word hold.' - Že king seyd: 'Sežžen it is so, - Take hir bi že hond, and go; 470 - Of hir ichil žatow be bliže.' - He kneled adoun, and žonked him swiže; - His wiif he tok bi že hond, - And dede him swiže out of žat lond, - And went him out of žat žede,-- 475 - Ri[gh]t as he come že way he [gh]ede. - So long he haž že way ynome, - To Winchester he is ycome, - Žat was his owhen cité; - Ac no man knewe žat it was he. 480 - No foržer žan že tounes ende - For knoweleche <he> no durst wende, - Bot wiž a begger y<n> bilt ful narwe, - Žer he tok his herbarwe, - To him and to his owhen wiif, 485 - As a minstrel of pouer liif, - And asked tidinges of žat lond, - And who že kingdom held in hond. - Že pouer begger in his cote - Told him euerich a grot: 490 - Hou her quen was stole owy - Ten [gh]er gon wiž fairy; - And hou her king en exile [gh]ede, - Bot no man nist in wiche žede; - And hou že steward že lond gan hold; 495 - And ožer mani žinges him told. - Amorwe, o[gh]ain nonetide, - He maked his wiif žer abide; - Že beggers cložes he borwed anon, - And heng his harp his rigge opon, 500 - And went him into žat cité, - Žat men mi[gh]t him bihold and se. - Erls and barouns bold, - Buriays and leuedis him gun bihold. - 'Lo,' žai seyd, 'swiche a man! 505 - Hou long že here hongež him opan! - Lo, hou his berd hongež to his kne! - He is yclongen also a tre!' - And as he [gh]ede in že strete, - Wiž his steward he gan mete, 510 - And loude he sett on him a crie: - 'Sir steward,' he seyd, 'merci! - Icham an harpour of heženisse; - Help me now in žis destresse!' - Že steward seyd: 'Com wiž me, come; 515 - Of žat ichaue žou schalt haue some. - Euerich gode harpour is welcom me to, - For mi lordes loue Sir Orfeo.' - In že castel že steward sat atte mete, - And mani lording was bi him sete. 520 - Žer were trompour<s> and tabourers, - Harpours fele, and crouders. - Miche melody žai maked alle, - And Orfeo sat stille in že halle, - And herknež. When žai ben al stille, 525 - He toke his harp and tempred schille, - Že bli<sse>fulest notes he harped žere - Žat euer ani man yherd wiž ere; - Ich man liked wele his gle. - Že steward biheld and gan yse, 530 - And knewe že harp als bliue. - 'Menstrel,' he seyd, 'so mot žou žriue, - Where hadestow žis harp, and hou? - Y pray žat žou me telle now.' - 'Lord,' quaž he, 'in vncouže žede, 535 - Žurch a wildernes as y [gh]ede, - Žer y founde in a dale - Wiž lyouns a man totorn smale, - And wolues him frete wiž tež so scharp. - Bi him y fond žis ich harp; 540 - Wele ten [gh]ere it is ygo.' - 'O,' quaž že steward, 'now me is wo! - Žat was mi lord Sir Orfeo. - Allas! wreche, what schal y do, - Žat haue swiche a lord ylore? 545 - A way! žat ich was ybore! - Žat him was so hard grace y[gh]arked, - And so vile dež ymarked!' - Adoun he fel aswon to grounde. - His barouns him tok vp in žat stounde, 550 - And tellež him hou it gež-- - It nis no bot of manes dež. - King Orfeo knewe wele bi žan - His steward was a trewe man - And loued him as he au[gh]t to do, 555 - And stont vp and seyt žus: 'Lo, - Steward, herkne now žis žing: - [Gh]if ich were Orfeo že king, - And hadde ysuffred ful [gh]ore - In wildernisse miche sore, 560 - And hadde ywon mi quen owy - Out of že lond of fairy, - And hadde ybrou[gh]t že leuedi hende - Ri[gh]t here to že tounes ende, - And wiž a begger her in ynome, 565 - And were miself hider ycome - Pouerlich to že, žus stille, - For to asay ži gode wille, - And ich founde že žus trewe, - Žou no schust it neuer rewe: 570 - Sikerlich, for loue or ay, - Žou schust be king after mi day. - And [gh]if žou of mi dež hadest ben bliže, - Žou schust haue voided also swiže.' - Žo al žo žat žerin sete 575 - Žat it was King Orfeo vnder[gh]ete, - And že steward him wele knewe; - Ouer and ouer že bord he žrewe, - And fel adoun to his fet; - So dede euerich lord žat žer sete, 580 - And al žai seyd at o criing: - '[Gh]e bež our lord, sir, and our king!' - Glad žai were of his liue. - To chaumber žai ladde him als biliue, - And bažed him, and schaued his berd, 585 - And tired him as a king apert. - And sežžen wiž gret processioun - Žai brou[gh]t že quen into že toun, - Wiž al maner menstraci. - Lord! žer was grete melody! 590 - For ioie žai wepe wiž her ei[gh]e - Žat hem so sounde ycomen sei[gh]e. - Now King Orfeo newe coround is, - And his quen Dame Heurodis, - And liued long afterward; 595 - And sežžen was king že steward. - Harpours in Bretaine after žan - Herd hou žis meruaile bigan, - And made herof a lay of gode likeing, - And nempned it after že king; 600 - Žat lay 'Orfeo' is yhote, - Gode is že lay, swete is že note. - Žus com Sir Orfeo out of his care. - God graunt ous alle wele to fare. - -[Foot-note: ll. 1-24 _from Harl. 3810: om. MS._] - -[Foot-note: ll. 7-8 _follow_ ll. 9-10 _in Harl._] - -[Foot-note: 12 o loue] to lowe _Harl._] - -[Foot-note: 26 In Inglond] And in his tyme _Harl._] - -[Foot-note: 33-46 _from Harl. 3810: om. MS._] - -[Foot-note: 49-50 _om. Harl., Ashm._] - -[Foot-note: 51 Že king] He _Harl._: And _Ashm._] - -[Foot-note: 82 reueysed] rauysed _Ashm._: reueyd _MS._: wode out _Harl._] - -[Foot-note: 230 no] ne _Ashm.: om. MS._] - -[Foot-note: 333 wreche] wroche _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 406 lef] liif _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 478 Winchester] Traciens _Ashm._: Crassens _Harl._] - - - - -III - -MICHAEL OF NORTHGATE'S AYENBYTE -OF INWYT - -A.D. 1340. - - -Michael of Northgate was a monk of St. Augustine's, Canterbury. From a -library catalogue of the monastery it appears that he was a lover of -books, for he is named as the donor of twenty-five MSS., a considerable -collection for those days. Their titles show a taste not merely for -religious works, but for science--mathematics, chemistry, medicine, as -they were known at the time. Four of these MSS. have been traced, and -one of them, British Museum MS. Arundel 57, is Michael's autograph copy -of the _Ayenbyte_. On folio 2 of the MS. are the words: _Žis boc is Dan -Michelis of Northgate, ywrite an Englis of his o[gh]ene hand, žet hatte -'Ayenbyte of Inwyt'; and is of the boc-house of Saynt Austines of -Canterberi, mid že lettres. CC._ 'CC.' is the press-mark given in the -catalogue. A note at the end of the text shows that it was finished on -October 27, 1340: - -_Ymende žet žis boc is uolueld ine že eue of že holy apostles Symon an -Iudas_ [i.e. Oct. 27] _of ane brožer of the cloystre of Sauynt Austin of -Canterberi, in the yeare of oure Lhordes beringe 1340._ - -The _Ayenbyte_ has been edited for the Early English Text Society by R. -Morris. The title means literally 'Remorse of Conscience', but from the -contents of the work it would appear that the writer meant rather -'Stimulus to the Conscience', or 'Prick of Conscience'. It is in fact a -translation from the French _Somme des Vices et des Vertues_, compiled -by Friar Lorens in 1279 for King Philip le Hardi, and long held to be -the main source of Chaucer's _Parson's Tale_. Caxton rendered the -_Somme_ into English prose as _The Royal Book_. It treats of the -Commandments, the Creed, the Seven Deadly Sins, the Seven Petitions of -the Paternoster, and the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit. - -Dan Michael's purpose is stated in some doggerel lines at the end: - - Nou ich wille žet ye ywyte - Hou hit is ywent - Žet žis boc is ywrite - Mid Engliss of Kent. - Žis boc is ymad uor lewede men, - Vor uader, and uor moder, and uor ožer ken, - Ham uor to ber[gh]e uram alle manyere zen, - Žet ine hare inwytte ne bleue no uoul wen. - -His translation is inaccurate, and sometimes unintelligible, and -the treatment is so barren of interest that the work seems to have -fallen flat even in its own day, when the popular appetite for -edification was keen and unspoiled. But if its literary merit is -slight, linguistically it is one of the most important works in -Middle English. It provides a long prose text, exactly dated and -exactly localized; we have the author's autograph copy to work -from; and the dialect is well distinguished. These circumstances, -unique in Middle English, make it possible to study the Kentish -dialect of the mid-fourteenth century under ideal conditions. - - -HOW MERCY INCREASES TEMPORAL GOODS. - -Hou Merci multipliež že timliche guodes, hyerof we habbež uele uayre -uorbisnen, huerof ich wille hier zome telle. Me ret of Saint Germain of -Aucer_r_e žet, žo he com uram Rome, ate outguoinge of Melane, he acsede -at onen of his diaknen yef he hedde eny zeluer, and he ansuerede žet -{5} he ne hedde bote žri pans, uor Say<n>t Germayn hit hedde al yeue to -pouren. Žanne he him het žet he his ssolde yeue to že poure, uor God -hedde yno[gh] of guode, huerof he hise uedde uor žane day. Že dyacne -mid greate pine and mid greate grochinge yeaf že tuaye pans, and ofhild -žane žridde. Že {10} sergont of ane riche kni[gh]te him bro[gh]te ane -his lhordes haf tuo hondred pans. Žo clepede he his dyacne, and him zede -žet he hedde benome že poure ane peny, and yef he hedde yeue žane žridde -peny to že poure, že kni[gh]t him hedde yzent žri hondred pans. {15} - -Efterward me ret ine že lyue of Ion že Amoner, žet wes zuo ycleped uor -že greate elmesses žet he dede: A riche ientilman wes yrobbed of žieues, -zuo žet him na[gh]t ne blefte. He him com to playni to že uorzede manne, -and he him zede his cas. He hedde greate reuže žerof, and het his {20} -desspendoure žet he him yeaue uyftene pond of gold. Že spendere, be his -couaytise, ne yeaf bote vyf. An haste a gentil wymman wodewe zente to -že uore-yzede Ion uif hondred pond of gold. Žo he clepede his spendere, -and him acsede hou moche he hedde yyeue to že kni[gh]te. He ansuerede -{25} 'vyftene pond.' Že holy man ansuerede žet 'nay, he ne hedde bote -vyf'; and huanne he hit wiste že ilke zelue žet his hedde onderuonge, -zuo zayde to his spendere žet yef he hedde yyeue že viftene pond žet -he hedde yhote, oure Lhord him hede yzent be že guode wyfman a žouzond -and vyf {30} hondred pond. And huanne he acsede ate guode wyfman, žo -he hedde hise ycleped, hou moche hi hedde him ylete, hi andzuerede žet -uerst hi hedde ywrite ine hare testament žet hi him let a žousend and -vyf hondred pond. Ac hi lokede efterward ine hare testament, and hi -yze[gh] že žousend pond {35} defaced of hire write, and zuo ylefde že -guode wyfman žet God wolde žet hi ne zente bote vif hondred. - -Efterward Saint Gregori telž žet Saint Boniface uram žet he wes child he -wes zuo piteuous žet he yaf ofte his kertel and his sserte to že poure -uor God, ža[gh] his moder him byete {40} ofte žeruore. Žanne bevil žet -žet child yze[gh] manie poure žet hedden mezeyse. He aspide žet his -moder nes na[gh]t žer. An haste he yarn to že gerniere, and al žet his -moder hedde ygadered uor to pasi žet yer he hit yaf že poure. And žo his -moder com, and wyste že ilke dede, hy wes al out of hare {45} wytte. Žet -child bed oure Lhorde, and žet gernier wes an haste al uol. - -Efterward žer wes a poure man, ase me zayž, žet hedde ane cou; and -yhyerde zigge of his preste ine his prechinge žet God zede ine his -spelle žet God wolde yelde an hondreduald {50} al žet me yeaue uor him. -Že guode man, mid že rede of his wyue, yeaf his cou to his preste, žet -wes riche. Že prest his nom bleželiche, and hise zente to že ožren -žet he hedde. Žo hit com to euen, že guode mannes cou com hom to his -house ase hi wes ywoned, and ledde mid hare alle že {55} prestes ken, -al to an hondred. Žo že guode man yze[gh] žet, he žo[gh]te žet žet wes -žet word of že Godspelle žet he hedde yyolde; and him hi weren yloked -beuore his bissoppe aye žane prest. Žise uorbisne ssewež wel žet merci -is guod chapuare, uor hi dež wexe že timliche guodes. {60} - - - - -IV - -RICHARD ROLLE OF HAMPOLE - -D. 1349. - - -Richard Rolle was born at Thornton-le-Dale, near Pickering, in -Yorkshire. He was sent to Oxford, already a formidable rival to the -University of Paris; but the severer studies were evidently uncongenial -to his impulsive temperament. He returned home without taking orders, -improvised for himself a hermit's dress, and fled into solitude. His -piety attracted the favour of Sir John and Lady Dalton, who gave him a -cell on their estate. Here, in meditation, he developed his mystical -religion. He did not immure himself, or cut himself off from human -companionship. For a time he lived near Anderby, where was the cell of -the recluse Margaret Kirkby, to whom he addressed his _Form of Perfect -Living_. Another important work, _Ego Dormio et Cor Meum Vigilat_, was -written for a nun of Yedingham (Yorks.). Towards the end of his life he -lived in close friendship with the nuns of Hampole, and for one of them -he wrote his _Commandment of Love to God_. At Hampole he died in 1349, -the year of the Black Death. By the devout he was regarded as a saint, -and had his commemoration day, his office, and his miracles; but he was -never canonized. - -He wrote both in Latin and in English, and it is not always easy to -distinguish his work from that of his many followers and imitators. The -writings attributed to him are edited by C. Horstmann, _Yorkshire -Writers_, 2 vols., London 1895-6. Besides the prose works noted above, -he wrote, at the request of Margaret Kirkby, a _Commentary on the -Psalms_ (ed. Bramley, Oxford 1884), based on the Latin of Peter Lombard. -A long didactic poem in Northern English, the _Prick of Conscience_, has -been attributed to him from Lydgate's time onwards; but his authorship -has recently been questioned, chiefly on the ground that the poem is -without a spark of inspiration. It is not certain that he wrote _Love is -Life_, which is included here because it expresses in characteristic -language his central belief in the personal bond, the burning love, -between God and man. The first prose selection shows that he did not -disdain the examples from natural history that were so popular in the -sermons of the time. The second is chapter xi of the _Form of Perfect -Living_, which is found as a separate extract from an early date. - -With Rolle began a movement of devotional piety, which, as might be -expected from its strong appeal to the emotions, was taken up first -among religious women; and signs of a striving for effect in his style -suggest that the hermit was not indifferent to the admiration of his -followers. He brings to his teaching more heart than mind. He escapes -the problems of the world, which seemed so insistent to his -contemporaries, by denying the world's claims. His ideas and temperament -are diametrically opposed to those of the other great figure in the -religious life of fourteenth-century England--Wiclif, the schoolman, -politician, reformer, controversialist. Yet they have in common a -sincerity and directness of belief that brushes aside conventions, and -an enthusiasm that made them leaders in an age when the Church as a -whole suffered from apathy. - - -A. LOVE IS LIFE. - -Cambridge University Library MS. DD. 5. 64, III (about 1400) f. 38 a. - - <L>uf es lyf žat lastes ay, žar it in Criste es feste, - For wele ne wa it chaunge may, als wryten has men wyseste. - Že nyght it tournes intil že day, ži trauel intyll reste; - If žou wil luf žus as I say, žou may be wyth že beste. - - Lufe es thoght wyth grete desyre of a fayre louyng; 5 - Lufe I lyken til a fyre žat sloken may na thyng; - Lufe vs clenses of oure syn; luf vs bote sall bryng; - Lufe že Keynges hert may wyn; lufe of ioy may syng. - - Že settel of lufe es lyft hee, for intil heuen it ranne; - Me thynk in erth it es sle, žat makes men pale and wanne; 10 - Že bede of blysse it gase ful nee, I tel že as I kanne: - Žof vs thynk že way be dregh, luf copuls God and manne. - - Lufe es hatter žen že cole; lufe may nane beswyke. - Že flawme of lufe wha myght it thole, if it war ay ilyke? - Luf vs comfortes, and mase in qwart, and lyftes tyl heuenryke; 15 - Luf rauysches Cryste intyl owr hert; I wate na lust it lyke. - - Lere to luf, if žou wyl lyfe when žou sall hethen fare; - All ži thoght til Hym žou gyf žat may že kepe fra kare: - Loke ži hert fra Hym noght twyn, if žou in wandreth ware; - Sa žou may Hym welde and wyn, and luf Hym euermare. 20 - - Iesu, žat me lyfe hase lent, intil Ži lufe me bryng! - Take til Že al myne entent, žat Žow be my [gh]hernyng. - Wa fra me away war went, and comne war my couaytyng, - If žat my sawle had herd and hent že sang of Ži louyng. - - Ži lufe es ay lastand, fra žat we may it fele; 25 - Žarein make me byrnand, žat na thyng gar it kele. - My thoght take into Ži hand, and stabyl it ylk a dele, - Žat I be noght heldand to luf žis worldes wele. - - If I lufe any erthly thyng žat payes to my wyll, - And settes my ioy and my lykyng when it may comm me tyll, 30 - I mai drede of partyng, žat wyll be hate and yll: - For al my welth es bot wepyng when pyne mi saule sal spyll. - - Že ioy žat men hase sene es lyckend tyl že haye, - Žat now es fayre and grene, and now wytes awaye. - Swylk es žis worlde, I wene, and bees till Domesdaye, 35 - All in trauel and tene, fle žat na man it maye. - - If žou luf in all ži thoght, and hate že fylth of syn, - And gyf Hym ži sawle žat it boght, žat He že dwell within, - Als Crist ži sawle hase soght, and žerof walde noght blyn, - Sa žou sal to blys be broght, and heuen won within. 40 - - Že kynd of luf es žis, žar it es trayst and trew, - To stand styll in stabylnes, and chaunge it for na new. - Že lyfe žat lufe myght fynd, or euer in hert it knew, - Fra kare it tornes žat kyend, and lendes in myrth and glew. - - For now, lufe žow, I rede, Cryste, as I že tell, 45 - And with aungels take ži stede: žat ioy loke žou noght sell! - In erth žow hate, I rede, all žat ži lufe may fell, - For luf es stalworth as že dede, luf es hard as hell. - - Luf es a lyght byrthen; lufe gladdes [gh]ong and alde; - Lufe es withowten pyne, as lofers hase me talde; 50 - Lufe es a gastly wyne, žat makes men bygge and balde; - Of lufe sal he na thyng tyne žat hit in hert will halde. - - Lufe es že swettest thyng žat man in erth hase tane; - Lufe es Goddes derlyng; lufe byndes blode and bane. - In lufe be owre lykyng, I ne wate na better wane, 55 - For me and my lufyng lufe makes bath be ane. - - Bot fleschly lufe sal fare as dose že flowre in May, - And lastand be na mare žan ane houre of a day, - And sythen syghe ful sare žar lust, žar pryde, žar play, - When žai er casten in kare til pyne žat lastes ay. 60 - - When žair bodys lyse in syn, žair sawls mai qwake and drede, - For vp sal ryse al men, and answer for žair dede. - If žai be fonden in syn, als now žair lyfe žai lede, - Žai sal sytt hel within, and myrknes hafe to mede. - - Riche men žair hend sal wryng, and wicked werkes sal by 65 - In flawme of fyre, bath knyght and keyng, with sorow schamfully. - If žou wil lufe, žan may žou syng til Cryst in melody; - Že lufe of Hym ouercoms al thyng, žarto žou traiste trewly. - - <I> sygh and sob, bath day and nyght, for ane sa fayre of hew! - Žar es na thyng my hert mai light, bot lufe žat es ay new. 70 - Wha sa had Hym in his syght, or in his hert Hym knew, - His mournyng turned til ioy ful bryght, his sang intil glew. - - In myrth he lyfes, nyght and day, žat lufes žat swete chylde; - It es Iesu, forsoth I say, of al mekest and mylde. - Wreth fra hym walde al away, žof he wer neuer sa wylde, 75 - He žat in hert lufed Hym žat day, fra euel He wil hym schylde. - - Of Iesu mast lyst me speke, žat al my bale may bete; - Me thynk my hert may al tobreke when I thynk on žat swete; - In lufe lacyd He hase my thoght, žat I sal neuer forgete. - Ful dere me thynk He hase me boght with blodi hende and fete. 80 - - For luf my hert es bowne to brest, when I žat faire behalde; - Lufe es fair žare it es fest, žat neuer will be calde; - Lufe vs reues že nyght-rest, in grace it makes vs balde; - Of al warkes luf es že best, als haly men me talde. - - Na wonder gyf I syghand be, and sithen in sorow be sette: 85 - Iesu was nayled apon že tre, and al blody forbette. - To thynk on Hym es grete pyté--how tenderly He grette-- - Žis hase He sufferde, man, for že, if žat žou syn wyll lette. - - Žare es na tonge in erth may tell of lufe že swetnesse. - Žat stedfastly in lufe kan dwell, his ioy es endlesse. 90 - God schylde žat he sulde til hell, žat lufes and langand es, - Or euer his enmys sulde hym qwell, or make his luf be lesse. - - Iesu es lufe žat lastes ay, til Hym es owre langyng; - Iesu že nyght turnes to že day, že dawyng intil spryng. - Iesu, thynk on vs now and ay, for Že we halde oure keyng; 95 - Iesu, gyf vs grace, as Žou wel may, to luf Že withowten endyng. - -[Foot-note: 45 For now] Forži _MS. Lambeth 583_.] - -[Foot-note: 51 wyne] = wynne _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 65 hend] handes _MS., apparently altered from_ hend.] - -[Foot-note: 69 I] _so MS. Lambeth 583_.] - - -B. THE NATURE OF THE BEE. - -(The Thornton MS. (before 1450); ed. Horstmann, vol. i, p. 193.) - -_Moralia Ricardi Heremite de Natura Apis._ - -The bee has thre kyndis. Ane es žat scho es neuer ydill, and scho es -noghte with thaym žat will noghte wyrke, bot castys thaym owte, and -puttes thaym awaye. Anothire es žat when scho flyes scho takes erthe in -hyr fette, žat scho be noghte lyghtly ouerheghede in the ayere of wynde. -The {5} thyrde es žat scho kepes clene and bryghte hire wynge[gh]. - -Thus ryghtwyse men žat lufes God are neuer in ydyllnes. For owthyre -žay ere in trauayle, prayand, or thynkande, or redande, or othere gude -doande; or withtakand ydill mene, and schewand thaym worthy to be put -fra že ryste of heuene, {10} for žay will noghte trauayle here. - -Žay take erthe, žat es, žay halde žamselfe vile and erthely, that thay -be noghte blawene with že wynde of vanyté and of pryde. Thay kepe thaire -wynges clene, that es, že twa commandementes of charyté žay fulfill -in gud concyens, and {15} thay hafe othyre vertus, vnblendyde with že -fylthe of syne and vnclene luste. - -Arestotill sais žat že bees are feghtande agaynes hym žat will drawe -žaire hony fra thayme. Swa sulde we do agayne deuells, žat afforces -thame to reue fra vs že hony of poure {20} lyfe and of grace. For many -are, žat neuer kane halde že ordyre of lufe yne_n_ce žaire frendys, -sybbe or fremmede. Bot outhire žay lufe žaym ouer mekill, settand thaire -thoghte vnryghtwysely on thaym, or žay luf thayme ouer lyttill, yf žay -doo noghte all as žey wolde till žame. Swylke kane {25} noghte fyghte -for thaire hony, forthy že deuelle turnes it to wormes, and makes žeire -saules oftesythes full bitter in angwys, and tene, and besynes of vayne -thoghtes, and ožer wrechidnes. For thay are so heuy in erthely frenchype -žat žay may noghte flee intill že lufe of Iesu Criste, in že wylke {30} -žay moghte wele forgaa že lufe of all creaturs lyfande in erthe. - -Wharefore, accordandly, Arystotill sais žat some fowheles are of gude -flyghyng, žat passes fra a lande to anothire. Some are of ill flyghynge, -for heuynes of body, and for<ži> {35} žaire neste es noghte ferre fra -že erthe. Thus es it of thayme žat turnes žame to Godes seruys. Some -are of gude flyeghynge, for thay flye fra erthe to heuene, and rystes -thayme thare in thoghte, and are fedde in delite of Goddes lufe, and has -thoghte of na lufe of že worlde. Some are žat {40} kan noghte flyghe fra -žis lande, bot in že waye late theyre herte ryste, and delyttes žaym in -sere lufes of mene and womene, als žay come and gaa, nowe ane and nowe -anothire. And in Iesu Criste žay kan fynde na swettnes; or if žay any -tyme fele oghte, it es swa lyttill and swa schorte, for othire thoghtes -{45} žat are in thayme, žat it brynges thaym till na stabylnes. - -<F>or žay are lyke till a fowle žat es callede strucyo or storke, žat -has wenges, and it may noghte flye for charge of body. Swa žay hafe -vndirstandynge, and fastes, and wakes, and semes haly to mens syghte; -bot thay may noghte flye to lufe {50} and contemplacyone of God, žay -are so chargede wyth othyre affeccyons and othire vanytés. - -[Foot-note: 22 ynence] ynesche _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 23 mekill] _MS. follows with_: or thay -lufe žame ouer lyttill, _caught up from below_.] - - -THE SEVEN GIFTS OF THE HOLY GHOST. - -(Chap. xi of _The Form of Perfect Living_; ed. Horstmann, vol. i, -p. 196.) - -Že seuene gyftes of že Haly Gaste, žat ere gyfene to men and wymmene žat -er ordaynede to že ioye of heuene, and ledys theire lyfe in this worlde -reghtwysely. Thire are thay:--Wysdome, {55} Undyrstandynge, Counsayle, -Strenghe, Connynge, Peté, the Drede of God. Begynne we at Consaile, for -žareof es myster at the begynnynge of oure werkes, žat vs myslyke noghte -aftyrwarde. With thire seuene gyftes že Haly Gaste teches sere mene -serely. {60} - -Consaile es doynge awaye of worldes reches, and of all delytes of -all thynge[gh] žat mane may be tagyld with, in thoghte or dede, and -ža_r_with drawynge intill contemplacyone of Gode. - -Undyrstandynge es to knawe whate es to doo, and whate {65} es to lefe, -and žat that sall be gyffene, to gyffe it to thaym žat has nede, noghte -till ožer žat has na myster. - -Wysedome es forgetynge of erthely thynges and thynkynge of heuen, with -discrecyone of all men_s_ dedys. In žis gyfte schynes contemplacyone, -žat es, Saynt Austyne says, a gastely {70} dede of fleschely -affeccyones, thurghe že ioye of a raysede thoghte. - -Strenghe es lastynge to fullfill gude purpose, žat it be noghte lefte, -for wele ne for waa. - -Peté es žat a man be mylde, and gaynesay noghte Haly {75} Writte whene -it smyttes his synnys, whethire he vndyrstand it or noghte; bot in all -his myghte purge he že vilté of syne in hyme and ožer. - -Connynge es žat makes a man of gude <hope>, noghte ruysand hyme of -his reghtewysnes, bot sorowand of his {80} synnys, and žat man gedyrs -erthely gude anely to the honour of God, and prow to ožer mene žane -hymselfe. - -The Drede of God es žat we turne noghte agayne till oure syne thurghe -any ill eggyng. And ža_n_ es drede perfite in vs and gastely, when we -drede to wrethe God in že leste syne {85} žat we kane knawe, and flese -it als venyme. - -[Foot-note: 60 teches] towches _Cambridge MS. DD. 5. 64_.] - -[Foot-note: 63 žar] žat _MS. Thornton_.] - -[Foot-note: 69 mens] _so Cambridge MS. DD. 5. 64_ = mene _MS. Thornton_.] - -[Foot-note: 79 hope] _from Cambridge MS. DD. 5. 64: om. MS. Thornton_.] - -[Foot-note: 84 žan] _Cambridge MS. DD. 5. 64_: žen _MS. Arundel 507_: žat -_MS. Thornton_.] - - - - -V - -SIR GAWAYNE AND THE GRENE KNIGHT - -ABOUT 1350-75. - - -_Sir Gawayne_ has been admirably edited by Sir F. Madden for the -Bannatyne Club, 1839, and later by R. Morris for the Early English Text -Society. It is found in British Museum MS. Nero A X, together with three -other alliterative poems, named from their first words _Pearl_, -_Patience_, and _Cleanness_. _Pearl_ supplies the next specimen; -_Patience_ exemplifies the virtue by the trials of Jonah; _Cleanness_ -teaches purity of life from Scriptural stories. All these poems are in -the same handwriting; all are in a West-Midland dialect; all appear to -be of the same age; and none is without literary merit. For these -reasons, which are good but not conclusive, they are assumed to be by -the same author. Attempts to identify this author have been -unsuccessful. - -The story runs as follows: - -King Arthur is making his Christmas feast with his court at Camelot. On -New Year's Day he declares that he will not eat until he has seen or -heard some marvel. The first course of the feast is barely served when a -tall knight, clad all in green, with green hair, and a green horse to -match, rides into the hall. He carries a holly bough and a huge axe, and -tauntingly invites any knight to strike him a blow with the axe, on -condition that he will stand a return blow on the same day a year hence. -Gawayne accepts the challenge and strikes off the Green Knight's head. -The Green Knight gathers up his head, gives Gawayne an appointment for -next New Year's Day at the Green Chapel, and rides off. - -The year passes, and Gawayne, despite the fears of the court, sets out -in quest of the Green Chapel. On Christmas Eve he arrives at a splendid -castle, and finding that the Green Chapel is close at hand, accepts an -invitation to stay and rest until New Year's Day. On each of three days -the knight of the castle goes hunting, and persuades Gawayne to rest at -home. They make an agreement that each shall give the other whatever he -gets. The lady of the castle makes love to Gawayne, and kisses him once -on the first day, twice on the second day, thrice on the third day; and -on the third day she gives him her girdle, which he accepts because it -has the magic power of preserving the wearer from wounds. Each evening -he duly gives the kisses to the knight, and receives in return the -spoils of the hunting of deer and boar and fox. But he conceals the -girdle. - -The extract begins with Gawayne preparing on New Year's morning to stand -the return blow at the Green Chapel. - -The poem ends by the Green Knight revealing that he is himself the lord -of the castle; that he went to Arthur's court at the suggestion of -Morgan la Fay; that he had urged his wife to make love to Gawayne and -try his virtue; and that he would not have harmed him at all, if he had -not committed the slight fault of concealing the girdle. Gawayne returns -to the court, bearing the girdle as a sign of his shame, and tells his -story. The knights of the court agree in future to wear a bright green -belt for Gawayne's sake. - -_Sir Gawayne_ is admittedly the best of the alliterative romances. It -must have come down to us practically as it was written by the poet, for -it is free from the flatness and conventional phrasing which is -characteristic of romances that have passed through many popular -recensions. The descriptions of nature, of armour and dresses, the -hunting scenes, and the love making, are all excellently done; and the -poet shows the same richness of imagination and skill in producing -pictorial effects that are so noticeable in _Pearl_. He has too a quiet -humour that recalls Chaucer in some of his moods. - - -THE TESTING OF SIR GAWAYNE. - -British Museum MS. Nero A X (about 1400); ed. R. Morris, ll. 2069 ff. - - The brygge wat[gh] brayde doun, and že brode [gh]ate[gh] - Vnbarred and born open vpon bože halue. - Že burne blessed hym bilyue, and že brede[gh] passed; - Prayses že porter bifore že prynce kneled, - Gef hym God and goud day, žat Gawayn He saue, 5 - And went on his way with his wy[gh]e one, - Žat schulde teche hym to tourne to žat tene place - Žer že ruful race he schulde resayue. - Žay bo[gh]en bi bonkke[gh] žer bo[gh]e[gh] ar bare; - Žay clomben bi clyffe[gh] žer clenge[gh] že colde. 10 - Že heuen wat[gh] vp halt, bot vgly žer vnder,-- - Mist muged on že mor, malt on že mounte[gh], - Vch hille hade a hatte, a myst-hakel huge. - Broke[gh] byled and breke bi bonkke[gh] aboute, - Schyre schaterande on schore[gh], žer žay doun schowued. 15 - Wela wylle wat[gh] že way žer žay bi wod schulden, - Til hit wat[gh] sone sesoun žat že sunne ryses - žat tyde. - Žay were on a hille ful hy[gh]e, - Že quyte snaw lay bisyde; 20 - Že burne žat rod hym by - Bede his mayster abide. - 'For I haf wonnen yow hider, wy[gh]e, at žis tyme, - And now nar [gh]e not fer fro žat note place - Žat [gh]e han spied and spuryed so specially after. 25 - Bot I schal say yow for sože, syžen I yow knowe, - And [gh]e ar a lede vpon lyue žat I wel louy, - Wolde [gh]e worch bi my wytte, [gh]e woržed že better. - Že place žat [gh]e prece to ful perelous is halden. - Žer wone[gh] a wy[gh]e in žat waste, že worst vpon erže, 30 - For he is stiffe and sturne, and to strike louies, - And more he is žen any mon vpon myddelerde, - And his body bigger žen že best fowre - Žat ar in Aržure[gh] hous, He_c_tor, ožer ožer. - He cheue[gh] žat chaunce at že chapel grene, 35 - Žer passes non bi žat place so proude in his armes - Žat he ne dyn_g_e[gh] hym to deže with dynt of his honde; - For he is a mon methles, and mercy non vses, - For be hit chorle ožer chaplayn žat bi že chapel rydes, - Monk ožer masse-prest, ožer any mon elles, 40 - Hym žynk as queme hym to quelle as quyk go hymseluen. - Foržy I say že, as sože as [gh]e in sadel sitte, - Com [gh]e žere, [gh]e be kylled, may že, kny[gh]t, rede-- - Trawe [gh]e me žat trwely--ža[gh] [gh]e had twenty lyues - to spende. 45 - He hat[gh] wonyd here ful [gh]ore, - On bent much baret bende, - A[gh]ayn his dynte[gh] sore - [Gh]e may not yow defende. - 'Foržy, goude Sir Gawayn, let že gome one, 50 - And got[gh] away sum ožer gate, vpon Godde[gh] halue! - Cayre[gh] bi sum ožer kyth, žer Kryst mot yow spede, - And I schal hy[gh] me hom a[gh]ayn, and hete yow fyrre - Žat I schal swere bi God and alle His gode hal[gh]e[gh], - As help me God and že halydam, and ože[gh] innoghe, 55 - Žat I schal lelly yow layne, and lance neuer tale - Žat euer [gh]e fondet to fle for freke žat I wyst.' - 'Grant merci,' quod Gawayn, and gruchyng he sayde: - 'Wel worth že, wy[gh]e, žat wolde[gh] my gode, - And žat lelly me layne I leue wel žou wolde[gh]. 60 - Bot helde žou hit neuer so holde, and I here passed, - Founded for ferde for to fle, in fourme žat žou telle[gh], - I were a kny[gh]t kowarde, I my[gh]t _n_ot be excused. - Bot I wyl to že chapel, for chaunce žat may falle, - And talk wyth žat ilk tulk že tale žat me lyste, 65 - Worže hit wele ožer wo, as že wyrde lyke[gh] - hit hafe. - Ža[gh]e he be a sturn knape - To sti[gh]tel, and stad with staue, - Ful wel con Dry[gh]tyn schape 70 - His seruaunte[gh] for to saue.' - 'Mary!' quod žat ožer mon, 'now žou so much spelle[gh] - Žat žou wylt žyn awen nye nyme to žyseluen, - And že lyst lese žy lyf, že lette I ne kepe. - Haf here ži helme on žy hede, ži spere in ži honde, 75 - And ryde me doun žis ilk rake bi [gh]on rokke syde - Til žou be bro[gh]t to že božem of že brem valay. - Ženne loke a littel on že launde, on ži lyfte honde, - And žou schal se in žat slade že self chapel, - And že borelych burne on bent žat hit kepe[gh]. 80 - Now fare[gh] wel, on Gode[gh] half! Gawayn že noble; - For alle že golde vpon grounde I nolde go wyth že, - Ne bere že fela[gh]schip žur[gh] žis fryth on fote fyrre.' - Bi žat že wy[gh]e in že wod wende[gh] his brydel, - Hit že hors with že hele[gh] as harde as he my[gh]t, 85 - Lepe[gh] hym ouer že launde, and leue[gh] že kny[gh]t žere - al one. - 'Bi Godde[gh] self!' quod Gawayn, - 'I wyl naužer grete ne grone; - To Godde[gh] wylle I am ful bayn, 90 - And to Hym I haf me tone.' - Thenne gyrde[gh] he to Gryngolet, and gedere[gh] že rake, - Schowue[gh] in bi a schore at a scha[gh]e syde, - Ride[gh] žur[gh] že ro[gh]e bonk ry[gh]t to že dale; - And ženne he wayted hym aboute, and wylde hit hym žo[gh]t, 95 - And se[gh]e no syngne of resette bisyde[gh] nowhere, - Bot hy[gh]e bonkke[gh] and brent vpon bože halue, - And ru[gh]e knokled knarre[gh] with knorned stone[gh]; - Že skwe[gh] of že scowtes skayned hym žo[gh]t. - Ženne he houed, and wythhylde his hors at žat tyde, 100 - And ofte chaunged his cher že chapel to seche: - He se[gh] non suche in no syde, and selly hym žo[gh]t - Sone, a lyttel on a launde, a lawe as hit we<re>, - A bal[gh] ber[gh] bi a bonke, že brymme bysyde, - Bi a for[gh] of a flode žat ferked žare; 105 - Že borne blubred žerinne as hit boyled hade. - Že kny[gh]t kache[gh] his caple, and com to že lawe, - Li[gh]te[gh] doun luflyly, and at a lynde tache[gh] - Že rayne and his riche with a ro[gh]e braunche. - Ženne he bo[gh]e[gh] to že ber[gh]e, aboute hit he walke[gh], 110 - Debatande with hymself quat hit be my[gh]t. - Hit hade a hole on že ende and on ayžer syde, - And ouergrowen with gresse in glodes aywhere, - And al wat[gh] hol[gh] inwith, nobot an olde caue, - Or a creuisse of an olde cragge, he couže hit no[gh]t deme 115 - with spelle. - 'We! Lorde,' quod že gentyle kny[gh]t, - 'Whežer žis be že grene chapelle? - He<re> my[gh]t aboute mydny[gh]t - Že dele his matynnes telle! 120 - 'Now iwysse,' quod Wowayn, 'wysty is here; - Žis oritore is vgly, with erbe[gh] ouergrowen; - Wel biseme[gh] že wy[gh]e wruxled in grene - Dele here his deuocioun on že deuele[gh] wyse. - Now I fele hit is že fende, in my fyue wytte[gh], 125 - Žat hat[gh] stoken me žis steuen to strye me here. - Žis is a chapel of meschaunce, žat chekke hit bytyde! - Hit is že corsedest kyrk žat euer I com inne!' - With he[gh]e helme on his hede, his launce in his honde, - He rome[gh] vp to že rokke of žo ro[gh] wone[gh]. 130 - Žene herde he, of žat hy[gh]e hil, in a harde roche, - Bi[gh]onde že broke, in a bonk, a wonder breme noyse. - Quat! hit clatered in že clyff, as hit cleue schulde, - As one vpon a gryndelston hade grounden a syže; - What! hit wharred and whette, as water at a mulne; 135 - What! hit rusched and ronge, rawže to here. - Ženne 'Bi Godde!' quod Gawayn, 'žat gere a_s_ I trowe - Is ryched at že reuerence me, renk, to mete - bi rote. - Let God worche, we loo! 140 - Hit helppe[gh] me not a mote. - My lif ža[gh] I forgoo, - Drede dot[gh] me no lote.' - Thenne že kny[gh]t con calle ful hy[gh]e: - 'Who sti[gh]tle[gh] in žis sted, me steuen to holde? 145 - For now is gode Gawayn goande ry[gh]t here. - If any wy[gh]e o[gh]t wyl, wynne hider fast, - Ožer now ožer neuer, his nede[gh] to spede.' - 'Abyde,' quod on on že bonke abouen ouer his hede, - 'And žou schal haf al in hast žat I že hy[gh]t ones.' 150 - [Gh]et he rusched on žat rurde rapely a žrowe, - And wyth quettyng awharf, er he wolde ly[gh]t; - And syžen he keuere[gh] bi a cragge, and come[gh] of a hole, - Whyrlande out of a wro wyth a felle weppen, - A Dene[gh] ax nwe dy[gh]t, že dynt with <t>o [gh]elde, 155 - With a borelych bytte bende by že halme, - Fyled in a fylor, fowre fote large,-- - Hit wat[gh] no lasse bi žat lace žat lemed ful bry[gh]t,-- - And že gome in že grene gered as fyrst, - Bože že lyre and že legge[gh], lokke[gh] and berde, 160 - Saue žat fayre on his fote he founde[gh] on že erže, - Sette že stele to že stone, and stalked bysyde. - Whan he wan to že watter, žer he wade nolde, - He hypped ouer on hys ax, and orpedly stryde[gh], - Bremly brože on a bent žat brode wat[gh] aboute, 165 - on snawe. - Sir Gawayn že kny[gh]t con mete, - He ne lutte hym no žyng lowe; - Žat ožer sayde 'Now, sir swete, - Of steuen mon may že trowe. 170 - 'Gawayn,' quod žat grene gome, 'God že mot loke! - Iwysse žou art welco_m_, wy[gh]e, to my place, - And žou hat[gh] tymed ži trauayl as truee mon schulde, - And žou knowe[gh] že couenaunte[gh] kest vus bytwene: - At žis tyme twelmonyth žou toke žat že falled, 175 - And I schulde at žis nwe [gh]ere [gh]eply že quyte. - And we ar in žis valay verayly oure one; - Here ar no renkes vs to rydde, rele as vus like[gh]. - Haf žy helme of žy hede, and haf here žy pay. - Busk no more debate žen I že bede ženne 180 - When žou wypped of my hede at a wap one.' - 'Nay, bi God' quod Gawayn, 'žat me gost lante! - I schal gruch že no grwe for grem žat falle[gh]. - Bot sty[gh]tel že vpon on strok, and I schal stonde stylle - And warp že no wernyng to worch as že lyke[gh], 185 - nowhare.' - He lened with že nek, and lutte, - And schewed žat schyre al bare, - And lette as he no[gh]t dutte; - For drede he wolde not dare. 190 - Then že gome in že grene grayžed hym swyže, - Gedere[gh] vp hys grymme tole Gawayn to smyte; - With alle že bur in his body he ber hit on lofte, - Munt as ma[gh]tyly as marre hym he wolde: - Hade hit dryuen adoun as dre[gh] as he atled, 195 - Žer hade ben ded of his dynt žat do[gh]ty wat[gh] euer. - Bot Gawayn on žat giserne glyfte hym bysyde, - As hit com glydande adoun on glode hym to schende, - And schranke a lytel with že schulderes for že scharp yrne. - Žat ožer schalk wyth a schunt že schene wythhalde[gh], 200 - And ženne repreued he že prynce with mony prowde worde[gh]: - 'Žou art not Gawayn,' quod že gome, 'žat is so goud halden, - Žat neuer ar[gh]ed for no here, by hylle ne be vale, - And now žou fles for ferde er žou fele harme[gh]! - Such cowardise of žat kny[gh]t cowže I neuer here. 205 - Nawžer fyked I ne fla[gh]e, freke, quen žou myntest, - Ne kest no kauelacion, in kynge[gh] hous Arthor. - My hede fla[gh] to my fote, and [gh]et fla[gh] I neuer; - And žou, er any harme hent, ar[gh]e[gh] in hert; - Wherfore že better burne me burde be called 210 - žerfore.' - Quod Gawayn 'I schunt one[gh], - And so wyl I no more; - Bot ža[gh] my hede falle on že stone[gh], - I con not hit restore. 215 - Bot busk, burne, bi ži fayth! and bryng me to že poynt. - Dele to me my destiné, and do hit out of honde, - For I schal stonde že a strok, and start no more - Til žyn ax haue me hitte: haf here my trawže.' - 'Haf at že ženne!' quod žat ožer, and heue[gh] hit alofte, 220 - And wayte[gh] as wrožely as he wode were. - He mynte[gh] at hym ma[gh]tyly, bot not že mon ryue[gh], - Withhelde heterly h<i>s honde, er hit hurt my[gh]t. - Gawayn grayžely hit byde[gh], and glent with no membre, - Bot stode stylle as že ston, ožer a stubbe aužer 225 - Žat raželed is in roché grounde with rote[gh] a hundreth. - Žen muryly efte con he mele, že mon in že grene: - 'So now žou hat[gh] ži hert holle, hitte me bihou<e>s. - Halde že now že hy[gh]e hode žat Aržur že ra[gh]t, - And kepe žy kanel at žis kest, [gh]if hit keuer may.' 230 - Gawayn ful gryndelly with greme ženne sayde: - 'Wy! žresch on, žou žro mon, žou žrete[gh] to longe. - I hope žat ži hert ar[gh]e wyth žyn awen seluen.' - 'For sože,' quod žat ožer freke, 'so felly žou speke[gh], - I wyl no lenger on lyte lette žin ernde 235 - ri[gh]t nowe.' - Ženne tas he hym stryže to stryke, - And frounses bože lyppe and browe. - No meruayle ža[gh] hym myslyke - Žat hoped of no rescowe. 240 - He lyftes ly[gh]tly his lome, and let hit doun fayre, - With že barbe of že bitte bi že bare nek, - Ža[gh] he homered heterly, hurt hym no more, - Bot snyrt hym on žat on syde, žat seuered že hyde; - Že scharp schrank to že flesche žur[gh] že schyre grece 245 - Žat že schene blod ouer his schulderes schot to že erže; - And quen že burne se[gh] že blode blenk on že snawe, - He sprit forth spenne fote more žen a spere lenže, - Hent heterly his helme, and on his hed cast, - Schot with his schuldere[gh], his fayre schelde vnder, 250 - Brayde[gh] out a bry[gh]t sworde, and bremely he speke[gh];-- - Neuer syn žat he wat[gh] burne borne of his moder - Wat[gh] he neuer in žis worlde wy[gh]e half so blyže-- - 'Blynne, burne, of žy bur, bede me no mo! - I haf a stroke in žis stede withoute stryf hent, 255 - And if žow reche[gh] me any mo, I redyly schal quyte, - And [gh]elde [gh]ederly a[gh]ayn--and žer to [gh]e tryst-- - and foo. - Bot on stroke here me falle[gh]-- - Že couenaunt schop ry[gh]t so 260 - <Schapen> in Aržure[gh] halle[gh]-- - And žerfore, hende, now hoo!' - The hažel heldet hym fro, and on his ax rested, - Sette že schaft vpon schore, and to že scharp lened, - And loked to že leude žat on že launde [gh]ede, 265 - How žat do[gh]ty, dredles, deruely žer stonde[gh] - Armed, ful a[gh]le[gh]: in hert hit hym lyke[gh]. - Ženn he mele[gh] muryly wyth a much steuen, - And wyth a ry<n>kande rurde he to že renk sayde: - 'Bolde burne, on žis bent be not so gryndel. 270 - No mon here vnmanerly že mysboden habbe<[gh]> - Ne kyd, bot as couenaunde at kynge[gh] kort schaped. - I hy[gh]t že a strok and žou hit hat[gh]; halde že wel payed. - I relece že of že remnaunt of ry[gh]tes alle ožer. - Iif I deliuer had bene, a boffet paraunter 275 - I couže wroželoker haf waret,--to že haf wro[gh]t anger. - Fyrst I mansed že muryly with a mynt one, - And roue že wyth no rof sore, with ry[gh]t I že profered - For že forwarde žat we fest in že fyrst ny[gh]t, - And žou trystyly že trawže and trwly me halde[gh], 280 - Al že gayne žow me gef, as god mon schulde. - Žat ožer munt for že morne, mon, I že profered, - Žou kyssedes my clere wyf, že cosse[gh] me ra[gh]te[gh]. - For bože two here I že bede bot two bare myntes - boute scaže. 285 - Trwe mon trwe restore, - Ženne žar mon drede no waže. - At že žrid žou fayled žore, - And žerfor žat tappe ta že. - For hit is my wede žat žou were[gh], žat ilke wouen girdel, 290 - Myn owen wyf hit že weued, I wot wel forsože. - Now know I wel žy cosses, and žy costes als, - And že wowyng of my wyf: I wro[gh]t hit myseluen. - I sende hir to asay že, and sothly me žynkke[gh] - On že fautlest freke žat euer on fote [gh]ede. 295 - As perle bi že quite pese is of prys more, - So is Gawayn, in god fayth, bi ožer gay kny[gh]te[gh]. - Bot here yow lakked a lyttel, sir, and lewté yow wonted; - Bot žat wat[gh] for no wylyde werke, ne wowyng naužer, - Bot for [gh]e lufed your lyf; že lasse I yow blame.' 300 - Žat ožer stif mon in study stod a gret whyle, - So agreued for greme he gryed withinne; - Alle že blode of his brest blende in his face, - Žat al he schrank for schome žat že schalk talked. - Že forme worde vpon folde žat že freke meled: 305 - 'Corsed worth cowarddyse and couetyse bože! - In yow is vylany and vyse žat vertue disstrye[gh].' - Ženne he ka[gh]t to že knot, and že kest lawse[gh], - Brayde brožely že belt to že burne seluen: - 'Lo! žer že falssyng! foule mot hit falle! 310 - For care of žy knokke cowardyse me ta[gh]t - To acorde me with couetyse, my kynde to forsake, - Žat is larges and lewté žat longe[gh] to kny[gh]te[gh]. - Now am I fawty and falce, and ferde haf ben euer - Of trecherye and vntrawže: bože bityde sor[gh]e 315 - and care! - I biknowe yow, kny[gh]t, here stylle, - Al fawty is my fare; - Lete[gh] me ouertake your wylle - And efte I schal be ware.' 320 - Thenn lo[gh]e žat ožer leude, and luflyly sayde: - 'I halde hit hardily hole, že harme žat I hade. - Žou art confessed so clene, beknowen of žy mysses, - And hat[gh] že penaunce apert of že poynt of myn egge, - I halde že polysed of žat ply[gh]t, and pured as clene 325 - As žou hade[gh] neuer forfeted syžen žou wat[gh] fyrst borne; - And I gif že, sir, že gurdel žat is golde-hemmed, - For hit is grene as my goune. Sir Gawayne, [gh]e maye - Ženk vpon žis ilke žrepe, žer žou forth žrynge[gh] - Among prynces of prys; and žis a pure token 330 - Of že chaunce _at_ že grene chapel _of_ cheualrous kny[gh]te[gh]. - And [gh]e schal in žis nwe [gh]er a[gh]ayn to my wone[gh], - And we schyn reuel že remnaunt of žis ryche fest - ful bene.' - Žer lažed hym fast že lord, 335 - And sayde 'With my wyf, I wene, - We schal yow wel acorde, - Žat wat[gh] your enmy kene.' - 'Nay, for sože,' quod že segge, and sesed hys helme, - And hat[gh] hit of hendely, and že hažel žonkke[gh], 340 - 'I haf soiorned sadly; sele yow bytyde! - And He [gh]elde hit yow [gh]are žat [gh]arkke[gh] al menskes! - And comaunde[gh] me to žat cortays, your comlych fere, - Bože žat on and žat ožer myn honoured ladye[gh], - Žat žus hor kny[gh]t wyth hor kest han koyntly bigyled. 345 - Bot hit is no ferly ža[gh] a fole madde, - And žur[gh] wyles of wymmen be wonen to sor[gh]e, - For so wat[gh] Adam in erde with one bygyled, - And Salamon with fele sere, and Samson eftsone[gh] - Dalyda dalt hym hys wyrde, and Dauyth žerafter 350 - Wat[gh] blended with Barsabe, žat much bale žoled. - Now žese were wrathed wyth her wyles, hit were a wynne huge - To luf hom wel, and leue hem not, a leude žat couže. - For žes wer forne že freest, žat fol[gh]ed alle že sele - Exellently of alle žyse ožer vnder heuenryche 355 - žat mused; - And alle žay were biwyled - With wymmen žat žay vsed. - Ža[gh] I be now bigyled, - Me žink me burde be excused.' 360 - -[Foot-note: 34 Hector] Hestor _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 37 dynge[gh]] dynne[gh] _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 63 not] mot _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 69 and] & & _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 137 as] at _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 172 welcom] welcon _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 179 žy (1st)] žy žy _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 237 he] he he _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 322 hardily] hardilyly _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 331 _at... of_ (2nd)] _transposed in MS._] - -[Foot-note: 358 With] With wyth _MS._] - - - - -VI - -THE PEARL - -ABOUT 1375. - - -The facts leading to the presumption that _Pearl_ and _Sir Gawayne_ are -by the same author have been mentioned in the prefatory note to _Sir -Gawayne_. But the poems are markedly different in subject and tone. -_Pearl_, like Chaucer's _Death of Blanche the Duchess_, is an elegy cast -in the vision form made popular by the _Roman de la Rose_. The subject -is a little girl, who died before she was two years old, and the -treatment is deeply religious. Her death is symbolized as the loss of a -pearl without spot, that slipped from its owner's hand through the grass -into the earth. - -On a festival day in August, the poet, while mourning his loss, falls -asleep on his child's grave. His spirit passes to a land of flowers and -rich fruits, where birds of flaming hues sing incomparably, where the -cliffs are of crystal and beryl, and a river runs in a bed of gleaming -jewels. On the other side of the river, which is lovelier still, sits a -maiden dressed all in white, with coronet and ornaments of pearl. The -poet recognizes his lost child, but cannot call to her for wonder and -dread, until she rises and salutes him. He complains that since her loss -he has been a joyless jeweller. She rebukes him gently; she is not lost, -but made safe and beautiful for ever. Overjoyed, he says he will cross -the river and live with her in this paradise; but she warns him against -such presumption, for since Adam's fall the river may be crossed only by -the way of death. He is in despair to think that now that his Pearl is -found, he must still live joyless, apart from her; but he is bidden to -resign himself to God's will and mercy, because rebellion will avail him -nothing. - -At this point begins the argument on salvation by grace or salvation by -works which is here reprinted. - -The maiden then continues the discussion, explaining that 'the innocent -are ay safe by right', and that only those who come as little children -can win the bliss sought by the man who sold his all for a matchless -pearl. - -Next the poet asks whence her beauty comes, and what her office is. She -replies that she is one of the brides of Christ, whom St. John in the -Apocalypse saw arrayed for the bridal in the New Jerusalem. He asks to -see their mansions, and by special grace is allowed to view the holy -city from without. He sees it as St. John saw it, gleaming with gold, -with its pillars of precious stone, its gates of pearl; its streets -lighted by a divine radiance, so that there is no need of moon or sun. -There is no church or chapel or temple there: God himself is the -minister, and Christ is the sacrifice. Mortal eye could not bear the -splendour, and he stood 'as stylle as dased quayle'. At evening came the -procession of the virgin brides of Christ, each bearing on her breast -the pearl of perfect happiness. The Lamb leads them, in pearl-white -robes, his side bleeding, his face rapt; while elders make obeisance, -and angels sing songs of joy as He nears the throne of God. - -Suddenly the poet sees his Pearl among her companions. Overcome with -longing and delight, he tries to cross the river, only to wake in the -garden where he fell asleep. Henceforth he is resigned to the pleasure -of the Prince of Heaven. - -The reader will be able to judge the author's poetical gift from the -selection, which has been chosen as one of the less ornate passages. -Even here the form distracts attention from the matter by its -elaborateness. A difficult rime scheme is superimposed on the -alliterative line; stanza is interlinked with stanza; each group of five -stanzas is distinguished by a similar refrain, and bound to the -preceding and following groups by repetition in the first and last -lines. So too the close of the poem echoes the beginning. With such -intricacy of plan, it is not surprising that the rime is sometimes -forced, and the sense strained or obscure. It is rather a matter for -wonder that, in so long a work, the author was able to maintain his -marvellous technique without completely sacrificing poetry to metrical -gymnastics. - -The highly wrought, almost overwrought, effect is heightened when the -poem is read as a whole. If _Piers Plowman_ gives a realistic picture of -the drabness of mediaeval life, _Pearl_, more especially in the early -stanzas, shows a richness of imagery and a luxuriance in light and -colour that seem scarcely English. Yet they have their parallels in the -decorative art of the time--the elaborate carving in wood and stone; the -rich colouring of tapestries, of illuminated books and painted glass; -the designs of the jewellers, goldsmiths, and silversmiths, which even -the notaries who made the old inventories cannot pass without a word of -admiration. The _Pearl_ reminds us of the tribute due to the artists and -craftsmen of the fourteenth century. - -The edition by C. G. Osgood, Boston 1906, is the handiest. - - -THE PEARL, ll. 361-612. - -(MS. Cotton Nero A X (about 1400).) - - Thenne demed I to žat damyselle: - 'Ne worže no wrathže vnto my Lorde, - If rapely <I> raue, spornande in spelle; - My herte wat[gh] al wyth mysse remorde, - As wallande water got[gh] out of welle. 5 - I do me ay in Hys myserecorde; - Rebuke me neuer wyth worde[gh] felle, - Ža[gh] I forloyne, my dere endorde, - Bot _k_yže[gh] me kyndely your coumforde, - Pytosly ženkande vpon žysse: 10 - Of care and me [gh]e made acorde, - Žat er wat[gh] grounde of alle my blysse. - - 'My blysse, my bale, [gh]e han ben bože, - Bot much že bygger [gh]et wat[gh] my mon; - Fro žou wat[gh] wroken fro vch a wože, 15 - I wyste neuer quere my perle wat[gh] gon. - Now I hit se, now leže[gh] my lože; - And, quen we departed, we wern at on; - God forbede we be now wrože, - We meten so selden by stok ožer ston. 20 - Ža[gh] cortaysly [gh]e carp con, - I am bot mol and ma_n_ere[gh] mysse; - Bot Crystes mersy, and Mary, and Ion, - Žise arn že grounde of alle my blysse. - - 'In blysse I se že blyžely blent, 25 - And I a man al mornyf mate; - [Gh]e take žeron ful lyttel tente, - Ža[gh] I hente ofte harme[gh] hate. - Bot now I am here in your presente, - I wolde bysech, wythouten debate, 30 - [Gh]e wolde me say in sobre asente - What lyf [gh]e lede erly and late. - For I am ful fayn žat your astate - Is woržen to worschyp and wele, iwysse; - Of alle my ioy že hy[gh]e gate 35 - Hit is, _and_ grounde of alle my blysse.' - - 'Now blysse, burne, mot že bytyde,' - Žen sayde žat lufsoum of lyth and lere, - 'And welcum here to walk and byde, - For now žy speche is to me dere. 40 - Maysterful mod and hy[gh]e pryde, - I hete že, arn heterly hated here. - My Lorde ne loue[gh] not for to chyde, - For meke arn alle žat wone[gh] Hym nere; - And when in Hys place žou schal apere, 45 - Be dep deuote in hol mekenesse; - My Lorde že Lamb loue[gh] ay such chere, - Žat is že grounde of alle my blysse. - - 'A blysful lyf žou says I lede; - Žou wolde[gh] knaw žerof že stage. 50 - Žow wost wel when žy perle con schede - I wat[gh] ful [gh]ong and tender of age; - Bot my Lorde že Lombe, žur[gh] Hys Godhede, - He toke myself to Hys maryage, - Corounde me quene in blysse to brede 55 - In lenghe of daye[gh] žat euer schal wage; - And sesed in alle Hys herytage - Hys lef is, I am holy Hysse; - Hys prese, Hys prys, and Hys parage - Is rote and grounde of alle my blysse.' 60 - - 'Blysful,' quod I, 'may žys be trwe?-- - Dysplese[gh] not if I speke errour-- - Art žou že quene of heuene[gh] blwe, - Žat al žys worlde schal do honour? - We leuen on Marye žat grace of grewe, 65 - Žat ber a barne of vyrgynflour; - Že croune fro hyr quo mo[gh]t remwe - Bot ho hir passed in sum fauour? - Now, for synglerty o hyr dousour, - We calle hyr Fenyx of Arraby, 70 - Žat freles fle[gh]e of hyr fasor, - Lyk to že quen of cortaysye.' - - 'Cortayse Quen,' ženne s<a>yde žat gaye, - Knelande to grounde, folde vp hyr face, - 'Makele[gh] Moder and myryest May, 75 - Blessed Bygynner of vch a grace!' - Ženne ros ho vp and con restay, - And speke me towarde in žat space: - 'Sir, fele here porchase[gh] and fonge[gh] pray, - Bot supplantore[gh] none wythinne žys place. 80 - Žat emperise al heuene[gh] hat[gh], - And vrže and helle in her bayly; - Of erytage [gh]et non wyl ho chace, - For ho is quen of cortaysye. - - 'The court of že kyndom of God alyue 85 - Hat[gh] a property in hytself beyng: - Alle žat may žerinne aryue - Of alle že reme is quen ožer kyng, - And neuer ožer [gh]et schal depryue, - Bot vchon fayn of ožere[gh] hafyng, 90 - And wolde her coroune[gh] wern worže žo fyue, - If possyble were her mendyng. - Bot my Lady, of quom Iesu con spryng, - Ho halde[gh] že empyre ouer vus ful hy[gh]e; - And žat dysplese[gh] non of oure gyng, 95 - For ho is quene of cortaysye. - - 'Of courtaysye, as sayt[gh] Saynt Poule, - Al arn we membre[gh] of Iesu Kryst; - As heued and arme and legg and naule - Temen to hys body ful trwe and t<r>yste, 100 - Ry[gh]t so is vch a Krysten sawle - A longande lym to že Mayster of myste. - Ženne loke what hate ožer any gawle - Is tached ožer ty[gh]ed žy lymme[gh] bytwyste: - Žy heued hat[gh] naužer greme ne gryste 105 - On arme ožer fynger ža[gh] žou ber by[gh]e: - So fare we alle wyth luf and lyste - To kyng and quene by cortaysye.' - - 'Cortaysé,' quod I, 'I leue, - And charyté grete, be yow among, 110 - Bot my speche žat yow ne greue, - - * * * * * - - Žyself in heuen ouer hy[gh] žou heue, - To make že quen žat wat[gh] so [gh]onge. - What more honour mo[gh]te he acheue 115 - Žat hade endured in worlde stronge, - And lyued in penaunce hys lyue[gh] longe, - Wyth bodyly bale hym blysse to byye? - What more worschyp mo[gh]t h_e_ fonge, - Žen corounde be kyng by cortaysé? 120 - - 'That cortaysé is to fre of dede, - [Gh]yf hyt be soth žat žou cone[gh] saye; - Žou lyfed not two [gh]er in oure žede; - Žou cowže[gh] neuer God naužer plese ne pray, - Ne neuer nawžer Pater ne Crede; 125 - And quen mad on že fyrst day! - I may not traw, so God me spede, - Žat God wolde wryže so wrange away; - Of countes, damysel, par ma fay! - Wer fayr in heuen to halde asstate, 130 - Ažer elle[gh] a lady of lasse aray; - Bot a quene!--hit is to dere a date.' - - 'Žer is no date of Hys godnesse,' - Žen sayde to me žat woržy wy[gh]te, - 'For al is trawže žat He con dresse, 135 - And He may do no žynk bot ry[gh]t, - As Mathew mele[gh] in your messe, - In sothful Gospel of God Almy[gh]t, - In sample he can ful grayžely gesse, - And lykne[gh] hit to heuen ly[gh]te: 140 - "My regne," He sayt[gh], "is lyk on hy[gh]t - To a lorde žat hade a uyne, I wate. - Of tyme of [gh]ere že terme wat[gh] ty[gh]t, - To labor vyne wat[gh] dere že date. - - '"Žat date of [gh]ere wel knawe žys hyne. 145 - Že lorde ful erly vp he ros, - To hyre werkmen to hys vyne, - And fynde[gh] žer summe to hys porpos. - Into acorde žay con declyne - For a pené on a day, and forth žay got[gh], 150 - Wryžen and worchen and don gret pyne, - Keruen and caggen and man hit clos. - Aboute vnder, že lorde to marked tot[gh], - And ydel men stande he fynde[gh] žerate. - 'Why stande [gh]e ydel?' he sayde to žos; 155 - 'Ne knawe [gh]e of žis day no date?' - - '"'Er date of daye hider arn we wonne;' - So wat[gh] al samen her answar so[gh]t; - 'We haf standen her syn ros že sunne, - And no mon bydde[gh] vus do ry[gh]t no[gh]t.' 160 - 'Gos into my vyne, dot[gh] žat [gh]e conne,' - So sayde že lorde, and made hit to[gh]t; - 'What resonabele hyre be na[gh]t be runne - I yow pay in dede and žo[gh]te.' - Žay wente into že vyne and wro[gh]te, 165 - And al day že lorde žus [gh]ede his gate, - And nw men to hys vyne he bro[gh]te, - Welne[gh] wyl day wat[gh] passed date. - - '"At že date of day of euensonge, - On oure byfore že sonne go doun, 170 - He se[gh] žer ydel men ful stronge, - And sa<y>de to he_m_ wyth sobre soun: - 'Wy stonde [gh]e ydel žise daye[gh] longe?' - Žay sayden her hyre wat[gh] nawhere boun. - 'Got[gh] to my vyne, [gh]emen [gh]onge, 175 - And wyrke[gh] and dot[gh] žat at [gh]e moun.' - Sone že worlde bycom wel broun, - Že sunne wat[gh] doun, and hit wex late; - To take her hyre he mad sumoun; - Že day wat[gh] al apassed date. 180 - - '"The date of že daye že lorde con knaw, - Called to že reue: 'Lede, pay že meyny; - Gyf hem že hyre žat I hem owe; - And fyrre, žat non me may reprené, - Set hem alle vpon a rawe, 185 - And gyf vchon ilyche a peny; - Bygyn at že laste žat stande[gh] lowe, - Tyl to že fyrste žat žou atteny.' - And ženne že fyrst bygonne to pleny, - And sayden žat žay hade trauayled sore: 190 - 'Žese bot on oure hem con streny; - Vus žynk vus o[gh]e to take more. - - '"'More haf we serued, vus žynk so, - Žat suffred han že daye[gh] hete, - Ženn žyse žat wro[gh]t not houre[gh] two, 195 - And žou dot[gh] hem vus to counterfete.' - Ženne sayde že lorde to on of žo: - 'Frende no waning I wyl že [gh]ete; - Take žat is žyn owne and go. - And I hyred že for a peny agrete, 200 - Quy bygynne[gh] žou now to žrete? - Wat[gh] not a pené žy couenaunt žore? - Fyrre žen couenaunde is no[gh]t to plete. - Wy schalte žou ženne ask more? - - '"'More wežer [+]louyly[+] is me my gyfte 205 - To do wyth myn quat so me lyke[gh]? - Ožer elle[gh] žyn y[gh]e to lyžer is lyfte - For I am goude and non byswyke[gh]?' - 'Žus schal I,' quod Kryste, 'hit skyfte: - Že laste schal be že fyrst žat stryke[gh], 210 - And že fyrst be laste, be he neuer so swyft; - For mony ben calle<d>, ža[gh] fewe be myke[gh].'" - Žus pore men her part ay pyke[gh], - Ža[gh] žay com late and lyttel wore; - And ža[gh] her sweng wyth lyttel atslyke[gh], 215 - Že merci of God is much že more. - - 'More haf I of ioye and blysse hereinne, - Of ladyschyp gret and lyue[gh] blom, - Žen alle že wy[gh]e[gh] in že worlde my[gh]t wynne - By že way of ry[gh]t to aske dome. 220 - Whežer welnygh now I con bygynne-- - In euentyde into že vyne I come-- - Fyrst of my hyre my Lorde con mynne, - I wat[gh] payed anon of al and sum. - [Gh]et ožer žer werne žat toke more tom, 225 - Žat swange and swat for long [gh]ore, - Žat [gh]et of hyre no žynk žay nom, - Paraunter no[gh]t schal to[gh]ere more.' - - Then more I meled and sayde apert: - 'Me žynk žy tale vnresounable; 230 - Godde[gh] ry[gh]t is redy and euermore rert, - Ožer Holy Wryt is bot a fable; - In Sauter is sayd a verce ouerte - Žat speke[gh] a poynt determynable: - "Žou quyte[gh] vchon as hys desserte, 235 - Žou hy[gh]e Kyng ay pretermynable." - Now he žat stod že long day stable, - And žou to payment com hym byfore, - Ženne že lasse in werke to take more able, - And euer že lenger že lasse že more.' 240 - - 'Of more and lasse in Gode[gh] ryche,' - Žat gentyl sayde, 'lys no ioparde, - For žer is vch mon payed ilyche, - Whežer lyttel ožer much be hys rewarde, - For že gentyl Cheuentayn is no chyche; 245 - Quežersoeuer He dele nesch ožer harde, - He laue[gh] Hys gyfte[gh] as water of dyche, - Ožer gote[gh] of golf žat neuer charde. - Hys fraunchyse is large žat euer dard - To Hym žat mat[gh] in synne rescoghe; 250 - No blysse bet[gh] fro hem reparde, - For že grace of God is gret inoghe. - -[Foot-note: 9 kyže[gh]] lyže[gh] _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 22 manere[gh]] marere[gh] _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 36 and] in _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 112 _a line omitted in MS._] - -[Foot-note: 119 he] ho _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 164 pay] pray _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 169 date of day] day of date _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 172 hem] hen _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 178 and] & & _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 186 ilyche] [=i]lyche _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 243 ilyche] inlyche _MS._] - - - - -VII - -THE GEST HYSTORIALE OF THE -DESTRUCTION OF TROY - -ABOUT 1375. - - -The Fall of Troy was one of the most popular subjects of mediaeval -story. Lydgate wrote a _Troy Book_ about 1420; fragments of another are -attributed to 'Barbour', whose identity with the author of _The Bruce_ -has been questioned; a third version, anonymous, is known as the _Laud -Troy Book_; and Caxton chose as the first work to be printed in English -the _Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye_ (about 1474). More famous than -any of these full histories are two single stories detached from the -cycle: Jason's Quest of the Golden Fleece, which is admirably told by -Gower in the fifth book of his _Confessio Amantis_; and the Love of -Troilus and Cressida, which gave a theme both to Chaucer and to -Shakespeare. - -The _Gest Hystoriale of the Destruction of Troy_, from which our -extracts are taken, is a free rendering of the prose _Historia Troiana_ -finished in 1287 by Guido de Columna (most probably the modern Terranova -in Sicily). The translation, which appears to have been made in the -North or North-West Midlands in the second half of the fourteenth -century, is preserved only in an imperfect fifteenth-century MS. at the -Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. In the Early English Text Society's print, -edited by Panton and Donaldson, the text extends to over 14,000 lines. - -The table of contents prefixed to the MS. promises '_the nome of the -knight žat causet it_ [sc. _the story_] _to be made, and the nome of hym -that translatid it out of Latyn into Englysshe_'; but the extant MS. -does not fulfil the promise. The execution suggests a set task and a -journeyman poet. Phrases are repeated carelessly; there is a great deal -of padding; the versification is monotonous; and the writer is too often -at the mercy of the alliteration to maintain a serious level. Yet he is -not a slavish or a dull translator. The more romantic elements of the -story, such as the matter of the _Odyssey_, had already been whittled -away in his original, and he shows little desire or capacity to restore -them. But he knew as well as the Old English poets the forcefulness of -alliterative verse in scenes of violence, and describes with unflagging -zest and vigour the interminable battles of the siege, and storms such -as that which wrecked the fleet of Ajax. - -The Prologue is a curious example of the pseudo-critical attitude of the -Middle Ages. Homer is despised as a teller of impossible tales, and a -partisan of the Greeks,--for Hector is the popular hero of the mediaeval -versions. The narratives of Dares Phrygius and Dictys Cretensis, -products of the taste for fictitious history that spread westward from -Greek-speaking lands in the fourth and following centuries, are accepted -as reliable documents; and Guido de Columna as their authoritative -literary interpreter. No mention is made of Benoīt de Sainte-Maure, -whose _Roman de Troie_, written in French about 1184, served as source -to Guido, and, directly or indirectly, as inspiration to the whole body -of Western writers who dealt with the 'Matter of Troy'. For these lapses -the English translator need not be held responsible. On the merits of -Homer, Dares, Dictys, and Guido de Columna, he probably accepted without -question the word of his master Guido. - - -PROLOGUE. - - Maistur in magesté, Maker of alle, - Endles and on, euer to last! - Now, God, of ži grace, graunt me ži helpe, - And wysshe me with wyt žis werke for to ende - Off aunters ben olde of aunsetris nobill, 5 - And slydyn vppon shlepe by slomeryng of age; - Of stithe men in stoure, strongest in armes, - And wisest in wer, to wale in hor tyme, - Žat ben drepit with deth, and žere day paste, - And most out of mynd for žere mecull age. 10 - Sothe stories ben stoken vp, and straught out of mynde, - And swolowet into swym by swiftenes of yeres, - For new žat ben now next at our hond, - Breuyt into bokes for boldyng of hertes, - On lusti to loke with lightnes of wille, 15 - Cheuyt throughe chaunce and chaungyng of peopull; - Sum tru for to traist, triet in že ende, - Sum feynit o fere and ay false vnder. - Yche wegh as he will warys his tyme, - And has lykyng to lerne žat hym list after. 20 - But olde stories of stithe žat astate helde - May be solas to sum žat it segh neuer, - Be writyng of wees žat wist it in dede, - With sight for to serche of hom žat suet after, - To ken all the crafte how že case felle 25 - By lokyng of letturs žat lefte were of olde. - - Now of Troy for to telle is myn entent euyn, - Of the stoure and že stryffe when it distroyet was. - Žof fele yeres ben faren syn že fight endid, - And it meuyt out of mynd, myn hit I thinke, 30 - Alss wise men haue writen the wordes before, - Left it in Latyn for lernyng of us. - But sum poyetis full prist žat put hom žerto - With fablis and falshed fayned žere speche, - And made more of žat mater žan hom maister were. 35 - Sum lokyt ouer litle, and lympit of the sothe. - Amonges žat menye, to myn hym be nome, - Homer was holden haithill of dedis - Qwiles his dayes enduret, derrist of other, - Žat with the Grekys was gret, and of Grice comyn. 40 - He feynet myche fals was neuer before wroght, - And turnet že truth, trust ye non other. - Of his trifuls to telle I haue no tome nowe, - Ne of his feynit fare žat he fore with: - How goddes foght in the filde, folke as žai were! 45 - And other errours vnable, žat after were knowen, - That poyetis of prise have preuyt vntrew: - Ouyde and othir žat onest were ay, - Virgille že virtuus, verrit for nobill, - Thes dampnet his dedys, and for dull holdyn. 50 - But že truth for to telle, and že text euyn, - Of žat fight, how it felle in a few yeres, - Žat was clanly compilet with a clerk wise, - On Gydo, a gome žat graidly hade soght, - And wist all že werks by weghes he hade, 55 - That bothe were in batell while the batell last, - And eužer sawte and assembly see with žere een. - Thai wrote all že werkes wroght at žat tyme - In letturs of žere langage, as žai lernede hade: - Dares and Dytes were duly žere namys. 60 - Dites full dere was dew to the Grekys, - A lede of žat lond, and logede hom with. - The tother was a tulke out of Troy selfe, - Dares, žat duly the dedys behelde. - Aither breuyt in a boke on žere best wise, 65 - That sithen at a sité somyn were founden, - After, at Atthenes, as aunter befell. - The whiche bokes barely, bothe as žai were, - A Romayn ouerraght, and right hom hymseluyn, - That Cornelius was cald to his kynde name. 70 - He translated it into Latyn for likyng to here, - But he shope it so short žat no shalke might - Haue knowlage by course how že case felle; - For he brought it so breff, and so bare leuyt, - Žat no lede might have likyng to loke žerappon; 75 - Till žis Gydo it gate, as hym grace felle, - And declaret it more clere, and on clene wise. - In this shall faithfully be founden, to the fer ende, - All že dedis bydene as žai done were: - How že groundes first grew, and že grete hate, 80 - Bothe of torfer and tene žat hom tide aftur. - And here fynde shall ye faire of že felle peopull: - What kynges žere come of costes aboute; - Of dukes full doughty, and of derffe erles, - That assemblid to že citie žat sawte to defend; 85 - Of že Grekys žat were gedret how gret was že nowmber, - How mony knightes žere come, and kynges enarmede, - And what dukes thedur droghe for dedis of were; - What shippes žere were shene, and shalkes within, - Bothe of barges and buernes žat broght were fro Grese; 90 - And all the batels on bent že buernes betwene; - What duke žat was dede throughe dyntes of hond, - Who fallen was in fylde, and how it fore after. - Bothe of truse and trayne že truthe shalt žu here, - And all the ferlies žat fell, vnto the ferre ende. 95 - Fro this prologe I passe, and part me žerwith. - Frayne will I fer, and fraist of žere werkes, - Meue to my mater, and make here an ende. - -EXPLICIT PROLOGUE. - - -THE XXXI BOKE: OF THE PASSAGE OF THE -GREKYS FRO TROY (ll. 12463-12547). - - Hyt fell thus, by fortune, že fairest of že yere - Was past to the point of the pale wintur. 100 - Heruest, with the heite and the high sun, - Was comyn into colde, with a course low. - Trees, thurgh tempestes, tynde hade žere leues, - And briddes abatid of hor brem songe; - The wynde of the west wackenet aboue, 105 - Blowyng full bremly o the brode ythes; - The clere aire ouercast with cloudys full thicke, - With mystes full merke mynget with showres. - Flodes were felle thurgh fallyng of rayne, - And wintur vp wacknet with his wete aire. 110 - The gret nauy of the Grekes and the gay kynges - Were put in a purpos to pas fro the toune. - Sore longit žo lordis hor londys to se, - And dissiret full depely, doutyng no wedur. - Žai counted no course of the cold stormys, 115 - Ne the perellis to passe of the pale windes. - Hit happit hom full hard in a hondqwile, - And mony of žo mighty to misse of hor purpos. - Thus tho lordes in hor longyng laghton že watur, - Shotton into ship mong shene knightes, 120 - With the tresowre of že toune žai token before, - Relikes full rife, and miche ranke godes. - Clere was the course of the cold flodis, - And the firmament faire, as fell for the wintur. - Thai past on the pale se, puld vp hor sailes, 125 - Hadyn bir at žere backe, and the bonke leuyt. - Foure dayes bydene, and hor du nyghtis, - Ful soundly žai sailed with seasonable windes. - The fyft day fuersly fell at the none, - Sodonly the softe winde vnsoberly blew; 130 - A myste and a merkenes myngit togedur; - A thoner and a thicke rayne žrublet in the skewes, - With an ugsom noise, noy for to here; - All flasshet in a fire the firmament ouer; - Was no light but a laite žat launchit aboue: 135 - Hit skirmyt in the skewes with a skyre low, - Thurgh the claterand clowdes clos to the heuyn, - As the welkyn shuld walt for wodenes of hete; - With blastes full bigge of the breme wyndes, - Walt vp the waghes vpon wan hilles. 140 - Stith was the storme, stird all the shippes, - Hoppit on hegh with heste of the flodes. - The sea was unsober, sondrit the nauy, - Walt ouer waghes, and no way held, - Depertid the pepull, pyne to behold, 145 - In costes vnkowthe; cut down žere sailes, - Ropis al torochit, rent vp the hacches, - Topcastell ouerturnyt, takelles were lost. - The night come onone, noye was the more! - All the company cleane of the kyng Telamon, 150 - With žere shippes full shene, and že shire godis, - Were brent in the bre with the breme lowe - Of the leymonde laite žat launchit fro heuyn, - And euyn drownet in the depe, dukes and other! - Oelius Aiax, as aunter befelle, 155 - Was stad in the storme with the stith windes, - With his shippes full shene and the shire godes. - Thrifty and žriuaund, thretty and two - There were brent on the buerne with the breme low, - And all the freikes in the flode floterand aboue. 160 - Hymseluyn in the sea sonkyn belyue, - Swalprit and swam with swyngyng of armys. - [Gh]et he launchet to londe, and his lyf hade, - Bare of his body, bretfull of water, - In the slober and the sluche slongyn to londe; 165 - There he lay, if hym list, the long night ouer, - Till the derke was done, and the day sprang; - Žare sum of his sort, žat soght were to lond - And than wonen of waghes, with wo as žai might, - Laited žere lord on the laund-syde, 170 - If hit fell h_y_m by fortune the flodes to passe. - Žan found žai the freike in the fome lye, - And comford hym kyndly, as žere kyd lord; - With worchip and wordes wan hym to fote. - Bothe failet hym the fode and the fyne clothes. 175 - Thus žere goddes with gremy with že Grekes fore, - Mighty Myner<u>a, of malis full grete, - For Telamon, in tene, tid for to pull - Cassandra the clene out of hir cloise temple. - Thus hit fell hom by fortune of a foule ende, 180 - For greuyng žere goddes in hor gret yre. - Oftsythes men sayn, and sene is of olde, - Žat all a company is cumbrit for a cursed shrewe. - -[Foot-note: 168-9 _transposed in MS._] - -[Foot-note: 171 hym] hom _MS._] - - - - -VIII - -PIERS PLOWMAN - -(1362-1400) - -BY WILLIAM LANGLAND - - -Recent criticism of _Piers Plowman_ has done more to weaken the hold of -opinions once generally accepted than to replace them by others better -founded. It is still most probable that 'Long Will', who is more than -once mentioned in the text as the poet, was William Langland. The -earliest external evidence of his home and parentage is given in a -fifteenth-century note in MS. Dublin D 4. 1, of which both the matter -and the vile Latinity bear the stamp of genuineness: 'Memorandum quod -Stacy de Rokayle, pater Willielmi de Langlond, qui Stacius fuit -generosus, et morabatur in Schiptone under Whicwode, tenens domini le -Spenser in comitatu Oxon., qui praedictus Willielmus fecit librum qui -vocatur Perys Ploughman.' Shipton-under-Wychwood is near Burford in -Oxfordshire. The poem shows familiarity with the Malvern Hills and the -streets of London; but it is hard to say how much is fact and how much -is fiction in the references to Long Will in the text itself, more -especially the description of his London life added as the Sixth Passus -in Version C, and reproduced here as the second extract. - -Since Skeat's edition for the Early English Text Society, the many -manuscripts have been grouped into three main types. The shortest, or -A-text, appears from internal evidence to have been written about 1362. -The B-text (about 1377) has the most compact manuscript tradition. It is -distinguished by considerable additions throughout, and by the -reconstruction and expansion of the visions of Dowel, Dobet, Dobest, -which make up the second half of the poem. The C-text, the latest and -fullest form, appears to have been completed in the last decade of the -fourteenth century. - -Until recently it has been assumed that these three versions represent -progressive revisions by the author. But Professor Manly has found -considerable support for his view that more than one writer--perhaps as -many as five--had a share in the work. For the present, judgement on -this question, and on the intricate problem of the relations of the -different versions, is suspended until the results of a complete -re-examination of all the MSS. are available. It would not be surprising -to find that even when this necessary work is done differences of -opinion on the larger questions remain as acute as ever. - -It is impossible in short space to give an outline of the whole work, -which describes no less than eleven visions. The structure is loose, and -allegory is developed or dropped with disconcerting abruptness, for the -writer does not curb his vigorous imagination in the interests of formal -correctness. - -The first part is the best known. On a May morning the poet falls asleep -on the Malvern Hills and sees a 'Field full of Folk', where all classes -of men are busy about their occupations, more particularly the nefarious -occupations that engage the attention of the moralist. Holy Church -explains that a high tower in the Field is the home of Truth; and that a -'deep dale' is the Castle of Care, where Wrong dwells with the wicked. -She points out Falseness, who is about to marry Lady Meed (i.e. Reward, -whether deserved reward or bribe). Lady Meed and her company are haled -before the King, who, with Reason and Conscience as his guides, decides -her case, and upholds the plea of Peace against Wrong. - -The second vision is prefaced (in the C-text only) by the passage -printed as the second selection. The poet falls asleep again, and sees -Conscience preaching to the people in the Field. Representatives of the -Seven Deadly Sins are vividly described. They are brought to penitence, -and all set out in search of Truth. But no one knows the way. A palmer -who wears the trophies of many pilgrimages to distant saints is puzzled -by their inquiries, for he has never heard of pilgrims seeking Truth. -Then Peter the Plowman comes forward and explains the way in -allegorical terms. Here the first extract begins. The second vision -closes with a general pardon given by Truth to Piers Plowman in this -simple form: - - Do wel, and haue wel, and God shal haue ži sowle; - And do yuel, and haue yuel, hope žow non other - But after ži ded-day že Deuel shal haue ži sowle. - -The several visions of the second part make up the lives of -Dowel, Dobet, and Dobest. Piers Plowman is there identified -with Christ, and the poem ends with Conscience, almost overcome -by sin, setting out resolutely in search of Piers. - -First impressions of mediaeval life are usually coloured by the -courtly romances of Malory and his later refiners. Chaucer -brings us down to reality, but his people belong to a prosperous -middle-class world, on holiday and in holiday mood. _Piers Plowman_ -stands alone as a revelation of the ignorance and misery of -the lower classes, whose multiplied grievances came to a head in -the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. It must not be supposed that -Langland idealized the labourers. Their indolence and improvidence -are exposed as unsparingly as the vices of the rich; and -Piers himself is not so much a representative of the English workman -in the fourteenth century as a character drawn straight -from the Gospels. Still, such an eager plea for humbleness, simplicity, -and honest labour, could not fail to encourage the political -hopes of the poor, and we see in John Ball's letter (p. 160) that -'Piers Plowman' had become a catchword among them. The -poet himself rather deprecates political action. His satire is -directed against the general slackening of the bonds of duty that -marked the last years of an outworn system of society. For the -remedy of abuses he appeals not to one class but to all: king, -nobles, clergy, and workers must model their lives on the pattern -of the Gospels. - - -A. FROM THE B-TEXT, PASSUS VI. - -Bodleian MS. Laud 581 (about 1400). - - 'This were a wikked way, but whoso hadde a gyde - That wolde folwen vs eche a fote:' žus žis folke hem mened. - Quat[gh] Perkyn že plouman: 'Bi Seynt Peter of Rome! - I haue an half-acre to erye bi že heigh way. - Hadde I eried žis half-acre, and sowen it after, 5 - I w_o_l_de_ wende with [gh]ow, and že way teche.' - 'Žis were a longe lettynge,' quod a lady in a sklayre; - 'What sholde we wommen worche žerewhiles?' - 'Somme shal sowe <že> sakke,' quod Piers, 'for shedyng - of že whete; - And [gh]e, louely ladyes, with [gh]oure longe fyngres, 10 - Žat [gh]e han silke and sendal to sowe, whan tyme is, - Chesibles for chapelleynes, cherches to honoure; - Wyues and wydwes wolle and flex spynneth, - Maketh cloth, I conseille [gh]ow, and kenneth so - [gh]owre dou[gh]tres; - Že nedy and že naked, nymmeth hede how hii liggeth, 15 - And casteth hem clothes, for so comaundeth Treuthe. - For I shal lene hem lyflode, but [gh]if že londe faille, - Flesshe and bred, bothe to riche and to pore, - As longe as I lyue, for že Lordes loue of heuene. - And alle manere of men žat žorw mete and drynke lybbeth, 20 - Helpith hym to worche wi[gh]tliche žat wynneth [gh]owre fode.' - 'Bi Crist!' quod a kny[gh]te žo, 'he kenneth vs že best; - Ac on že teme trewly tau[gh]te was I neuere. - Ac kenne me,' quod že kny[gh]te, 'and, bi Cryst! I wil assaye.' - 'Bi seynt Poule!' quod Perkyn, '[gh]e profre [gh]ow so - faire, 25 - Žat I shal swynke, and swete, and sowe for vs bothe, - And ožer laboures do for ži loue al my lyf tyme, - In couenaunt žat žow kepe Holi Kirke and myselue - Fro wastoures and fro wykked men žat žis worlde struyeth; - And go hunte hardiliche to hares and to foxes, 30 - To bores and to brockes žat breketh adown myne hegges, - And go affaite že faucones wilde foules to kille, - For suche cometh to my croft, and croppeth my whete.' - Curteislich že kny[gh]te žanne comsed žise wordes: - 'By my power, Pieres,' quod he, 'I pli[gh]te že my treuthe 35 - To fulfille žis forward, žow[gh] I fi[gh]te sholde; - Als longe as I lyue, I shal že mayntene.' - '[Gh]e, and [gh]it a poynt,' quod Pieres, 'I preye [gh]ow - of more; - Loke [gh]e tene no tenaunt, but Treuthe wil assent. - And žowgh [gh]e mowe amercy hem, late Mercy be taxoure, 40 - And Mekenesse ži mayster, maugré Medes chekes; - And žowgh pore men profre [gh]ow presentis and [gh]iftis, - Nym it nau[gh]te, an auenture [gh]e mowe it nau[gh]te deserue; - For žow shalt [gh]elde it a[gh]ein at one [gh]eres ende - In a ful perillous place, Purgatorie it hatte. 45 - And mysbede nou[gh]te ži bondemen, že better may žow spede; - Žowgh he be žyn vnderlynge here, wel may happe in heuene - Žat he worth worthier sette and with more blisse: - _Amice, ascende superius_. - For in charnel atte chirche cherles ben yuel to knowe, 50 - Or a kni[gh]te fram a knaue žere,--knowe žis in žin herte. - And žat žow be trewe of ži tonge, and tales žat žow hatie, - But if žei ben of wisdome or of witte, ži werkmen to chaste. - Holde with none harlotes, ne here nou[gh]te her tales, - And nameliche atte mete suche men eschue, 55 - For it ben že deueles disoures, I do že to vnderstande.' - 'I assente, bi Seynt Iame!' seyde že kni[gh]te žanne, - 'Forto worche bi ži wordes že while my lyf dureth.' - 'And I shal apparaille me,' quod Perkyn, 'in pilgrimes wise, - And wende with [gh]ow I wil til we fynde Treuthe, 60 - And cast on me my clothes, yclouted and hole, - My cokeres and my coffes, for colde of my nailles, - And hange myn hoper at myn hals, in stede of a scrippe, - A busshel of bredcorne brynge me žerinne, - For I wil sowe it myself; and sitthenes wil I wende 65 - To pylgrymage, as palmers don, pardoun forto haue. - Ac whoso helpeth me to erie or sowen here, ar I wende, - Shal haue leue, bi owre Lorde, to lese here in heruest, - And make hem mery žeremydde, maugré whoso bigruccheth it. - And alkyn crafty men, žat konne lyuen in treuthe, 70 - I shal fynden hem fode, žat feithfulliche libbeth.'... - (Dame 'Worche-whan-tyme-is' Pieres wyf hi[gh]te; - His dou[gh]ter hi[gh]te 'Do-ri[gh]te-so- or-ži-dame-shal-že-bete'; - His sone hi[gh]te 'Suffre-ži-souereynes- to-hauen-her-wille-, - Deme-hem-nou[gh]te-, for-, if-žow-doste-, - žow-shalt-it-dere-abugge.') 75 - 'Late God yworth with al, for so His worde techeth; - For now I am olde and hore, and haue of myn owen, - To penaunce and to pilgrimage I wil passe with žise other. - Forži I wil, or I wende, do wryte my biqueste. - _In Dei nomine, amen_, I make it myseluen. 80 - He shal haue my soule žat best hath yserued it, - And fro že fende it defende, for so I bileue, - Til I come to His acountes, as my _Credo_ me telleth, - To haue a relees and a remissioun on žat rental I leue. - Že kirke shal haue my caroigne and kepe my bones, 85 - For of my corne and catel he craued že tythe; - I payed it hym prestly, for peril of my soule, - Forthy is he holden, I hope, to haue me in his masse, - And mengen in his memorye amonge alle Crystene. - My wyf shal haue of žat I wan with treuthe, and nomore, 90 - And dele amonge my dou[gh]tres and my dere children; - For žowgh I deye todaye, my dettes ar quitte; - I bare home žat I borwed, ar I to bedde [gh]ede. - And with že residue and že remenaunte, bi že rode of Lukes! - I wil worschip žerwith Treuthe bi my lyue, 95 - And ben his pilgryme atte plow, for pore mennes sake. - My plow-fote shal be my pyk-staf, and picche atwo že rotes, - And helpe my culter to kerue, and clense že forwes.' - Now is Perkyn and his pilgrymes to že plowe faren; - To erie žis halue-acre holpyn hym manye. 100 - Dikeres and delueres digged vp že balkes; - Žerewith was Perkyn apayed, and preysed hem faste. - Other werkemen žere were žat wrou[gh]ten ful [gh]erne; - Eche man in his manere made hymself to done, - And some, to plese Perkyn, piked vp že wedes. 105 - At heighe pryme Peres lete že plowe stonde, - To ouersen hem hymself, and whoso best wrou[gh]te - He shulde be huyred žerafter whan heruest-tyme come. - And žanne seten somme and songen atte nale, - And hulpen erie his half-acre with 'how! trollilolli!' 110 - 'Now, bi že peril of my soule!' quod Pieres, al in pure tene, - 'But [gh]e arise že rather, and rape [gh]ow to worche, - Shal no greyne žat groweth glade [gh]ow at nede; - And žough [gh]e deye for dole, že deuel haue žat reccheth!' - Tho were faitoures aferde, and feyned hem blynde; 115 - Somme leyde here legges aliri, as suche loseles conneth, - And made her mone to Pieres, and preyde hym of grace: - 'For we haue no lymes to laboure with, lorde, ygraced be [gh]e! - Ac we preye for [gh]ow, Pieres, and for [gh]owre plow bothe, - Žat God of His grace [gh]owre grayne multiplye, 120 - And [gh]elde [gh]ow of [gh]owre almesse žat [gh]e [gh]iue - vs here; - For we may nou[gh]te swynke ne swete, suche sikenesse vs eyleth.' - 'If it be soth,' quod Pieres, 'žat [gh]e seyne, I shal it sone - asspye. - [Gh]e ben wastoures, I wote wel, and Treuthe wote že sothe, - And I am his olde hyne, and hi[gh]te hym to warne 125 - Which žei were in žis worlde his werkemen appeyred. - [Gh]e wasten žat men wynnen with trauaille and with tene, - Ac Treuthe shal teche [gh]ow his teme to dryue, - Or [gh]e shal ete barly bred and of že broke drynke. - But if he be blynde, _or_ broke-legged, or bolted with - yrnes, 130 - He shal ete whete bred and drynke with myselue, - Tyl God of his goodnesse amendement hym sende. - Ac [gh]e my[gh]te trauaille as Treuthe wolde, and take mete - and huyre - To kepe kyne in že felde, že corne fro že bestes, - Diken, or deluen, or dyngen vppon sheues, 135 - Or helpe make morter, or bere mukke afelde. - In lecherye an in losengerye [gh]e lyuen, and in sleuthe, - And al is žorw suffrance žat veniaunce [gh]ow ne taketh. - Ac ancres and heremytes, žat eten but at nones, - And namore er morwe, myne almesse shul žei haue, 140 - And of my catel to cope hem with žat han cloistres and - cherches. - Ac Robert Renne-aboute shal nou[gh]e haue of myne, - Ne posteles, but žey preche conne, and haue powere of že - bisschop; - They shal haue payne and potage, and make hemself at ese, - For it is an vnresonable religioun žat hath ri[gh]te - nou[gh]te of certeyne.' 145 - And žanne gan a Wastoure to wrath hym, and wolde haue - yfou[gh]te, - And to Pieres že plowman he profered his gloue; - A Brytonere, a braggere, abosted Pieres als:-- - 'Wiltow or neltow, we wil haue owre wille - Of ži flowre and of ži flessche, fecche whan vs liketh, 150 - And make vs myrie žermyde, maugré ži chekes!' - Thanne Pieres že plowman pleyned hym to že kny[gh]te, - To kepe hym, as couenaunte was, fram cursed shrewes, - And fro žis wastoures wolues-kynnes, žat maketh že worlde - dere: - 'For žo waste, and wynnen nou[gh]te, and žat ilke while 155 - Worth neuere plenté amonge že poeple žerwhile my plow - liggeth.' - Curteisly že kny[gh]te žanne, as his kynde wolde, - Warned Wastoure, and wissed hym bettere, - 'Or žow shalt abugge by že lawe, by že ordre žat I bere!' - 'I was nou[gh]t wont to worche,' quod Wastour, 'and now - wil I nou[gh]t bigynne', 160 - And lete li[gh]te of že lawe, and lasse of že kny[gh]te, - And sette Pieres at a pees, and his plow bothe, - And manaced Pieres and his men [gh]if žei mette eftsone. - 'Now, by že peril of my soule!' quod Pieres, 'I shal apeyre - [gh]ow alle!' - And houped after Hunger, žat herd hym atte firste: 165 - 'Awreke me of žise wastoures,' quod he 'žat žis worlde - schendeth!' - Hunger in haste žo hent Wastour bi že mawe, - And wronge hym so bi že wombe žat bothe his eyen wattered. - He buffeted že Britoner aboute že chekes, - Žat he loked like a lanterne al his lyf after. 170 - He bette hem so bothe, he barste nere here guttes; - Ne hadde Pieres with a pese-lof preyed Hunger to cesse, - They hadde ben doluen bothe, ne deme žow non other. - 'Suffre hem lyue,' he seyde 'and lete hem ete with hogges, - Or elles benes and bren ybaken togideres, 175 - Or elles melke and mene ale;' žus preyed Pieres for hem. - Faitoures for fere herof flowen into bernes, - And flapten on with flayles fram morwe til euen, - That Hunger was nou[gh]t so hardy on hem for to loke, - For a potful of peses žat Peres hadde ymaked. 180 - An heep of heremites henten hem spades, - And ketten here copes, and courtpies hem made, - And wenten as werkemen with spades and with schoueles, - And doluen and dykeden to dryue aweye Hunger. - Blynde and bedreden were botened a žousande, 185 - Žat seten to begge syluer; sone were žei heled. - For žat was bake for Bayarde was bote for many hungry, - And many a beggere for benes buxome was to swynke, - And eche a pore man wel apayed to haue pesen for his huyre, - And what Pieres preyed hem to do as prest as a sperhauke. 190 - And žereof was Peres proude, and put hem to werke, - And [gh]af hem mete as he my[gh]te aforth, and mesurable - huyre. - Žanne hadde Peres pité, and preyed Hunger to wende - Home into his owne erde, and holden hym žere: - 'For I am wel awroke now of wastoures, žorw ži my[gh]te. 195 - Ac I preye že, ar žow passe,' quod Pieres to Hunger, - 'Of beggeres and of bidderes what best be <to> done? - For I wote wel, be žow went, žei wil worche ful ille; - For myschief it maketh žei beth so meke nouthe, - And for defaute of her fode žis folke is at my wille. 200 - Žey are my blody bretheren,' quod Pieres, 'for God bou[gh]te - vs alle; - Treuthe tau[gh]te me ones to louye hem vchone, - And to helpen hem of alle žinge ay as hem nedeth. - And now wolde I witen of že what were že best, - An how I my[gh]te amaistrien hem, and make hem to worche.' 205 - 'Here now,' quod Hunger 'and holde it for a wisdome: - Bolde beggeres and bigge, žat mowe her bred biswynke, - With houndes bred and hors bred holde vp her hertis, - Abate hem with benes for bollyng of her wombe; - And [gh]if že gomes grucche, bidde hem go swynke, 210 - And he shal soupe swettere whan he it hath deseruid. - And if žow fynde any freke, žat fortune hath appeyred - Or any maner fals men, fonde žow suche to cnowe; - Conforte hym with ži catel, for Crystes loue of heuene; - Loue hem and lene hem, so lawe of God techeth:-- 215 - _Alter alterius onera portate_. - And alle maner of men žat žow my[gh]te asspye - That nedy ben and nau[gh]ty, helpe hem with ži godis; - Loue hem, and lakke hem nou[gh]te; late God take že veniaunce; - Theigh žei done yuel, late žow God aworthe:-- 220 - _Michi vindictam, et ego retribuam_. - And if žow wil be graciouse to God, do as že Gospel techeth, - And bilow že amonges low men; so shaltow lacche grace:-- - _Facite vobis amicos de mamona iniquitatis_.' - 'I wolde nou[gh]t greue God,' quod Piers, 'for al že good on - grounde; 225 - Mi[gh]te I synnelees do as žow seist?' seyde Pieres žanne. - '[Gh]e, I bihote že,' quod Hunger, 'or ellis že Bible lieth; - Go to Genesis že gyaunt, že engendroure of vs alle:-- - "_In sudore_ and swynke žow shalt ži mete tilye, - And laboure for ži lyflode," and so owre Lorde hy[gh]te. 230 - And Sapience seyth že same, I seigh it in že Bible:-- - "_Piger pro frigore_ no felde nolde tilye, - And žerfore he shal begge and bidde, and no man bete his hunger." - Mathew with mannes face mouthed žise wordis:-- - Žat _seruus nequam_ had a nam, and for he wolde nou[gh]te - chaffare, 235 - He had maugré of his maistre for euermore after, - And binam <hym> his mnam, for he ne wolde worche, - And [gh]af žat mnam to hym žat ten mnames hadde; - And with žat he seyde, žat Holi Cherche it herde, - "He žat hath shal haue, and helpe žere it nedeth, 240 - And he žat nou[gh]t hath shal nou[gh]t haue, and no man hym - helpe; - And žat he weneth wel to haue, I wil it hym bireue." - Kynde Witt wolde žat eche a wyght wrou[gh]te, - Or in dykynge, or in deluynge, or trauaillynge in preyeres, - Contemplatyf lyf or actyf lyf, Cryst wolde men wrou[gh]te. 245 - Že Sauter seyth in že psalme of _Beati omnes_, - Že freke žat fedeth hymself with his feythful laboure, - He is blessed by že boke, in body and in soule:-- - _Labores manuum tuarum, etc._' - '[Gh]et I prey [gh]ow,' quod Pieres, '_par charité!_ and - [gh]e kunne 250 - Eny leef of lechecraft, lere it me, my dere. - For somme of my seruaunt[gh], and myself bothe, - Of al a wyke worche nou[gh]t, so owre wombe aketh.' - 'I wote wel,' quod Hunger, 'what sykenesse [gh]ow eyleth; - [Gh]e han maunged ouermoche, and žat maketh [gh]ow grone. 255 - Ac I hote že,' quod Hunger, 'as žow žyne hele wilnest, - That žow drynke no day ar žow dyne somwhat. - Ete nou[gh]te, I hote že, ar hunger že take, - And sende že of his sauce to sauoure with ži lippes; - And kepe some tyl sopertyme, and sitte nou[gh]t to longe; 260 - Arise vp ar appetit haue eten his fulle. - Lat nou[gh]t Sire Surfait sitten at ži borde.... - And [gh]if žow diete že žus, I dar legge myne eres - Žat Phisik shal his furred hodes for his fode selle, - And his cloke of Calabre, with alle že knappes of golde, 265 - And be fayne, bi my feith, his phisik to lete, - And lerne to laboure with londe, for lyflode is swete; - For morthereres aren mony leches, Lorde hem amende! - Žei do men deye žorw here drynkes, ar Destiné it wolde.' - 'By Seynt Poule!' quod Pieres, 'žise aren profitable - wordis. 270 - Wende now, Hunger, whan žow wolt, žat wel be žow euere, - For this is a louely lessoun; Lorde it že for[gh]elde!' - 'Byhote God,' quod Hunger, 'hennes ne wil I wende, - Til I haue dyned bi žis day, and ydronke bothe.' - 'I haue no peny,' quod Peres 'poletes forto bigge, 275 - Ne neyther gees ne grys, but two grene cheses, - A fewe cruddes and creem, and an hauer-cake, - And two loues of benes and bran ybake for my fauntis; - And [gh]et I sey, by my soule, I haue no salt bacoun - Ne no kokeney, bi Cryst, coloppes forto maken. 280 - Ac I haue percil, and porettes, and many koleplantes, - And eke a cow and a kalf, and a cart-mare - To drawe afelde my donge že while že drought lasteth. - And bi žis lyflode we mot lyue til Lammasse tyme; - And bi žat I hope to haue heruest in my croft, 285 - And žanne may I di[gh]te ži dyner as me dere liketh.' - Alle že pore peple žo pesecoddes fetten, - Benes and baken apples žei brou[gh]te in her lappes, - Chibolles and cheruelles and ripe chiries manye, - And profred Peres žis present to plese with Hunger. 290 - Al Hunger eet in hast, and axed after more. - Žanne pore folke for fere fedde Hunger [gh]erne - With grene poret and pesen--to poysoun Hunger žei žou[gh]te. - By žat it neighed nere heruest, newe corne cam to chepynge; - Žanne was folke fayne, and fedde Hunger with že best, 295 - With good ale, as Glotoun tau[gh]te, and gerte Hunger go - slepe. - And žo wolde Wastour nou[gh]t werche, but wandren aboute, - Ne no begger ete bred that benes inne were, - But of coket, or clerematyn, or elles of clene whete, - Ne none halpeny ale in none wise drynke, 300 - But of že best and of že brounest žat in borgh is to selle. - Laboreres žat haue no lande to lyue on but her handes, - Deyned nou[gh]t to dyne aday ny[gh]t-olde wortes; - May no peny-ale hem paye, ne no pece of bakoun, - But if it be fresch flesch, other fische, fryed other bake, 305 - And that _chaude_ or _plus chaud_, for chillyng of here mawe. - And but if he be heighlich huyred, ellis wil he chyde, - And žat he was werkman wrou[gh]t waille že tyme; - A[gh]eines Catones conseille comseth he to iangle:-- - _Paupertatis onus pacienter ferre memento_. 310 - He greueth hym a[gh]eines God, and gruccheth a[gh]eines resoun, - And žanne curseth he že kynge, and al his conseille after, - Suche lawes to loke, laboreres to greue. - Ac whiles Hunger was her maister, žere wolde none of hem - chyde, - Ne stryue a[gh]eines his statut, so sterneliche he loked. 315 - Ac I warne [gh]ow, werkemen, wynneth while [gh]e mowe, - For Hunger hide<r>ward hasteth hym faste, - He shal awake with water wastoures to chaste. - Ar fyue <[gh]ere> be fulfilled suche famyn shal aryse, - Thorwgh flodes and žourgh foule wederes frutes shul faille; 320 - And so sayde Saturne, and sent [gh]ow to warne: - Whan [gh]e se že sonne amys, and two monkes hedes, - And a mayde haue že maistrie, and multiplied bi eight, - Žanne shal Deth withdrawe, and Derthe be Iustice, - And Dawe že Dyker deye for hunger, 325 - But if God of his goodnesse graunt vs a trewe. - -[Foot-note: 6 wolde] wil _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 130 or] and _MS._] - - -B. FROM THE C-TEXT, PASSUS VI, ll. 1-104. - -MS. Phillips 8231 (about 1400). - - Thus ich awaked, wot God, wanne ich wonede on Cornehulle, - Kytte and ich in a cote, cložed as a lollere, - And lytel _ylete_ by, leyue me for sože, - Among lollares of London and lewede heremytes; - For ich made of žo men as Reson me tauhte. 5 - For as ich cam by Conscience, wit Reson ich mette, - In an hote heruest, wenne ich hadde myn hele, - And lymes to labore with, and louede wel fare, - And no dede to do bote drynke and to slepe: - In hele and in vnité on me aposede, 10 - Romynge in remembraunce, thus Reson me aratede:-- - 'Canstow seruen,' he seide, 'ožer syngen in a churche, - Ožer coke for my cokers, ožer to že cart picche, - Mowe, ožer mowen, ožer make bond to sheues, - Repe, ožer be a repereyue, and aryse erliche, 15 - Ožer haue an horne and be haywarde, and liggen oute a nyghtes, - And kepe my corn in my croft fro pykers and žeeues? - Ožer shappe shon ožer cložes, ožer shep ožer kyn kepe, - <H>eggen ožer harwen, ožer swyn ožer gees dryue, - Ožer eny kyns craft žat to že comune nudež, 20 - Hem žat bedreden be bylyue to fynde?' - 'Certes,' ich seyde, 'and so me God helpe, - Ich am to waik to worche with sykel ožer with sythe, - And to long, leyf me, lowe for to stoupe, - To worchen as a workeman eny wyle to dure.' 25 - 'Thenne hauest žow londes to lyue by,' quath Reson, 'ožer - lynage riche - That fynden že žy fode? For an hydel man žow semest, - A spendour žat spende mot, ožer a spille-tyme, - Ožer beggest žy bylyue aboute ate menne hacches, - Ožer faitest vpon Frydays ožer feste-dayes in churches, 30 - The wiche is lollarene lyf, žat lytel ys preysed - Žer Ryghtfulnesse rewardež ryght as men deseruež:-- - _Reddit unicuique iuxta opera sua_. - Ožer žow ert broke, so may be, in body ožer in membre, - Ožer ymaymed žorw som myshap werby žow my[gh]t be excused?' 35 - 'Wanne ich [gh]ong was,' quath ich, 'meny [gh]er hennes, - My fader and my frendes founden me to scole, - Tyl ich wiste wyterliche wat Holy Wryt menede, - And wat is best for že body, as že Bok tellež, - And sykerest for že soule, by so ich wolle continue. 40 - And [gh]ut fond ich neuere, in faith, sytthen my frendes - deyden, - Lyf žat me lyked, bote in žes longe clothes. - Hyf ich by laboure sholde lyue and lyflode deseruen, - That labour žat ich lerned best žer_with_ lyue ich sholde:-- - _In eadem uocatione qua uocati estis_. 45 - And ich lyue in Londene and on Londen bothe; - The lomes žat ich laboure with and lyflode deserue - Ys _Paternoster_, and my Prymer, _Placebo_ and _Dirige_, - And my Sauter som tyme, and my Seuene Psalmes. - Thus ich synge for hure soules of suche as me helpen, 50 - And žo žat fynden me my fode vochen saf, ich trowe, - To be wolcome wanne ich come ožerwyle in a monthe, - Now with hym and now with hure; and žusgate ich begge - Withoute bagge ožer botel bote my wombe one. - And also, moreouer, me žynkež, syre Reson, 55 - Men sholde constreyne no clerke to knauene werkes; - For by lawe of _Leuitici_, žat oure Lord ordeynede, - Clerkes žat aren crouned, of kynde vnderstondyng, - Sholde nožer swynke, ne swete, ne swere at enquestes, - Ne fyghte in no vauntwarde, ne hus fo greue:-- 60 - _Non reddas malum pro malo_. - For it ben aires of heuene alle žat ben crounede, - And in queer in churches Cristes owene mynestres:-- - _Dominus pars hereditatis mee_; & alibi: _Clementia non - constringit_. - Hit bycomež for clerkus Crist for to seruen, 65 - And knaues vncrouned to cart and to worche. - For shold no clerk be crouned bote yf he ycome were - Of franklens and free men, and of folke yweddede. - Bondmen and bastardes and beggers children, - Thuse bylongež to labour, and lordes children sholde seruen, 70 - Bothe God and good men, as here degree askež; - Some to synge masses, ožer sitten and wryte, - Rede and receyue žat Reson ouhte spende; - And sith bondemenne barnes han be mad bisshopes, - And barnes bastardes han ben archidekenes, 75 - And sopers and here sones for seluer han be knyghtes, - And lordene sones here laborers, and leid here rentes to wedde, - For že ryght of žes reame ryden a[gh]ens oure enemys, - In confort of že comune and že kynges worshep, - And monkes and moniales, žat mendinauns sholden fynde, 80 - Han mad here kyn knyghtes, and knyghtfees purchase<d>, - Popes and patrones poure gentil blod refusež, - And taken Symondes sone seyntewarie to kepe. - Lyf-holynesse and loue han ben longe hennes, - And wole, til hit be wered out, or ožerwise ychaunged. 85 - Foržy rebuke me ryght nouht, Reson, ich [gh]ow praye; - For in my conscience ich knowe what Crist wolde žat ich wrouhte. - Preyers of <a> parfyt man and penaunce discret - Ys že leueste labour žat oure Lord plesež. - _Non de solo_,' ich seide, 'for sože _uiuit homo, 90 - Nec in pane et pabulo_, že _Paternoster_ witnessež: - _Fiat uoluntas tua_ fynt ous alle žynges.' - Quath Conscience, 'By Crist! ich can nat see this lyež; - Ac it semeth nouht parfytnesse in cytees for to begge, - Bote he be obediencer to pryour ožer to mynstre.' 95 - 'That ys soth,' ich seide 'and so ich byknowe - That ich haue tynt tyme, and tyme mysspended; - And [gh]ut, ich hope, as he žat ofte hauež chaffared, - Žat ay hath lost and lost, and at že laste hym happed - He bouhte suche a bargayn he was že bet euere, 100 - And sette hus lost at a lef at že laste ende, - Suche a wynnynge hym warth žorw wyrdes of hus grace:-- - _Simile est regnum celorum thesauro abscondito in agro, et - cetera_; - _Mulier que inuenit dragmam, et cetera_; - So hope ich to haue of Hym žat his almyghty 105 - A gobet of Hus grace, and bygynne a tyme - Žat alle tymes of my tyme to profit shal turne.' - 'Ich rede že,' quath Reson žo 'rape že to bygynne - Že lyf žat ys lowable and leel to že soule'-- - '[Gh]e, and continue,' quath Conscience; and to že churche - ich wente. 110 - -[Foot-note: 3 And a lytel ich let by _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 19 Heggen] Eggen _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 44 žerwith] žerhwit _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 62 alle] and alle _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 63 in churches] and in kirkes _Ilchester MS._] - -[Foot-note: 92 tua] tuas _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 99 laste] latiste _MS._] - - - - -IX - -MANDEVILLE'S TRAVELS - - -_Mandeville's Travels_ were originally written in French, perhaps in -1356 or 1357. Their popularity was immediate, and Latin and English -translations soon appeared. The English texts published show three -forms. The first, imperfect, is the text of the early prints. The -second, from Cotton MS. Titus C xvi (about 1400-25), was first printed -in 1725, and is followed in the editions by Halliwell, 1839 and 1866, -and by Hamelius, 1919. The third, from Egerton MS. 1982 (about 1400-25), -has been edited for the Roxburghe Club by G. F. Warner, with the French -text, and an excellent apparatus. Our selections follow the Cotton MS. - -The _Travels_ fall into two parts: (i) a description of the routes to -the Holy Land, and an account of the Holy Places; (ii) a narrative of -travel in the more distant parts of Asia. Throughout the author poses as -an eyewitness. But in fact the book is a compilation, made without much -regard to time or place. For the first part William de Boldensele, who -wrote in 1336 an account of a visit to the Holy Land, is the main -source. The second part follows the description of an Eastern voyage -written by Friar Odoric of Pordenone in 1330. Other materials from the -mediaeval encyclopaedists are woven in, and there is so little trace of -original observation that it is doubtful whether the author travelled -far beyond his library. - -In the preface he claims to be Sir John Mandeville, an Englishman born -at St. Albans. The people of St. Albans were driven to desperate shifts -to explain the absence of his tomb from their abbey; but until 1798 it -was actually to be seen at the church of the Guillemins, Ličge, with -this inscription: - -'Hic iacet vir nobilis Dom Ioannes de Mandeville, alias dictus ad -Barbam, Miles, Dominus de Campdi, natus de Anglia, medicinae professor, -devotissimus orator, et bonorum suorum largissimus pauperibus erogator, -qui, toto quasi orbe lustrato, Leodii diem vitae suae clausit extremum -A.D. MCCCLXXII, mensis Nov. die xvii.' - -A Ličge chronicler, Jean d'Outremeuse (d. 1399), who claims the -invidious position of his confidant and literary executor, gives further -details: Mandeville was 'chevalier de Montfort en Angleterre'; he was -obliged to leave England because he had slain a nobleman; he came to -Ličge in 1343; and was content to be known as 'Jean de Bourgogne dit ą -la Barbe'. - -Now Jean de Bourgogne, with whom Sir John Mandeville is identified by -d'Outremeuse, is known as the writer of a tract on the Plague, written -at Ličge in 1365. Further, the Latin text of the _Travels_ mentions that -the author met at Ličge a certain 'Johannes ad Barbam', recognized him -as a former physician at the court of the Sultan of Egypt, and took his -advice and help in the writing of the _Travels_. - -Again, in 1322, the year in which Sir John Mandeville claims to have -left England, a Johan de Burgoyne was given good reason to flee the -country, because a pardon, granted to him the previous year for his -actions against the Despensers, was then withdrawn. Curiously enough, a -John Mandeville was also of the party opposed to the Despensers. - -Nothing has come of the attempts to attach the clues--St. Albans, -Montfort, Campdi, the arms on the tomb at Ličge--to the English family -of Mandeville. It seems likely that 'Sir John Mandeville' was an alias -adopted by Jean de Bourgogne, unless both names cover Jean d'Outremeuse. -The Epilogue to the Cotton version shows how early the plausible -fictions of the text had infected the history of its composition. - -It is clear that the English versions do not come from the hand of the -writer of the _Travels_, who could not have been guilty of such -absurdities as the translation of _montaignes_ by 'že hille of Aygnes' -in the Cotton MS. But whoever the author was, he shows a courtesy and -modesty worthy of a knight, begging those with more recent experience to -correct the lapses of his memory, and remembering always the interests -of later travellers, who might wish to glean some marvels still untold. -He might well have pleaded in the fourteenth century that the time had -not come when prose fiction could afford to throw off the disguise of -truth. - - -[THE VOIAGE AND TRAVAILE OF SIR -IOHN MAUNDEVILE, KT.] - -British Museum MS. Cotton Titus C xvi (about 1400-25). - -From chap. xiv (xviii), f. 65 b. - -Ethiope is departed in two princypall parties; and žat is in the Est -partie, and in the Meridionall partie, the whiche partie meridionall -is clept Moretane. And the folk of žat contree ben blake ynow, and -more blake žan in the tožer partie; and žei ben clept Mowres. In žat -partie is a well, {5} žat in the day it is so cold žat no man may drynke -žereoffe; and in the nyght it is so hoot žat no man may suffre hys hond -žerein. And be[gh]onde žat partie, toward the South, to passe by the See -Occean, is a gret lond and a gret contrey. But men may not duell žere, -for the feruent brennynge of the {10} sonne, so is it passynge hoot in -žat contrey. - -In Ethiope all the ryueres and all the watres ben trouble, and žei -ben somdell salte, for the gret hete žat is žere. And the folk of žat -contree ben lyghtly dronken, and han but litill appetyt to mete.... {15} - -In Ethiope ben many dyuerse folk, and Ethiope is clept 'Cusis.' In -žat contree ben folk žat han but o foot; and žei gon so blyue žat it -is meruaylle; and the foot is so large žat it schadeweth all the body -a[gh]en the sonne, whanne žei wole lye and reste hem. {20} - -In Ethiope, whan the children ben [gh]onge and lytill, žei ben all -[gh]alowe; and whan žat žei wexen of age, žat [gh]alownesse turneth -to ben all blak. In Ethiope is the cytee of Saba, and the lond of the -whiche on of the žre Kynges, žat presented oure Lord in Bethleem, was -kyng offe. {25} - -Fro Ethiope men gon into Ynde be manye dyuerse contreyes. And men clepen -the high Ynde 'Emlak'. And Ynde is devyded in žre princypall parties; -žat is: the more, žat is a full hoot contree; and Ynde the lesse, žat -is a full atempree contrey, žat streccheth to the lond of Medé; and the -žridde {30} part, toward the Septentrion, is full cold, so žat for pure -cold and contynuell frost the water becometh cristall. - -And vpon tho roches of cristall growen the gode dyamandes, žat ben of -trouble colour. [Gh]alow cristall draweth <to> colour lyke oylle. And -žei ben so harde žat no man may pollysch {35} hem; and men clepen hem -'dyamandes' in žat contree, and 'hamese' in anožer contree. Othere -dyamandes men fynden in Arabye, žat ben not so gode; and žei ben more -broun and more tendre. And ožer dyamandes also men fynden in the Ile of -Cipre, žat ben [gh]it more tendre; and hem men may wel {40} pollische. -And in the lond of Macedoyne men fynden dyamaundes also. But the beste -and the moste precyiouse ben in Ynde. - -And men fynden many tyme harde dyamandes in a masse, žat cometh out of -gold, whan men puren it and fynen it out {45} of the myne, whan men -breken žat masse in smale peces. And sum tyme it happeneth žat men -fynden summe as grete as a pese, and summe lasse; and žei ben als harde -as žo of Ynde. - -And all be it žat men fynden gode dyamandes in Ynde, {50} [gh]it -natheles men fynden hem more comounly vpon the roches in the see, and -vpon hilles where the myne of gold is. And žei growen many togedre, on -lytill, another gret. And žer ben summe of the gretnesse of a bene, and -summe als grete as an hasell-note. And žei ben square and poynted of -here owne {55} kynde, bože abouen and benethen, withouten worchinge of -mannes hond. - -And žei growen togedre, male and femele. And žei ben norysscht with -the dew of heuene. And žei engendren comounly, and bryngen forth smale -children, žat multiplyen {60} and growen all the [gh]eer. I haue often -tymes assayed žat [gh]if a man kepe hem with a lityll of the roche, and -wete hem with May dew oftesithes, žei schull growe eueryche [gh]eer; -and the smale wole wexen grete. For right as the fyn perl congeleth and -wexeth gret of the dew of heuene, right so doth the verray {65} dyamand; -and right as the perl, of his owne kynde, taketh roundnesse, right so -the dyamand, be vertu of God, taketh squarenesse. - -And men schall bere the dyamaund on his left syde; for it is of grettere -vertue žanne, žan on the right syde. For the {70} strengthe of here -growynge is toward the North, žat is the left syde of the world, and the -left partie of man is, whan he turneth his face toward the Est. - -And [gh]if [gh]ou lyke to knowe the vertues of že dyamand, as men may -fynden in že Lapidarye, žat many men knowen {75} noght, I schall telle -[gh]ou, as žei be[gh]onde the see seyn and affermen, of whom all science -and all philosophie cometh from. - -He žat bereth the dyamand vpon him, it [gh]eueth him hardynesse and -manhode, and it kepeth the lemes of his body hole. {80} It [gh]eueth -him victorye of his enemyes, in plee and in werre, [gh]if his cause be -rightfull; and it kepeth him žat bereth it in gode wytt; and it kepeth -him fro strif and ryot, fro euyll sweuenes, from sorwes, and from -enchauntementes, and from fantasyes and illusiouns of wykked spirites. -And [gh]if ony cursed wycche {85} or enchauntour wolde bewycche him -žat bereth the dyamand, all žat sorwe and myschance schall turne to -himself, žorgh vertue of žat ston. And also no wylde best dar assaylle -the man žat bereth it on him. Also the dyamand scholde ben [gh]ouen -frely, withouten coueytynge, and withouten byggynge; {90} and žan it -is of grettere vertue. And it maketh a man more strong and more sad -a[gh]enst his enemyes. And it heleth him žat is lunatyk, and hem žat -the fend pursueth or trauayleth. And [gh]if venym or poysoun be brought -in presence of the dyamand, anon it begynneth to wexe moyst, and for to -{95} swete. - -Žere ben also dyamandes in Ynde žat ben clept 'violastres',--for here -colour is liche vyolet, or more browne žan the violettes,--žat ben full -harde and full precyous. But [gh]it sum men loue not hem so wel as the -ožere. But in soth to {100} me, I wolde louen hem als moche as že ožere; -for I haue seen hem assayed. Also žere is anožer maner of dyamandes žat -ben als white as cristall, but žei ben a lityll more trouble; and žei -ben gode and of gret vertue, and all žei ben square and poynted of here -owne kynde. And summe {105} ben six squared, summe four squared, and -summe žre, as nature schapeth hem. - -And žerfore whan grete lordes and knyghtes gon to seche worschipe in -armes, žei beren gladly the dyamaund vpon hem. I schal speke a litill -more of the dyamandes, allžough {110} I tarye my matere for a tyme, to -žat ende žat žei žat knowen hem not be not disceyued be gabberes žat -gon be the contree, žat sellen hem. For whoso wil bye the dyamand, it -is nedefull to him žat he knowe hem, because žat men counterfeten hem -often of cristall žat is [gh]alow; and of saphires of cytryne {115} -colour, žat is [gh]alow also; and of the saphire loupe; and of many -ožer stones. But, I tell [gh]ou, theise contrefetes ben not so harde; -and also the poyntes wil breken lightly; and men may esily pollissche -hem. But summe werkmen, for malice, wil not pollische hem, to žat entent -to maken men beleue žat žei may {120} not ben pollisscht. But men may -assaye hem in this manere: First schere with hem, or write with hem, in -saphires, in cristall, or in ožer precious stones. After žat men taken -the ademand, žat is the schipmannes ston, žat draweth the nedle to him, -and men leyn the dyamand vpon the ademand, and leyn the nedle {125} -before the ademand; and [gh]if the dyamand be gode and vertuous, the -ademand draweth not the nedle to him, whils the dyamand is žere present. -And this is the preef žat žei be[gh]onde the see maken. Natheles it -befalleth often tyme žat the gode dyamand leseth his vertue, be synne -and for incontynence of him žat {130} bereth it. And žanne is it nedfull -to make it to recoueren his vertue a[gh]en, or ell it is of litill value. - -Chap. xxvi (xxx), f. 112 a. - -Now schall I seye [gh]ou sewyngly of contrees and yles žat ben -be[gh]onde the contrees žat I haue spoken of. Wherfore {135} I seye -[gh]ou, in passynge be the lond of Cathaye toward the high Ynde, and -toward Bacharye, men passen be a kyngdom žat men clepen 'Caldilhe', žat -is a full fair contré. And žere groweth a maner of fruyt, as žough it -weren gowrdes; and whan žei ben rype, men kutten hem ato, and men fynden -{140} withinne a lytyll best, in flesch, in bon, and blode as žough it -were a lytill lomb, withouten wolle. And men eten bothe the frut and the -best: and žat is a gret merueylle. Of žat frute I haue eten, allžough -it were wondirfull: but žat I knowe wel, žat God is merueyllous in his -werkes. And natheles I tolde {145} hem of als gret a merueyle to hem, -žat is amonges vs: and žat was of the Bernakes. For I tolde hem žat in -oure contree weren trees žat baren a fruyt žat becomen briddes fleeynge; -and žo žat fellen in the water lyuen; and žei žat fallen on the erthe -dyen anon; and žei ben right gode to mannes mete. And hereof {150} had -žei als gret meruaylle žat summe of hem trowed it were an inpossible -thing to be. In žat contré ben longe apples of gode sauour, whereof -ben mo žan an hundred in a clustre, and als manye in another: and žei -han grete longe leves and large, of two fote long or more. And in žat -contree, and in {155} ožer contrees žere abouten, growen many trees, žat -beren clowe gylofres, and notemuges, and grete notes of Ynde, and of -canell, and of many ožer spices. And žere ben vynes žat beren so grete -grapes žat a strong man scholde haue ynow to done for to bere o clustre -with all the grapes. In {160} žat same regioun ben the mountaynes of -Caspye žat men clepen 'Vber' in the contree. Betwene žo mountaynes the -Iewes of ten lynages ben enclosed, žat men clepen Goth and Magoth; and -žei mowe not gon out on no syde. Žere weren enclosed twenty two kynges -with hire peple, žat dwelleden {165} betwene the mountaynes of Sy_t_hye. -Žere Kyng Alisandre chacede hem betwene žo mountaynes; and žere he -thoughte for to enclose hem žorgh werk of his men. But whan he saugh -žat he myghte not don it, ne bryng it to an ende, he preyed to God of -Nature žat He wolde parforme žat žat he {170} had begonne. And all were -it so žat he was a payneme, and not worthi to ben herd, [gh]it God of -His grace closed the mountaynes togydre; so žat žei dwellen žere, all -faste ylokked and enclosed with high mountaynes alle aboute, saf only -on o syde; and on žat syde is the See of Caspye. Now {175} may sum men -asken: sith žat the see is on žat o syde, wherfore go žei not out on the -see syde, for to go where žat hem lyketh? But to this questioun I schal -answere: žat See of Caspye goth out be londe, vnder the mountaynes, and -renneth be the desert at o syde of the contree; and after it streccheth -vnto the endes {180} of Persie. And allžough it be clept a see, it is no -see, ne it toucheth to non ožer see; but it is a lake, the grettest of -the world. And žough žei wolden putten hem into žat see, žei ne wysten -neuer where žat žei scholde arryuen. And also žei conen no langage but -only hire owne, žat no man {185} knoweth but žei: and žerfore mowe žei -not gon out. And also [gh]ee schull vnderstonde žat the Iewes han no -propre lond of hire owne, for to dwellen inne, in all the world, but -only žat lond betwene the mountaynes. And [gh]it žei [gh]elden tribute -for žat lond to the queen of Amazoine, the whiche žat {190} maketh hem -to ben kept in cloos full diligently, žat žei schull not gon out on -no syde, but be the cost of hire lond. For hire lond marcheth to žo -mountaynes. And often it hath befallen žat summe of že Iewes han gon vp -the mountaynes, and avaled down to the valeyes: but gret nombre of folk -ne {195} may not do so. For the mountaynes ben so hye, and so streght -vp, žat žei moste abyde žere, maugree hire myght. For žei mowe not -gon out, but be a litill issue žat was made be strengthe of men; and -it lasteth wel a four grete myle. And after is žere [gh]it a lond all -desert, where men {200} may fynde no water, ne for dyggynge, ne for non -other žing: wherfore men may not dwellen in žat place. So is it full of -dragounes, of serpentes, and of ožer venymous bestes, žat no man dar not -passe, but [gh]if it be be strong wynter. And žat streyt passage men -clepen in žat contree 'Clyron'. And žat {205} is the passage žat the -Queen of Amazoine maketh to ben kept. And žogh it happene sum of hem, -be fortune, to gon out, žei conen no maner of langage but Ebrew, so žat -žei can not speke to the peple. And [gh]it natheles, men seyn žei schull -gon out in the tyme of Antecrist, and žat žei schull maken {210} gret -slaughter of Cristene men. And žerfore all the Iewes žat dwellen in all -londes lernen allweys to speken Ebrew, in hope žat whan the ožer Iewes -schull gon out, žat žei may vnderstonden hire speche, and to leden hem -into Cristendom, for to destroye the Cristene peple. For the Iewes seyn -žat {215} žei knowen wel be hire prophecyes žat žei of Caspye schull gon -out and spreden žorghout all the world; and žat the Cristene men schull -ben vnder hire subieccioun als longe as žei han ben in subieccioun of -hem. And [gh]if žat [gh]ee wil wyte how žat žei schull fynden hire weye, -after žat I haue herd {220} seye, I schall tell [gh]ou. In the tyme of -Antecrist, a fox schall make žere his [+]trayne[+], and mynen an hole, -where Kyng Alisandre leet make the [gh]ates: and so longe he schall -mynen and percen the erthe, til žat he schall passe žorgh towardes žat -folk. And whan žei seen the fox, they schull {225} haue gret merueylle -of him, because žat žei saugh neuer such a best. For of all ožere bestes -žei han enclosed amonges hem, saf only the fox. And žanne žei schulle -chacen him and pursuen him so streyte, till žat he come to the same -place žat he cam fro. And žanne žei schulle {230} dyggen and mynen so -strongly, till žat žei fynden the [gh]ates žat King Alisandre leet make -of grete stones and passynge huge, wel symented and made stronge for the -maystrie. And žo [gh]ates žei schull breken, and so gon out, be fyndynge -of žat issue. {235} - -Fro žat lond gon men toward the lond of Bacharie, where ben full yuele -folk and full cruell. In žat lond ben trees žat beren wolle, as žogh -it were of scheep; whereof men maken clothes, and all žing žat may ben -made of wolle. In žat contree ben many ipotaynes, žat dwellen som tyme -in the {240} water, and somtyme on the lond: and žei ben half man and -half hors, as I haue seyd before; and žei eten men, whan žei may take -hem. And žere ben ryueres and watres žat ben fulle byttere, žree sithes -more žan is the water of the see. In žat contré ben many griffounes, -more plentee žan in ony {245} other contree. Sum men seyn žat žei han -the body vpward as an egle, and benethe as a lyoun: and treuly žei seyn -soth žat žei ben of žat schapp. But o griffoun hath the body more gret, -and is more strong, žanne eight lyouns, of suche lyouns as ben o this -half; and more gret and strongere žan an {250} hundred egles, suche as -we han amonges vs. For o griffoun žere wil bere fleynge to his nest a -gret hors, [gh]if he may fynde him at the poynt, or two oxen [gh]oked -togidere, as žei gon at the plowgh. For he hath his talouns so longe and -so large and grete vpon his feet, as žough žei weren hornes of grete -oxen, or of {255} bugles, or of ky[gh]n; so žat men maken cuppes of hem, -to drynken of. And of hire ribbes, and of the pennes of hire wenges, men -maken bowes full stronge, to schote with arwes and quarell. - -From žens gon men be many iourneyes žorgh the lond of Prestre Iohn, the -grete emperour of Ynde. And men clepen {260} his roialme the Yle of -Pentexoire. - -EPILOGUE. - -Žere ben manye ožer dyuerse contrees and many ožer merueyles be[gh]onde, -žat I haue not seen: wherfore of hem I can not speke propurly, to tell -[gh]ou the manere of hem. And also in the contrees where I haue ben, -ben manye {265} mo dyuersitees of many wondirfull thinges žanne I make -mencioun of, for it were to longe thing to deuyse [gh]ou the manere. -And žerfore žat žat I haue deuysed [gh]ou of certeyn contrees, žat I -haue spoken of before, I beseche [gh]oure worthi and excellent noblesse -žat i_t_ suffise to [gh]ou at this tyme. For {270} [gh]if žat I deuysed -[gh]ou all žat is be[gh]onde the see, another man peraunter, žat wolde -peynen him and trauaylle his body for to go into žo marches for to -encerche žo contrees, myghte ben blamed be my wordes, in rehercynge -manye straunge thinges; for he myghte not seye no thing of newe, in -the {275} whiche the hereres myghten hauen oužer solace or desport or -lust or lykyng in the herynge. For men seyn allweys žat newe thinges -and newe tydynges ben plesant to here. Wherfore I wole holde me stille, -withouten ony more rehercyng of dyuersitee[gh] or of meruaylles žat -ben be[gh]onde, to žat entent {280} and ende žat whoso wil gon into žo -contrees, he schall fynde ynowe to speke of, žat I haue not touched of -in no wyse. - -And [gh]ee schull vndirstonde, [gh]if it lyke [gh]ou, žat at myn hom -comynge I cam to Rome, and schewed my lif to oure {285} holy fadir -the Pope, and was assoylled of all žat lay in my conscience, of many -a dyuerse gr_e_uous poynt, as men mosten nedes žat ben in company, -dwellyng amonges so many a dyuerse folk of dyuerse secte and of beleeve, -as I haue ben. And amonges all, I schewed hym this tretys, žat I had -made {290} after informacioun of men žat knewen of thinges žat I had -not seen myself; and also of merueyles and customes žat I hadde seen -myself, as fer as God wolde [gh]eue me grace: and besoughte his holy -fadirhode žat my boke myghte ben examyned and corrected be avys of his -wyse and discreet {295} conseill. And oure holy fader, of his special -grace, remytted my boke to ben examyned and preued be the avys of his -seyd conseill. Be the whiche my boke was preeued for trewe; in so moche -žat žei schewed me a boke, žat my boke was examynde by, žat comprehended -full moche more be an {300} hundred part; be the whiche the _Mappa -Mundi_ was made after. And so my boke (all be it žat many men ne list -not to [gh]eue credence to no žing, but to žat žat žei seen with hire -eye, ne be the auctour ne the persone neuer so trewe) is affermed and -preued be oure holy fader, in maner and forme {305} as I haue seyd. - -And I Iohn Maundevyll knyght aboueseyd, (allžough I be vnworthi) žat -departed from oure contrees and passed the see the [gh]eer of grace -1322, žat haue passed many londes and manye yles and contrees, and -cerched manye full {310} strange places, and haue ben in many a full -gode honourable companye, and at many a faire dede of armes, all be it -žat I dide none myself, for myn vnable insuffisance; and now I am comen -hom, mawgree myself, to reste, for gowtes artetykes žat me distreynen, -žat diffynen the ende of my labour, a[gh]enst {315} my will, God -knoweth. And žus takynge solace in my wrechched reste, recordynge the -tyme passed, I haue fulfilled žeise thinges and putte hem wryten in this -boke, as it wolde come into my mynde, the [gh]eer of grace 1356 in the -34th [gh]eer žat I departede from oure contrees. Wherfore I preye to all -{320} the rederes and hereres of this boke, [gh]if it plese hem, žat žei -wolde preyen to God for me, and I schall preye for hem. And alle žo žat -seyn for me a _Paternoster_, with an _Aue Maria_, žat God for[gh]eue me -my synnes, I make hem parteneres and graunte hem part of all the gode -pilgrymages, {325} and of all the gode dedes žat I haue don, [gh]if -ony ben to his plesance; and noght only of žo, but of all žat euere I -schall do vnto my lyfes ende. And I beseche Almyghty God, fro whom all -godenesse and grace cometh fro, žat He vouchesaf of His excellent mercy -and habundant grace to {330} fullfylle hire soules with inspiracioun of -the Holy Gost, in makynge defence of all hire gostly enemyes here in -erthe, to hire saluacioun, bothe of body and soule; to worschipe and -thankynge of Him žat is žree and on, withouten begynnynge and withouten -endyng; žat is withouten qualitee good, {335} withouten quantytee gret; -žat in alle places is present, and all thinges conteynynge; the whiche -žat no goodnesse may amende, ne non euell empeyre; žat in perfyte -Trynytee lyueth and regneth God, be alle worldes and be all tymes. Amen, -Amen, Amen. {340} - - - - -X - -THE BRUCE - -WRITTEN IN 1375 BY JOHN BARBOUR. - - -John Barbour was archdeacon of Aberdeen, an auditor of the Scottish -exchequer, and a royal pensioner. Consequently a number of isolated -records of his activities have been preserved. In 1364 he was granted a -safe-conduct to travel with four students to Oxford. In 1365 and 1368 he -had permission to travel through England so that he might study in -France. The notices of his journeys, his offices, and his rewards point -to a busy and successful life. He died in 1395. - -According to Wyntoun, Barbour's works were (1) _The Bruce_; (2) _The -Stewartis Oryginalle_ (or _Pedigree of the Stewarts_), now lost; (3) a -_Brut_, which some have identified with extant fragments of a Troy Book -(see the prefatory note to No. VII), and others with (2) _The Stewartis -Oryginalle_. - -_The Bruce_ is found in two late MSS., both copied by John Ramsay; the -first, St. John's College, Cambridge, MS. G 23, in the year 1487; the -second, now at the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, in 1489. It has been -edited by Skeat for the Early English Text Society, and for the Scottish -Text Society. The poem is valuable for the history, more especially the -traditional history, of the period 1304-33. Barbour speaks of it as a -romance, and the freedom and vividness of the narrative, with its -hero-worship of Robert Bruce and Douglas, place it well above the -ordinary chronicle. But far from disclaiming historical accuracy, -Barbour prides himself that truth well told should have a double claim -to popularity: - - Storys to rede ar delitabill - Suppos that thai be nocht bot fabill: - Than suld storys that suthfast wer, - And thai war said on gud maner, - Hawe doubill plesance in heryng: - The fyrst plesance is the carpyng, - And the tothir the suthfastnes, - That schawys the thing rycht as it wes. - -He did not misjudge the taste of his country, and _The Bruce_, -with which the Scottish contribution to English literature begins, -long held its place as the national epic of Scotland. - -The specimen describes an incident in the unsuccessful siege -of Berwick, 1319. - - -THE BRUCE, Bk. xvii, ll. 593 ff. - -St. John's College (Cambridge) MS. G 23 (A.D. 1487). - - Thai <that> at the sege lay, - Or it wes passit the fift day, - Had maid thame syndry apparale - To gang eftsonis till assale. - Of gret gestis ane sow thai maid 5 - That stalward heling owth it had, - With armyt men enew tharin, - And instrumentis als for to myne. - Syndry scaffatis thai maid vithall - That war weill hyar than the wall, 10 - And ordanit als that by the se - The toune suld weill assal[gh]eit be. - And thai vithin that saw thame swa - So gret apparale schap till ma, - Throu Cra_bb_is consale, that ves sle, 15 - Ane cren thai haf gert dres vp hye, - Rynand on quhelis, that thai mycht bring - It quhar neid war of mast helping. - And pik and ter als haf thai tane, - And lynt <and> hardis, with brynstane, 20 - And dry treis that weill wald byrne, - And mellit syne athir othir in; - And gret flaggatis tharof thai maid, - Gyrdit with irnebandis braid; - Of thai flaggatis mycht mesurit be 25 - Till a gret twnnys quantité. - Thai flaggatis, byrnand in a baill, - With thair cren thoucht thai till availl, - And, gif the sow come to the wall, - Till lat thame byrnand on hir fall, 30 - And with ane stark cheyne hald thame thar - Quhill all war brint <vp> that ves thar. - Engynys alsua for till cast - Thai ordanit and maid redy fast, - And set ilk man syne till his ward; 35 - And Schir Valter, the gude Steward, - With armyt men suld ryde about, - And se quhar at thar var mast dout, - And succur thar with his men[gh]he. - And quhen thai into sic degré 40 - Had maid thame for thair assaling, - On the Rude-evyn in the dawing, - The Inglis host blew till assale. - Than mycht men with ser apparale - Se that gret host cum sturdely. 45 - The toune enveremyt thai in hy, - And assalit with sa gud will,-- - For all thair mycht thai set thartill,-- - That thai thame pressit fast of the toune. - Bot thai that can thame abandoune 50 - Till ded, or than till woundis sare, - So weill has thame defendit thare - That ledderis to the ground thai slang, - And vith stanys so fast thai dang - Thair fais, that feill thai left lyand, 55 - Sum ded, sum hurt, and sum swavnand. - Bot thai that held on fut in hy - Drew thame avay deliuerly, - And skunnyrrit tharfor na kyn thing, - Bot went stoutly till assalyng; 60 - And thai abovin defendit ay, - And set thame till so harde assay, - _Quhill_ that feill of thame voundit war, - _And_ thai so gret defens maid thar, - That thai styntit thair fais mycht. 65 - Apon sic maner can thai ficht - Quhill it wes neir noyne of the day. - Than thai without, in gret aray, - Pressit thair sow toward the wall; - And thai within weill soyne gert call 70 - The engynour that takyne was, - And gret manans till him mais, - And swoir that he suld de, bot he - Provit on the sow sic sutelté - That he t_o_frusch_yt_ hir ilke deill. 75 - And he, that has persauit weill - That the dede wes neir hym till, - Bot gif he mycht fulfill thar will, - Thoucht that he all his mycht vald do: - Bendit in gret hy than wes scho, 80 - And till the sow wes soyn evin set. - In hye he gert draw the cleket, - And smertly swappit out the stane, - That evyn out our the sow is gane, - And behynd hir a litill we 85 - It fell, and than thai cryit hye - That war in hir: 'Furth to the wall, - For dreid<les> it is ouris all.' - The engynour than deliuerly - Gert bend the gyne in full gret hy, 90 - And the stane smertly swappit out. - It flaw <out> quhedirand with a rout, - And fell richt evin befor the sow. - Thair hertis than begouth till grow, - Bot [gh]eit than with thair mychtis all 95 - Thai pressit the sow toward the wall, - And has hir set thar_to_ iuntly. - The gynour than gert bend in hy - The gyne, and swappit out the stane, - That evin toward the lift is gane, 100 - And with gret wecht syne duschit doune - Richt by the wall, in a randoune, - That hyt the sow in sic maner - That it that wes the mast summer, - And starkast for till stynt a strak, 105 - In swndir with that dusche he brak. - The men ran out in full gret hy, - And on the wallis thai can cry - That 'thair sow ferryit wes thair!' - Iohne Crab, that had his geir all [gh]ar, 110 - In his faggatis has set the fyre, - And our the wall syne can thame wyre, - And brynt the sow till brandis bair. - With all this fast assal[gh]eand war - The folk without, with felloune ficht; 115 - And thai within with mekill mycht - Defendit manfully thar stede - Intill gret auentur of dede. - The schipmen with gret apparale - Com with thair schippes till assale, 120 - With top-castellis warnist weill, - And wicht men armyt intill steill; - Thair batis vp apon thair mastis - Drawyn weill hye and festnyt fast is, - And pressit with that gret atour 125 - Toward the wall. Bot the gynour - Hit in ane hespyne with a stane, - And the men that war tharin gane - Sum dede, _sum_ dosnyt, <come doun> vyndland. - Fra thine furth durst nane tak vpon hand 130 - With schippes pres thame to the vall. - But the laiff war assal[gh]eand all - On ilk a syde sa egyrly, - That certis it wes gret ferly - That thai folk sic defens has maid, 135 - For the gret myscheif that thai had: - For thair wallis so law than weir - That a man richt weill with a sper - Micht strik ane othir vp in the face, - As eir befor tald till [gh]ow was; 140 - And feill of thame war woundit sare, - And the layf so fast travaland war - That nane had tume rest for till ta, - Thair aduersouris assail[gh]eit swa. - Thai war within sa stratly stad 145 - That thar wardane with _him_ had - Ane hundreth men in cumpany - Armyt, that wicht war and hardy, - And raid about for till se quhar - That his folk hardest pressit war, 150 - Till releif thame that had mister, - Com syndry tymes in placis ser - Quhar sum of the defensouris war - All dede, and othir woundit sare, - Swa that he of his cumpany 155 - Behufit to leiff thair party; - Swa that, be he ane cours had maid - About, _of_ all _the_ men he had - Thair wes levit with him bot ane, - That he ne had thame left ilkane 160 - To releve quhar he saw mister. - And the folk that assal[gh]eand wer - At Mary-[gh]et behevin had - The barras, and a fyre had maid - At the drawbrig, and brynt it doune, 165 - And war thringand in gret foysoune - Richt in the [gh]et, ane fire till ma. - And thai within gert smertly ga - Ane to the wardane, for till say - How thai war set in hard assay. 170 - And quhen Schir Valter Steward herd - How men sa stratly with thame ferd, - He gert cum of the castell then - All that war thar of armyt men,-- - For thar that day assal[gh]eit nane,-- 175 - And with that rout in hy is gane - Till Mary-[gh]et, and till the wall - Is went, and saw the myscheif all, - And vmbethoucht hym suddandly, - Bot gif gret help war set in hy 180 - Tharto, thai suld burne vp the [gh]et - _With_ the fire _he_ fand tharat. - Tharfor apon gret hardyment - He suddanly set his entent, - And gert all wyde set vp the [gh]et, 185 - And the fyre that he fand tharat - With strinth of men he put avay. - He set hym in full hard assay, - For thai that war assal[gh]eand thar - Pressit on hym with vapnys bair, 190 - And he defendit with all his mycht. - Thar mycht men se a felloune sicht: - With staffing, stoking, and striking - Thar maid thai sturdy defending, - For with gret strynth of men the [gh]et 195 - Thai defendit, and stude tharat, - Magré thair fais, quhill the nycht - Gert thame on bath halfis leif the ficht. - -[Foot-note: 15 Crabbis] Craggis _MS._: Crabys _MS. Edinburgh_.] - -[Foot-note: 63 Quhill] How _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 64 And] žat _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 75 tofruschyt] till frusche _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 97 tharto] žar in _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 129 Sum dede dosnyt sum dede vyndland _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 146 him] žame _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 158 of] to _MS._ the] to _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 182 With] And _MS._ he fand] haffand _MS._] - - - - -XI - -JOHN WICLIF - -D. 1384. - - -Like Richard Rolle, Wiclif was a Yorkshireman by birth. Of his career at -Oxford little is known until 1360, when he is described as 'master of -Balliol'. From Balliol he was presented to the living of Fillingham, -and, after a series of preferments, he accepted in 1374 the rectory of -Lutterworth, which he held till his death in 1384. - -Wiclif's life was stormy. His acknowledged pre-eminence as a theologian -and doctor in the University did not satisfy his active and combative -mind. 'False peace', he said, 'is grounded in rest with our enemies, -when we assent to them without withstanding; and sword against such -peace came Christ to send.' He lacked neither enemies nor the moral -courage to withstand them. - -At first, under the powerful patronage of John of Gaunt, he entered into -controversies primarily political, opposing the right of the Pope to -make levies on England, which was already overburdened with -war-taxation, and to appoint foreigners to English benefices. On these -questions popular opinion was on his side. - -He proceeded to attack the whole system of Church government, urging -disendowment; rejecting the papal authority, which had been weakened in -1378 by the fierce rivalry of Urban VI and Clement VII; attacking -episcopal privileges, the established religious orders, and the abuse of -indulgences, pardons, and sanctuary. Still his opinions found a good -deal of popular and political support. - -Then in 1380 he publicly announced his rejection of the doctrine of -transubstantiation. From the results of such a heresy his friends could -no longer protect him. Moderate opinion became alarmed and conservative -after the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. Richard II was no friend of -heretics. John of Gaunt, himself unpopular by this time, commanded -silence. And in 1382 the secular party in Oxford were compelled, after -a struggle, to condemn and expel their favourite preacher and his -followers. Wiclif retired to Lutterworth, and continued, until struck -down by paralysis in the last days of 1384, to inspire his 'poor -preachers'--the founders of the Lollard sect which lived on to join -forces with Lutheranism in the sixteenth century--and to develop in a -series of Latin and English works the doctrines that later came to be -associated with Puritanism. - -His authorship is often doubtful. In the interests of orthodoxy the -early MSS. of his writings were ruthlessly destroyed, as in the famous -bonfire of his works at Carfax, Oxford, in 1411. And his followers -included not only the simple folk from whom later the 'poor priests' -were recruited, but able University men, trained in his new doctrines, -bred in the same traditions, and eager to emulate their master in -controversy. So his share in the famous Wiclif Bible (ed. Forshall and -Madden, Oxford 1850) is still uncertain. Part of the translation seems -to have been made by Nicholas of Hereford, and a later recension is -claimed for another Oxford disciple, John Purvey. But Wiclif probably -inspired the undertaking, for to him, as to the later Puritans, the word -of the Bible was the test by which all matters of belief, ritual, and -Church government must be tried; and he was particularly anxious, in -opposition to the established clergy and the friars, that laymen should -read it in their own language. Contemporaries, friend and foe, ascribe -the actual translation to him. John Huss, the Bohemian reformer, who was -martyred in 1416 for teaching Wiclif's doctrines, states that Wiclif -'translated all the Bible into English'. Arundel, Archbishop of -Canterbury, is equally positive when he writes to the Pope in 1412 that -'the son of the Old Serpent filled up the cup of his malice against Holy -Church by the device of a new translation of the Scriptures into his -native tongue'. - -The first selection, chapter xv of the _De Officio Pastorali_ (ed. -Matthew, pp. 429 f.), states the case for translation. In the second -(ed. Matthew, pp. 188 ff.) some essential points of Wiclif's teaching -are explained. - -In abuse of his opponents he maintains the sturdy tradition of -controversy that still survives in Milton's prose. The style is rugged -and vigorous; the thought logical and packed close. And it is easy to -see the source of his strength. In an age whose evils were patent to -all, many reproved this or that particular abuse, but the system as a -whole passed unchallenged. Wiclif, almost alone in his generation, had -the reasoning power to go to the root of the matter, and the moral -courage not only to state fearlessly what, rightly or wrongly, he found -to be the source of evil, but to insist on basic reform. It is difficult -nowadays, when modern curiosity has made familiar the practice of mining -among the foundations of beliefs, society, and government, to realize -the force of authority that was ranged against unorthodox reformers in -the fourteenth century. If the popular support he received indicates -that this force was already weakening, Wiclif must still be reckoned -among the greatest of those who broke the way for the modern world. - - -A. THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE. - -_De Officio Pastorali, chap. xv._ - -MS. Ashburnham XXVII (15th century). - -Ant heere že freris wiž žer fautours seyn žat it is heresye to write -žus Goddis lawe in English, and make it knowun to lewid men. And fourty -signes žat žey bringen for to shewe an heretik ben not woržy to reherse, -for nou[gh]t groundiž hem but nygromansye. {5} - -It semyž first žat že wit of Goddis lawe shulde be tau[gh]t in žat tunge -žat is more knowun, for žis wit is Goddis word. Whanne Crist seiž in že -Gospel žat bože heuene and erže shulen passe, but His wordis shulen not -passe, He vndirstondith bi His woordis His wit. And žus Goddis wit is -Hooly Writ, {10} žat may on no maner be fals. Also že Hooly Gost [gh]af -to apostlis wit at Wit Sunday for to knowe al maner langagis, to teche -že puple Goddis lawe žerby; and so God wolde žat že puple were tau[gh]t -Goddis lawe in dyuerse tungis. But what man, on Goddis half, shulde -reuerse Goddis ordenaunse and {15} His wille? - -And for žis cause Seynt Ierom trauelide and translatide že Bible fro -dyuerse tungis into Lateyn, žat it my[gh]te be aftir translatid to ožere -tungis. And žus Crist and His apostlis tau[gh]ten že puple in žat tunge -žat was moost knowun to že {20} puple. Why shulden not men do nou so? - -And herfore autours of že newe law, žat weren apostlis of Iesu Crist, -writen žer Gospels in dyuerse tungis žat weren more knowun to že puple. - -Also že woržy reume of Fraunse, notwižstondinge alle {25} lettingis, -haž translatid že Bible and že Gospels, wiž ožere trewe sentensis of -doctours, out of Lateyn into Freynsch. Why shulden not Engli[gh]schemen -do so? As lordis of Englond han že Bible in Freynsch, so it were not -a[gh]enus resoun žat žey hadden že same sentense in Engli[gh]sch; for -{30} žus Goddis lawe wolde be betere knowun, and more trowid, for onehed -of wit, and more acord be bitwixe reumes. - -And herfore freris han tau[gh]t in Englond že Paternoster in -Engli[gh]sch tunge, as men seyen in že pley of [Gh]ork, and in many -ožere cuntreys. Sižen že Paternoster is part of Matheus {35} Gospel, as -clerkis knowen, why may not al be turnyd to Engli[gh]sch trewely, as is -žis part? Specialy sižen alle Cristen men, lerid and lewid, žat shulen -be sauyd, moten algatis sue Crist, and knowe His lore and His lif. But -že comyns of Engli[gh]schmen knowen it best in žer modir tunge; and žus -it {40} were al oon to lette siche knowing of že Gospel and to lette -Engli[gh]sch men to sue Crist and come to heuene. - -Wel y woot defaute may be in vntrewe translating, as my[gh]ten haue be -many defautis in turnyng fro Ebreu into Greu, and fro Greu into Lateyn, -and from o langage into {45} anožer. But lyue men good lif, and studie -many persones Goddis lawe, and whanne chaungyng of wit is foundun, -amende žey it as resoun wole. - -Sum men seyn žat freris trauelen, and žer fautours, in žis cause for -žre chesouns, žat y wole not aferme, but God woot {50} wher žey ben -sože. First žey wolden be seun so nedeful to že Engli[gh]schmen of oure -reume žat singulerly in her wit lay[gh] že wit of Goddis lawe, to telle -že puple Goddis lawe on what maner euere žey wolden. And že secound -cause herof is seyd to stonde in žis sentense: freris wolden lede že -puple in {55} techinge hem Goddis lawe, and žus žei wolden teche sum, -and sum hide, and docke sum. For žanne defautis in žer lif shulden be -lesse knowun to že puple, and Goddis lawe shulde be vntreweliere knowun -bože bi clerkis and bi comyns. Že žridde cause žat men aspien stondiž -in žis, as žey seyn: alle {60} žes newe ordris dreden hem žat žer synne -shulde be knowun, and hou žei ben not groundid in God to come into že -chirche; and žus žey wolden not for drede žat Goddis lawe were knowun in -Engli[gh]sch; but žey my[gh]ten putte heresye on men [gh]if Engli[gh]sch -toolde not what žey seyden. {65} - -God moue lordis and bischops to stonde for knowing of His lawe! - - -B. OF FEIGNED CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE. - -Corpus Christi College (Cambridge) MS. 296 (1375-1400), p. 165. - -Of feyned contemplatif lif, of song, of že Ordynal of Salisbury, and of -bodely almes and worldly bysynesse of prestis; hou bi žes foure že fend -lettiž hem fro prechynge of že Gospel.-- - -First, whanne trewe men techen bi Goddis lawe wit and {5} reson, žat -eche prest owiž to do his my[gh]t, his wit, and his wille to preche -Cristis Gospel, že fend blyndiž ypocritis to excuse hem by feyned -contemplatif lif, and to seie žat, siž it is že beste, and žei may not -do bože togidre, žei ben nedid for charité of God to leue že prechynge -of že Gospel, and {10} lyuen in contemplacion. - -See nowe že ypocrisie of žis false seiynge. Crist tau[gh]t and dide že -beste lif for prestis, as oure feiž techiž, siž He was God and my[gh]te -not erre. But Crist preched že Gospel, and charged alle His apostlis and -disciplis to goo and preche že {15} Gospel to alle men. Žan it is že -beste lif for prestis in žis world to preche že Gospel. - -Also God in že olde lawe techiž žat že office of a prophete is to schewe -to že peple here foule synnys. But eche prest is a prophete bi his -ordre, as Gregory seyž vpon že Gospellis. {20} Žanne it is že office of -eche prest to preche and telle že synnys of že peple; and in žis manere -schal eche prest be an aungel of God, as Holy Writt seiž. - -Also Crist and Ion Baptist leften desert and precheden že Gospel to here -dež žerfore; and žis was most charité; for ellis {25} žei weren out of -charité, or peierid in charité, žat my[gh]te not be in hem bože, siž -že ton was God, and no man after Crist was holyere žan Baptist, and he -synned not for žis prechynge. - -Also že holy prophete Ieromye, halwid in his moder wombe, my[gh]tte not -be excused fro prechynge bi his contemplacion, {30} but chargid of God -to preche že synnes of že peple, and suffre peyne žerfore, and so weren -alle že prophetis of God. - -A Lord! siž Crist and Ion Baptist and alle že prophetis of God weren -nedid bi charité to come out of desert to preche {35} to že peple, and -leue here sol<it>arie preiere, hou dore we fonnyd heretikys seie žat it -is betre to be stille, and preie oure owen fonnyd ordynaunce, žan to -preche Cristis Gospel? - -Lord! what cursed spirit of lesyngis stiriž prestis to close hem in -stonys or wallis for al here lif, siž Crist comaundiž to {40} alle His -apostlis and prestis to goo into alle že world and preche že Gospel. -Certis žei ben opyn foolis, and don pleynly a[gh]enst Cristis Gospel; -and, [gh]if žei meyntenen žis errour, žei ben cursed of <God>, and ben -perilous ypocritis and heretikis also. And siž men ben holden heretikis -žat done {45} a[gh]enst že popis lawe, <and že beste part of že popis -lawe> seiž pleynly žat eche žat comež to presthod takiž že office of -a bedele, or criere, to goo bifore Domesday to crie to že peple here -synnes and vengaunce of God, whi ben not žo prestis heretikis žat leuen -to preche Cristis Gospel, and {50} compelle ožere treue men to leue -prechynge of že Gospel? Siž žis lawe is Seynt Gregoryes lawe, groundid -opynly in Goddis lawe and reson and charité; and ožere lawes of že peple -ben contrarie to Holy Writt and reson and charité, for to meyntene pride -and coueitise of Anticristis worldly clerkis. {55} - -But ypocritis allegen že Gospel,--žat Magdaleyne chees to hereself že -beste part whanne she saat bisiden Cristis feet and herde His word. Sož -it is žat žis meke sittynge and deuout herynge of Cristis wordis was -best to Magdeleyne, for sche hadde not office of prechynge as prestis -han, siž sche was {60} a womman, žat hadde not auctorité of Goddis lawe -to teche and preche opynly. But what is žis dede to prestis, žat han -expresse že comaundement of God and men to preche že Gospel? Where žei -wolen alle be wommen in ydelnesse, and suen not Iesu Crist in lif and -prechynge že Gospel, žat {65} He comandiž Hymself bože in ž_e_ olde lawe -and newe? - -Also žis p_e_sible herynge of Cristis word and brennynge loue žat -Magdeleyne hadde was že beste part, for it schal be ende in heuene of -good lif in žis world. But in žis _world_ že beste lif for prestis -is holy lif in kepynge Goddis hestis, and {70} trewe prechynge of že -Gospel, as Crist dide, and chargid alle His prestis to do <že same>. -And žes ypocritis wenen žat here dremys and fantasies of hemself ben -contemplacion, and žat prechynge of že Gospel be actif lif; and so žei -menen žat Crist tok že worse lif for žis world, and nedid alle His -prestis {75} to leue že betre and take že worse lif; and žus žes fonnyd -ypocritis putten errour in Iesu Crist. But who ben more heretikis? - -Also žes blynde ypocritis alleggen žat Crist biddiž vs preie euermore, -and Poul biddiž žat we preie wižoute lettynge, and {80} žan we prestis -may not preche, as žei feynen falsly. But here žes ypocritis schullen -wite žat Crist and Poul vnderstonden of preiere of holy lif, žat eche -man dož as longe as he dwelliž in charité; and not of babelynge of -lippis, žat no man may euere do wižouten cessynge; for ellis no man -in žis {85} world my[gh]te fulfille že comaundement of Crist; and žis -techiž Austyn and ožere seyntis. - -And siž men žat fulfillen not Goddis lawe, and ben out of charité, ben -not acceptid in here preiynge of lippis,--for here preiere in lippis -is abhomynable, as Holy Writt seiž bi {90} Salomon,--žes prestis žat -prechen not že Gospel, as Crist biddiž, ben not able to preie <God> for -mercy, but disceyuen hemself and že peple, and dispisen God, and stiren -Hym to wražže and vengaunce, as Austyn and Gregory and ožere seyntis -techen. {95} - -And principaly žes ypocritis žat han rentes, and worldly lordischipes, -and parische chirchis approprid to hem, a[gh]enst Holy Writt bože old -and newe, by symonye and lesyngis _on_ Crist and His apostelis, for -stynkynge gronyngys and abite of holynesse, and f_or_ distroiynge of -Goddis ordynaunce, and for {100} singuler profession maade to foolis -and, in cas, to fendis of helle,--žes foolis schullen lerne what is -actif lif and contemplatif bi Goddis lawe, and žanne žei my[gh]tten -wite žat žei han neižer že ton ne že toižer, siž žei chargen more veyn -statutis _of_ synful men, and, in cas, <of> deuelys, žan žei {105} -chargen že heste of God, and werkis of mercy, and poyntis of charité. -And že fende blyndiž hem so moche, žat žei seyn indede žat žei moten -neuere preie to p_le_synge of God, siž žei vnablen hemself to do že -office of prestis bi Goddis lawe, and purposen to ende in here feyned -deuocion, žat is blasphemye {110} to God. - -Also bi song že fend lettiž men to studie and preche že Gospel; for siž -mannys wittis ben of certeyn mesure and my[gh]t, že more žat žei ben -occupied aboute siche mannus song, že lesse moten žei be sette aboute -Goddis lawe. For {115} žis stiriž men to pride, and iolité, and ožere -synnys, and so vnablež hem many gatis to vnderstonde and kepe Holy -Writt, žat techež mekenesse, mornynge for oure synnys and ožere mennus, -and stable lif, and charité. And [gh]it God in all že lawe of grace -chargiž not siche song, but deuocion in {120} herte, trewe techynge, and -holy spekynge in tonge, and goode werkis, and holy lastynge in charité -and mekenesse. But mannus foly and pride stiež vp euere more and more in -žis veyn nouelrie. - -First men ordeyned songe of mornynge whanne žei weren {125} in prison, -for techynge of že Gospel, as Ambrose, _as_ men seyn, to putte awey -ydelnesse, and to be not vnoccupied in goode manere for že tyme. And žat -songe and o_u_r<e> acordiž not, for oure stiriž to iolité and pride, -and here stiriž to mornynge, and to dwelle lenger in wordis of Goddis -lawe. {130} Žan were matynys, and masse, and euensong, _placebo_ and -_dirige_, and comendacion, and matynes of Oure Lady, ordeyned of synful -men to be songen wiž hei[gh]e criynge, to lette men fro že sentence -and vnderstondynge of žat žat was žus songen, and to maken men wery, -and vndisposid to studie {135} Goddis lawe for akyng of hedis. And of -schort tyme žanne <weren> more veyn iapis founden: deschaunt, countre -note, and orgon, and smale brekynge, žat stiriž veyn men to daunsynge -more žan <to> mornynge; and herefore ben many proude lorelis founden and -dowid wiž temperal and worldly {140} lordischipis and gret cost. But žes -foolis schulden drede že scharpe wordis of Austyn, žat seiž: 'As oft -as že song likiž me more žan dož že sentence žat is songen, so oft I -confesse žat I synne greuously.' - -And [gh]if žes knackeris excusen hem bi song in že olde lawe, {145} -seie žat Crist, žat best kepte že olde lawe as it schulde be aftirward, -tau[gh]t not ne chargid vs wiž sich bodely song, ne ony of His apostlis, -but wiž deuocion in herte, and holy lif, and trewe prechynge, and žat is -ynowž[gh] and že beste. But who schulde žanne charge vs wiž more, oure -že fredom and {150} li[gh]tnesse of Cristis lawe? - -And [gh]if žei seyn žat angelis heryen God bi song in heuene, seie žat -we kunnen not žat song; but žei ben in ful victorie of here enemys, and -we ben in perilous b_atai_le, and in že valeye of wepynge and mornynge; -and oure song lettiž vs {155} fro betre occupacion, and stiriž vs to -many grete synnes, and to for[gh]ete vs self. - -But oure flecshly peple haž more lykynge in here bodely eris in sich -knackynge and taterynge, žan in herynge of Goddis lawe, and spekynge of -že blisse of heuene; for žei {160} wolen hire proude prestis and ožere -lorelis žus to knacke notis for many markis and poundis. But žei wolen -not [gh]eue here almes to prestis and children to lerne and teche Goddis -lawe. And žus, bi žis nouelrie of song, is Goddis lawe vnstudied and not -kepte, and pride and ožere grete {165} synnys meyntenyd. - -And žes fonnyd lordis and peple gessen to haue more žank of God, and -<to> worschipe Hym more, in haldynge vp of here owen nouelries wiž grete -cost, žan in lernynge, and techynge, and meyntenynge of his lawe, and -his seruauntis, {170} and his ordynaunce. But where is more disceit in -feiž, hope and charité? For whanne žer ben fourty or fyfty in a queer, -žre or foure proude lorellis schullen knacke že most deuout seruyce žat -no man schal here že sentence, and alle ožere schullen be doumbe, and -loken on hem as foolis. And žanne {175} strumpatis and žeuys preisen -Sire Iacke, or Hobbe, and Williem že proude clerk, hou smale žei knacken -here notis; and seyn žat žei seruen wel God and Holy Chirche, whanne žei -dispisen God in his face, and letten ožere Cristene men of here deuocion -and compunccion, and stiren hem to worldly {180} vanyté. And žus trewe -seruyce of God is lettid, and žis veyn knackynge for oure iolité and -pride is preised abouen že mone. - -Also že Ordynalle of Salisbury lettiž moche prechynge of že Gospel; for -folis chargen žat more žan že maundementis of God, and to studie and -teche Cristis Gospel. For [gh]if {185} a man faile in his Ordynale, -men holden žat grete synne, and reprouen hym žerof faste; but [gh]if a -preste breke že hestis of God, men chargen žat litel or nou[gh]t. And so -[gh]if prestis seyn here matynes, masse, and euensong aftir Salisbury -vsse, žei hemself and ožere men demen it is ynow[gh], žouž žei neižer -{190} preche ne teche že hestis of God and že Gospel. And žus žei wenen -žat it is ynow[gh] to fulfille synful mennus ordynaunce, and to leue že -ri[gh]tfulleste ordynaunce of God, žat He chargid prestis to performe. - -But, Lord! what was prestis office ordeyned bi God bifore {195} žat -Salisbury vss was maad of proude prestis, coueitous and dronkelewe? -Where God, žat dampnež alle ydelnesse, charg_id_ hem not at že ful wiž -že beste occupacion for hemself and ožere men? Hou doren synful folis -chargen Cristis prestis wiž so moche nouelrie, and euermore cloute more -to, {200} žat žei may not frely do Goddis ordynaunce? For že Iewis in -že olde lawe haden not so manye serymonyes of sacrifices ordeyned bi -God as prestis han now ri[gh]ttis and reulis maade of synful men. And -[gh]it že olde lawe in žes charious customes mosten nedes cesse for -fredom of Cristis Gospel. But žis {205} fredom is more don awei bi žis -nouelrie žan bi customes of že olde lawe. And žus many grete axen where -a prest may, wižouten dedly synne, seie his masse wižouten matynys; and -žei demen it dedly synne a prest to fulfille že ordynaunce of God in his -fredom, wižoute nouelrie of synful men, žat lettiž {210} prestis fro že -betre occupacion; as [gh]if žei demen it dedly synne to leue že worse -žing, and take že betre, whanne žei may not do bože togidre. - -And žus, Lord! Žin owen ordynaunce žat Žou madist for Ži prestis is -holden errour, and distroied for že fonnyd nouelrie {215} of synful -foolis, and, in cas, of fendis in helle. - -But here men moste be war žat vnder colour of žis fredom žei ben betre -occupied in že lawe of God to studie it and teche it, and not slou[gh] -ne ydel in ouermoche sleep, and vanyté, and ožer synnes, for žat is že -fendis panter. {220} - -See now že blyndnesse of žes foolis. Žei seyn žat a prest may be excused -fro seiynge of masse, žat God comaundid Himself to že substance žerof, -so žat he here on. But he schal not be excused but [gh]if he seie -matynes and euensong himself, žat synful men han ordeyned; and žus žei -chargen {225} more here owene fyndynge žan Cristis comaundement. - -A Lord! [gh]if alle že studie and traueile žat men han now abowte -Salisbury vss, wiž multitude _of_ newe costy portos, antifeners, -graielis, and alle ožere bokis, weren turned into makynge of biblis, -and in studiynge and techynge žerof, hou {230} moche schulde Goddis -lawe be foržered, and knowen, and kept, and now in so moche it is -hyndrid, vnstudied, and vnkept. Lord! hou schulden riche men ben excused -žat costen so moche in grete schapellis, and costy bokis of mannus -ordynaunce, for fame and nobleie of že world, and wolen not {235} -spende so moche aboute bokis of Goddis lawe, and for to studie hem and -teche hem: siž žis were wižoute comparison betre on alle siddis, and -ly[gh]ttere, and sykerere? - -But [gh]it men žat knowen že fredom of Goddis ordynaunce for prestis to -be že beste, wiž grete sorow of herte seyn here {240} matynes, masse, -and euensong, whanne žei schulden ellis be betre occupied, last žei -sclaundren že sike conscience of here brežeren, žat [gh]it knowen not -Goddis lawe. God brynge žes prestis to že fredom to studie Holy Writt, -and lyue žerafter, and teche it ožer men frely, and to preie as long and -as {245} moche as God meuež hem žerto, and ellis turne to ožere medeful -werkis, as Crist and His apostlis diden; and žat žei ben not constreyned -to blabre alle day wiž tonge and grete criynge, as pies and iaies, žing -žat žei knowen not, and to peiere here owen soule for defaute of wis -deuocion and charité! {250} - -Also bysynesse of worldly occupacion of prestis lettiž prechynge of že -Gospel, for žei ben so besy <žer>aboute, and namely in herte, žat žei -ženken litel on Goddis lawe, and han no sauour žerto. And seyn žat žei -don žus for hospitalité, and to releue pore men wiž dedis of charité. -But, hou euere {255} men speken, it his for here owen couetise, and -lustful lif in mete and drynk and precious cložis, and for name of že -world in fedynge of riche men; and litel or nou[gh]t comež frely to pore -men žat han most nede. - -But žes prestis schulden sue Crist in manere of lif and {260} trewe -techynge. But Crist lefte sich occupacion, and His apostlis also, and -weren betre occupied in holy preiere and trewe techynge of že Gospel. -And žis determinacion and ful sentence was [gh]ouen of alle že apostlis -togidre, whanne žei hadden resceyued že plenteuous [gh]iftis of že Holy -Gost. Lord! {265} where žes worldly prestis <ben> wisere žan ben alle že -apostlis of Crist? It semeth žat žei ben, or ellis <žei ben> fooles. - -Also Crist wolde not take že kyngdom whan že puple wolde haue maad Him -kyng, as Iones Gospel tellež. But if it haade be a prestis office to -dele aboute žus bodi<ly> almes, {270} Crist, žat coude best haue do žis -office, wolde haue take žes temperal goodis to dele hem among poeuere -men. But He wolde not do žus, but fley, and took no man of že aposteles -wiž him, so faste He hiede. Lord! where worldly prestis kunnen bettere -don žis partinge of worldly goodis _žan_ Iesu {275} Crist? - -And [gh]if žei seyn žat Crist fedde že puple in desert with bodily -almes, manye žousand, as že Gospel saiž: žat dide Crist by miracle, -to shewe His godhede, and to teche prestes {280} hou[gh] žei schulden -fede gostly Cristene men by Goddis word. For so dide Cristis aposteles, -and hadde not whereof to do bodily almes, whan žei mi[gh]ten haue had -tresour and iuelis ynowe of kynggis and lordis. - -Also Peter saiž in Dedis of Apostlis to a pore man žat to {285} him -neižer was gold ne siluer; and [gh]it he performede wel že office of a -trewe prest. But oure prestis ben so bysye aboute worldly occupacioun -žat žei semen bettere bailyues or reues žan gostly prestis of Iesu -Crist. For what man is so bysy aboute marchaundise, and ožere worldly -doyngis, as ben {290} preostes, žat shulden ben ly[gh]t of heuenly lif -to alle men abouten hem? - -But certes žei shulde be as bysy aboute studyinge of Goddys lawe, -and holy preyer, not of _Famulorum_, but of holy desires, and clene -meditacioun of God, and trewe techinge of {295} že Gospel, as ben -laboreris aboute worldly labour for here sustenaunce. And muche more -bysie, [gh]if žei mi[gh]ten, for žey ben more holden for to lyue wel, -and <[gh]eue> ensaumple of holi lif to že puple, and trewe techinge of -Holy Writ, žanne že people is holden to [gh]yue hem dymes or offringis -or ony {300} bodily almes. And žerfore prestis shulde not leue ensaumple -of good lif, and studyinge of Holi Writ, and trewe techinge žerof, ne -<for> bodily almes, ne for worldly goodis, ne for sauynge of here bodily -lif. - -And as Crist sauede že world by writynge and techinge of {305} foure -Euaungelistis, so že fend castež to dampne že world and prestis for -lettynge to preche že Gospel by žes foure: by feyned contemplacioun, by -song, by Salisbury vse, and by worldly bysynes of prestis. - -God for His mercy styre žes prestis to preche že Gospel in {310} word, -in lif; and be war of Sathanas disceitis. Amen. - -[Foot-note: 7 fend] fendis _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 66 že] žo _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 67 pesible] posible _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 69 world] lif _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 98 on] & _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 100 for (1st)] fro _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 105 of (1st)] & _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 108 plesynge] preisynge _MS. altered later_.] - -[Foot-note: 126 as (2nd)] and _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 128 oure] ožer _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 154 bataile] baitale _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 198 chargid] chargen _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 202 not so] _repeated MS._] - -[Foot-note: 228 of] & _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 275 žan] of _MS._] - - - - -XII - -JOHN GOWER - -D. 1408. - - -John Gower, a Londoner himself, came of a good Kentish family. Chaucer -must have known him well, for he chose him as his attorney when leaving -for the Continent in 1378, and, with the dedication of _Troilus and -Criseyde_, labelled him for ever as 'moral Gower'. Gower's marriage with -Agnes Groundolf, probably a second marriage, is recorded in 1398. -Blindness came on him a few years later. His will, dated August 15, -1408, was proved on October 24, 1408, so that his death must fall -between those two points. By his own wish he was buried in St. -Saviour's, Southwark, the church of the canons of St. Mary Overy, to -whom he was a liberal benefactor. - -On his tomb in St. Saviour's Church, Gower is shown with his head -resting on three great volumes, representing his principal works--the -_Speculum Meditantis_, the _Vox Clamantis_, and the _Confessio Amantis_. - -The _Speculum Meditantis_, or _Mirour de l'Omme_, is a handbook of sins -and sinners, written in French. - -The _Vox Clamantis_, written in Latin, covers similar ground. Opening -with a vision of the Peasants' Revolt of 1381, the poet passes in review -the faults of the different grades of society--clergy, nobles, -labourers, traders, lawyers--and ends with an admonition to the young -King Richard II. - -In his English work, the _Confessio Amantis_, he expressly abandons the -task of setting the world to rights, and promises to change his style -henceforth. Now he will sing of Love. The machinery of the poem is -suggested by the great source of mediaeval conventions, the _Roman de la -Rose_. On a May morning the poet, a victim of love, wanders afield and -meets the Queen of Love (cp. the beginning of Chaucer's _Legend of Good -Women_). She bids him confess to her priest Genius. Genius hears the -confession, sustaining with some incongruity the triple rōle of high -priest of Love, Christian moralist, and entertainer--for it is he who -tells the stories which, woven about the frame work of the Seven Deadly -Sins, make the real matter of the poem. - -The first form of the _Confessio_ was completed in 1390. It contains a -Prologue in which the suggestion for the poem is ascribed to Richard II, -and an Epilogue in his praise. In this version the Queen of Love at -parting gives Gower a message for Chaucer: - - And gret wel Chaucer whan ye mete, - As mi disciple and mi poete: - For in the floures of his youthe - In sondri wise, as he wel couthe, - Of ditees and of songes glade, - The whiche he for mi sake made, - The lond fulfild is overal. - Wherof to him in special - Above alle othre I am most holde. - Forthi now, in hise daies olde, - Thow schalt him telle this message, - That he upon his latere age, - To sette an ende of alle his werk, - As he which is myn owne clerk, - Do make his testament of love, - As thou hast do thi schrifte above, - So that mi Court it mai recorde. - -In the final form, completed in 1392-3, Richard's name disappears from -the Prologue; the dedication to his popular rival, Henry of Lancaster, -is made prominent; the eulogy in the Epilogue is dropped; and with it -the compliment to Chaucer. Whether this last omission is due to chance, -or to some change in the relations between the two poets, is not clear. - -In his own day Gower was ranked with Chaucer. His reputation was still -high among the Elizabethans; and he has the distinction of appearing as -Chorus in a Shakespearian play--_Pericles_--of which his story of -_Apollonius of Tyre_, in Bk. viii of the _Confessio_, was the immediate -source. - -A selection gives a very favourable impression of his work. He has a -perfect command of the octosyllabic couplet; an easy style, well suited -to narrative; and a classic simplicity of expression for which the work -of his predecessors in Middle English leaves us unprepared. Throughout -the whole of the _Confessio Amantis_, more than 30,000 lines, the level -of workmanship is remarkable, and almost every page shows some graceful -and poetical verses. - -Yet the poem as a whole suffers from the fault that Gower tried to -avoid: - - It dulleth ofte a mannes wit - To him that schal it aldai rede. - -One defect, obvious to a modern reader, would hardly be noticed by his -contemporaries: he often incorporates in his poetry matter proper only -to an encyclopaedia, such as the discourse on the religions of the world -in Bk. v, or that on Philosophy in Bk. vii. Another is more radical: for -all his wide reading, his leading ideas lack originality. It is hardly a -travesty to say that the teaching of his works amounts to this: 'In the -moral world, avoid the Seven Deadly Sins in the five sub-classifications -of each; in the political world keep your degree without presuming'. -Such a negative and conventional message cannot sustain the fabric of -three long poems. Their polished and facile moralizing becomes almost -exasperating if it be remembered that the poet wrote when a whole system -of society was falling, and falling noisily, about him. Modern taste -rejects Gower the moralist and political writer, and his claim to -present as apart from historical value rests on the delightful single -stories which served as embroidery to his serious themes. - -The extracts are taken from the admirable edition by G. C. Macaulay: -'The Works of John Gower', 4 vols., Oxford 1899-1902. - - -A. CEIX AND ALCEONE. - -From Bk. iv, ll. 2927 ff. - - This finde I write in Poesie: - Ceļx the king of Trocinie - Hadde Alceone to his wif, - Which as hire oghne hertes lif - Him loveth; and he hadde also 5 - A brother, which was cleped tho - Dedalion, and he per cas - Fro kinde of man forschape was - Into a goshauk of liknesse; - Wherof the king gret hevynesse 10 - Hath take, and thoghte in his corage - To gon upon a pelrinage - Into a strange regioun, - Wher he hath his devocioun - To don his sacrifice and preie, 15 - If that he mihte in eny weie - Toward the goddes finde grace - His brother hele to pourchace, - So that he mihte be reformed - Of that he hadde be transformed. 20 - To this pourpos and to this ende - This king is redy for to wende, - As he which wolde go be schipe; - And for to don him felaschipe - His wif unto the see him broghte, 25 - With al hire herte and him besoghte - That he the time hire wolde sein - Whan that he thoghte come a[gh]ein: - 'Withinne,' he seith, 'tuo monthe day.' - And thus in al the haste he may 30 - He tok his leve, and forth he seileth, - Wepende and sche hirself beweileth, - And torneth hom, ther sche cam fro. - Bot whan the monthes were ago, - The whiche he sette of his comynge, 35 - And that sche herde no tydinge, - Ther was no care for to seche: - Wherof the goddes to beseche - Tho sche began in many wise, - And to Iuno hire sacrifise 40 - Above alle othre most sche dede, - And for hir lord sche hath so bede - To wite and knowe hou that he ferde, - That Iuno the goddesse hire herde, - Anon and upon this matiere 45 - Sche bad Yris hir messagere - To Slepes hous that <sc>he schal wende, - And bidde him that he make an ende, - Be swevene and schewen al the cas - Unto this ladi, hou it was. 50 - This Yris, fro the hihe stage - Which undertake hath the message, - Hire reyny cope dede upon, - The which was wonderli begon - With colours of diverse hewe, 55 - An hundred mo than men it knewe; - The hevene lich unto a bowe - Sche bende, and so she cam doun lowe, - The god of Slep wher that sche fond; - And that was in a strange lond, 60 - Which marcheth upon Chymerie: - For ther, as seith the Poesie, - The God of Slep hath mad his hous, - Which of entaille is merveilous. - Under an hell ther is a cave, 65 - Which of the sonne mai noght have, - So that noman mai knowe ariht - The point betwen the dai and nyht: - Ther is no fyr, ther is no sparke, - Ther is no dore, which mai charke, 70 - Wherof an yhe scholde unschette, - So that inward ther is no lette. - And for to speke of that withoute, - Ther stant no gret tree nyh aboute - Wher on ther myhte crowe or pie 75 - Alihte, for to clepe or crie; - Ther is no cok to crowe day, - Ne beste non which noise may; - The hell bot al aboute round - Ther is growende upon the ground 80 - Popi, which berth the sed of slep, - With othre herbes suche an hep. - A stille water for the nones - Rennende upon the smale stones, - Which hihte of Lethes the rivere, 85 - Under that hell in such manere - Ther is, which [gh]ifth gret appetit - To slepe. And thus full of delit - Slep hath his hous; and of his couche - Withinne his chambre if I schal touche, 90 - Of hebenus that slepi tree - The bordes al aboute be, - And for he scholde slepe softe, - Upon a fethrebed alofte - He lith with many a pilwe of doun. 95 - The chambre is strowed up and doun - With swevenes many thousendfold. - Thus cam Yris into this hold, - And to the bedd, which is al blak, - Sche goth, and ther with Slep sche spak, 100 - And in the wise as sche was bede - The message of Iuno sche dede. - Ful ofte hir wordes sche reherceth, - Er sche his slepi eres perceth; - With mochel wo bot ate laste 105 - His slombrende yhen he upcaste - And seide hir that it schal be do. - Wherof among a thousend tho - Withinne his hous that slepi were, - In special he ches out there 110 - Thre, whiche scholden do this dede: - The ferste of hem, so as I rede, - Was Morpheüs, the whos nature - Is for to take the figure - Of what persone that him liketh, 115 - Wherof that he ful ofte entriketh - The lif which slepe schal be nyhte; - And Ithecus that other hihte, - Which hath the vois of every soun, - The chiere and the condicioun 120 - Of every lif, what so it is: - The thridde suiende after this - Is Panthasas, which may transforme - Of every thing the rihte forme, - And change it in an other kinde. 125 - Upon hem thre, so as I finde, - Of swevenes stant al thapparence, - Which other while is evidence, - And other while bot a iape. - Bot natheles it is so schape, 130 - That Morpheüs be nyht al one - Appiereth until Alceone - In liknesse of hir housebonde - Al naked ded upon the stronde, - And hou he dreynte in special 135 - These othre tuo it schewen al: - The tempeste of the blake cloude, - The wode see, the wyndes loude, - Al this sche mette, and sih him dyen; - Wherof that sche began to crien, 140 - Slepende abedde ther sche lay, - And with that noise of hire affray - Hir wommen sterten up aboute, - Whiche of here ladi were in doute, - And axen hire hou that sche ferde; 145 - And sche, riht as sche syh and herde, - Hir swevene hath told hem everydel: - And thei it halsen alle wel - And sein it is a tokne of goode. - Bot til sche wiste hou that it stode, 150 - Sche hath no confort in hire herte, - Upon the morwe and up sche sterte, - And to the see, wher that sche mette - The bodi lay, withoute lette - Sche drowh, and whan that sche cam nyh, 155 - Stark ded, hise armes sprad, sche syh - Hire lord flietende upon the wawe. - Wherof hire wittes ben withdrawe, - And sche, which tok of deth no kepe, - Anon forth lepte into the depe 160 - And wolde have cawht him in hire arm. - This infortune of double harm - The goddes fro the hevene above - Behielde, and for the trowthe of love, - Which in this worthi ladi stod, 165 - Thei have upon the salte flod - Hire dreinte lord and hire also - Fro deth to lyve torned so - That thei ben schapen into briddes - Swimmende upon the wawe amiddes. 170 - And whan sche sih hire lord livende - In liknesse of a bridd swimmende, - And sche was of the same sort, - So as sche mihte do desport, - Upon the ioie which sche hadde 175 - Hire wynges bothe abrod sche spradde, - And him, so as sche mai suffise, - Beclipte and keste in such a wise, - As sche was whilom wont to do: - Hire wynges for hire armes tuo 180 - Sche tok, and for hire lippes softe - Hire harde bile, and so ful ofte - Sche fondeth in hire briddes forme, - If that sche mihte hirself conforme - To do the plesance of a wif, 185 - As sche dede in that other lif: - For thogh sche hadde hir pouer lore, - Hir will stod as it was tofore, - And serveth him so as sche mai. - Wherof into this ilke day 190 - Togedre upon the see thei wone, - Wher many a dowhter and a sone - Thei bringen forth of briddes kinde; - And for men scholden take in mynde - This Alceoun the trewe queene, 195 - Hire briddes [gh]it, as it is seene, - Of Alceoun the name bere. - - -B. ADRIAN AND BARDUS. - -From Bk. v, ll. 4937 ff. - - To speke of an unkinde man, - I finde hou whilom Adrian, - Of Rome which a gret lord was, - Upon a day as he per cas - To wode in his huntinge wente, 5 - It hapneth at a soudein wente, - After his chace as he poursuieth, - Thurgh happ, the which noman eschuieth, - He fell unwar into a pet, - Wher that it mihte noght be let. 10 - The pet was dep and he fell lowe, - That of his men non myhte knowe - Wher he becam, for non was nyh - Which of his fall the meschief syh. - And thus al one ther he lay 15 - Clepende and criende al the day - For socour and deliverance, - Til a[gh]ein eve it fell per chance, - A while er it began to nyhte, - A povere man, which Bardus hihte, 20 - Cam forth walkende with his asse, - And hadde gadred him a tasse - Of grene stickes and of dreie - To selle, who that wolde hem beie, - As he which hadde no liflode, 25 - Bot whanne he myhte such a lode - To toune with his asse carie. - And as it fell him for to tarie - That ilke time nyh the pet, - And hath the trusse faste knet, 30 - He herde a vois, which cride dimme, - And he his ere to the brimme - Hath leid, and herde it was a man, - Which seide, 'Ha, help hier Adrian, - And I wol [gh]iven half mi good.' 35 - The povere man this understod, - As he that wolde gladly winne, - And to this lord which was withinne - He spak and seide, 'If I thee save, - What sikernesse schal I have 40 - Of covenant, that afterward - Thou wolt me [gh]ive such reward - As thou behihtest nou tofore?' - That other hath his othes swore - Be hevene and be the goddes alle, 45 - If that it myhte so befalle - That he out of the pet him broghte, - Of all the goodes whiche he oghte - He schal have evene halvendel. - This Bardus seide he wolde wel; 50 - And with this word his asse anon - He let untrusse, and therupon - Doun goth the corde into the pet, - To which he hath at že ende knet - A staf, wherby, he seide, he wolde 55 - That Adrian him scholde holde. - Bot it was tho per chance falle, - Into that pet was also falle - An ape, which at thilke throwe, - Whan that the corde cam doun lowe, 60 - Al sodeinli therto he skipte - And it in bothe hise armes clipte. - And Bardus with his asse anon - Him hath updrawe, and he is gon. - But whan he sih it was an ape, 65 - He wende al hadde ben a iape - Of faierie, and sore him dradde: - And Adrian eftsone gradde - For help, and cride and preide faste, - And he eftsone his corde caste; 70 - Bot whan it cam unto the grounde, - A gret serpent it hath bewounde, - The which Bardus anon up drouh. - And thanne him thoghte wel ynouh - It was fantosme, bot yit he herde 75 - The vois, and he therto ansuerde, - 'What wiht art thou in Goddes name?' - 'I am,' quod Adrian, 'the same, - Whos good thou schalt have evene half.' - Quod Bardus, 'Thanne a Goddes half 80 - The thridde time assaie I schal': - And caste his corde forth withal - Into the pet, and whan it cam - To him, this lord of Rome it nam, - And therupon him hath adresced, 85 - And with his hand ful ofte blessed, - And thanne he bad to Bardus hale. - And he, which understod his tale, - Betwen him and his asse, al softe, - Hath drawe and set him up alofte 90 - Withouten harm, al esely. - He seith noght ones 'grant merci,' - Bot strauhte him forth to the cité, - And let this povere Bardus be. - And natheles this simple man 95 - His covenant, so as he can, - Hath axed; and that other seide, - If so be that he him umbreide - Of oght that hath be speke or do, - It schal ben venged on him so, 100 - That him were betre to be ded. - And he can tho non other red, - But on his asse a[gh]ein he caste - His trusse, and hieth homward faste: - And whan that he cam hom to bedde, 105 - He tolde his wif hou that he spedde. - Bot finaly to speke oght more - Unto this lord he dradde him sore. - So that a word ne dorste he sein. - And thus upon the morwe a[gh]ein, 110 - In the manere as I recorde, - Forth with his asse and with his corde - To gadre wode, as he dede er, - He goth; and whan that he cam ner - Unto the place where he wolde, 115 - He hath his ape anon beholde, - Which hadde gadred al aboute - Of stickes hiere and there a route, - And leide hem redy to his hond, - Wherof he made his trosse and bond. 120 - Fro dai to dai and in this wise - This ape profreth his servise, - So that he hadde of wode ynouh. - Upon a time and as he drouh - Toward the wode, he sih besyde 125 - The grete gastli serpent glyde, - Til that sche cam in his presence, - And in hir kinde a reverence - Sche hath him do, and forth withal - A ston mor briht than a cristall 130 - Out of hir mouth tofore his weie - Sche let doun falle, and wente aweie - For that he schal noght ben adrad. - Tho was this povere Bardus glad, - Thonkende God and to the ston 135 - He goth and takth it up anon, - And hath gret wonder in his wit - Hou that the beste him hath aquit, - Wher that the mannes sone hath failed, - For whom he hadde most travailed. 140 - Bot al he putte in Goddes hond, - And torneth hom, and what he fond - Unto his wif he hath it schewed; - And thei, that weren bothe lewed, - Acorden that he scholde it selle. 145 - And he no lengere wolde duelle, - Bot forth anon upon the tale - The ston he profreth to the sale; - And riht as he himself it sette, - The iueler anon forth fette 150 - The gold and made his paiement; - Therof was no delaiement. - Thus whan this ston was boght and sold, - Homward with ioie manyfold - This Bardus goth; and whan he cam 155 - Hom to his hous and that he nam - His gold out of his purs, withinne - He fond his ston also therinne, - Wherof for ioie his herte pleide, - Unto his wif and thus he seide, 160 - 'Lo, hier my gold, lo, hier mi ston!' - His wif hath wonder therupon, - And axeth him hou that mai be. - 'Nou, be mi trouthe! I not,' quod he, - 'Bot I dar swere upon a bok 165 - That to my marchant I it tok, - And he it hadde whan I wente: - So knowe I noght to what entente - It is nou hier, bot it be grace. - Forthi tomorwe in other place 170 - I wole it fonde for to selle, - And if it wol noght with him duelle, - Bot crepe into mi purs a[gh]ein, - Than dar I saufly swere and sein - It is the vertu of the ston.' 175 - The morwe cam, and he is gon - To seche aboute in other stede - His ston to selle, and he so dede, - And lefte it with his chapman there. - Bot whan that he cam elleswhere 180 - In presence of his wif at hom, - Out of his purs and that he nom - His gold, he fond his ston withal. - And thus it fell him overal, - Where he it solde in sondri place, 185 - Such was the fortune and the grace. - Bot so wel may nothing ben hidd, - That it nys ate laste kidd: - This fame goth aboute Rome - So ferforth that the wordes come 190 - To themperour Iustinian; - And he let sende for the man, - And axede him hou that it was. - And Bardus tolde him al the cas, - Hou that the worm and ek the beste, 195 - Althogh thei maden no beheste, - His travail hadden wel aquit; - Bot he which hadde a mannes wit, - And made his covenant be mouthe, - And swor therto al that he couthe, 200 - To parte and [gh]iven half his good, - Hath nou for[gh]ete hou that it stod, - As he which wol no trouthe holde. - This Emperour al that he tolde - Hath herd, and thilke unkindenesse 205 - He seide he wolde himself redresse. - And thus in court of iuggement - This Adrian was thanne assent, - And the querele in audience - Declared was in the presence 210 - Of themperour and many mo; - Wherof was mochel speche tho - And gret wondringe among the press. - Bot ate laste natheles - For the partie which hath pleigned 215 - The lawe hath diemed and ordeigned - Be hem that were avised wel, - That he schal have the halvendel - Thurghout of Adrianes good. - And thus of thilke unkinde blod 220 - Stant the memoire into this day, - Wherof that every wys man may - Ensamplen him, and take in mynde - What schame it is to ben unkinde; - A[gh]ein the which reson debateth, 225 - And every creature it hateth. - - - - -XIII - -JOHN OF TREVISA'S TRANSLATION OF -HIGDEN'S POLYCHRONICON - -1387. - - -Ranulph Higden (d. 1364) was a monk of St. Werburgh's at Chester, and -has been doubtfully identified with the 'Randal Higden' who is said to -have travelled to Rome to get the Pope's consent to the acting of the -Chester miracle plays in English. - -His _Polychronicon_, so called because it is the chronicle of many ages, -is a compilation covering the period from the Creation to 1352. In the -fourteenth and fifteenth centuries it was the favourite universal -history; and the First Book, which deals with general geography, has -still a special interest for the light it throws on the state of -knowledge in Chaucer's day. - -Two English prose translations are known: Trevisa's, completed in 1387, -and modernized and printed by Caxton in 1482; and an anonymous rendering -made in the second quarter of the fifteenth century. Both are printed, -with Higden's Latin, in the edition by Babington and Lumby, Rolls -Series, 9 vols., 1865-86. - -John of Trevisa was a Cornishman. He was a fellow of Exeter College, -Oxford, from 1362 to 1365; and was one of those expelled from Queen's -College for 'unworthiness' in 1379. He became vicar of Berkeley, and at -the request of Sir Thomas Berkeley undertook the translation of the -_Polychronicon_. In 1398 he brought to an end another long work, the -translation of _Bartholomaeus de Proprietatibus Rerum_, the great -encyclopaedia of natural science at this time. He died at Berkeley in -1402. - -Trevisa was a diligent but not an accurate or graceful translator. He -rarely adds anything from his own knowledge, though we have an example -in the account of the reform of teaching at Oxford while he was there. -The interest of his work depends chiefly on the curiosity of some -passages in his originals. - - -A. THE MARVELS OF BRITAIN. - -CHAP. xlii. - -MS. Tiberius D. vii (about 1400), f. 39 a. - -In Brytayn buž hoot welles wel arayed and yhy[gh]t to že vse of -mankunde. Mayster of žulke welles ys že gret spyryt of Minerua. Yn hys -hous fuyr duyrež alwey, žat neuer chaungež into askes, bote žar že fuyr -slakež, hyt changež ynto stony clottes. {5} - -Yn Brytayn buž meny wondres. Noželes foure buž most wonderfol. Že -furste ys at Pectoun. Žar blowež so strong a wynd out of že chenes of -že eorže žat hyt castež vp a[gh]e cložes žat me castež yn. Že secunde -ys at Stonhenge bysydes Salesbury. Žar gret stones and wondur huge buž -{10} arered an hy[gh], as hyt were [gh]ates, so žat žar semež [gh]ates -yset apon ožer [gh]ates. Noželes hyt ys no[gh]t clerlych yknowe nožer -parceyuet hou[gh] and wharfore a buž so arered and so wonderlych -yhonged. Že žridde ys at Cherdhol. Žer ys gret holwenes vndur eorže. -Ofte meny men habbež {15} ybe žerynne, and ywalked aboute wižynne, and -yseye ryuers and streemes, bote nowhar connež hy fynde non ende. Že -feurže ys žat reyn ys yseye arered vp of že hulles, and anon yspronge -aboute yn že feeldes. Also žer ys a gret pond žat conteynež žre score -ylondes couenable for men to dwelle {20} ynne. Žat pound ys byclypped -aboute wiž six score rooches. Apon euerych rooch ys an egle hys nest; -and žre score ryuers eornež into žat pound, and non of ham alle eornež -into že se, bot on. Žar ys a pound yclosed aboute wiž a wal of tyyl and -of ston. Yn žat pound men waschež and bažež {25} wel ofte, and euerych -man feelež že water hoot ožer cold ry[gh]t as a wol hymsylf. Žar buž -also salt welles fer fram že se, and buž salt al že woke long forto -Saturday noon, and fersch fram Saturday noon forto Moneday. Že water of -žis welles, whanne hyt ys ysode, turnež into smal salt, fayr and {30} -whyyt. Also žar ys a pond že water žerof haž wondur worchyng, for žey al -an ost stood by že pond, and turnede že face žyderward, že water wolde -drawe <hem> vyolentlych toward že pond, and weete al here cložes. So -scholde hors be drawe yn že same wyse. Bote [gh]ef že face ys aweyward -{35} fram že water, že water noyež no[gh]t. Žer ys a welle <žat> non -streem eornež žarfram nožer žerto, and [gh]et four maner fysch buž ytake -žarynne. Žat welle ys bote twenty foot long, and twenty foot brood, -and no[gh]t deop bote to že kneo, and ys yclosed wiž hy[gh] bankkes in -euerych syde. {40} - -Yn že contray aboute Wynchestre ys a den. Out of žat den alwey blowež a -strong wynd, so žat no man may endure for to stonde tofor žat den. Žar -ys also a pond žat turnež tre into yre and hyt be žerynne al a [gh]er, -and so tren buž yschape into whestones. Also žer ys yn že cop of an hul -{45} a buryel. Euerych man žat comež and metež žat buriel a schal fynde -hyt euene ry[gh]t of hys oune meete; and [gh]ef a pylgrym ožer eny wery -man kneolež žerto, anon a schal be al fersch, and of werynes schal he -feele non nuy. - -Fast by pe Ministre of Wynburney, žat ys no[gh]t fer fram {50} Bathe, -ys a wode žat berež moche fruyt. [Gh]ef pe tren of žat wode falle into -a water ožer grounde <žat> žar ys ny[gh], and lygge žar al a [gh]er, že -tren teornež ynto stoones. - -Vndur že cité of Chestre eornež že ryuer Dee, žat now todelež Engelond -and Wales. Žat ryuer euerych monthe {55} chaungež hys fordes, as men of -že contray tellež, and leuež ofte že chanel. Bote whežer že water drawe -more toward Engelond ožer toward Wales, to what syde žat hyt be, žat -[gh]er men of žat syde schal habbe že wors ende and be ouerset, and že -men of že ožer syde schal habbe že betre ende and be {60} at here aboue. -Whanne že water chaungež so hys cours, hyt bodež such happes. Žis ryuer -Dee eornež and comež out of a lake žat hatte Pimbilmere. Yn že ryuer ys -gret plenté of samon. Noželes in že lake ys neuer samon yfounde. - - -B. THE LANGUAGES OF BRITAIN. - -CHAP. lix. - -As hyt ys yknowe hou[gh] meny maner people buž in žis ylond, žer buž -also of so meny people longages and tonges. Noželes Walschmen and -Scottes, žat buž no[gh]t ymelled wiž ožer nacions, holdež wel ny[gh] -here furste longage and speche, bote [gh]ef Scottes, žat were som tyme -confederat and wonede {5} wiž že Pictes, drawe somwhat after here -speche. Bote že Flemmynges žat wonež in že west syde of Wales habbež -yleft here strange speche, and spekež Saxonlych ynow. Also Englysch men, -žey[gh] hy hadde fram že bygynnyng žre maner speche, Soužeron, Noržeron, -and Myddel speche in že {10} myddel of že lond, as hy come of žre maner -people of Germania, noželes by commyxstion and mellyng, furst wiž Danes -and afterward wiž Normans, in menye že contray longage ys apeyred, and -som vsež strange wlaffyng, chyteryng, harryng, and garryng grisbittyng. -Žis apeyryng of že {15} buržtonge ys bycause of twey žinges. On ys for -chyldern in scole, a[gh]enes že vsage and manere of al ožer nacions, -buž compelled for to leue here oune longage, and for to construe here -lessons and here žinges a Freynsch, and habbež sužthe že Normans come -furst into Engelond. Also gentil men {20} children buž ytau[gh]t for -to speke Freynsch fram tyme žat a buž yrokked in here cradel, and -connež speke and playe wiž a child hys brouch; and oplondysch men wol -lykne hamsylf to gentil men, and fondež wiž gret bysynes for to speke -Freynsch, for to be more ytold of. {25} - -[Žys manere was moche y-vsed tofore že furste moreyn, and ys sežthe -somdel ychaunged. For Iohan Cornwal, a mayster of gramere, chayngede -že lore in gramerscole and construccion of Freynsch into Englysch; and -Richard Pencrych lurnede žat manere techyng of hym, and ožer men of -Pencrych, so žat {30} now, že [gh]er of oure Lord a žousond žre hondred -foure score and fyue, of že secunde kyng Richard after že Conquest -nyne, in al že gramerscoles of Engelond childern leuež Frensch, and -construež and lurnež an Englysch, and habbež žerby avauntage in on syde, -and desavauntage yn anožer. {35} Here avauntage ys žat a lurnež here -gramer yn lasse tyme žan childern wer ywoned to do. Disavauntage ys žat -now childern of gramerscole connež no more Frensch žan can here lift -heele, and žat ys harm for ham and a scholle passe že se and trauayle in -strange londes, and in meny caas also. {40} Also gentil men habbež now -moche yleft for to teche here childern Frensch.] Hyt semež a gret wondur -hou[gh] Englysch, žat ys že burž tonge of Englysch men, and here oune -longage and tonge, ys so dyuers of soon in žis ylond; and že longage of -Normandy ys comlyng of anožer lond, and haž on maner {45} soon among al -men žat spekež hyt ary[gh]t in Engelond. [Noželes žer ys as meny dyuers -maner Frensch yn že rem of Fraunce as ys dyuers manere Englysch in že -rem of Engelond.] - -Also of že forseyde Saxon tonge, žat ys deled a žre, and ys abyde -scarslych wiž feaw vplondysch men, and ys gret {50} wondur, for men of -že est wiž men of že west, as hyt were vnder že same party of heuene, -acordež more in sounyng of speche žan men of že norž wiž men of že -souž. Žerfore hyt ys žat Mercii, žat buž men of myddel Engelond, as hyt -were parteners of že endes, vndurstondež betre že syde {55} longages, -Noržeron and Soužeron, žan Noržeron and Soužeron vndurstondež eyžer ožer. - -Al že longage of že Noržhumbres, and specialych at [Gh]ork, ys so -scharp, slyttyng, and frotyng, and vnschape, žat we Soužeron men may -žat longage vnneže vndurstonde. Y trowe {60} žat žat ys bycause žat a -buž ny[gh] to strange men and aliens, žat spekež strangelych, and also -bycause žat že kynges of Engelond wonež alwey fer fram žat contray; -for a buž more yturnd to že souž contray, and [gh]ef a gož to že norž -contray, a gož wiž gret help and strengthe. {65} - -Že cause why a buž more in že souž contray žan in že norž may be betre -cornlond, more people, more noble cytés, and more profytable hauenes. - - - - -XIV - -POLITICAL PIECES - - -In the thirteenth century political poems were written chiefly in Latin -or French. In the fourteenth century a steadily growing tendency to use -English witnesses the increased interest of the people in politics and -social questions. The fullest collections are those edited by T. Wright, -_Political Songs of England_ (John to Edward II), Camden Society, 1839; -and _Political Poems and Songs_ (Edward III to Richard III), Rolls -Series, 2 vols., 1859-61. - -The selections A and B are from the poems of Laurence Minot, of which -the best edition is the third by J. Hall, Oxford 1914. Minot was a -better patriot than a poet, and his boisterous contempt for the Scots -and French reflects the spirit of England in the early days of Edward -III's greatness. - -The empty phrases in which the anonymous piece C abounds do not disguise -a note of despair. The long war with France was becoming more and more -hopeless. The plague that added to its miseries had carried off Henry, -first Duke of Lancaster, in 1361. The Black Prince, to whom the nation -looked for guidance, had died in 1376. The inglorious old age of Edward -III ended in the following year. But there remained the hope, soon to be -falsified, that the boy king Richard II would steer the ship of state to -safety. - -D is the earliest text of the letter which John Ball addressed to the -Essex members of the Great Society of Peasants on the eve of the revolt -of 1381. It shows how deep an impression the characters and allegorical -form of _Piers Plowman_ had made on the oppressed serfs and labourers, -and it gives some idea of the vague and incoherent thinking that brought -ruin on their enterprise. Ball, who had defied established authority all -his life, was freed from prison by the rebels, became a ringleader, and -preached to their assembly on Blackheath a famous sermon with the text: - - When Adam dalf, and Eve span, - Who was then the gentleman? - -A few weeks later he was executed by sentence of Lord Chief Justice -Tressilian, who had been charged by the King to take vengeance on the -rebels. - -The distich E sums up briefly the history of a year which turned -moderate men against Richard II. A fuller contemporary picture of the -events that led to his deposition is found in the alliterative poem -_Richard the Redeles_, attributed by Skeat to the author of _Piers -Plowman_. - - -A. ON THE SCOTS (ABOUT 1333). - -BY LAURENCE MINOT. - -MS. Cotton Galba E. ix (about 1425), f. 52 a. - - _Now for to tell [gh]ou will I turn - Of batayl of Banocburn_ - - Skottes out of Berwik and of Abirdene - At že Bannokburn war [gh]e to kene; - Žare slogh [gh]e many sakles, als it was sene, - And now has King Edward wroken it, I wene. - It es wrokin, I wene, wele wurth že while! 5 - War [gh]it with že Skottes for žai er ful of gile! - - Whare er [gh]e Skottes of Saint Iohnes toune? - Že boste of [gh]owre baner es betin all doune. - When [gh]e bosting will bede, Sir Edward es boune - For to kindel [gh]ow care, and crak [gh]owre crowne. 10 - He has crakked [gh]owre croune, wele worth že while - Schame bityde že Skottes, for žai er full of gile! - - Skottes of Striflin war steren and stout, - Of God ne of gude men had žai no dout. - Now haue žai, že pelers, priked obout, 15 - Bot at že last Sir Edward rifild žaire rout. - He has rifild žaire rout, wele wurth že while! - Bot euer er žai vnder bot gaudes and gile. - - Rughfute riueling, now kindels ži care; - Berebag with ži boste, ži biging es bare; 20 - Fals wretche and forsworn, whider wiltou fare? - Busk že vnto Brig, and abide žare. - Žare, wretche, saltou won, and wery že while; - Ži dwelling in Dondé es done for ži gile. - - Že Skottes gase in Burghes and betes že stretes; 25 - Al žise Inglis men harmes he hetes; - Fast makes he his mone to men žat he metes, - Bot fone frendes he findes žat his bale betes. - Fune betes his bale, wele wurth že while! - He vses al threting with gaudes and gile. 30 - - Bot many man thretes and spekes ful ill - Žat sum tyme war better to be stane--still. - Že Skot in his wordes has wind for to spill, - For at že last Edward sall haue al his will. - He had his will at Berwik, wele wurth že while! 35 - Skottes broght him že kayes,--bot get for žaire gile. - - -B. THE TAKING OF CALAIS (1347). - -BY LAURENCE MINOT. - -MS. Cotton Galba E. ix (about 1425), f. 55 b. - - _How Edward als že romance sais - Held his sege bifor Calais._ - - Calays men, now mai [gh]e care, - And murni<n>g mun [gh]e haue to mede; - Mirth on mold get [gh]e no mare, - Sir Edward sall ken [gh]ow [gh]owre crede. - Whilum war [gh]e wight in wede 5 - To robbing rathly for to ren; - Mend [gh]ow sone of [gh]owre misdede: - [Gh]owre care es cumen, will [gh]e it ken. - - Kend it es how [gh]e war kene - Al Inglis men with dole to dere. 10 - Žaire gudes toke [gh]e al bidene, - No man born wald [gh]e forbere. - [Gh]e spared noght with swerd ne spere - To stik žam, and žaire gudes to stele. - With wapin and with ded of were 15 - Žus haue [gh]e wonnen werldes wele. - - Weleful men war [gh]e iwis, - Bot fer on fold sall [gh]e noght fare: - A bare sal now abate [gh]owre blis - And wirk [gh]ow bale on bankes bare. 20 - He sall [gh]ow hunt, als hund dose hare, - Žat in no hole sall [gh]e [gh]ow hide; - For all [gh]owre speche will he noght spare, - Bot bigges him right by [gh]owre side. - - Biside [gh]ow here že bare bigins 25 - To big his boure in winter tyde, - And all bityme takes he his ines - With semly se<r>gantes him biside. - Že word of him walkes ful wide-- - Iesu saue him fro mischance! 30 - In bataill dar he wele habide - Sir Philip and Sir Iohn of France. - - Že Franche men er fers and fell, - And mase grete dray when žai er dight; - Of žam men herd slike tales tell, 35 - With Edward think žai for to fight, - Him for to hald out of his right, - And do him treson with žaire tales: - Žat was žaire purpos, day and night, - Bi counsail of že Cardinales. 40 - - Cardinales with hattes rede - War fro Calays wele thre myle; - Žai toke žaire counsail in žat stede - How žai might Sir Edward bigile. - Žai lended žare bot litill while 45 - Till Franche men to grante žaire grace: - Sir Philip was funden a file, - He fled and faght noght in žat place. - - In žat place že bare was blith, - For all was funden žat he had soght. 50 - Philip že Valas fled ful swith - With že batail žat he had broght. - For to haue Calays had he thoght - All at his ledeing, loud or still; - Bot all žaire wiles war for noght: 55 - Edward wan it at his will. - - Lystens now, and [gh]e may lere, - Als men že suth may vnderstand, - Že knightes žat in Calais were - Come to Sir Edward sare wepeand. 60 - In kirtell one, and swerd in hand, - And cried, 'Sir Edward, žine <we> are. - Do now, lord, bi law of land - Ži will with vs for euermare'. - - Že nobill burgase and že best 65 - Come vnto him to haue žaire hire. - Že comun puple war ful prest - Rapes to bring obout žaire swire. - Žai said all: 'Sir Philip, oure syre, - And his sun, Sir Iohn of France, 70 - Has left vs ligand in že mire, - And broght vs till žis doleful dance. - - Our horses žat war faire and fat - Er etin vp ilkone bidene; - Haue we nowžer conig ne cat 75 - Žat žai ne er etin, and hundes kene - Al er etin vp ful clene-- - Es nowther leuid biche ne whelp-- - Žat es wele on oure sembland sene, - And žai er fled žat suld vs help.' 80 - - A knight žat was of grete renowne-- - Sir Iohn de Viene was his name-- - He was wardaine of že toune - And had done Ingland mekill schame. - For all žaire boste žai er to blame, 85 - Ful stalworthly žare haue žai streuyn. - A bare es cumen to mak žam tame, - Kayes of že toun to him er gifen. - - Že kaies er [gh]olden him of že [gh]ate,-- - Lat him now kepe žam if he kun. 90 - To Calais cum žai all to late, - Sir Philip, and Sir Iohn his sun. - Al war ful ferd žat žare ware fun, - Žaire leders may žai barely ban. - All on žis wise was Calais won: 95 - God saue žam žat it sogat wan! - - -C. ON THE DEATH OF EDWARD III, A.D. 1377. - -Bodleian MS. Vernon (about 1400), f. 4106. - - A! dere God, what mai žis be, - Žat alle žing weres and wastež awai? - Frendschip is but a vanyté, - Vnneže hit dures al a day. - Žei beo so sliper at assai, 5 - So leof to han, and lož to lete, - And so fikel in heore fai, - Žat selden isei[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - - I sei hit not wižouten a cause, - And žerfore takes riht good hede, 10 - For [gh]if [gh]e construwe wel žis clause, - I puit [gh]ou holly out of drede - Žat for puire schame [gh]or hertes wol blede - And [gh]e žis matere wysli trete: - He žat was vr moste spede 15 - Is selden iseye and sone for[gh]ete. - - Sum tyme an Englisch schip we had, - Nobel hit was and heih of tour, - Žorw al Cristendam hit was drad, - And stif wolde stande in vch a stour, 20 - And best dorst byde a scharp schour, - And ožer stormes, smale and grete. - Now is žat schip, žat bar že flour, - Selden se[gh]e and sone for[gh]ete. - - Into žat schip žer longed a roožur 25 - Žat steered že schip and gouerned hit; - In al žis world nis such anožur, - As me žinkež in my wit. - Whyl schip and rožur togeder was knit, - Žei dredde noužer tempest, druy[gh]e nor wete; 30 - Nou be žei bože in synder flit, - Žat selden sey[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - - Scharpe wawes žat schip has sayled, - And sayed alle sees at auentur. - For wynt ne wederes neuer hit fayled 35 - Whil že rožur mihte enduir. - Žou[gh] že see were rouh or elles dimuir, - Gode hauenes žat schip wolde gete. - Nou is žat schip, I am wel suir, - Selde iseye and sone for[gh]ete. 40 - - Žis goode schip I may remene - To že chiualrye of žis londe; - Sum tyme žei counted nou[gh]t a bene - Beo al Fraunce, ich vnderstonde. - Žei tok and slou[gh] hem with heore honde, 45 - Že power of Fraunce, bož smal and grete, - And brou[gh]t že king hider to byde her bonde: - And nou riht sone hit is for[gh]ete. - - Žat schip hadde a ful siker mast, - And a sayl strong and large, 50 - Žat made že gode schip neuer agast - To vndertake a žing of charge; - And to žat schip žer longed a barge - Of al Fraunce [gh]af nou[gh]t a clete; - To vs hit was a siker targe, 55 - And now riht clene hit is for[gh]ete. - - Že rožur was noužer ok ne elm,-- - Hit was Edward že Žridde, že noble kniht. - Že Prince his sone bar vp his helm, - Žat neuer scoumfited was in fiht. 60 - The Kyng him rod and rouwed ariht; - Že Prince dredde noužur stok nor strete. - Nou of hem we lete ful liht: - Žat selde is se[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - - Že swifte barge was Duk Henri, 65 - Žat noble kniht and wel assayed, - And in his leggaunce woržili - He abod mony a bitter brayd. - [Gh]if žat his enemys ou[gh]t outrayed, - To chastis hem wolde he not lete. 70 - Nou is žat lord ful lowe ileyd: - Žat selde is se[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - - Žis gode Comunes, bi že rode! - I likne hem to the schipes mast, - Žat with heore catel and heore goode 75 - Mayntened že werre bož furst and last, - Že wynd žat bleu[gh] že schip wiž blast - Hit was gode pre[gh]ers, I sei hit atrete. - Nou is deuoutnes out icast, - And mony gode dedes ben clen for[gh]ete. 80 - - Žus ben žis lordes ileid ful lowe: - Že stok is of že same rote; - An ympe biginnes for to growe - And [gh]it I hope schal ben vr bote, - To holde his fomen vnder fote, 85 - And as a lord be set in sete. - Crist leue žat he so mote, - Žat selden ise[gh]e be not for[gh]ete! - - Weor žat impe fully growe, - Žat he had sarri sap and piž, 90 - I hope he schulde be kud and knowe - For conquerour of moni a kiž. - He is ful lyflich in lyme and liž - In armes to trauayle and to swete. - Crist leeue we so fare him wiž 95 - Žat selden se[gh]e be neuer for[gh]ete! - - And žerfore holliche I ou rede, - Til žat žis ympe beo fully growe, - Žat vch a mon vp wiž že hede - And mayntene him, bože hei[gh]e and lowe. 100 - Že Frensche men cunne bože boste and blowe, - And wiž heore scornes vs tožrete, - And we beož bože vnkuynde and slowe, - Žat selden se[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - - And žerfore, gode sires, takež reward 105 - Of [gh]or douhti kyng žat dy[gh]ede in age, - And to his sone, Prince Edward, - Žat welle was of alle corage. - Suche two lordes of hei[gh] parage - I not in eorže whon we schal gete; 110 - And nou heore los biginnež to swage, - Žat selde ise[gh]e is sone for[gh]ete. - -[Foot-note: 42 chilualrye _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 110 I] In _MS._] - - -D. JOHN BALL'S LETTER TO THE PEASANTS -OF ESSEX, 1381. - -St. Albans MS. British Museum Royal 13. E. ix (about 1400), f. 287 a. - -Iohon Schep, som tyme Seynte Marie prest of [Gh]ork, and now of -Colchestre, greteth wel Iohan Nameles, and Iohan že Mullere, and Iohon -Cartere, and biddež hem žat žei bee war of gyle in borugh, and stondeth -togidre in Godes name, and biddež Peres Plou[gh]man go to his werk, and -chastise {5} wel Hobbe že Robbere, and takež wiž [gh]ow Iohan Trewman, -and alle hiis felawes, and no mo, and loke schappe [gh]ou to on heued, -and no mo. - - Iohan že Mullere haž ygrounde smal, smal, smal; - Že Kynges sone of heuene schal paye for al. 10 - Be war or _y_e be wo; - Knowež [gh]our freend fro [gh]our foo; - Haueth ynow, and seith 'Hoo'; - And do wel and bettre, and fleth synne, - And sekež pees, and hold [gh]ou žerinne; 15 - -and so biddež Iohan Trewman and alle his felawes. - -[Foot-note: 4 togidre] togidedre _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 11 ye] že _MS._] - - -E. ON THE YEAR 1390-1. - -St. John's College (Oxford) MS. 209, f. 57 a. - - The ax was sharpe, the stokke was harde, - In the xiiii yere of Kyng Richarde. - - - - -XV - -MISCELLANEOUS PIECES IN VERSE - - -Under this head are grouped a number of short poems, representing forms -of composition that survive only by fortunate chance. - -A is a curious little song, which has been printed from Hale MS. 135 by -G. E. Woodbine in _Modern Language Review_, vol. iv, p. 236, and -reconstructed by Skeat at vol. v, p. 105, of the same periodical. - -B and C are the best-known lyrics of the important collection edited by -Böddeker, _Altenglische Dichtungen des MS. Harley 2253_, Berlin 1878. -They are literary and rather artificial in form. - -D and E are minstrels' songs found, among other popular snatches, on a -fly-leaf of Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 913, and edited by Heuser in -_Anglia_, vol. xxx, p. 173. In E lines 14-16 and ll. 17-19 are to be -expanded on the model of ll. 7-13. - -All these songs are early, and have a lightness and gaiety that become -rare as the fourteenth century advances. - -F is one of several English scraps (ed. Furnivall in _Political, -Religious, and Love Poems_, E.E.T.S., pp. 249 ff.) that are found -scattered through the Latin text of MS. Harley 7322. Most of the English -pieces are without poetical merit, but in this one poem the writer has -attained a perfect simplicity. - -G, printed in Wright and Halliwell's _Reliquiae Antiquae_, 1845, vol. i, -p. 144, has been recognized as the first of the English ballads. It is -the only example before 1400 of the swift and dramatic movement, the -sudden transitions, and the restrained expression, characteristic of the -ballad style. - -H, first printed in _Reliquiae Antiquae_, vol. i, p. 240, is the latest -of the short pieces. With onomatopoeic effects it gives a vivid if -unfriendly picture of a blacksmith's forge on a busy night. - -I is a charm edited by Furnivall at p. 43 of the E.E.T.S. volume in -which F appears. - - -A. NOW SPRINGS THE SPRAY. - -Lincoln's Inn MS. Hale 135 (about 1300). - - _Nou sprinkes že sprai, - Al for loue icche am so seek - Žat slepen I ne mai._ - - Als I me rode žis endre dai - O mi playinge, 5 - Seih I hwar a litel mai - Bigan to singge: - 'Že clot him clingge! - Wai es him i louue-longinge - Sal libben ai!' 10 - _Nou sprinkes, &c._ - - Son icche herde žat mirie note, - _Ž_ider I drogh; - I fonde hire in an herber swot - Vnder a bogh, - With ioie inogh. 15 - Son I asked: 'Žou mirie mai, - Hwi sinkestou ai?' - _Nou sprinkes, &c._ - - Žan answerde žat maiden swote - Midde wordes fewe: - 'Mi lemman me haues bihot 20 - Of louue trewe: - He chaunges anewe. - _Y_iif I mai, it shal him rewe - Bi žis dai.' - _Nou sprinkes, &c._ - -[Foot-note: 4 Žis endre dai als I me rode _MS.; corr. Skeat_.] - -[Foot-note: 5 playinge] _indistinct_.] - -[Foot-note: 8 clingge] clingges _MS._] - - -B. SPRING. - -MS. Harley 2253 (about 1325), f. 71 b. - - Lenten ys come wiž loue to toune, - Wiž blosmen and wiž briddes roune, - Žat al žis blisse bryngež. - Dayese[gh]es in žis dales, - Notes suete of nyhtegales, 5 - Vch foul song singež. - Že žrestelcoc him žretež oo, - Away is huere wynter wo, - When woderoue springež. - Žis foules singež ferly fele, 10 - Ant wlytež on huere [+]wynter[+] wele, - Žat al že wode ryngež. - - Že rose raylež hire rode, - Že leues on že lyhte wode - Waxen al wiž wille. 15 - Že mone mandež hire bleo, - Že lilie is lossom to seo, - Že fenyl and že fille. - Wowes žis wilde drakes; - [+]Miles[+] murgež huere makes, 20 - Ase strem žat strikež stille. - Mody menež, so do_ž_ mo-- - Ichot ycham on of žo, - For loue žat likes ille. - - Že mone mandež hire lyht; 25 - So dož že semly sonne bryht, - When briddes singež breme. - Deawes donkež že dounes; - Deores wiž huere derne rounes, - Domes for te deme; 30 - Wormes wowež vnder cloude; - Wymmen waxež wounder proude, - So wel hit wol hem seme. - [Gh]ef me shal wonte wille of on, - Žis wunne weole y wole forgon, 35 - Ant wyht in wode be fleme. - -[Foot-note: 22 dož] doh _MS._] - - -C. ALYSOUN. - -MS. Harley 2253, f. 63 b. - - Bytuene Mersh and Aueril, - When spray biginnež to springe, - Že lutel foul haž hire wyl - On hyre lud to synge. - Ich libbe in loue-longinge 5 - For semlokest of alle žynge; - He may me blisse bringe-- - Icham in hire baundoun. - _An hendy hap ichabbe yhent; - Ichot from heuene it is me sent; 10 - From alle wymmen mi loue is lent, - And lyht on Alysoun._ - - On heu hire her is fayr ynoh, - Hire browe broune, hire e[gh]e blake; - Wiž lossum chere he on me loh, 15 - Wiž middel smal and wel ymake. - Bote he me wolle to hire take, - For te buen hire owen make, - Longe to lyuen ichulle forsake, - And feye fallen adoun. 20 - _An hendy hap, &c._ - - Nihtes when y wende and wake, - Forži myn wonges waxež won, - Leuedi, al for žine sake - Longinge is ylent me on. - In world nis non so wyter mon 25 - Žat al hire bounté telle con; - Hire swyre is whittore žen že swon, - And feyrest may in toune. - _An hend<y hap>, &c._ - - Icham for wowyng al forwake, - Wery so water in wore, 30 - Lest eny reue me my make, - Ychabbe y[gh]yrned [gh]ore. - Betere is žolien whyle sore - Žen mournen euermore. - Geynest vnder gore, 35 - Herkne to my roun. - _An hendi <hap ichabbe yhent; - Ichot from heuene it is me sent; - From alle wymmen mi loue is lent, - And lyht on Alysoun>._ 40 - - -D. THE IRISH DANCER. - -Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 913. - - Icham of Irlaunde, - Ant of the holy londe - Of Irlande. - Gode sire, pray ich _ž_e, - For of saynte charité, 5 - Come ant daunce wyt me - In Irlaunde. - -[Foot-note: 4 že] [gh]e _MS._] - - -E. THE MAID OF THE MOOR. - -Bodleian MS. Rawlinson D. 913. - - Maiden in the mor lay, - In the mor lay, - Seuenyst fulle, seuenist fulle, - Maiden in the mor lay, - In the mor lay, 5 - Seuenistes fulle ant a day. - - Welle wa_s_ hire mete; - Wat was hire mete? - Že primerole ant the,-- - Že primerole ant the,-- 10 - Welle was hire mete; - Wat was hire mete?-- - The primerole ant the violet. - - Welle <was hire dryng>; - Wat was hire dryng? 15 - Že chelde water of <že> welle-spring. - - Welle was hire bour; - Wat was hire bour? - Že rede rose an te lilie flour. - -[Foot-note: 7 was] wat _MS._] - - -F. THE VIRGIN'S SONG. - -British Museum MS. Harley 7322 (about 1375), f. 135 b. - - Iesu, swete sone dere! - On porful bed list žou here, - And žat me greuež sore; - For ži cradel is ase a bere, - Oxe and asse bež ži fere: - Weepe ich mai žarfore. - Iesu, swete, beo noth wrož, - Žou ich nabbe clout ne clož - Že on for to folde, - Že on to folde ne to wrappe, 10 - For ich nabbe clout ne lappe; - Bote ley žou ži fet to my pappe, - And wite že from že colde. - - -G. JUDAS. - -Trinity College (Cambridge) MS. B. 14. 39 (about 1300), f. 34 a. - - Hit wes upon a Scere Žorsday žat vre Louerd aros; - Ful milde were že wordes He spec to Iudas: - - Iudas, žou most to Iurselem, oure mete for to bugge; - Žritti platen of seluer žou bere upo ži rugge. - - Žou comest fer i že brode stret, fer i že brode strete; 5 - Summe of žine cunesmen žer žou meist imete. - - Imette wid is soster, že swikele wimon: - 'Iudas, žou were wrže me stende že wid ston, (_bis_) - For že false prophete žat tou bileuest upon.' - - 'Be stille, leue soster, žin herte že tobreke! 10 - Wiste min Louerd Crist, ful wel He wolde be wreke.' - - 'Iudas, go žou on že roc, heie upon že ston, - Lei žin heued i my barm, slep žou že anon.' - - Sone so Iudas of slepe was awake, - Žritti platen of seluer from hym weren itake. 15 - - He drou hymselve bi že top, žat al it lauede a blode; - Že Iewes out of Iurselem awenden he were wode. - - Foret hym com že riche Ieu žat heiste Pilatus: - 'Wolte sulle ži Louerd, žat hette Iesus?' - - 'I nul sulle my Louerd for nones cunnes eiste, 20 - Bote hit be for že žritti platen žat He me bitaiste.' - - 'Wolte sulle ži Lord Crist for enes cunnes golde?' - 'Nay, bote hit be for že platen žat He habben wolde.' - - In him com ur Lord gon, as is postles seten at mete: - 'Wou sitte ye, postles, ant wi nule ye ete? (_bis_) 25 - Ic am iboust ant isold today for oure mete.' - - Up stod him Iudas: 'Lord, am I žat? - I nas neuer o že stude žer me Že euel spec.' - - Up him stod Peter, ant spec wid al is miste: - 'Žau Pilatus him come wid ten hundred cnistes, (_bis_) 30 - Yet ic wolde, Louerd, for Ži loue fiste.' - - 'Stille žou be, Peter! Wel I že icnowe; - Žou wolt fursake me žrien ar že coc him crowe.' - - -H. THE BLACKSMITHS. - -British Museum MS. Arundel 292 (about 1425-50), f. 71 b. - - Swarte smekyd smežes smateryd wyth smoke - Dryue me to deth wyth den of here dyntes. - Swech noys on nyghtes ne herd men neuer: - What knauene cry and clateryng of knockes! - Že cammede kongons cryen after 'col, col!' 5 - And blowen here bellewys, žat al here brayn brestes: - 'Huf, puf!' seith žat on; 'haf, paf!' žat ožer. - Žei spyttyn and spraulyn and spellyn many spelles; - Žei gnauen and gnacchen, žei gronys togydere, - And holdyn hem hote wyth here hard hamers. 10 - Of a bole-hyde ben here barm-fellys; - Here schankes ben schakeled for the fere flunderys; - Heuy hamerys žei han, žat hard ben handled, - Stark strokes žei stryken on a stelyd stokke: - Lus, bus! las, das! rowtyn be rowe. 15 - Swech dolful a dreme že deuyl it todryue! - Že mayster longith a lityl, and lascheth a lesse, - Twyneth hem tweyn, and towchith a treble: - Tik, tak! hic, hac! tiket, taket! tyk, tak! - Lus, bus! lus, das! swych lyf thei ledyn 20 - Alle cložemerys: Cryst hem gyue sorwe! - May no man for brenwaterys on nyght han hys rest! - - -I. RATS AWAY. - -Bodleian MS. Rawlinson C. 288, f. 113 (15th-century writing, blurred). - - I comawnde alle že ratones žat are here abowte, - Žat non dwelle in žis place, withinne ne withowte, - Thorgh že vertu of Iesu Crist, žat Mary bare abowte, - Žat alle creatures owyn for to lowte, - And thorgh že vertu of Mark, Mathew, Luke, an Ion,-- 5 - Alle foure Awangelys corden into on,-- - Thorgh že vertu of Sent Geretrude, žat mayde clene, - God graunte žat grace - Žat <non> raton dwelle in že place - Žat here namis were nemeled in; 10 - And thorgh že vertu of Sent Kasi, - Žat holy man, žat prayed to God Almyty - For skathes žat žei deden - Hys medyn - Be dayes and be ny[gh]t, 15 - God bad hem flen and gon out of euery manesse sy[gh]t. - _Dominus Deus Sabaot!_ Emanuel, že gret Godes name! - I betweche žes place from ratones and from alle ožer schame. - God saue žis place fro alle ožer wykked wytes, - Bože be dayes and be nytes! _et in nomine Patris et Filii_, 20 - &c. - -[Foot-note: 13 skathes] t _altered from_ f (?) _MS._] - - - - -XVI - -THE YORK PLAY 'HARROWING OF HELL' - -British Museum MS. Addit. 35290 (about 1430-40), f. 193 b. - - -The miracle play _Harrowing of Hell_ is assigned to the craft of -Saddlers in the York cycle, edited by Miss L. Toulmin-Smith, Oxford -1885, pp. 372 ff. This is the text reproduced below. It is also found, -though in a less perfect form, among the _Towneley Plays_, ed. England -and Pollard, E.E.T.S., 1897, pp. 293 ff. - -All the mediaeval stories of Christ's Descent into Hell are based on the -gospel of Nicodemus, which seems to date from the fourth century, though -the legend is referred to nearly two centuries earlier. This apocryphal -narrative was popular throughout the Middle Ages. There is a prose -translation in late Anglo-Saxon, and a Middle English verse rendering -supplies some of the phrases in the play. - -Two points deserve notice for their bearing on the development of -miracles. A trace of their origin in the services of the Church is seen -in the use made of the Scriptural passage 'Attollite portas, principes, -vestras, et elevamini portae aeternales, et introibit rex gloriae', the -dramatic possibilities of which were recognized in ritual from an early -date. And the growing taste for comic scenes is met, without prejudice -to the serious characters, by the rudimentary buffoonery of the Devil -and his companions. - - -DRAMATIS PERSONAE. - - ADAME - EUA - ISAIAH - SYMEON - IESUS - IOHANNES BAPTISTA - MOYSES - BELSABUB - SATTAN - DAUID - BELLIALL - MICHILL (Archangel) - PRIMUS DIABOLUS - SECUNDUS DIABOLUS - - -[SCENE I, _outside the gates of Hell_.] - - 1. <_Iesus._ M>anne on molde, be meke to me, - And haue thy Maker in ži mynde, - And thynke howe I haue tholid for že - With pereles paynes for to be pyned. - The forward of my Fadir free 5 - Haue I fulfillid, as folke may fynde, - Žerfore aboute nowe woll I bee - Žat I haue bought for to vnbynde. - Že feende žame wanne with trayne, - Thurgh frewte of erthely foode; 10 - I haue žame getyn agayne - Thurgh bying with my bloode. - - 2. And so I schall žat steede restore - F_ro_ whilke že feende fell for synne; - Žare schalle mankynde wonne euermore 15 - In blisse žat schall neuere blynne. - All žat in werke my werkemen were, - Owte of thare woo I wol žame wynne, - And some signe schall I sende before - Of grace, to garre žer gamys begynne. 20 - A light I woll žei haue - To schewe žame I schall come sone; - My bodie bidis in graue - Tille alle thes dedis be done. - - 3. My Fadir ordand on žis wise 25 - Aftir His will žat I schulde wende, - For to fulfille že prophicye<s>, - And als I spake my solace to spende. - My frendis, žat in me faith affies, - Nowe fro ther fois I schall žame fende, 30 - And on the thirde day ryght vprise, - And so tille heuen I schall assende. - Sithen schall I come agayne - To deme bothe goode and ill - Tille endles ioie or peyne; 35 - Žus is my Fadris will. - -[SCENE II, _Hell; at one side Limbo, enclosing the -patriarchs and prophets; a light shines across_.] - - 4. _Adame._ Mi bretheren, harkens to me here, - Swilke hope of heele neuere are we hadde. - Foure thowsande and sex hundereth [gh]ere - Haue we bene heere in [+]žis stedde[+]. 40 - Nowe see I signe of solace seere, - A glorious gleme to make vs gladde, - Wherfore I hope oure helpe is nere, - And sone schall sesse oure sorowes sadde. - _Eua._ Adame, my husband hende, 45 - Žis menys solas certayne; - Such light gune on vs lende - In Paradise full playne. - - 5. _Isaiah._ Adame, we schall wele vndirstande; - I, Ysaias, as God me kende, 50 - I prechid in Neptalym žat lande, - And [Gh]abulon, even vntill ende. - I spake of folke in mirke walkand, - And saide a light schulde on žame lende; - This lered I whils I was leuand, 55 - Nowe se I God žis same hath sende. - Žis light comes all of Criste, - Žat seede, to saue vs nowe, - Žus is my poynte puplisshid. - But Symeon, what sais žou? 60 - - 6. _Symeon._ Žhis, my tale of farleis feele, - For in žis temple His frendis me fande; - I hadde delite with Hym to dele, - And halsed homely with my hande. - I saide, 'Lorde, late thy seruaunt lele 65 - Passe nowe in pesse to liffe lastand, - For nowe myselfe has sene Thy hele, - Me liste no lengar to liffe in lande.' - Žis light Žou hast purueyed - To folkes žat liffis in leede, 70 - Že same žat I žame saide, - I see fulfillid in dede. - - 7. _Iohan. Baptista._ Als voyce criand to folke - I kende - Že weyes of Criste, als I wele kanne; - I baptiste Hym with bothe my hande 75 - Euen in že floode of flume Iordanne. - Že Holy Goste fro heuene discende - Als a white dowue doune on Hym žanne; - The Fadir voice, my mirthe to mende, - Was made to me euen als manne, 80 - 'This is my Sone,' he saide, - 'In whome me paies full wele.' - His light is on vs laide, - He comes oure cares to kele. - - 8. _Moyses._ Of žat same light lernyng haue I, 85 - To me Moyses He mustered his myght, - And also vnto anodir, Hely, - Wher we were on an hille on hight. - Whyte as snowe was His body, - And His face like to že sonne to sight: 90 - No man on molde was so myghty - Grathely to loke agaynste žat light; - Žat same light se I nowe - Shynyng on vs sarteyne, - Wherfore trewly I trowe 95 - We schalle sone passe fro payne. - - 9. _i Diabolus._ Helpe! Belsabub! to bynde žer - boyes, - Such harrowe was neuer are herde in helle. - _ii Diab._ Why rooris žou soo, Rebalde? žou - royis; - What is betidde, canne žou ought telle? 100 - _i Diab._ What! heris žou no[gh]t žis vggely - noyse? - Žes lurdans žat in Lymbo dwelle, - Žei make menyng of many ioies, - And musteres grete mirthe žame emell. - _ii Diab._ Mirthe? nay, nay, žat poynte is - paste, 105 - More hele schall žei neuer haue. - _i Diab._ Žei crie on Criste full faste, - And sais he schal žame saue. - - 10. _Belsabub._ [Gh]a, if he saue žame noght, we - schall, - For they are sperde in speciall space; 110 - Whils I am prince and principall - Schall žei neuer passe oute of žis place. - Calle vppe Astrotte and Anaball - To giffe žer counsaille in žis case, - Bele-Berit and Belial, 115 - To marre žame žat swilke maistries mase. - Say to Satan oure sire, - And bidde žame bringe also - Lucifer louely of lyre. - _i Diab._ Al redy, lorde, I goo. 120 - - 11. _Iesus [Without]._ _Attollite portas, - principes_, - Oppen vppe, [gh]e princes of paynes sere, - _Et eleuamini eternales_, - Youre yendles [gh]atis žat [gh]e haue here. - _Sattan._ What page is žere žat makes prees, 125 - And callis hym kyng of vs in fere? - _Dauid [in Limbo]._ I lered leuand, withouten lees, - He is a kyng of vertues clere. - A! Lorde, mekill of myght, - And stronge in ilke a stoure, 130 - In batailes ferse to fight, - And worthy to wynne honnoure. - - 12. _Sattan._ Honnoure! in že deuel way, for what - dede? - All erthely men to me are thrall; - Že lady žat calles hym lorde in leede 135 - Hadde neuer [gh]itt herberowe, house, ne halle. - _i Diab._ Harke, Belsabub! I haue grete drede, - For hydously I herde hym calle. - _Belliall._ We! spere oure [gh]ates, all ill mot - žou spede! - And sette furthe watches on že wall. 140 - And if he calle or crie - To make vs more debate, - Lay on hym žan hardely, - And garre hym gang his gate. - - 13. _Sattan._ Telle me what boyes dare be so - bolde 145 - For drede to make so mekill draye. - _i Diab._ Itt is že Iewe žat Iudas solde - For to be dede, žis othir daye. - _Sattan._ O we! žis tale in tyme is tolde, - Žis traytoure traues<es> vs alway; 150 - He schall be here full harde in holde, - Loke žat he passe noght, I že praye. - _ii Diab._ Nay, nay, he will no[gh]t wende - Away or I be ware, - He shappis hym for to schende 155 - Alle helle, or he go ferre. - - 14. _Sattan._ Nay, faitour, žerof schall he faile, - For alle his fare I hym deffie; - I knowe his trantis fro toppe to taile, - He leuys with gaudis and with gilery. 160 - Žerby he brought oute of oure bale, - Nowe late, La[gh]ar of Betannye, - Žerfore I gaffe to že Iewes counsaille - Žat žei schulde alway garre hym dye. - I entered in Iudas 165 - Žat forwarde to fulfille, - Žerfore his hire he has, - Allway to wonne here stille. - - 15. _Belsabub._ Sir Sattanne, sen we here že saie - Žat žou and _ž_e Iewes wer same assente, 170 - And wotte he wanne La[gh]ar awaye, - Žat tille vs was tane for to tente, - Trowe žou žat žou marre hym maye - To mustir myghtis, what he has mente? - If he nowe depriue vs of oure praye, 175 - We will [gh]e witte whanne žei are wente. - _Sattan._ I bidde [gh]ou be no[gh]t abasshed, - But boldely make youe boune - With toles žat [gh]e on traste, - And dynge žat dastard doune. 180 - - 16. _Iesus [Without]._ _Principes, portas tollite_, - Vndo youre [gh]atis, [gh]e princis of pryde, - _Et introibit rex glorie_, - Že kyng of blisse comes in žis tyde. - [_Enters the gates of Hell._ - _Sattan._ Owte! harrowe <what harlot> is hee 185 - Žat sais his kyngdome schall be cryed? - _Dauid [in Limbo]._ Žat may žou in my Sawter see - For žat poynte _I_ prophicie<d>. - I saide žat he schuld breke - Youre barres and bandis by name, 190 - And on youre werkis take wreke; - Nowe schalle [gh]e see že same. - - 17. _Iesus._ Žis steede schall stonde no lenger - stoken; - Opynne vppe, and latte my pepul passe! - _Diabolus._ Owte! beholdes, oure baill is - brokynne, 195 - And brosten are alle oure bandis of bras. - Telle Lucifer alle is vnlokynne. - _Belsabub._ What žanne, is Lymbus lorne? allas! - Garre Satan helpe žat we wer wroken; - Žis werke is werse žanne euere it was. 200 - _Sattan._ I badde [gh]e schulde be boune - If he made maistries more; - Do dynge žat dastard doune, - And sette hym sadde and sore. - - 18. _Belsabub._ [Gh]a, sette hym sore, žat is - sone saide, 205 - But come žiselffe and serue hym soo; - We may not bide his bittir braide, - He wille vs marre and we wer moo. - _Sattan._ What! faitours, wherfore are [gh]e - ferde? - Haue [gh]e no force to flitte hym froo? 210 - Belyue loke žat my gere be grathed, - Miselffe schall to žat gedlyng goo. - [_To Iesus._] Howe! belamy, abide, - With al thy booste and bere, - And telle to me žis tyde, 215 - What maistries makes žou here? - - 19. _Iesus._ I make no maistries but for myne, - Žame wolle I saue, I telle že nowe; - Žou hadde no poure žame to pyne, - But as my prisoune for žer prowe 220 - Here haue žei soiorned, noght as thyne, - But in thy warde, žou wote wele howe. - _Sattan._ And what deuel haste žou done ay syne, - Žat neuer wolde negh žame nere, or nowe? - _Iesus._ Nowe is že tyme certayne 225 - Mi Fadir ordand before - Žat they schulde passe fro payne, - And wonne in mirthe euer more. - - 20. _Sattan._ Thy fadir knewe I wele be sight, - He was a write his mette to wynne, 230 - And Marie me menys ži modir hight, - Že vttiremeste ende of all ži kynne. - Who made že be so mekill of myght? - _Iesus._ Žou wikid feende, latte be thy dynne! - Mi Fadir wonnys in heuen on hight, 235 - With blisse žat schall neuere blynne. - I am His awne sone, - His forward to fulfille; - And same ay schall we wonne, - And sundir whan we wolle. 240 - - 21. _Sattan._ God<ys> sonne! žanne schulde žou - be ful gladde, - Aftir no catel neyd thowe craue! - But žou has leued ay like a ladde, - And in sorowe, as a symple knaue. - _Iesus._ Žat was for hartely loue I hadde 245 - Vnto mannis soule, it for to saue; - And for to make že mased and madde, - And by žat resoune žus dewly to haue - Mi godhede here, I hidde - In Marie modir myne, 250 - For it schulde no[gh]t be kidde - To že, nor to none of thyne. - - 22. _Sattan._ A! žis wolde I were tolde in ilke - a toune. - So, sen žou sais God is thy sire, - I schall že proue, be right resoune, 255 - Žou motes His men into že myre. - To breke His bidding were žei boune, - And, for they did at my desire, - Fro Paradise He putte žame doune - In helle here to haue žer hyre. 260 - And thyselfe, day and nyght, - Has taught al men emang - To do resoune and right, - And here werkis žou all wrang. - - 23. _Iesus._ I wirke noght wrang, žat schal - žow witte, 265 - If I my men fro woo will wynne; - Mi prophetis playnly prechid it, - All žis note žat nowe begynne. - Žai saide žat I schulde be obitte, - To hell žat I schulde entre in, 270 - And saue my seruauntis fro žat pitte, - Wher dampned saulis schall sitte for synne. - And ilke trewe prophettis tale - Muste be fulfillid in mee; - I haue žame boughte with bale, 275 - And in blisse schal žei be. - - 24. _Sattan._ Nowe sen že liste allegge že lawes, - Žou schalte be atteynted, or we twynne, - For žo žat žou to wittenesse drawes - Full even agaynste že will begynne. 280 - Salamon saide in his sawes - Žat whoso enteres helle withynne - Shall neuer come oute, žus clerkis knawes, - And žerfore, felowe, leue ži dynne. - Iob, ži seruaunte, also 285 - Žus in his tyme gune telle, - Žat nowthir frende nor foo - Shulde fynde reles in helle. - - 25. _Iesus._ He saide full soth, žat schall - žou see, - Žat in helle may be no reles, 290 - But of žat place žan preched he - Where synffull care schall euere encrees. - And in žat bale ay schall žou be, - Whare sorowes sere schall neuer sesse, - And for my folke žerfro wer free, 295 - Nowe schall žei passe to že place of pees. - Žai were here with my wille, - And so schall žei fourthe wende, - And žiselue schall fulfille - Žer wooe withouten ende. 300 - - 26. _Sattan._ O we! žanne se I howe žou menys - emang - Some mesure with malice to melle, - Sen žou sais all schall no[gh]t gang, - But some schalle alway with vs dwelle. - _Iesus._ [Gh]aa, witte žou wele, ellis were it - wrang, 305 - Als cursed Cayme žat slewe Abell, - And all žat hastis hemselue to hange, - Als Iudas and Archedefell, - Datan and Abiron, - And alle of žare assente; 310 - Als tyrantis euerilkone - Žat me and myne turmente. - - 27. And all žat liste noght to lere my lawe, - Žat I haue lefte in lande nowe newe, - Žat is my comyng for to knawe, 315 - And to my sacramente pursewe, - Mi dede, my rysing, rede be rawe, - Who will noght trowe, žei are noght trewe, - Vnto my dome I schall žame drawe, - And iuge žame worse žanne any Iewe. 320 - And all žat likis to leere - My lawe, and leue žerbye, - Shall neuere haue harmes heere, - But welthe, as is worthy. - - 28. _Sattan._ Nowe here my hande, I halde me - paied; 325 - Žis poynte is playnly for oure prowe; - If žis be soth žat žou hast saide, - We schall haue moo žanne we haue nowe. - Žis lawe žat žou nowe late has laide - I schall lere men no[gh]t to allowe. 330 - Iff žei it take, žei be betraied, - For I schall turne žame tyte, I trowe. - I schall walke este and weste, - And garre žame werke wele werre. - _Iesus._ Naye, feende, žou schall be feste, 335 - Žat žou schalte flitte not ferre. - - 29. _Sattan._ Feste! žat were a foule reasoune, - Nay, bellamy, žou bus be smytte. - _Iesus._ Mighill! myne aungell, make že boune, - And feste yone fende, žat he noght flitte. 340 - And Deuyll, I comaunde že go doune - Into thy selle where žou schalte sitte. - [_Satan sinks._ - _Sattan._ Owt, ay! herrowe! helpe Mahounde! - Nowe wex I woode oute of my witte. - _Belsabub._ Sattan, žis saide we are, 345 - Nowe schall žou fele ži fitte. - _Sattan._ Allas! for dole and care, - I synke into helle pitte. - [_Falls into the pit._ - - 30. _Adame._ A! Iesu Lorde, mekill is Ži myght, - That mekis Žiselffe in žis manere, 350 - Vs for to helpe, as Žou has hight, - Whanne both forfette, I and my feere. - Here haue we leuyd withouten light - Foure thousand and six hundred [gh]ere; - Now se I be žis solempne sight 355 - Howe Thy mercy hath made vs cle_r_e. - _Eue._ A! Lorde, we were worthy - Mo turmentis for to taste, - But mende vs with mercye, - Als Žou of myght is moste. 360 - - 31. _Baptista._ A! Lorde, I loue Že inwardly, - That me wolde make Ži messengere - Thy comyng in erth for to crye, - And teche Ži faith to folke in feere; - And sithen before Že for to dye, 365 - And bringe boodworde to žame here, - How žai schulde haue Thyne helpe in hye: - Nowe se I all Ži poyntis appere. - Als Dauid prophete trewe - Ofte tymes tolde vntill vs, 370 - Of žis comyng he knewe, - And saide it schulde be žus. - - 32. _Dauid._ Als I haue saide, [gh]itt saie - I soo, - _Ne derelinquas, Domine, - Animam meam <in> inferno_, 375 - Leffe noght my saule, Lorde, aftir Že, - In depe helle where dampned schall goo, - Ne suffre neuere [+]saules fro Že be[+] - The sorowe of žame žat wonnes in woo - Ay full of filthe, [+]žat may repleye[+]. 380 - _Adame._ We thanke His grete goodnesse - He fette vs fro žis place, - Makes ioie nowe more and lesse; - _Omnis._ We laude God of His grace. - - 33. _Iesus._ Adame and my frendis in feere, 385 - Fro all youre fooes come fourth with me, - [Gh]e schalle be sette in solas seere, - Wher [gh]e schall neuere of sorowes see. - And Mighill, myn aungell clere, - Ressayue žes saules all vnto že, 390 - And lede žame als I schall že lere - To Paradise with playe and plenté. - [_They come out of Limbo._ - Mi graue I woll go till, - Redy to rise vpperight, - And so I schall fulfille 395 - That I before haue highte. - - 34. _Michill._ Lorde, wende we schall aftir - Ži sawe, - To solace sere žai schall be sende, - But žat žer deuelis no draught vs drawe, - Lorde, blisse vs with Ži holy hende. 400 - _Iesus._ Mi blissing haue [gh]e all on rawe, - I schall be with youe, wher [gh]e wende, - And all žat lelly luffes my lawe, - Žai schall be blissid withowten ende. - _Adame._ To Že, Lorde, be louyng, 405 - Žat vs has wonne fro waa, - For solas will we syng, - _Laus Tibi cum gloria_. - [_Exeunt._ - -[Foot-note: 14 Fro] For _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 40 in žis stedde] in darknes stad _Towneley_.] - -[Foot-note: 49 Isaiah] Isaac _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 170 že] [gh]e _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 185 what harlot] _from Towneley MS.: om. MS._] - -[Foot-note: 188 I] of _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 242 neyd thowe craue] žus že I telle _first hand_.] - -[Foot-note: 244 as] _added later MS._] - -[Foot-note: 244 knaue] braide _first hand_.] - -[Foot-note: 347 dole] dolee _MS._] - -[Foot-note: 356 clere] clene _MS._] - - - - -XVII - -THE TOWNELEY PLAY OF NOAH - -Towneley MS. (about 1475), ff. 76 ff. - - -The Towneley Miracles, so called because the manuscript belonged in -recent times to the library of Towneley Hall in Lancashire, are edited -by England and Pollard, E.E.T.S., 1897. The cycle is a composite -one--for instance it includes a later form of the York play _Harrowing -of Hell_ (No. XVI, above)--but it is distinguished by a group of plays -and interpolated scenes which seem to have been specially composed for -representation at Wakefield. Formally this group is marked by the use of -a peculiar nine-lined stanza, riming a a a a b c c c b, with central -rimes in the first four lines. The rough vigour of the comic scenes is -still more distinctive, and there can be little doubt that all are the -work of one man. The specimen of his style most often reprinted is _The -Second Shepherd's Play_, which has an original and purely secular comic -plot. The _Play of Noah_ is more typical of the English Miracle in its -later development. This subject was always popular with early -playwrights, for the Ark made a spectacle, and the traditional quarrels -of Noah and his wife gave scope for contests in fisticuffs and rough -raillery--the stuff of primitive comedy. - - -DRAMATIS PERSONAE. - - NOE - DEUS - VXOR NOE - - PRIMUS FILIUS - SECUNDUS FILIUS - TERCIUS FILIUS - - PRIMA MULIER - SECUNDA MULIER - TERCIA MULIER - - - 1. _Noe._ Myghtfull God veray, Maker of all that is, - Thre persons withoutten nay, oone God in endles blis, - Thou maide both nyght and day, beest, fowle, and fysh, - All creatures that lif may wroght Thou at Thi wish, - As Thou wel myght; 5 - The son, the moyne, verament, - Thou maide, the firmament, - The sternes also full feruent - To shyne Thou maide ful bright. - - 2. Angels Thou maide ful euen, all orders that is, 10 - To haue the blis in heuen; this did Thou, more and les, - Full mervelus to neuen; yit was ther vnkyndnes - More bi foldis seuen then I can well expres; - For whi? - Of all angels in brightnes 15 - God gaf Lucifer most lightnes, - Yit prowdly he flyt his des, - And set hym euen Hym by. - - 3. He thoght hymself as worthi as Hym that hym made, - In brightnes, in bewty, therfor He hym degrade, 20 - Put hym in a low degré soyn after, in a brade, - Hym and all his menye, wher he may be vnglad - For euer. - Shall thay neuer wyn away - Hence vnto Domysday, 25 - Bot burne in bayle for ay; - Shall thay neuer dysseuer. - - 4. Soyne after, that gracyous Lord to his liknes maide man, - That place to be restord euen as He began, - Of the Trinité bi accord, Adam and Eue that woman, 30 - To multiplie without discord, in Paradise put He thaym, - And sithen to both - Gaf in commaundement - On the Tre of Life to lay no hend. - Bot yit the fals feynd 35 - Made Hym with man wroth, - - 5. Entysyd man to glotony, styrd him to syn in pride; - Bot in Paradise, securly, myght no syn abide, - And therfor man full hastely was put out in that tyde, - In wo and wandreth for to be, in paynes full vnrid 40 - To knowe, - Fyrst in erth, _and_ sythen in hell - With feyndis for to dwell, - Bot He his mercy mell - To those that will Hym trawe. 45 - - 6. Oyle of mercy He hus hight, as I haue hard red, - To euery lifyng wight that wold luf Hym and dred; - Bot now before His sight euery liffyng leyde, - Most party day and nyght, syn in word and dede - Full bold; 50 - Som in pride, ire, and enuy, - Som in couet_ei_s and glotyny, - Som in sloth and lechery, - And other wise many fold. - - 7. Therfor I drede lest God on vs will take veniance, 55 - For syn is now alod, without any repentance. - Sex hundreth yeris and od haue I, without distance, - In erth, as any sod, liffyd with grete grevance - Allway; - And now I wax old, 60 - Seke, sory, and cold, - As muk apon mold - I widder away. - - 8. Bot yit will I cry for mercy and call: - Noe, Thi seruant, am I, Lord ouer all! 65 - Therfor me, and my fry shal with me fall, - Saue from velany, and bryng to Thi hall - In heuen; - And kepe me from syn - This warld within; 70 - Comly Kyng of mankyn, - I pray The, here my stevyn! - - [_God appears above._] - - 9. _Deus._ Syn I haue maide all thyng that is liffand, - Duke, emperour, and kyng, with Myne awne hand, - For to haue thare likyng, bi see and bi sand, 75 - Euery man to My bydyng shuld be bowand - Full feruent, - That maide man sich a creatoure, - Farest of favoure; - Man must luf Me paramoure 80 - By reson, and repent. - - 10. Me thoght I shewed man luf when I made hym to be - All angels abuf, like to the Trynyté; - And now in grete reprufe full low ligis he, - In erth hymself to stuf with syn that displeas_es_ Me 85 - Most of all. - Veniance will I take - In erth for syn sake; - My grame thus will I wake - Both of grete and small. 90 - - 11. I repente full sore that euer maide I man; - Bi me he settis no store, and I am his soferan; - I will distroy therfor both beest, man and woman, - All shall perish, les and more; that bargan may thay ban - That ill has done. 95 - In erth I se right noght - Bot syn that is vnsoght; - Of those that well has wroght - Fynd I bot a fone. - - 12. Therfor shall I fordo all this medill-erd 100 - With floodis that shall flo and ryn with hidous rerd; - I haue good cause therto; for Me no man is ferd. - As I say shal I do--of veniance draw My swerd, - And make end - Of all that beris life, 105 - Sayf Noe and his wife, - For thay wold neuer stryfe - With Me, then Me offend. - - 13. Hym to mekill wyn, hastly will I go - To Noe my seruand, or I blyn, to warn hym of his wo. 110 - In erth I se bot syn reynand to and fro, - Emang both more and myn, ichon other fo - With all thare entent. - All shall I fordo - With floodis that shall floo; 115 - Wirk shall I thaym wo - That will not repent. - - [_God descends and addresses Noah._] - - 14. Noe, My freend, I thee commaund, from cares the to keyle, - A ship that thou ordand of nayle and bord ful wele. - Thou was alway well-wirkand, to Me trew as stele, 120 - To My bydyng obediand: frendship shal thou fele - To mede. - Of lennthe thi ship be - Thre hundreth cubettis, warn I the, - Of heght euen thirté, 125 - Of fyfty als in brede. - - 15. Anoynt thi ship with pik and tar, without and als within, - The water out to spar--this is a noble gyn; - Look no man the mar, thre che_s_e chambres begyn; - Thou must spend many a spar this wark or thou wyn 130 - To end fully. - Make in thi ship also - Parloures oone or two, - And houses of offyce mo - For beestis that ther must be. 135 - - 16. Oone cubite on hight a wyndo shal thou make; - On the syde a doore, with slyght, beneyth shal thou take; - With the shal no man fyght, nor do the no kyn wrake. - When all is doyne thus right, thi wife, that is thi make, - Take in to the; 140 - Thi sonnes of good fame, - Sem, Iaphet, and Came, - Take in also <t>hame, - Thare wifis also thre. - - 17. For all shal be fordone that lif in land, bot ye, 145 - With floodis that from abone shal fall, and that plenté; - It shall begyn full sone to rayn vncessantlé, - After dayes seuen be done, and induyr dayes fourty, - Withoutten fayll. - Take to thi ship also 150 - Of ich kynd beestis two, - Mayll and femayll, bot no mo, - Or thou pull vp thi sayll, - - 18. For thay may the avayll when al this thyng is wroght. - Stuf thi ship with vitayll, for hungre that ye perish - noght. - Of beestis, foull, and catayll, for thaym haue thou in 155 - thoght, - For thaym is My counsayll that som socour be soght - In hast. - Thay must haue corn and hay, - And oder mete alway. 160 - Do now as I the say, - In the name of the Holy Gast. - - 19. _Noe._ A! _benedicite!_ what art thou that thus - Tellys afore that shall be? Thou art full mervelus! - Tell me, for charité, thi name so gracius. 165 - _Deus._ My name is of dignyté, and also full glorius - To knowe. - I am God most myghty, - Oone God in Trynyty, - Made the and ich man to be; 170 - To luf Me well thou awe. - - 20. _Noe._ I thank The, Lord so dere, that wold vowchsayf - Thus low to appere to a symple knafe. - Blis vs, Lord, here, for charité I hit crafe, - The better may we stere the ship that we shall hafe, 175 - Certayn. - _Deus._ Noe, to the and to thi fry - My blyssyng graunt I; - Ye shall wax and multiply - And fill the erth agane, 180 - - 21. When all thise floodis ar past, and fully gone away. - _Noe._ Lord, homward will I hast as fast as that I may; - My <wife> will I frast what she will say, - [_Exit_ Deus.] - And I am agast that we get som fray - Betwixt vs both; 185 - For she is full tethee, - For litill oft angré; - If any thyng wrang be, - Soyne is she wroth. - - _Tunc perget ad vxorem._ - - 22. God spede, dere wife, how fayre ye? 190 - _Vxor._ Now, as euer myght I thryfe, the wars I thee - see. - Do tell me belife where has thou thus long be? - To dede may we dryfe, or lif, for the, - For want. - When we swete or swynk, 195 - Thou dos what thou thynk, - Yit of mete and of drynk - Haue we veray skant. - - 23. _Noe._ Wife, we ar hard sted with tythyngis new. - _Vxor._ Bot thou were worthi be cled in Stafford - blew; 200 - For thou art alway adred, be it fals or trew, - Bot God knowes I am led, and that may I rew, - Full ill; - For I dar be thi borow, - From euen vnto morow 205 - Thou spekis euer of sorow; - God send the onys thi fill! - - 24. We women may wary all ill husbandis; - I haue oone, bi Mary that lowsyd me of my bandis! - If he teyn, I must tary, how so euer it standis, 210 - With seymland full sory, wryngand both my handis - For drede. - Bot yit other while, - What with gam and with gyle, - I shall smyte and smyle, 215 - And qwite hym his mede. - - 25. _Noe._ We! hold thi tong, ram-skyt, or I shall the - still. - _Vxor._ By my thryft, if thou smyte, I shal turne the - vntill. - _Noe._ We shall assay as tyte. Haue at the, Gill! - Apon the bone shal it byte. - _Vxor._ A, so, Mary! thou smytis ill! 220 - Bot I suppose - I shal not in thi det - Flyt of this flett! - Take the ther a langett - To tye vp thi hose! 225 - - 26. _Noe._ A! wilt thou so? Mary! that is myne. - _Vxor._ Thou shal thre for two, I swere bi Godis pyne! - _Noe._ And I shall qwyte the tho, in fayth, or syne. - _Vxor._ Out apon the, ho! - _Noe._ Thou can both byte and whyne - With a rerd; 230 - For all if she stryke, - Yit fast will she skryke; - In fayth, I hold none slyke - In all medill-erd. - - 27. Bot I will kepe charyté, for I haue at do. 235 - _Vxor._ Here shal no man tary the, I pray the go to! - Full well may we mys the, as euer haue I ro; - To spyn will I dres me. - _Noe._ We! fare well, lo; - Bot wife, - Pray for me beselé 240 - To eft I com vnto the. - _Vxor._ Euen as thou prays for me, - As euer myght I thrife. - [_Exit_ Vxor.] - - 28. _Noe._ I tary full lang fro my warke, I traw; - Now my gere will I fang, and thederward draw; 245 - I may full ill gang, the soth for to knaw, - Bot if God help amang, I may sit downe daw - To ken; - Now assay will I - How I can of wrightry, 250 - _In nomine patris, et filii, - Et spiritus sancti. Amen._ - - 29. To begyn of this tree my bonys will I bend, - I traw from the Trynyté socoure will be send; - It fayres full fayre, thynk me, this wark to my hend; 255 - Now blissid be He that this can amend. - Lo, here the lenght, - Thre hundreth cubettis euenly; - Of breed, lo, is it fyfty; - The heght is euen thyrty 260 - Cubettis full strenght. - - 30. Now my gowne will I cast and wyrk in my cote, - Make will I the mast or I flyt oone foote; - A! my bak, I traw, will brast! This is a sory note! - Hit is wonder that I last, sich an old dote, 265 - All dold, - To begyn sich a wark! - My bonys ar so stark, - No wonder if thay wark, - For I am full old. 270 - - 31. The top and the sayll both will I make, - The helme and the castell also will I take, - To drife ich a nayll will I not forsake, - This gere may neuer fayll, that dar I vndertake - Onone. 275 - This is a nobull gyn, - Thise nayles so thay ryn - Thoro more and myn - Thise bordis ichon. - - 32. Wyndow and doore, euen as He saide, 280 - Thre ches chambre, thay ar well maide, - Pyk and tar full sure therapon laide; - This will euer endure, therof am I paide; - For why? - It is better wroght 285 - Then I coude haif thoght. - Hym that maide all of noght - I thank oonly. - - 33. Now will I hy me, and no thyng be leder, - My wife and my meneye to bryng euen heder. 290 - Tent hedir tydely, wife, and consider, - Hens must vs fle, all sam togeder, - In hast. - _Vxor._ Whi, syr, what alis you? - Who is that asalis you? 295 - To fle it avalis you - And ye be agast. - - 34. _Noe._ Ther is garn on the reyll other, my dame. - _Vxor._ Tell me that ich a deyll, els get ye blame. - _Noe._ He that cares may keill--blissid be His - name!-- 300 - He has <het> for oure seyll to sheld vs fro shame, - And sayd - All this warld aboute - With floodis so stoute, - That shall ryn on a route, 305 - Shall be ouerlaide. - - 35. He saide all shall be slayn, bot oonely we, - Oure barnes that ar bayn, and thare wifis thre. - A ship He bad me ordayn, to safe vs and oure fee; - Therfor with all oure mayn thank we that fre, 310 - Beytter of bayll. - Hy vs fast, go we thedir. - _Vxor._ I wote neuer whedir, - I dase and I dedir - For ferd of that tayll. 315 - - 36. _Noe._ Be not aferd, haue done, trus sam oure gere, - That we be ther or none, without more dere. - _Primus filius._ It shall be done full sone. Brether, - help to bere. - _Secundus filius._ Full long shall I not hoyne to do - my devere, - Brether sam. 320 - _Tercius filius._ Without any yelp, - At my myght shall I help. - _Vxor._ Yit, for drede of a skelp, - Help well thi dam. - - 37. _Noe._ Now ar we there as we shuld be; 325 - Do get in oure gere, oure catall and fe, - Into this vessell here, my chylder fre. - _Vxor._ I was neuer bard ere, as euer myght I the, - In sich an oostré as this. - In fath, I can not fynd 330 - Which is before, which is behynd. - Bot shall we here be pynd, - Noe, as haue thou blis? - - 38. _Noe._ Dame, as it is skill, here must vs abide - grace; - Therfor, wife, with good will, com into this place. 335 - _Vxor._ Sir, for Iak nor for Gill will I turne my - face, - Till I haue on this hill spon a space - On my rok. - Well were he myght get me! - Now will I downe set me; 340 - Yit reede I no man let me, - For drede of a knok. - - 39. _Noe._ Behold to the heuen the cateractes all, - That are open full euen, grete and small, - And the planettis seuen left has thare stall. 345 - Thise thoners and levyn downe gar fall - Full stout - Both halles and bowers, - Castels and towres. - Full sharp ar thise showers 350 - That renys aboute. - - 40. Therfor, wife, haue done, com into ship fast. - _Vxor._ Yei, Noe, go cloute thi shone, the better will - thai last. - _Prima mulier._ Good moder, com in sone, for all is - ouercast - Both the son and the mone. - _Secunda mulier._ And many wynd blast 355 - Full sharp. - Thise floodis so thay ryn, - Therfor, moder, come in. - _Vxor._ In fayth, yit will I spyn; - All in vayn ye carp. 360 - - 41. _Tercia mulier._ If ye like ye may spyn, moder, in the - ship. - _Noe._ Now is this twyys com in, dame, on my frenship. - _Vxor._ Wheder I lose or I wyn, in fayth, thi felowship - Set I not at a pyn. This spyndill will I slip - Apon this hill, 365 - Or I styr oone fote. - _Noe._ Peter! I traw we dote. - Without any more note - Come in if ye will. - - 42. _Vxor._ Yei, water nyghys so nere that I sit not dry, 370 - Into ship with a byr therfor will I hy - For drede that I drone here. - _Noe._ Dame, securly, - It bees boght full dere ye abode so long by - Out of ship. - _Vxor._ I will not, for thi bydyng, 375 - Go from doore to mydyng. - _Noe._ In fayth, and for youre long taryyng - Ye shal lik on the whyp. - - 43. _Vxor._ Spare me not, I pray the, bot euen as thou - thynk, - Thise grete wordis shall not flay me. - _Noe._ Abide, dame, and drynk, 380 - For betyn shall thou be with this staf to thou stynk; - Ar strokis good? say me. - _Vxor._ What say ye, Wat Wynk? - _Noe._ Speke! - Cry me mercy, I say! - _Vxor._ Therto say I nay. 385 - _Noe._ Bot thou do, bi this day! - Thi hede shall I breke. - - 44. _Vxor._ Lord, I were at ese, and hertely full hoylle, - Might I onys haue a measse of wedows coyll; - For thi saull, without lese, shuld I dele penny doyll, 390 - So wold mo, no frese, that I se on this sole - Of wifis that ar here, - For the life that thay leyd, - Wold thare husbandis were dede, - For, as euer ete I brede, 395 - So wold I oure syre were. - - 45. _Noe._ Yee men that has wifis, whyls they ar yong, - If ye luf youre lifis, chastice thare tong: - Me thynk my hert ryfis, both levyr and long, - To se sich stryfis wedmen emong. 400 - Bot I, - As haue I blys, - Shall chastyse this. - _Vxor._ Yit may ye mys, - Nicholl Nedy! 405 - - 46. _Noe._ I shall make že still as stone, begynnar of - blunder! - I shall bete the bak and bone, and breke all in sonder. - [_They fight._] - _Vxor._ Out, alas, I am gone! Oute apon the, mans - wonder! - _Noe._ Se how she can grone, and I lig vnder; - Bot, wife, 410 - In this hast let vs ho, - For my bak is nere in two. - _Vxor._ And I am bet so blo - That I may not thryfe. - - [_They enter the Ark._] - - 47. _Primus filius._ A! whi fare ye thus, fader and moder - both? 415 - _Secundus filius._ Ye shuld not be so spitus, standyng - in sich a woth. - _Tercius filius._ Thise <floodis> ar so hidus, with - many a cold coth. - _Noe._ We will do as ye bid vs, we will no more be - wroth, - Dere barnes! - Now to the helme will I hent, 420 - And to my ship tent. - _Vxor._ I se on the firmament, - Me thynk, the seven starnes. - - 48. _Noe._ This is a grete flood, wife, take hede. - _Vxor._ So me thoght, as I stode; we ar in grete - drede; 425 - Thise wawghes ar so wode. - _Noe._ Help, God, in this nede! - As Thou art stereman good, and best, as I rede, - Of all; - Thou rewle vs in this rase, - As Thou me behete hase. 430 - _Vxor._ This is a perlous case. - Help, God, when we call! - - 49. _Noe._ Wife, tent the stere-tre, and I shall asay - The depnes of the see that we bere, if I may. - _Vxor._ That shall I do ful wysely. Now go thi way, 435 - For apon this flood haue we flett many day - With pyne. - _Noe._ Now the water will I sownd: - A! it is far to the grownd; - This trauell I expownd 440 - Had I to tyne. - - 50. Aboue all hillys bedeyn the water is rysen late - Cubettis fyfteyn, bot in a higher state - It may not be, I weyn, for this well I wate: - This forty dayes has rayn beyn; it will therfor abate 445 - Full lele. - This water in hast - Eft will I tast. - Now am I agast, - It is wanyd a grete dele. 450 - - 51. Now are the weders cest, and cateractes knyt, - Both the most and the leest. - _Vxor._ Me thynk, bi my wit, - The son shynes in the eest. Lo, is not yond it? - We shuld haue a good feest, were thise floodis flyt - So spytus. 455 - _Noe._ We haue been here, all we, - Thre hundreth dayes and fyfty. - _Vxor._ Yei, now wanys the see; - Lord, well is vs! - - 52. _Noe._ The thryd tyme will I prufe what depnes we - bere. 460 - _Vxor._ _H_ow long shall thou hufe? Lay in thy lyne - there. - _Noe._ I may towch with my lufe the grownd evyn here. - _Vxor._ Then begynnys to grufe to vs mery chere; - Bot, husband, - What grownd may this be? 465 - _Noe._ The hyllys of Armonye. - _Vxor._ Now blissid be He - That thus for vs can ordand! - - 53. _Noe._ I see toppys of hyllys he, many at a syght, - No thyng to let me, the wedir is so bright. 470 - _Vxor._ Thise ar of mercy tokyns full right. - _Noe._ Dame, th_ou_ counsell me, what fowll best myght, - And cowth, - With flight of wyng - Bryng, without taryying, 475 - Of mercy som tokynyng, - Ayther bi north or southe? - - 54. For this is the fyrst day of the tent moyne. - _Vxor._ The ravyn, durst I lay, will com agane sone; - As fast as thou may, cast hym furth, haue done; 480 - He may happyn today com agane or none - With grath. - _Noe._ I will cast out also - Dowfys oone or two. - Go youre way, go, 485 - God send you som wathe! - - 55. Now ar thise fowles flone into seyr countré; - Pray we fast ichon, kneland on our kne, - To Hym that is alone worthiest of degré, - That He wold send anone oure fowles som fee 490 - To glad vs. - _Vxor._ Thai may not fayll of land, - The water is so wanand. - _Noe._ Thank we God Allweldand, - That Lord that made vs! 495 - - 56. It is a wonder thyng, me thynk, sothlé, - Thai ar so long taryyng, the fowles that we - Cast out in the mornyng. - _Vxor._ Syr, it may be - Thai tary to thay bryng. - _Noe._ The ravyn is a-hungrye - All way; 500 - He is without any reson; - And he fynd any caryon, - As peraventure may be fon, - He will not away. - - 57. The dowfe is more gentill, her trust I vntew, 505 - Like vnto the turtill, for she is ay trew. - _Vxor._ Hence bot a litill she commys, lew, lew! - She bryngys in her bill som novels new; - Behald! - It is of an olif tre 510 - A branch, thynkys me. - _Noe._ It is soth, perdé, - Right so is it cald. - - 58. Doufe, byrd full blist, fayre myght the befall! - Thou art trew for to trist, as ston in the wall; 515 - Full well I it wist thou wold com to thi hall. - _Vxor._ A trew tokyn ist we shall be sauyd all: - For whi? - The water, syn she com, - Of depnes plom 520 - Is fallen a fathom - And more, hardely. - - 59. _Primus filius._ Thise floodis ar gone, fader, behold. - _Secundus filius._ Ther is left right none, and that be - ye bold. - _Tercius filius._ As still as a stone oure ship is - stold. 525 - _Noe._ Apon land here anone that we were, fayn I wold, - My childer dere, - Sem, Iaphet and Cam, - With gle and with gam, - Com go we all sam, 530 - We will no longer abide here. - - 60. _Vxor._ Here haue we beyn, Noy, long enogh - With tray and with teyn, and dreed mekill wogh. - _Noe._ Behald on this greyn nowder cart ne plogh - Is left, as I weyn, nowder tre then bogh, 535 - Ne other thyng; - Bot all is away; - Many castels, I say, - Grete townes of aray, - Flitt has this flowyng. 540 - - 61. _Vxor._ Thise floodis not afright all this warld so wide - Has mevid with myght on se and bi side. - _Noe._ To dede ar thai dyght, prowdist of pryde, - Euerich a wyght that euer was spyde - With syn, 545 - All ar thai slayn, - And put vnto payn. - _Vxor._ From thens agayn - May thai neuer wyn? - - 62. _Noe._ Wyn? No, iwis, bot He that myght hase 550 - Wold myn of thare mys, and admytte thaym to grace; - As He in bayll is blis, I pray Hym in this space, - In heven hye with His to purvaye vs a place, - That we, - With His santis in sight, 555 - And His angels bright, - May com to His light: - Amen, for charité. - - _Explicit processus Noe._ - -[Foot-note: 129 chese] chefe _MS._] - - - - -NOTES - - -I - -#Dialect#: North-East Midland of Lincolnshire. - -#Inflexions#:-- - - VERB: pres. ind. 2 sg. _hast_ 131. - 3 sg. _stondež_ 8. - 3 pl. _calle_ 32, _seye_ 254; beside _dos_ 157 - (see note). - imper. pl. _comež_ 80, _dož_ 82. - pres. p. _karoland_ (in rime) 117, 150, 222. - strong pp. _wryte_ 37, _fal_ 195, _gone_ 161. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: fem. nom. _she_ 48; pl. nom. _žey_ 32; poss. - _here_ 37; obj. _hem_ 39. - -The inflexions are very much simplified as compared with those of the -Kentish _Ayenbyte_ (III), but the verse shows that final unaccented _-e_ -was better preserved in the original than in our late MS., e.g. - - _And specyaly at hygh<[.e]> tym[.e]s_ 13. - _For to see žys hard<[.e]> dome_ 173. - _And at že žre<[.e]> day<[.e]>s end[.e]_ 198. - _Žat non[.e] my[gh]t<[.e]> leye yn grau[.e]_ 217. - -#Sounds#: _[=o,]_ is regular for OE. _[=a]_: _lothe_ 9, _wroth_ 10, &c.; -but the only decisive rime is _also_ (OE. _alsw[=a]_): _to_ (OE. -_t[=o]_) 35-6, where _[=o,]_ after _(s)w_ has become close _[=o.]_; see -Appendix § 8. ii, note. - -#Syntax#: the loose constructions, e.g. ll. 15 ff. (note), 134-5, 138-9, -216-19, are characteristic of the period. - - * * * * * - -The history of this legend is traced by E. Schröder, _Zeitschrift für -Kirchengeschichte_, vol. xvii, 1896, pp. 94 ff., and, more summarily, by -Gaston Paris, _Les Danseurs maudits_, Paris 1900. The circumstances from -which it sprang appear to belong to the year 1021. Kölbigk, in Anhalt, -Saxony, was the scene of the dance. In 1074 it is referred to as -'famous' by a German chronicler, who records the healing of one of the -dancers in 1038 through the miraculous powers of St. Wigbert. - -Mendicants who suffered from or could simulate nervous diseases like St. -Vitus's dance, were quick to realize their opportunity, and two letters -telling the story were circulated as credentials by pretended survivors -of the band. Both are influenced in form by a sermon of St. Augustine of -Hippo which embodies a similar story (Migne, _Patrologia_, vol. xxxviii, -col. 1443). The first (Letter of Otbert), which claims to be issued by -Peregrinus bishop of Cologne, spread rapidly through Western Europe. -This was the version that Mannyng found in William of Wadington. The -second (Letter of Theodric) makes Bruno bishop of Toul, afterwards Pope -Leo IX, vouch for the facts. It was incorporated in the account of the -miraculous cure of Theodric at the shrine of St. Edith of Wilton, and is -known only from English sources. This was the text that Mannyng used. A -later English version, without merit, is found in the dreary -fifteenth-century _Life of St. Editha_ (ed. Horstmann, ll. 4063 ff.). - - * * * * * - -1 ff. _games_: Dances and shows in the churchyard were constantly -condemned by the Church in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In -1287 a synod at Exeter rules _ne quisquam luctas, choreas, vel alios -ludos inhonestos in coemeteriis exercere praesumat, praecipue in -vigiliis et festis sanctorum_. See Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_, vol. -i, pp. 90 ff. - -6. _or tabure bete_: Note the use of _bete_ infin. as a verbal noun = -_betyng_; cp. XI _b_ 184-5. - -10-12. 'And he (_sc._ a good priest) will become angered sooner than one -who has no learning, and who does not understand Holy Writ.' - -15 ff. _noght... none_: An accumulation of negatives in ME. makes the -negation more emphatic. Here the writer wavers between two forms of -expression: (1) 'do not sing carols in holy places', and (2) 'to sing -carols in holy places is sacrilege'. - -25-8. _yn žys londe_, &c. The cure of Theodric, not the dance, took -place in England. Brightgiva is said to have been abbess of Wilton at -the time (1065), and 'King Edward' is Edward the Confessor (1042-66). - -34-5. The church of Kölbigk is dedicated to St. Magnus, of whom nothing -certain is known. The memory of St. Bukcestre, if ever there was such a -saint, appears to be preserved only in this story. - -36. _žat žey come to_: Construe with _hyt_ in l. 35. - -37 ff. _Here names of alle_: The twelve followers of Gerlew are named in -the Latin text, but Mannyng gives only the principal actors. The -inconsistency is still more marked in the Bodleian MS., which after l. -40 adds:-- - - _Že oužer twelue here names alle - Žus were žey wrete, as y can kalle._ - -Otherwise the Bodleian MS. is very closely related to the Harleian, -sharing most of its errors and peculiarities. - -44. _že prestes doghtyr of že tounne_, 'the priest of the town's -daughter'. In early ME. the genitive inflexion is not, as in Modern -English, added to the last of a group of words: cp. XIV _d_ 10 _Že -Kynges sone of heuene_ 'the King of Heaven's son'. The same construction -occurs in VIII _a_ 19 _for že Lordes loue of heuene_ = 'for the love of -the Lord of Heaven', and in VIII _a_ 214; but in these passages the -genitive is objective, and Modern English does not use the inflexion at -all (note to I 83). The ME. and modern expressions have their point of -agreement in the position of the genitive inflexion, which always -precedes immediately the noun on which the genitive depends. Cp. notes -to II 518, VI 23, and XIV _d_ 1. - -46. _A[gh]one_: _[gh]_ = _z_ here. The name is _Azo_ in the Latin. - -55. _Beu<u>ne_: (derived from the accusative _Beuonem_) = _Beuo_ of -l. 59 and _Beuolyne_ of l. 62. The form is properly _Bovo_ not _Bevo_. -Considerable liberties were taken with proper names to adapt them to -metre or rime: e.g. l. 52 _Merswynde_; l. 63 _Merswyne_; cp. note to l. -246. This habit, and frequent miscopying, make it difficult to rely on -names in mediaeval stories. - -65. _Grysly_: An error for _Gerlew_, Latin _Gerleuus_, from Low German -_G[=e]rl[=e]f_ = OE. _G[=a]rl[=a]f_. - -83. _for Crystys awe_: In Modern English a phrase like _Christ's awe_ -could mean only 'the awe felt by Christ'. But in OE. _Cristes ege_, or -_ege Cristes_, meant also 'the awe of Christ (which men feel)', the -genitive being objective. In ME. the word order _eie Cristes_ is -dropped, but _Cristes eie_ (or _awe_, the Norse form) is still regular -for '(men's) fear of Christ'. Hence formal ambiguities like _že Lordes -loue of heuene_ VIII _a_ 19, which actually means '(men's) love of the -Lord of Heaven', but grammatically might mean 'the Lord of Heaven's love -(for men)'--see note to l. 44 above. - -96-7. The Latin Letter of Theodric in fact has _ab isto officio ex Dei -nutu amodo non cessetis_, but probably _amodo_ is miswritten for _anno_. - -127. _a saue_: lit. 'have safe', i.e. 'rescue'. _Saue_ is here adj. - -128-9. _ys_: _flessh_: The rime requires the alternative forms _es_ (as -in l. 7) and _fles(s)_. Cp. note to VII 4. - -132. _[Gh]ow žar nat aske_: 'There is no need for you to ask'; _[gh]ow_ -is dative after the impersonal _žar_. - -156-7. _werynes_: _dos_. The rime is false. Perhaps Mannyng wrote: _As -many body for goyng es_ [sc. _wery_], and a copyist misplaced _es_, -writing: _As many body es for goyng_. If _body es_ were read as -_bodyes_, a new verb would then be added. - -169. Note the irony of the refrain. The Letter of Otbert adds the -picturesque detail that they gradually sank up to their waists in the -ground through dancing on the same spot. - -172. _Že Emperoure Henry_: Probably Henry II of Germany, Emperor from -1014 to 1024. A certain vagueness in points of time and place would save -the bearers of the letter from awkward questions. - -188-9. _banned_: _woned_. The rime (OE. _bannan_ and _wunian_) is false, -and the use of _woned_ 'remained' is suspicious. Mannyng perhaps wrote -_bende_ 'put in bonds': _wende_ (= _[gh]ede_ l. 191) 'went'; or (if the -form _band_ for _banned(e)_ could be evidenced so early) _band_ -'cursed': _wand_, pret. of _winden_, 'went'. - -195. _fal yn a swone_: So MS., showing that by the second half of the -fourteenth century the pp. adj. _aswon_ had been wrongly analysed into -the indef. article _a_ and a noun _swon_. Mannyng may have written -_fallen aswone_. See Glossary, _s.v._ _aswone_. - -234. _Wyth sundyr lepys_: 'with separate leaps'; but _Wyth_ was probably -added by a scribe who found in his original _sundyrlepys_, adv., meaning -'separately',-- - - _Kar suvent par les mains - Des malvais escrivains - Sunt livre corrumput._ - -240. _Seynt Edyght._ St. Edith (d. 984) was daughter of King Edgar, and -abbess of Wilton. The rime is properly _Edit_: _Teodric_, for _t_ and -_k_ are sufficiently like in sound to rime together in the best ME. -verse; cp. note to XV _g_ 27. - -246. _Brunyng... seynt Tolous_: Latin _Bruno Tullanus_. Robert probably -did not hesitate to provide a rime by turning Toul into Toulouse. Bruno -afterwards became Pope Leo IX (1049-54). - -254-5. _trowed_: _God_. Read _tr[)o]d_, a shortened form, revealed by -rimes in North Midland texts. The identical rime occurs three times in -Mannyng's _Chronicle_ (ed. Hearne, p. 339; ed. Furnivall, ll. 7357-8, -8111-12); and, again with substitution of _troud_ for _trod_, in -_Havelok_, ll. 2338-9. Cp. note to XVII 56. - - -II - -#Dialect#: South-Western, with some admixture of Northern forms due to a -copyist. - -#Inflexions#:-- - - VERB: pres. ind. 1 sg. _ichaue_, &c. (see note to l. 129). - 2 sg. _makest_ 169, _worst_ 170. - 3 sg. _gež_ (in rime) 238; contracted _fint_ 239, - _last_ 335, _sitt_ 443, _stont_ 556. - 2 pl. _[gh]e bež_ 582. - 3 pl. _strikež_ 252 (proved by rime with 3 sg. - _likež_). - imper. pl. _make_ 216, _chese_ 217; beside _dož_ 218. - pres. p. _berking_ 286 (in rime with verbal sb.); - _daunceing_ (in rime) 298. The forms _kneland_ 250, - _liggeand_ 388, are due to a Northern copyist. - strong pp. (various forms): _go_ (: _wo_) 196, _ygo_ - (: _mo_) 349, _ydone_ (: _-none_) 76, _comen_ 29, _come_ - 181, _ycomen_ 203, _yborn_ 174, _bore_ 210. - infin. Note _aski_ (OE. _acsian_) 467 (App. § 13 vii). - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: fem. nom. _he_ 408, 446, _hye_ 337, beside _sche_ - 75, 77, &c. - pl. nom. _he_ (in rime) 185, _hye_ 91, beside _žai_ 32, 69, - &c.; - poss. _her_ 'their' 87, 413, 415; obj. _hem_ 69, &c. - NOUN: Note the plurals _honden_ 79, _berien_ 258. - -The original text preserved final _-e_ better than the extant MSS., e.g. - - _And seyd<[.e]> žus že king<[.e]> to_ 119. - _Žat nožing help<[.e]> že no schal_ 172. - _Al že vt<[.e]>mast<[.e]> wal_ 357. - _So, sir, as [gh]e seyd<[.e]> nouž[.e]_ 466. - -#Sounds#: _[=o,]_ for OE. _[=a]_ is proved in rime: _biholde_ (OE. -_behįldan_): _gold_ (OE. _góld_) 367-8 (cp. 467-8); and _yhote_ (OE. -_geh[=a]ten_): _note_ (OFr. _note_) 601-2. - -The rime _frut_: _lite_ 257-8 points to original _frut_: _lut_ (OE. -_l[=y]t_), with Western _[=ü]_, from OE. _[=y]_, riming with OFr. -_[=ü]_. - - * * * * * - -1-22. These lines, found also in _Lai le Freine_, would serve as preface -to any of the Breton lays, with the couplet ll. 23-4 as the special -connecting link. In the Auchinleck MS., _Orfeo_ begins on a fresh leaf -at l. 25, without heading or capitals to indicate that it is a new poem. -The leaf preceding has been lost. There is good reason to suppose that -it contained the lines supplied in the text from the Harleian MS. - -4. _frely_, 'goodly': _Lai le Freine_ has _ferly_ 'wondrous'. - -12. MS. _moost to lowe_: means 'most (worthy) to be praised', and there -are two or three recorded examples of _to lowe_ = _to alowe_ in this -sense. But MS. Ashmole and the corresponding lines in _Lai le Freine_ -point to _most o loue_ 'mostly of love' as the common reading. The -typical 'lay' is a poem of moderate length, telling a story of love, -usually with some supernatural element, in a refined and courtly style. - -13. _Brytayn_, 'Brittany': so _Brytouns_ 16 = 'Bretons'. Cp. Chaucer, -_Franklin's Tale, Prologue_, beginning - - _Thise olde gentil Britons in hir dayes - Of diverse aventures maden layes - Rymeyed in hir firste Briton tonge, - Whiche layes with hir instrumentz they songe_, &c. - -20. The curious use of _it_ after the plural _layes_ is perhaps not -original. _Lai le Freine_ has: _And maked a lay and yaf it name_. - -26. _In Inglond_: an alteration of the original text to give local -colour. Cp. ll. 49-50 and l. 478. - -29-30. _Pluto_: the King of Hades came to be regarded as the King of -Fairyland; cp. Chaucer, _Merchant's Tale_, l. 983 _Pluto that is the -kyng of fairye_. The blunder by which Juno is made a king is apparently -peculiar to the Auchinleck copy. - -33-46. These lines are not in the Auchinleck MS., but are probably -authentic. Otherwise little prominence would be given to Orfeo's skill -as a harper. - -41 ff. A confused construction: _In že world was neuer man born_ should -be followed by _<žat> he <ne> schulde žinke_; but the writer goes on as -if he had begun with 'every man in the world'. _And_ = 'if'. - -46. _ioy and_ overload the verse, and are probably an unskilful addition -to the text. - -49-50. These lines are peculiar to the Auchinleck MS., and are clearly -interpolated; cp. l. 26 and l. 478. Winchester was the old capital of -England, and therefore the conventional seat of an English king. - -57. _comessing_: The metre points to a disyllabic form _comsing_ here, -and to _comsi_ in l. 247. - -80. _it bled wete_: In early English the clause which is logically -subordinate is sometimes made formally co-ordinate. More normal would be -_žat (it) bled wete_ 'until (_or_ so that) it bled wet'; i.e. until it -was wet with blood. - -82. _reuey<se>d_ or some such form of _ravished_ is probably right. -_reneyd_ 'apostate' is a possible reading of the MS., but does not fit -the sense. _N. E. D._ suggests _remeued_. - -102. _what is te?_: 'What ails you?; cp. l. 115. _Te_ for _že_ after _s_ -of _is_. Such modifications are due either to dissimilation of like -sounds, as _ž_: _s_ which are difficult in juxtaposition; or to -assimilation of unlike sounds, as _žatow_ 165, for _žat žow_. - -115. 'What ails you, and how it came about?'; cp. l. 102. - -129. _ichil_ = _ich wille_; and so _ichaue_ 209, _icham_ 382, _ichot_ XV -_b_ 23. These forms, reduced to _chill_, _cham_, &c., were still -characteristic of the Southern dialect in Shakespeare's time: cp. _King -Lear_, IV. vi. 239 _Chill not let go, Zir_. - -131. _žat nou[gh]t nis_: 'That cannot be'; cp. l. 457 _žat nou[gh]t -nere_. - -157-8. _palays_: _ways_. The original rime was perhaps _palys_: _wys_ -'wise'. - -170. 'Wherever you may be, you shall be fetched.' - -201-2. _barouns_: _renouns_. Forms like _renouns_ in rime are usually -taken over from a French original. - -215. The overloaded metre points to a shorter word like _wite_ for -_vnderstond_. - -216. _Make [gh]ou žan a parlement_: _[gh]ou_ is not nom., but dat. 'for -yourselves'. Observe that Orfeo acts like a constitutional English king. - -241. _že fowe and griis_: A half translation of OFr. _vair et gris_. -_Vair_ (Lat. _varius_) was fur made of alternate pieces of the grey back -and white belly of the squirrel. Hence it is rendered by _fowe_, OE. -_f[=a]g_ 'varicolor'. _Griis_ is the grey back alone, and the French -word is retained for the rime with _biis_, which was probably in the -OFr. original. - -258. _berien_: The MS. may be read _berren_, but as this form is -incorrect it is better to assume that the _i_ has been carelessly shaped -by the scribe. - -289. _him se_, 'see (for himself), and similarly _slep žou že_ XV _g_ -13. This reflexive use of the dative pronoun, which cannot be reproduced -in a modern rendering, is common in OE. and ME., especially with verbs -of motion; cp. note to XV _g_ 24. But distinguish _went him_ 475, 501, -where _him_ is accusative, not dative (OE. _wente hine_), because the -original sense of _went_ is 'turned', which naturally takes a reflexive -object. - -342. _me no reche_ = _I me no reche_. The alternative would be the -impersonal _me no rechež_. - -343. _also spac_ = _also bliue_ 142 = _also swiže_ 574: 'straightway', -&c. - -363. MS. _auowed_ (or _anowed_) is meaningless here. _Anow<rn>ed_, or -the doubtful by-form _anow<r>ed_ 'adorned', is probably the true -reading. - -382. The line is too long--a fault not uncommon where direct speech is -introduced, e.g. l. 419 and I 78. Usually a correct line can be obtained -by dropping words like _quath he_, which are not as necessary in spoken -verse as they are where writing alone conveys the sense. But sometimes -the flaw may lie in the forms of address: l. 382 would be normal without -_Parfay_; l. 419 may once have been: - - _And seyd 'Lord, [gh]if ži wille were'._ - -There is no task more slippery than the metrical reconstruction of ME. -poems, particularly those of which the extant text derives from the -original not simply through a line of copyists, but through a line of -minstrels who passed on the verses from memory and by word of mouth. - -388. The line seems to be corrupt, and, as usual, the Harleian and -Ashmole MSS. give little help. _Ful_ can hardly be a sb. meaning -'multitude' from the adj. _full_. Some form of _fele_ (OE. _fela_) 'a -great number' would give possible grammar and sense (cp. l. 401), but -bad metre. Perhaps _ful_ should be deleted as a scribe's anticipation -of _folk_ in the next line; for the construction _sei[gh]e... of folk_ -cp. XVI 388; and _Hous of Fame_, Bk. iii, ll. 147 ff. - -433. _Žei we nou[gh]t welcom no be_: Almost contemporary with _Sir -Orfeo_ is the complaint of an English writer that the halls of the -nobles stood open to a lawyer, but not to a poet: - - _Exclusus ad ianuam poteris sedere - Ipse licet venias, Musis comitatus, Homere!_ - -'Though thou came thyself, Homer, with all the Muses, thou mightst sit -at the door, shut out!', T. Wright, _Political Songs_ (1839), p. 209. - -446. _hadde he_, 'had she'. For _he_ (OE. _h[=e]o_) = 'she' cp. l. 408. - -450. 'Now ask of me whatsoever it may be'. The plots of mediaeval -romances often depend on the unlimited promises of an unwary king, whose -honour compels him to keep his word. So in the story of Tristram, an -Irish noble disguised as a minstrel wins Ysolde from King Mark by this -same device, but is himself cheated of his prize by Tristram's skill in -music. - -458. 'An ill-matched pair you two would be!' - -479. The halting verse may be completed by adding _sum tyme_ before -_his_, with the Harley and Ashmole MSS. - -483. _ybilt_ of the MS. and editors cannot well be a pp. meaning -'housed'. I prefer to take _bilt_ as sb. = _bild_, _build_ 'a building'; -and to suppose that _y_ has been miswritten for _[=y]_, the contraction -for _yn_. - -495. _gan hold_, 'held'; a good example of the ME. use of _gan_ + -infinitive with the sense of the simple preterite. - -515. An unhappy suggestion _home_ for the second _come_ has sometimes -been accepted. But a careful Southern poet could not rime _home_ (OE. -_h[=a]m_) and _some_ (OE. _s[)u]m_). See note to VI 224. - -518. _For mi lordes loue Sir Orfeo_, 'for my lord Sir Orfeo's love'. -Logically the genitive inflexion should be added to both of two -substantives in apposition, as in OE. _on Herodes dagum cyninges_ 'in -the days of King Herod'. But in ME. the first substantive usually has -the inflexion, and the second is uninflected; cp. V 207 _kynge[gh] hous -Arthor_ 'the house of King Arthur'; and notes to I 44, VI 23. - -544. _Allas! wreche_: _wreche_ refers to the speaker, as in l. 333. - -551. _hou it gež--_: The sense is hard to convey without some cumbrous -paraphrase like 'the inexorable law of this world--'. - -552. _It nis no bot of manes dež_: 'There is no remedy for man's death', -i.e. violent grief will do no good. Note _it nis_ 'there is (not)'. In -ME. the anticipated subject is commonly _it_ where we use _there_. - -565. _in ynome_: '<had> taken up my abode'; _in_ 'dwelling' = NE. 'inn'. - -599. _herof_ overloads the line and is omitted in the Ashmole MS. - - -III - -#Dialect#: Pure Kentish of Canterbury. - -#Inflexions# are well preserved, and are similar to those found in -contemporary South-Western texts. - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _multipliež_ 1; contracted _ret_ 3, 16. - 1 pl. _habbež_ 2. - strong pp. _yyeue_ 25, _yhote_ 29. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: the new forms _she_, _they_, _their_, _them_ are - not used. - 3 sg. fem. nom. _hi_ 32, _hy_ 45; - poss. _hare_ 33, beside _hire_ 36; - pl. nom. _hi_ 58. - Note the objective form _his(e)_ = 'her' 32, 53 (twice); - and = 'them' 7, 8, 28. - NOUN: plurals in _-en_ occur: _uorbisnen_ 2, _ken_ 56. In - _diaknen_ 5, _-en_ represents the dat. pl. inflexion. - ADJECTIVE: _onen_ dat. sg. 4, _ožren_ dat. pl. 53, _žane_ acc. sg. - masc. 59, _žet (word)_ nom. sg. neut. 57, show survivals rare - even in the South at this date. - -#Sounds#: Characteristic of the South-East is _[)=e]_ for OE. -(West-Saxon) _[)=y]_: _kertel_ (OE. _cyrtel_) 39, _ken_ (OE. _c[=y]_) -56. - -Old diphthongs are preserved in _greate_ (OE. _gr[=e]at_) 9, _yeaf_ 22. -In _hyerof_ 1, _yhyerde_ 49, _hier_ 2, _žieues_ 18, _ye_, _ie_ represent -diphthongs developed in Kentish rather than simple close _[=e]_. - -Initial _z_ = _s_ in _zome_ 'some' 2, _zede_ 'said' 12, _zuo_ 'so' 17; -and initial _u_ = _f_ in _uele_ 2, _uayre_ 2, _uram_ 4, _bevil_ 41, -evidence dialectical changes which occurred also in the South-West. - -#Syntax#: The constructions are distorted by slavish following of the -French original; see note to ll. 48-60. - - * * * * * - -3. Saint Germain of Auxerre (MS. _Aucerne_) is famous for his missions -to Britain in the first half of the fifth century. This particular story -is found in the _Acta Sanctorum_ for July 31, p. 229. - -16. St. John the Almoner (d. 616) was bishop of Alexandria. For the -story see _Acta Sanctorum_ for January 23, p. 115. - -27-8. _and huanne he hit wiste že ilke zelue žet his hedde onderuonge_: -an obscure sentence. Perhaps: 'and when he, the same who had received -them (i.e. John, who had received the five hundred pounds), knew it' -(sc. the truth). - -38. This tale of Boniface, bishop of Ferentia in Etruria, is told in the -_Dialogues_ of Gregory the Great, Bk. i, chap. 9. Its first appearance -in English is in the translation of the _Dialogues_ made by Bishop -Węrferth for King Alfred (ed. Hans Hecht, Leipzig 1900, pp. 67 ff.). - -48-60. The French original of the passage, taken from an elegant -fourteenth-century MS., Cotton Cleopatra A.V., fol. 144 a, will show how -slavishly Dan Michael followed his source:-- - -_Apres il fu un poure home, sicom on dit, qui auoit une vache; e oi dire -a son prestre en sarmon que Dieu disoit en leuangile que Dieu rendoit a -cent doubles quanque on donast por lui. Le prodomme du conseil sa femme -dona sa uache a son prestre, qui estoit riches. Le prestre la prist -uolentiers, e lenuoia pestre auoec les autres quil auoit. Kant uint au -soir, la uache au poure home sen uint a son hostel chies le poure homme, -com ele auoit acoustume, e amena auoeques soi toutes les uaches au -prestre, iukes a cent. Quant le bon home uit ce, si pensa que ce estoit -le mot de leuangile que li auoit rendu; e li furent aiugiees deuant son -euesque contre le prestre. Cest ensample moustre bien que misericorde -est bone marchande, car ele multiplie les biens temporels._ - -58-9. 'And they were adjudged to him before his bishop against the -priest', i.e. the bishop ruled that the poor man should have all the -cows. - -The French _fabliau_ '_Brunain_' takes up the comic rather than the -moral aspect of the story. A peasant, hearing the priest say that gifts -to God are doubly repaid, thought it was a favourable opportunity to -give his cow Blérain--a poor milker--to the priest. The priest ties her -with his own cow Brunain. To the peasant's great joy, the unprofitable -Blérain returns home, leading with her the priest's good cow. - - -IV - -#Dialect#: Northern of Yorkshire. - -#Inflexions#: are reduced almost as in Modern English. - - VERB: pres. ind. 1 sg. _settes_ _a_ 30; beside uninflected _sygh_ - _a_ 69, _sob_ _a_ 69. - 3 sg. _lastes_ _a_ 1. - 1 pl. _flese_ _b_ 86: beside _we drede_ _b_ 85. - 3 pl. _lyse_ _a_ 61, _lufes_ _b_ 7, &c.; beside - _žay take_, _žay halde_ _b_ 12, &c., which - agree with the Midland forms. - pres. p. _lastand_ _a_ 25, _byrnand_ _a_ 26, riming with - _hand_. - strong pp. _wryten_ _a_ 2. - Note the Northern and North Midland short forms _mase_ - 'makes' _a_ 15, _tane_ 'taken' _a_ 53 (in rime). - PRONOUN 3 pers.: sg. fem. _scho_ _b_ 1; - pl. nom. _žai_ _a_ 60; - poss. _žar_ _a_ 59 or _žair_ _a_ 65; - obj. _thaym_ _b_ 2. - The demonstrative _thire_ 'these' at _b_ 55, _b_ 59 is - specifically Northern. - -#Sounds#: OE. _[=a]_ is regularly represented by _[=a]_, not by _[=o,]_ -of the South and most of the Midlands: _wa_ _a_ 2, _euermare_ _a_ 20, -_balde_ 'bold' _a_ 51; _bane_ (in rime) _a_ 54. - -_[=o.]_ becomes _[=u]_ (_[=ü]_?) in _gud(e)_ _b_ 9, _b_ 15; and its -length is sometimes indicated by adding _y_, as in _ruysand_ 'vaunting' -_b_ 80. - - * * * * * - -_a._ 'This poem is largely a translation of sentences excerpted from -Rolle's _Incendium Amoris_, cc. xl-xli (Miss Allen in _Mod. Lang. -Review_ for 1919, p. 320). Useful commentaries are his prose _Form of -Perfect Living_ (ed. Horstmann, vol. i, pp. 3 ff.), and _Commandment of -Love to God_ (ibid. pp. 61 ff.), which supply many parallels in thought -and phrasing; see, for example, the note to l. 48 below. - - * * * * * - -_a_ 1. _feste._ Not the adj. 'fast', but pp. 'fastened', and so in l. -82. - -_a_ 5. _louyng_, 'beloved one', here and in l. 56. This exceptional use -of the verbal noun occurs again in _my [gh]hernyng_ 'what I yearn for', -_a_ 22; _my couaytyng_ 'what I covet', _a_ 23. - -_a_ 9-12. The meaning seems to be: 'The throne of love is raised high, -for it (i.e. love) ascended into heaven. It seems to me that on earth -love is hidden, which makes men pale and wan. It goes very near to the -bed of bliss (i.e. the bridal bed of Christ and the soul) I assure you. -Though the way may seem long to us, yet love unites God and man.' - -_a_ 24. _louyng_, 'praise' here and in XVI 405, from OE. _lof_ 'praise'; -quite distinct from _louyng_, _lufyng_, in ll. 5 and 56. - -_a_ 36. _fle žat na man it maye_, 'which no man can escape'. See -Appendix § 12, Relative. - -_a_ 42. _styll_, 'always' rather than 'motionless'. - -_a_ 43-4. Apparently 'the nature of love (_žat kyend_) turns from care -the man (_že lyfe_) who succeeds in finding love, or who ever knew it in -his heart; and brings him to joy and delight.' - -_a_ 48. Cp. _Form of Perfect Living_, ed. Horstmann, vol. i, pp. 39-40: -_For luf es stalworth als že dede, žat slaes al lyuand thyng in erth; -and hard als hell, žat spares noght till žam žat er dede._ In _The -Commandment of Love_ Rolle explains: _For als dede slas al lyuand thyng -in žis worlde, sa perfite lufe slas in a mans sawle all fleschly desyres -and erthly couaytise. And als hell spares noght til dede men, bot -tormentes al žat commes bartill, alswa a man žat es in žis_ [sc. the -third, called 'Singular'] _degré of lufe noght anly he forsakes že -wretched solace of žis lyf, bot alswa he couaytes to sofer pynes for -Goddes lufe._ (Ibid. p. 63.) - -_b_ 4. _scho takes erthe_: From the _Historia Animalium_ attributed to -Aristotle, Bk. ix, c. 21. This is the authority referred to at l. 18, -and at l. 33 (Bk. ix, c. 9); but the citations seem to be second hand, -as they do not agree closely with the text of the _Historia Animalium_. - -_b_ 21-2. 'For there are many who never can keep the rule of love -towards their friends, whether kinsmen or not.' MS. _ynesche_ has been -variously interpreted; but it must be corrected to _ynence_. - -_b_ 47. _strucyo or storke_: the ostrich, not the stork, is meant. Latin -_struthio_ has both meanings. On the whole, fourteenth-century -translators show a fair knowledge of Latin, but the average of -scholarship, even among the clergy, was never high in the Middle Ages. -In the magnificent Eadwine Psalter, written at Canterbury Cathedral in -the twelfth century, Ps. ci. 7 _similis factus sum pellicano_ is -rendered by 'I am become like to the skin of a dog' (= _pelli canis_), -though an ecclesiastic would recite this psalm in Latin at least once -every week. The records of some thirteenth-century examinations of -English clergy may be found in G. G. Coulton, _A Medieval Garner_ -(London 1910), pp. 270 ff. They include the classic answer of Simon, the -curate of Sonning, who, being examined on the Canon of the Mass, and -pressed to say what governed _Te_ in _Te igitur, clementissime Pater,... -supplices rogamus_, replied '_Pater_, for He governeth all things'. As -for French, Michael of Northgate, a shaky translator, is fortunate in -escaping gross blunders in the specimen chosen (III); but the English -rendering of Mandeville's _Travels_ is full of errors; see the notes to -IX. - -_b_ 60. _teches_: better _toches_, according to the foot-note. - - -V - -#Alliterative Verse.# The long lines in _Gawayne_, with _The Destruction -of Troy_, _Piers Plowman_, and _The Blacksmiths_ (XV _h_), are specimens -of alliterative verse unmixed with rime, a form strictly comparable with -Old English verse, from which it must derive through an unbroken oral -tradition. While the detailed analysis of the Middle English -alliterative line is complex and controversial, its general framework is -describable in simple terms. It will be convenient to take examples from -_Gawayne_, which shows most of the developments characteristic of Middle -English. - -1. The long line is divided by a caesura into two half lines, of which -the second is the more strictly built so that the rhythm may be well -marked. Each half line normally contains two principal stresses, e.g. - - _And wént on his wįy || with his wż[gh]e óne_ 6. - _Žat schulde téche hym to tóurne || to žat téne plįce_ 7. - -But three stresses are not uncommonly found in the first half line: - - _Bróke[gh] bżled and bréke || bi bónkke[gh] abóute_ 14; - -and, even for the simpler forms in Old and Middle English, the -two-stress analysis has its opponents. - -2. The two half lines are bound together by alliteration. In -alliteration _ch_, _st_, _s(c)h_, _sk_, and usually _sp_, are treated as -single consonants (see lines 64, 31, 15, 99, 25); any vowel may -alliterate with any other vowel, e.g. - - _Žis ~ó~ritore is ~['v]~gly || with ~é~rbe[gh] ouergrówen_ 122; - -and, contrary to the practice of correct OE. verse, _h_ may alliterate -with vowels in _Gawayne_: - - _~H~įlde že now že ~h~ż[gh]e ~h~óde || žat ~Į~ržur že - rį[gh]t_ 229. - _The ~h~įžel ~h~éldet hym fró || and on his ~į~x résted_ 263. - -3. In correct OE. verse the alliteration falls on one or both of the two -principal stresses of the first half line, and invariably on the first -stress only of the second half line. This is the ordinary ME. type: - - _Žat schulde ~t~éche hym to ~t~óurne || to žat ~t~éne plįce_ 7; - -though verses with only one alliterating syllable in the first half -line, e.g. - - _Bot Ķ wyl to že ~ch~įpel || for ~ch~įunce žat may fįlle_ 64, - -are less common in ME. than in OE. But in ME. the fourth stress -sometimes takes the alliteration also: - - _Žay ~cl~ómben bi ~cl~żffe[gh] || žer ~cl~énge[gh] že ~c~ólde_ 10. - -And when there is a third stress in the first half line, five syllables -may alliterate: - - _~M~ķst ~m~śged on že ~m~ór || ~m~įlt on že ~m~óunte[gh]_ 12. - -In sum, Middle English verse is richer than Old English in alliteration. - -4. In all these verses the alliteration of the first stress in the -second half line, which is essential in Old English, is maintained; but -it is sometimes neglected, especially when the alliteration is otherwise -well marked: - - _With ~h~é[gh]e ~h~élme on his ~h~éde || his lįunce in his - ~h~ónde_ (129; cp. 75), - -where the natural stress cannot fall on _his_. - -5. So far attention has been confined to the stressed syllables, around -which the unstressed syllables are grouped. Clearly the richer the -alliteration, the more freedom will be possible in the treatment of the -unstressed syllables without undue weakening of the verse form. In the -first two lines of _Beowulf_-- - - _Hwęt we Gįrdéna || in géardįgum - Žéodcżninga || žrżm gefrśnon--_ - -three of the half lines have the minimum number of syllables--four--and -the other has only five. In Middle English, with more elaborate -alliteration, the number of unstressed syllables is increased, so that -the minimum half line of four syllables is rare, and often contains some -word which may have had an additional flexional syllable in the poet's -own manuscript, e.g. - - || _že sélf<e> chįpel_ 79. - || _įr[gh]e[gh] in hért<e>_ 209. - -The less regular first half line is found with as many as eleven -syllables; e.g. - - _And syžen he kéuere[gh] bi a crįgge_ || 153. - -6. The grouping of stressed and unstressed syllables determines the -rhythm. In Old English the falling rhythm predominates, as in || _Gįwayn -že nóble_ 81; and historically it is no doubt correct to trace the -development of the ME. line from a predominantly falling rhythm. But in -fact, owing to the frequent use of unstressed syllables before the first -stress (even in the second half line where they are avoided in the OE. -falling rhythm) the commonest type is: - - || _and že bróde [gh]įte[gh]_ 1, - (× × ['-] × ['-] ×) - -which from a strictly Middle English standpoint may be analysed as a -falling rhythm with introductory syllables (× × | ['-] × ['-] ×), or as -a rising rhythm with a weak ending (× × ['-] × ['-] | ×). A careful -reader, accustomed to the usage of English verse, will have no -difficulty in following the movement, without entering into nice -technicalities of historical analysis. - -7. _The Destruction of Troy_ is more regular than _Gawayne_ in its -versification, and better preserves the Old English tradition. _Piers -Plowman_ is looser and nearer to prose, so that the alliteration -sometimes fails altogether, e.g. Extract _a_ 95, 138. Such differences -in technique may depend on date, on locality, or on the taste, training, -or skill of the author. - - * * * * * - -#Dialect#: West Midland of Lancashire or Cheshire. (There is evidence of -local knowledge in the account of Gawayne's ride in search of the Green -Chapel, ll. 691 ff. of the complete text.) - -#Vocabulary.# _Sir Gawayne_ shows the characteristic vocabulary of -alliterative verse. - -It is rich in number and variety of words--Norse, French, and native. -Besides common words like _race_ 8, _wylle_ 16, _kyrk_ 128, _a[gh]-_ 267 -(which displace native English forms _r[=e]s_, _wylde_, _chyrche_, -_eie_), Norse gives _mug(g)ed_ 12, _cayre[gh]_ 52, _scowtes_ 99, -_skayned_ 99, _wro_ 154, _brože_ 165, _fyked_ 206, _snyrt_ 244, &c. -French are _baret_ 47, _oritore_ 122, _fylor_ 157, _giserne_ 197, -_kauelacion_ 207, _frounses_ 238, &c. _Myst-hakel_ 13, _orpedly_ 164 are -native words; while the rare _stryže_ 237 and _raželed_ 226 are of -doubtful origin. - -Unless the alliteration is to be monotonous, there must be many -synonyms for common words like _man_, _kni[gh]t_: e.g. _burne_ 3, -_wy[gh]e_ 6, _lede_ 27, _gome_ 50, _freke_ 57, _tulk_ 65, _knape_ 68, -_renk_ 138, most of which survive only by reason of their usefulness in -alliterative formulae. Similarly, a number of verbs are used to express -the common idea 'to move (rapidly)': _bo[gh]en_ 9, _schowued_ 15, -_wonnen_ 23, _ferked_ 105, _rome[gh]_ 130, _keuere[gh]_ 153, _whyrlande_ -154, &c. Here the group of synonyms arises from weakening of the -ordinary prose meanings; and this tendency to use words in colourless or -forced senses is a general defect of alliterative verse. For instance, -it is hard to attach a precise meaning to _note_ 24, _gedere[gh]_ 92, -_glodes_ 113, _wruxled_ 123, _kest_ 308. - -The _Gawayne_ poet is usually artist enough to avoid the worst fault of -alliterative verse--the use of words for mere sound without regard to -sense, but there are signs of the danger in the empty, clattering line: - - _Bremly brože on a bent žat brode wat[gh] aboute_ 165. - -#Inflexions#: The rime _waže_: _ta že_ 287-9 shows that organic -final _-e_ was sometimes pronounced in the poet's dialect. - - VERB: pres. ind. 1 sg. _haf_ 23; _leue_ 60. - 2 sg. _spelle[gh]_ 72. - 3 sg. _prayses_ 4; _tas_ 237. - 2 pl. _[gh]e han_ 25. - 3 pl. _han_ 345. - imper. pl. _got[gh]_ (= _g[=o,]s_) 51, _cayre[gh]_ 52. - pres. p. normally _-ande_, e.g. _schaterande_ 15; but very - rarely _-yng_: _gruchyng_ 58. - strong pp. _born_ 2, _wonnen_ 23; _tone_ (= _taken_) 91. - The weak pa. t. and pp. show occasional _-(e)t_ for _-(e)d_: - _halt_ 11, _fondet_ 57, &c. - Note that present forms in _-ie(n)_ are preserved, and the - _i_ extended to the past tense: _louy_ (OE. _lufian_) - 27, _louies_ 31; _spuryed_ 25. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. nom. _žay_ 9; poss. _hor_ 345, beside _her_ - 352; obj. _hom_, beside _hem_ 353. - -#Sounds#: _[=o,]_ for older _[=a]_ is common, and is proved for the -original by rimes like _more_: _restore_ (OFr. _restorer_) 213-15, -_žore_: _restore_ 286-8. But _a_ is often written in the MS.: _snaw_ 20, -166 (note rimes), _halden_ 29, &c. - -_u_ for OE. _y_, characteristic of Western dialects, is found especially -in the neighbourhood of labial consonants: _spuryed_ (OE. _spyrian_) 25; -_muryly_ 268, 277; _munt_ vb. 194 and sb. 282; beside _myntes_ 284, -_lyfte_ 78, _hille_ 13. - -_u_ for OE. _eo_ (normal ME. _e_) is another Western feature: _burne_ 3, -21, &c., _rurde_ 151. - -_aw_ for OE. _[=e]ow_ (normal ME. _ew_, _ow_) as in _trawe_ 44, _trawže_ -219, _rawže_ 136, is still found in some Northern dialects. - -#Spelling#: _[gh]_ (= _z_) is commonly written for final _s_: -_brede[gh]_ 3, &c.; even when the final _s_ is certainly voiceless as -in _for[gh]_, 'force', 'torrent' 105, _(a[gh]-)le[gh]_ 'fear-less' 267. -_t[gh]_ is written for _s_ in monosyllabic verbal forms, where it -indicates the maintenance of voiceless final _s_ under the stress (see -rimes to _hat[gh]_ 'has', VI 81): _wat[gh]_ 'was' 1, _got[gh]_ 'goes' -51, &c. In early Norman French _z_ had the sound _ts_, and so could be -written _tz_, as in _Fitz-Gerald_ 'son (Mod. Fr. _fils_) of Gerald'. But -later, French _(t)z_ fell together with _s_ in pronunciation, so that -the spelling _tz_ was transferred to original _s_, both in -fourteenth-century Anglo-French and in English. - -_qu-_ occurs for strongly aspirated _hw-_ in _quyte_ 'white' 20, _quat_ -'what' 111; but the alliteration is with _w_, not with _k(w)_, e.g. - - _And wyth ~qu~ettyng a~wh~arf, er he ~w~olde ly[gh]t_ 152. - -The spelling _goud_ 5, 50, &c., for _g[=o]d_ 'good' may indicate a sound -change. - -Notable is the carefully distinguished use of _[gh]_ in _[gh]e_, but _y_ -in _yow_, e.g. at ll. 23-6. - - * * * * * - -3. _blessed hym_, 'crossed himself'; cp. XII _b_ 86. - -4-6. 'He gives a word of praise to the porter,--<who> kneeled before the -prince (i.e. Gawayn) <and who> greeted him with "God and good day," and -"May He save Gawayn!"--and went on his way, attended only by his man, -who, &c.' Clumsiness in turning direct speech into reported speech is a -constant source of difficulty in Middle English. For the suppressed -relative cp. note to XIII _a_ 36. - -11. 'The clouds were high, but it was threatening below them.' _Halt_ -for _halet_ pp. 'drawn up'. - -16. 'The way by which they had to go through the wood was very wild.' -Note the regular omission of a verb of motion after _shall_, _will_, &c. -Cp. l. 64 _I wyl to že chapel_; l. 332 _[gh]e schal... to my wone[gh]_, -&c. - -28. 'If you would act according to my wit (i.e. by my advice) you would -fare the better.' - -34. _Hector, ožer ožer_, 'Hector, or any other'. Hector is quoted as the -great hero of the Troy story, from which, and from the legends of -Arthur, the Middle Ages drew their models of valour. - -35. 'He brings it about at the green chapel <that>', &c. - -37. _dynge[gh]_: for MS. _dynne[gh]_; Napier's suggestion. - -41. 'He would as soon (lit. it seems to him as pleasant to) kill him, as -be alive himself.' - -43. 'If you reach that place you will be killed, I may warn you, -knight.' Possibly _I_, _y_, has fallen out of the text after _y_ of -_may_ (cp. VI 3), though there are clear instances in Old and Middle -English where the pronominal subject must be understood from the -context, e.g. I 168, VIII _a_ 237, 273. Note the transitions from -plural _[gh]e_ to singular _že_ in ll. 42-3; and the evidence at l. 72 -f. that _žou_ could still be used in addressing a superior. - -44. _Trawe [gh]e me žat_: _trow_ has here a double construction with -both _me_ and _žat_ as direct objects. - -56. 'That I shall loyally screen you, and never give out the tale that -you fled for fear of any man that I knew.' - -64. _for chaunce žat may falle_, 'in spite of anything that may happen'. - -68-9. 'Though he be a stern lord (lit. a stern man to rule), and armed -with a stave'. The short lines are built more with a view to rime than -to sense. - -72-4. 'Marry!' said the other, 'now you say so decidedly that you will -take your own harm upon yourself, and it pleases you to lose your life, -I have no wish to hinder you.' - -76. _ryde me_: an instance of the rare ethic dative, which expresses -some interest in the action of the verb on the part of one who is -neither the doer of the action nor its object. Distinguish the uses -referred to in the notes to II 289, XV _g_ 24. - -86. _Lepe[gh] hym_, 'gallops'. For _hym_, which refers to the rider, not -the horse, cp. note to XV _g_ 24. - -92. _Gryngolet_: the name of Gawayn's horse. _gedere[gh] že rake_ seems -to mean 'takes the path'. No similar transitive use of 'gather' is -known. - -95. _he wayted hym aboute_, 'he looked around him'. Cp. l. 221 -_wayte[gh]_, and note to l. 121. - -99. 'The clouds seemed to him grazed by the crags'; i.e. the crags were -so high that they seemed to him to scrape the clouds. I owe to Professor -Craigie the suggestion that _skayned_ is ON. _skeina_ 'to graze', -'scratch'. - -102-4. 'And soon, a little way off on an open space, a mound (as it -appeared) seemed to him remarkable.' - -107. _kache[gh] his caple_, 'takes control of his horse', i.e. takes up -the reins again to start the horse after the halt mentioned at l. 100. - -109. _his riche_: possibly 'his good steed'. The substantival use of an -adjective is common in alliterative verse, e.g. l. 188 _žat schyre_ -(neck); 200 _že schene_ (axe); 245 _že scharp_ (axe); 343 _žat cortays_ -(lady). But it has been suggested that _brydel_ has fallen out of the -text after _riche_. - -114. 'And it was all hollow within, nothing but an old cave.' - -115 f. _he couže hit no[gh]t deme with spelle_, 'he could not say <which -it was>'. For _deme_ 'to speak', &c., cp. VI 1, XV _b_ 29-30. - -118. _Whežer_ commonly introduces a direct question and should not be -separately translated. Cp. VI 205 and note to XI _a_ 51. - -121. _wysty is here_, 'it is desolate here'. Note _Wowayn_ = _Wauwayn_, -an alternative form of _Gawayn_ used for the alliteration. The -alternation is parallel to that in _guardian_: _warden_; _regard_: -_reward_ XIV _c_ 105; _guarantee_: _warranty_; _(bi)gyled_ 359: -_(bi)wyled_ 357; _werre_ 'war' beside French _guerre_; _wait_ 'watch' -(as at l. 95) beside French _guetter_; and is due to dialectal -differences in Old French. The Anglo-Norman dialect usually preserved -_w_ in words borrowed from Germanic or Celtic, while others replaced it -by _gw_, _gu_, which later became simple _g_ in pronunciation. - -125. _in my fyue wytte[gh]_: construe with _fele_. - -127. _žat chekke hit bytyde_, 'which destruction befall!' _žat... hit_ = -'which'. _chekke_ refers to the checkmate at chess. - -135. Had we not Chaucer's Miller and _The Reeves Tale_, the vividness -and intimacy of the casual allusions would show the place of the -flour-mill in mediaeval life. Havelok drives out his foes - - _So dogges ut of milne-hous;_ - -and the Nightingale suggests as fit food for the Owl - - _one frogge - Žat sit at mulne vnder cogge._ - -These are records of hours spent by the village boys amid the noise of -grinding and rush of water, in times when there was no rival mechanism -to share the fascination of the water-driven mill. - -137-43. 'This contrivance, as I believe, is prepared, sir knight, for -the honour of meeting me by the way. Let God work His will, Lo! It helps -me not a bit. Though I lose my life, no noise causes me to fear.' It has -been suggested that _wel o<r w>oo_ 'weal or woe' should be read instead -of the interjection _we loo!_ But Gawayn's despair (l. 141) is not in -keeping with ll. 70 f., 90 f., or with the rest of his speech. The -looseness of the short lines makes emendation dangerous. Otherwise we -might read _Hit helppe[gh] že not a mote_, i.e. whatever happens, mere -noise will not help the Green Knight by making Gawayn afraid; or, -alternatively, _herme[gh]_ 'harms' for _helppe[gh]_. - -151. 'Yet he went on with the noise with all speed for a while, and -turned away <to proceed> with his grinding, before he would come -down.' The nonchalance of the Green Knight is marked throughout the -poem. - -155. _A Dene[gh] ax_: the ordinary long-bladed battle-axe was called a -'Danish' axe, in French _hache danoise_, because the Scandinavians in -their raids on England and France first proved its efficiency in battle. - -158. _bi žat lace_, '<measured> by the lace'. In _Gawayne_ (ll. 217 ff. -of the full text) the axe used at the first encounter is described. It -had: - - _A lace lapped aboute, žat louked at že hede, - And so after že halme halched ful ofte, - Wyth tryed tassele[gh] žerto tacched innoghe, &c._ - -'A lace wrapped about <the handle>, which was fastened at the <axe's> -head, and was wound about the handle again and again, with many choice -tassels fastened to it', &c. - -159. _as fyrst_, 'as at the first encounter', i.e. when he rode into -Arthur's hall. His outfit of green is minutely described at ll. 151 ff. -of the full text. - -162. _Sette že stele to že stone_: i.e. he used the handle of the axe as -a support when crossing rough ground. _stele_ = 'handle', not 'steel'. - -164. _hypped... stryde[gh]_: note the frequent alternation of past tense -and historic present. So ll. 3-4 _passed... prayses_; 107-8 -_kache[gh]... com... li[gh]te[gh]_; 280-1 _halde[gh]... gef_, &c. - -169 f. 'Now, sweet sir, one can trust you to keep an appointment.' - -175. _žat že falled_, 'what fell to your lot', i.e. the right to deal -the first blow. - -177. _oure one_, 'by ourselves'. To _one_ 'alone' in early ME. the -dative pronoun was added for emphasis, _him one_, _us one_, &c. Later -and more rarely the possessive pronoun is found, as here. _Al(l)_ was -also used to strengthen _one_; so that there are six possible ME. types: -(1) _one_, e.g. ll. 6, 50; (2) _him one_; (3) _his one_; (4) _al one_ = -_alone_ l. 87; (5) _al him one_, or _him al one_; (6) _al his one_, or -_his al one_. - -181. _at a wap one_, 'at a single blow'. - -183. 'I shall grudge you no good-will because of any harm that befalls -me.' - -189-90. 'And acted as if he feared nothing: he would not tremble -(_dare_) with terror.' - -196. 'He (Gawayn) who was ever valiant would have been dead from his -blow there.' - -200. It must not be supposed that the chief incidents of _Sir Gawayne_ -were invented by the English poet. The three strokes, for example, two -of them mere feints and the third harmless, can be shown to derive from -the lost French source, which has Irish analogues. See pp. 71-4 of _A -Study of Gawain and the Green Knight_ (London 1916), by Professor -Kittredge, a safe guide in the difficult borderland of folklore and -romance. - -207. 'Nor did I raise any quibble in the house of King Arthur.' On -_kynge[gh] hous Arthor_ see note to II 518. - -222. _ryue[gh]_: the likeness of _n_ and _u_ in MSS. of the time makes -it impossible to say whether the verb is _riue_ 'to cleave', which is -supported by l. 278, or _rine_, OE. _hr[=i]nan_, 'to touch'. - -230. 'And look out for your neck at this stroke, <to see> if it may -survive.' - -233. _I hope_: here, and often in ME., _hope_ means 'believe', 'expect'. - -250. Gawayn appears to have carried his shield on his back. By a -movement of his shoulders he lets it fall in front of him, so that he -can use it in defence. - -258. _foo_, 'fiercely', adv. parallel with _[gh]ederly_. - -269. _ry<n>kande_, 'ringing'; Napier's suggestion for MS. _rykande_. - -271-2. 'Nobody here has ill-treated you in an unmannerly way, nor shown -you <discourtesy>': the object of _kyd_ being understood from _vnmanerly -mysboden_. _habbe[gh]_ for MS. _habbe_ is Napier's reading. - -278-9. 'And cleft you with no grievous wound, <which> I rightly -<merely> proffered you, because of the compact we made fast', &c. It is -better to assume a suppression of the relative, than to put a strong -stop after _rof_ and treat _sore_ as sb. object of _profered_. This -latter punctuation gives _sore_ the chief stress in the line, and breaks -the alliteration and rhythm, which is correct as long as _sore_ is taken -with _rof_, so that its stress is subordinated. - -286-7. 'Let a true man truly repay--then one need dread no peril.' - -291. _weued_: perhaps not a weak pa. t. of _weave-woven_, but rather -means 'to give', from OE. _w[=ę]fan_, 'to move'; _weue_ in this sense -occurs in _Gawayne_ l. 1976. - -294-5. 'And truly you seem to me the most faultless man that ever walked -on foot.' The ME. construction, _on že fautlest_, where _on_ 'one' -strengthens the superlative, is found in Chaucer, _Clerk's Tale_ 212: - - _Thanne was she oon the faireste under sonne,_ - -and still survives in Shakespeare's time, e.g. _Henry VIII_, II. iv. 48 -f. _one the wisest prince_. It has been compared with Latin _unus -maximus_, &c. In modern English the apposition has been replaced, with -weakening of the sense: _one_ of _the (wisest)_, &c. - -298. _yow lakked... yow wonted_: impersonal, since _yow_ is dative, -'there was lacking in you'. - -319. 'Let me win your good-will', 'Pardon me'. - -331. I have transposed MS. #of# _že grene chapel_ #at# _cheualrous -kny[gh]te[gh]_, because such a use of _at_ is hardly conceivable. A -copyist might easily make the slip. Cp. l. 35. - -344. _Bože žat on and žat ožer_: Besides the Green Knight's young wife, -there was a much older lady in the castle, 'yellow', with 'rugh, ronkled -cheke[gh]', and so wrapped up - - _Žat no[gh]t wat[gh] bare of žat burde bot že blake bro[gh]es, - Že tweyne y[gh]en, and že nase, že naked lyppe[gh], - And žose were soure to se, and sellyly blered._ - - _Gawayne_ ll. 961-3. - -350-1. 'And David afterwards, who suffered much evil, was <morally> -blinded by Bathsheba.' - -352-6. 'Since these were injured with their wiles, it would be a great -gain to love them well, and not believe them--for a man who could do it -[cp. note to XI _b_ 209]. For these (Adam, Solomon, &c.) were of old the -noblest, whom all happiness followed, surpassingly, above all the others -that lived beneath the heavens.' _mused_ 'thought' is used for the rime, -and means no more than 'lived'. ll. 354-6 amount to 'above all other -men'. - - -VI - -#Dialect#: West Midland, like _Gawayne_. - -The metre occasionally gives clear evidence that final flexional _-e_ of -the original has not always been preserved in the extant MS., e.g. - - _Ža[gh] cortaysly [gh]e carp<[.e]> con_ 21. - -The most noteworthy verbal forms are: - - pres. ind. 1 sg. _byswyke[gh]_ 208 (once only, in rime); - 2 sg. _žou quyte[gh]_ 235; - 3 sg. _leže[gh]_ 17; _tot[gh]_ (= _t[=o,]s_ = _t[=a]s_ - = _takes_) 153 (note). - 1 pl. _we leuen_ 65; _we calle_ 70; - 3 pl. _temen_ 100 (and cp. ll. 151-2); _knawe_ 145; but - _žay got[gh]_ 150, _pyke[gh]_ 213 (both in rime). - imperative pl. _dysplese[gh]_ 62; _gos_, _dot[gh]_ 161. - pres. p. _spornande_ 3. - pp. _runne_ (in rime) 163, beside _wroken_ 15, &c. - -Characteristic Western forms are _burne_ 37 (OE. _beorn_); _vrže_ 82 -(OE. _eorže_). - - * * * * * - -5. 'Like bubbling water that flows from a spring', i.e. his wild words -rise from a heart that can no longer contain its affliction. - -11-12. 'You, who were once the source of all my joy, made sorrow my -companion.' - -15. 'From the time when you were removed from every peril'. The child -died before she was two years old (l. 123). - -22. 'I am but dust, and rough in manners.' The MS. has _marere[gh] -mysse_, which has been rendered 'botcher's waste'; but the poet is -contrasting his own ill-mannered speech with the Pearl's courtesy. - -23. 'But the mercy of Christ and of Mary and of John'. The genitive -inflexion is confined to the noun immediately preceding _mersy_, while -the two following nouns, which are logically genitives with exactly the -same construction as _Crystes_, remain uninflected. For analogies see -note to II 518. - -36. _and_: MS. _in_. The sign for _and_ is easily mistaken for _[=i]_ = -_in_. Cp. note to XVII 42. - -48. _Žat_, 'who'. - -65. _žat... of_, 'from whom'; the later relative form _of quom_ occurs -at l. 93. - -70. _Fenyx of Arraby_: the symbol of peerless perfection. Cp. Chaucer, -_Death of Blanche the Duchess_, ll. 980-3 - - _Trewly she was to myn ye - The soleyn Fenix of Arabye, - For ther lyveth never but oon, - Ne swich as she ne knew I noon._ - -71. 'which was faultless in form'; _fle[gh]e_ 'flew' is used with -weakened sense because a bird is normally thought of as on the wing. - -74. _folde vp hyr face_, '<with> her face upturned'; _folde_ is pp. - -91-2. 'And each would wish that the crowns of the others were five times -as precious, if it were possible to better them.' - -97. _Poule_: the common OFr. and ME. form, as at VIII _a_ 25, 270, XI -_b_ 80. But the rime with _naule_ 'nail' (ON. _nagl_) points to the form -_Paule_ for the original. The reference is to 1 Corinthians vi. 15 and -xii. 12 ff. - -100. _hys body_, 'its body', 'the body'. _tyste_: for _ty[gh]te_ -'tight', like l. 102 _myste_ for _my[gh]te_ 'might'. The rimes with -_Kryst_, _gryste_, _lyste_ show that _st_ and _[gh]t_ were very similar -in pronunciation. See Appendix § 6 (end). - -106. 'Because you wear a ring on arm or finger.' - -109-11. 'I <well> believe that there is great courtesy and charity among -you.' The construction of the next line (which conveys an apology, cp. -l. 62) is not clear owing to the following gap in the MS.; nor is it -easy to guess the missing rime word, as _emong_ can rime with OE. -_-ung-_ (e.g. with _[gh]onge_, ll. 114, 175), or with OE. _-ang-_; see -the note to XVII 400. - -116. _stronge_ may be adj. 'violent' with _worlde_, but is more likely -adv. 'severely'. - -124-5. Note the cumulation of negatives. _cowže[gh]_ has a double -construction: 'You never knew how to please God nor pray to Him, nor -<did you know even> the Paternoster and Creed.' The Lord's Prayer and -the Apostles' Creed were prescribed by the Church as the elements of -faith to be taught first to a child. - -137. Matthew xx. 1-16. - -139. 'He represented it very aptly in a parable.' - -141. _My regne... on hy[gh]t_, 'My kingdom on high'. - -145. _žys hyne_: the labourers. _This_, _these_ are sometimes used in -early English to refer to persons or things that have not been -previously mentioned, but are prominent in the writer's mind. Cp. XV -_b_ 4, 19; and the opening of Chaucer's _Prologue_ to the _Franklin's -Tale_ quoted in the note to II 13. - -150. _pené_: in ME. the final sound developed from OFr. _-é_ (_e_) fell -together with the sounds arising from OE. _-ig_, OFr. _ie_, &c. Hence -_pené_ or _peny_ 186 (OE. _penig_); _reprené_ 184 for _repreny_; -_cortaysé_ 120, 121, beside _cortaysye_ 72, 84, 96. The acute accent is -editorial. - -153. 'At midmorning the master goes to the market.' _tot[gh]_ (= -_t[=o,]s_) = _t[=a]s_, contracted form of _takes_ 'betakes himself'; cp. -_tone_ = _taken_ V 91. The spelling and rimes with _o_ (which cannot -develop normally from _[)a]_ lengthened in open syllables because this -lengthening is everywhere later than the change _[=a]_ > _[=o,]_) are -usually explained as artificial. It is assumed that as Northern _b[=a]n_ -corresponded to Midland _b[=o,]n_, so from Northern _tį_ 'take' an -unhistorical Midland _t[=o,]_ was deduced. But it is possible that the -contraction of _t[)a]ke(n)_, and consequent lengthening _tį(n)_, is -older than the ordinary lengthening _t[)a]ke_ > _tįke_, and also older -than the development of _[=a]_ to _[=o,]_ in North Midland. - -164. _I yow pay_: note the survival of the old use of the present to -express future tense. - -176. _žat at [gh]e moun_, 'what you can'. _At_ as a relative appears -usually to be from Old Norse _at_, with the same sense, and it is not -uncommon in Northern English. But _žat at_ here is more likely the -normal development of _žat žat_ > _žat tat_ (note to II 102) > _žat at_. - -179. _sumoun_ is infin. not sb.: 'he had (them) summoned'; cp. note to -VIII _a_ 79. - -192. 'It seems to us we ought to receive more.' _Vus žynk_ is a remnant -of the old impersonal construction of _žyncež_ 'it seems'. In this -phrase, probably owing to confusion with _we žynk(en)_, the verb often -has no flexional ending; cp. l. 192. _vus o[gh]e_ is formed by analogy, -the verb being properly personal; cp. _must vs_ XVII 292, 334. - -200. _And_, 'If'. - -205-8. _More_, which is necessary for the metrical form, is best taken -as conj. 'moreover', 'further'; _wežer_ introduces a direct question -(note to V 118). _louyly_ is perhaps miswritten for _lauly_ 'lawful', as -the _Pearl-Gawayne_ group often show the converse _au_, _aw_ for normal -_ou_, _ow_, e.g. _bawe_ for _bowe_, _trawže_ for _trowže_. 'Further, is -my power to do what pleases me with my own lawful?' The meaning is fixed -by Matthew xx. 15 'Is it not lawful for me to do what I will with mine -own? Is thine eye evil because I am good?' - -212. _myke[gh]._ In the few recorded examples _mik_, _myk_ seems to mean -'an intimate friend'. Here it is used for the sake of rime in an -extended sense 'chosen companion of the Lord'. - -221 f. _Whežer_, &c., 'Although I began <only> just now, coming into the -vineyard in the eventide, <yet>', &c. - -224. Note the rime (OE. _s[)u]m_) with ON. _blóm(i)_, OE. _d[=o]m_, -_c[=o]m_. Such rimes occur occasionally in Northern texts of the -fourteenth century--never in the South. - -233. Psalm lxii. 12 'Also unto Thee, O Lord, belongeth mercy; for Thou -renderest to every man according to his work.' - -237-40. Loosely constructed. 'Now, if you came to payment before him -that stood firm through the long day, then he who did less work would be -more entitled to receive pay, and the further <it is carried>, the less -<work>, the more <claim to be paid>.' - -249-51. On the meaning of these lines there is no agreement. Gollancz -and Osgood interpret: 'That man's privilege is great who ever stood in -awe of Him (God) who rescues sinners. From such men no happiness is -withheld, for,' &c. Yet it is difficult to believe that even a poet hard -pressed would use _dard to Hym_ to mean 'feared Him'. One of several -rival interpretations will suffice to show the ambiguities of the text: -'His (God's) generosity, which is always inscrutable (lit. lay hidden), -is abundant to the man who recovers his soul from sin. From such men no -happiness is withheld', &c. The sense and construction of _dard_ (for -which the emendation _fard_, pret. of _fere_ 'to go', has been -suggested, the rest of the interpretation following Gollancz), and the -obscurity of the argument, are the chief obstacles to a satisfactory -solution. - - -VII - -#Dialect#: Irregular, but predominantly North-West Midland; cp. V and -VI. - -#Inflexions#:-- - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _warys_ 19, _has_ 20. - 3 pl. _ben_ 11, _sayn_ 182, _haue_ 31. - pres. p. _claterand_ 137, _žriuaund_ 158, _leymonde_ 153; - beside _blowyng_ 106, _doutyng_ 114. - strong pp. _slydyn_ 6, _stoken_ 11. - The weak pp. and pa. t. have _-it_, _-(e)t_ for _-(e)d_: - _drepit_ 9, _suet_ 24. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. nom. _žai_ 45; - poss. _hor_ 8, beside _žere_ 9, 10; - obj. _hom_ 24. - -#Sounds and Spelling#: Northern and North Midland forms are _qwiles_ (= -_whiles_) 39, _hondqwile_ 117; and _wysshe_ 4 (note). West Midland -indications are _buernes_ 'men' 90, 91 = OE. _beorn_ (but _buerne_ 'sea' -159 = OE. _burn-_ is probably miswritten owing to confusion with _buern_ -'man'); and perhaps the spelling _u_ in unaccented syllables: _mecull_ -10, _watur_ 119, _wintur_ 124. - - * * * * * - -4. _wysshe_ = _wisse_ 'guide'. In the North final _sh_ was commonly -pronounced _ss_; cp. note to I 128-9, and the rimes in XVII 1-4. -Conversely etymological _ss_ was sometimes spelt _ssh_. - -7-8. _strongest... and wisest... to wale_, 'the strongest... and -wisest... that could be chosen' (lit. 'to choose'). - -15. _On lusti to loke_, 'pleasant to look upon'. - -21 ff. A typical example of the vague and rambling constructions in -which this writer indulges: apparently 'but old stories of the valiant -<men> who <once> held high rank may give pleasure to some who never saw -their deeds, through the writings of men who knew them at first hand -(?) (_in dede_), <which remained> to be searched by those who followed -after, in order to make known (_or_ to know?) all the manner in which -the events happened, by looking upon letters (i.e. writings) that were -left behind of old'. - -45. Benoīt de Sainte-Maure says the Athenians rejected Homer's story of -gods fighting like mortals, but charitably explains that, as Homer lived -a hundred years after the siege, it is no wonder if he made mistakes: - - _N'est merveille s'il i faillit, - Quar onc n'i fu ne rien n'en vit._ - - _Prologue_, ll. 55-6. - -53-4. 'That was elegantly compiled by a wise clerk--one Guido, a man who -had searched carefully, and knew all the actions from authors whom he -had by him.' See Introductory note, pp. 68 f. - -66-7. Cornelius Nepos was supposed to have found the Greek work of Dares -at Athens when rummaging in an old cupboard (Benoīt de Sainte-Maure, -_Prologue_, ll. 77 ff.). - -157. Note the slovenly repetition from l. 151. So l. 159 repeats l. 152. - -168-9. I have transposed these lines, assuming that they were misplaced -by a copyist. Guido's Latin favours the change, and the whole passage -will illustrate the English translator's methods: - -_Oyleus uero Aiax qui cum 32 nauibus suis in predictam incidit -tempestatem, omnibus nauibus suis exustis et submersis in mari, in -suis uiribus brachiorum nando semiuiuus peruenit ad terram; et, -inflatus pre nimio potu aque, uix se nudum recepit in littore, vbi -usque ad superuenientis diei lucem quasi mortuus iacuit in arena, [et] -de morte sua sperans potius quam de uita. Sed cum quidam ex suis nando -similiter a maris ingluuie iam erepti nudi peruenissent ad littus, -dominum eorum querunt in littore [et] si forsitan euasisset. Quem in -arena iacentem inueniunt, dulcibus uerborum fouent affatibus, cum nec -in uestibus ipsum nec in alio possunt subsidio refouere._ (MS. Harley -4123, fol. 117 a--the bracketed words are superfluous.) - -178. _Telamon_ was not at the siege, and his name appears here and in l. -150 as the result of a tangle which begins in the confusion of Oyleus -Ajax with Ajax the son of Telamon. In classical writers after Homer it -is Oyleus Ajax who, at the sack of Troy, drags Cassandra from the temple -of Minerva. This is the story in Dictys. Dares, like Homer, is silent. -In Benoīt de Sainte-Maure's poem (ll. 26211-16), the best MSS. name -Oyleus Ajax as Cassandra's captor, but others have '_Thelamon Aiax_', -i.e. Ajax, the son of Telamon. Guido read Benoīt in a MS. of the latter -class, and accordingly makes _Telamonius Aiax_ do the sacrilege. With -the English translator this becomes _Telamon_ simply (Bk. xxix, ll. -11993-7). So when later, in Bk. xxxi, he comes to describe the -shipwreck, he replaces Guido's _Aiax_ by _Telamon_, and spoils the story -of Minerva's vengeance on the actual violator of her sanctuary. - - -VIII - -#Dialect#: South Midland, with mixture of forms. - - _a._ VERB: pres. ind. 2 sg. _seist_ 226, _wilnest_ 256. - 3 sg. _comaundeth_ 16. - 1 pl. _haue_ 118, _preye_ 119. - 2 pl. _han_ 11, _wasten_ 127. - 3 pl. _liggeth_ 15, &c.; beside _ben_ 50, - _waste_ 155. - imper. pl. _spynneth_ 13. - pres. p. (none in _a_); _romynge_ _b_ 11. - strong pp. _bake_ 187, _ybake_ 278, _ybaken_ 175. - Infinitives in _-ie_ (OE. _-ian_) are retained: _erye_ - 4, _hatie_ 52, _tilye_ 229 (OE. _erian_, _hatian_, - _tilian_). - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. nom. _žei_ 126, &c., beside _hii_ 15; - poss. _her_ 54; obj. _hem_ 2. - -#Sounds#: OE. _y_ often shows the Western development, as in _huyre(d)_ -108, 133, &c.; _abugge_ 75, 159; beside _bigge_ 275. So _Cornehulle_ _b_ -1. But such forms were not uncommon in the London dialect of the time. - -_b._ The second extract has a more Southern dialectal colouring. Note -especially the gen. pl. forms _lollarene_ 31, _knauene_ 56, _lordene_ -77, continuing or extending the OE. weak gen. pl. in _-ena_; and _menne_ -29, 74, retaining the ending of the OE. gen. pl. _manna_. - -The representation of unaccented vowels by _u_ in _hure_ (= 'their') 50, -(= 'her') 53; _(h)us_ 'his' 60, 101; _clerkus_ 65, is commonest in -Western districts. _h(w)_ is no longer aspirated: _wanne_ 1, _werby_ -35, MS. _eggen_ 19; and conversely _hyf_ 'if' 43, _his_ 'is' 105. - - * * * * * - -_a_ 9. _for shedyng_, 'to prevent spilling'; and so _for colde_ 62 'as a -protection against cold'; _for bollyng_ 209 'to prevent swelling'; _for -chillyng_ 306, &c. - -_a_ 11. _Žat [gh]e han silke and sendal to sowe_: The construction -changes as if Piers had begun: _Ich praye [gh]ow_, which is the reading -in the C-text. The difficulty of excluding modern ideas from the -interpretation of the Middle Ages is shown by the comment of a scholar -so accomplished as M. Petit-Dutaillis: 'Il attaque les riches peu -miséricordieux, les _dames charmantes aux doigts effilés_, qui ne -s'occupent pas des pauvres' (_Soulčvement_, p. lxii). But there is no -hint of satire or reproach in the text. The poet, always conventional, -assigns to high-born ladies the work which at the time was considered -most fitting for them. So it is reported in praise of the sainted -Isabella of France, sister of St. Louis: _Quand elle fust introduicte -des lettres suffisamment, elle s'estudioit ą apprendre ą ouurer de soye, -et faisoit estolles et autres paremens ą saincte Eglise_--'When she was -sufficiently introduced to letters, she set herself to learn how to work -in silk, and made stoles and other vestments for Holy Church.' -(Joinville, _Histoire d. S. Louys_, Paris 1668, pt. i, p. 169.) - -_a_ 19. _for že Lordes loue of heuene_: cp. l. 214, and notes to I 44, I -83, II 518. - -_a_ 23. _on že teme_, 'on this subject'; _teme_ 'theme' is a correct -form, because Latin _th_ was pronounced _t_. The modern pronunciation is -due to the influence of classical spelling. - -_a_ 32. _affaite že_, 'tame for thyself'; cp. l. 64 _(I shal) brynge -me_ = 'bring (for myself)', and the note to II 289. - -_a_ 40-1. 'And though you should fine them, let Mercy be the assessor, -and let Meekness rule over you, in spite of Gain.' This is a warning -against abuse of the lord of the manor's power to impose fines in the -manorial court with the object of raising revenue rather than of -administering justice. Cp. Ashley, _Introduction to English Economic -History_, vol. i (1894), pt. ii, p. 266. For _maugré Medes chekes_ cp. -151. - -_a_ 49. Luke xiv. 10. - -_a_ 50. _yuel to knowe_, 'hard to distinguish'. - -_a_ 72-5. These clumsy lines, which are found in all versions, exemplify -the chief faults in _Piers Plowman_: structural weakness and superfluous -allegory. - -_a_ 79. _I wil... do wryte my biqueste_, 'I will have my will written'; -_make(n)_, _ger_ (_gar_), and _lete(n)_ are commonly used like _do(n)_ -with an active infinitive, which is most conveniently rendered by the -passive; so _do wryte_ 'cause to be written'; _dyd werche_ 'caused to be -made' I 218; _mad sumoun_ 'caused to be summoned' VI 179; _gert dres -vp_ 'caused to be set up' X 16; _leet make_ 'caused to be made' IX 223, -&c. - -_a_ 80. _In Dei nomine, amen_: A regular opening phrase for wills. - -_a_ 84. 'I trust to have a release from and remission of my debts which -are recorded in that book.' _Rental_, a book in which the sums due from -a tenant were noted, here means 'record of sins'. - -_a_ 86. _he_: the parson, as representing the Church. - -_a_ 91. _dou[gh]tres._ In l. 73 only one daughter is named. In the -B-text, Passus xviii. 426, she is called _Kalote_ (see note to _b_ 2 -below). - -_a_ 94. _bi že rode of Lukes_: at Lucca (French _Lucques_) is a Crucifix -and a famous representation of the face of Christ, reputed to be the -work of the disciple Nicodemus. From Eadmer and William of Malmesbury we -learn that William the Conqueror's favourite oath was 'By the Face of -Lucca!', and it is worth noting that the frequent and varied adjurations -in Middle English are copied from the French. - -_a_ 114. 'May the Devil take him who cares!' - -_a_ 115 ff. _faitoures_ (cp. ll. 185 ff.), who feigned some injury or -disease to avoid work and win the pity of the charitable, multiplied in -the disturbed years following the Black Death. Statutes were passed -against them, and even against those who gave them alms (Jusserand, -_English Wayfaring Life_, pp. 261 ff.). But the type was long lived. In -the extract from _Handlyng Synne_ (No. I), we have already a monument of -their activities. - -_a_ 141. 'And those that have cloisters and churches (i.e. monks and -priests) shall have some of my goods to provide themselves with copes.' - -_a_ 142. _Robert Renne-aboute._ The type of a wandering preacher; -_posteles_ are clearly preachers with no fixed sphere of authority, like -the mendicant friars and Wiclif's 'poor priests'. Against both the -regular clergy constantly complained that they preached without the -authority of the bishop. - -_a_ 186. _Žat seten_: the MS. by confusion has _žat seten to seten to -begge_, &c. - -_a_ 187. _žat was bake for Bayarde_: i.e. 'horse-bread' (l. 208), which -used to be made from beans and peas only. _Bayard_, properly a 'bay -horse', was, according to romance, the name of the horse given by -Charlemagne to Rinaldo. Hence it became the conventional name for a -horse, just as _Reynard_ was appropriated to the fox. Chaucer speaks of -_proude Bayard_ (_Troilus_, Bk. i. 218) and, referring to an unknown -story, _Bayard the blynde_ (_Canon's Yeoman's Tale_, 860). - -_a_ 221. _Michi vindictam_: Romans xii. 19. - -_a_ 224. Luke xvi. 9. - -_a_ 229. Genesis iii. 19. - -_a_ 231. _Sapience_: the Book of Wisdom, but the quotation is actually -from Proverbs xx. 4. - -_a_ 234. _Mathew with mannes face._ Each of the evangelists had his -symbol: Matthew, a man; Mark, a lion; Luke, a bull; John, an eagle; and -in early Gospel books their portraits are usually accompanied by the -appropriate symbols. - -_a_ 235 ff. Matthew xxv. 14 ff.; Luke xix. 12 ff. - -_a_ 245. _Contemplatyf lyf or actyf lyf._ The merits of these two ways -of life were endlessly disputed in the Middle Ages. In XI _b_ Wiclif -attacks the position of the monks and of Rolle's followers; and the -author of _Pearl_ (VI 61 ff.) takes up the related question of salvation -by works or by grace. - -_a_ 246. Psalm cxxviii. 1. - -_a_ 264. Jusserand gives a brief account of the old-time physicians -in _English Wayfaring Life_, pp. 177 ff. The best were somewhat -haphazard in their methods, and the mountebanks brought -discredit on the profession. Here are a few fourteenth-century -prescriptions: - -_For hym that haves the squynansy ['quinsy']_:-- - - Tak a fatte katte, and fla hit wele and clene, and draw oute the - guttes; and tak the grees of an urcheon ['hedgehog'], and the - fatte of a bare, and resynes, and feinygreke ['fenugreek'], and - sauge ['sage'], and gumme of wodebynde, and virgyn wax: al this - mye ['grate'] smal, and farse ['stuff'] the catte within als thu - farses a gos: rost hit hale, and geder the grees, and enoynt hym - tharwith. (_Reliquiae Antiquae_, ed. Wright and Halliwell (1841), - vol. i, p. 51.) - -_[Gh]yf a woud hund hat ybite a man_:-- - - Take tou<n>karsyn ['towncress'], and pulyole ['penny-royal'], and sež - hit in water, and [gh]ef hym to drynke, and hit schal caste out že - venym: and [gh]if žou miste ['might'] haue of že hundys here, ley - hit žerto, and hit schal hele hit. (_Medical Works of the - Fourteenth Century_, ed. G. Henslow, London 1899, p. 19.) - -_A goud oynement for že goute_:-- - - Take že grece of a bor, and že grece of a ratoun, and cattys - grece, and voxis grece, and hors grece, and že grece of a brok - ['badger']; and take fežeruoye ['feverfew'] and eysyl ['vinegar'], - and stampe h_e_m togedre; and take a litel lynnesed, and stampe - hit wel, and do hit žerto; and meng al togedre, and het hit in a - scherd, and žerwith anoynte že goute by the fuyre. Do so ofte and - hit schal be hol. (Ibid., p. 20.) - -_a_ 284. _Lammasse tyme_: August 1, when the new corn (l. 294) would be -in. On this day a loaf was offered as firstfruits: whence the name, OE. -_hl[=a]f-męsse_. - -_a_ 307 ff. Owing to repeated famines, the wages of manual labour rose -throughout the first half of the fourteenth century. A crisis was -reached when the Black Death (1349) so reduced the number of workers -that the survivors were able to demand wages on a scale which seemed -unconscionable to their employers. By the Statute of Labourers (1350 and -1351) an attempt was made to force wages and prices back to the level of -1346. For a day's haymaking 1_d._ was to be the maximum wage; for -reaping 2_d._ or 3_d._ Throughout the second half of the fourteenth -century vain attempts were made to enforce these maxima, and the -penalties did much to fan the unrest that broke out in the Peasants' -Revolt of 1381. - -_a_ 309-10. From Bk. i of the _Disticha_ of Dionysius Cato, a collection -of proverbs famous throughout the Middle Ages. - -_a_ 321. Saturn was a malevolent planet, as we see from his speech in -Chaucer's _Knight's Tale_, 1595 ff. - -_a_ 324. _Deth_: the Plague. - -_b_ 1. _Cornehulle._ Cornhill was one of the liveliest quarters of -fourteenth-century London, and a haunt of idlers, beggars, and doubtful -characters. Its pillory and stocks were famous. Its market where, if -_The London Lickpenny_ is to be credited, dealing in stolen clothes was -a speciality, was privileged above all others in the city. See the -documents in Riley's _Memorials of London_. - -_b_ 2. _Kytte_: In the B-text, Passus xviii. 425-6, _Kytte_ is mentioned -again: - - _and ri[gh]t with žat I waked - And called Kitte my wyf and Kalote my dou[gh]ter._ - -_b_ 4. _lollares of London_: The followers of Wiclif were called -'Lollards' by their opponents; but the word here seems to mean 'idlers' -as in l. 31. _lewede heremytes_: 'lay hermits': hermits were not -necessarily in holy orders, and so far from seeking complete solitude, -they often lived in the cities or near the great highways, where many -passers would have opportunity to recognize their merit by giving alms. -See Cutts, _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_, pp. 93 ff. - -_b_ 5. 'For I judged those men as Reason taught me.' Skeat's -interpretation--that _made of_ means 'made verses about'--is forced. The -sense is that the idlers and hermits thought little of the dreamer, and -he was equally critical of them. - -_b_ 6. _as ich cam by Conscience_: 'as I passed by Conscience', -referring to a vision described in the previous Passus, in which -Conscience is the principal figure. - -_b_ 10 f. _In hele and in vnité_, 'in health and in my full senses', and -_Romynge in remembraunce_ qualify _me_. - -_b_ 14. _Mowe ožer mowen_, 'mow or stack'. For these unrelated words see -the Glossary. - -_b_ 16. _haywarde_: by derivation 'hedge-ward'. He watched over -enclosures and prevented animals from straying among the crops. Observe -that ME. nouns denoting occupation usually survive in surnames:--Baxter -'baker', Bow(y)er, Chapman, Dyer, Falconer, Fletcher 'arrow-maker', -Fo(re)ster, Franklin, Hayward, Lister (= litster, 'dyer'), Palmer, -Reeve(s), Spicer, Sumner, Tyler 'maker or layer of tiles', Warner -'keeper of warrens', Webb, Webster, Wright, Yeoman, &c. - -_b_ 20-1. 'Or craft of any kind that is necessary to the community, to -provide food for them that are bedridden.' - -_b_ 24. _to long_, 'too tall': cp. B-text, Passus xv. 148 _my name is -Longe Wille_. Consistency in such details in a poem full of -inconsistencies makes it probable that the poet is describing himself, -not an imagined dreamer. - -_b_ 33. Psalm lxii. 12. - -_b_ 45. 1 Corinthians vii. 20. - -_b_ 46 ff. Cp. the note to XI _b_ 131 f. The dreamer appears to have -made his living by saying prayers for the souls of the dead, a service -which, from small beginnings in the early Middle Ages, had by this time -withdrawn much of the energy of the clergy from their regular duties. -See note to XI _b_ 140 f. - -_b_ 49. _my Seuene Psalmes_: the Penitential Psalms, normally vi, xxxii, -xxxviii, li, cii, cxxx, cxliii, in the numbering of the Authorised -Version. The _Prymer_, which contained the devotions supplementary to -the regular Church service, included the Placebo, Dirige, and the Seven -Psalms: see the edition by Littlehales for the Early English Text -Society. - -_b_ 50. _for hure soules of suche as me helpen_: combines the -constructions _for že soules of suche as me helpen_, and _for hure -soules žat me helpen_. - -_b_ 51. _vochen saf_: supply _me_ as object, 'warrant me that I shall be -welcome'. - -_b_ 61. 1 Thessalonians v. 15; Leviticus xix. 18. - -_b_ 63. _churches_: here and in l. 110 read the Norse form _kirkes_ for -the alliteration, as in _a_ 28, 85. But the English form also belongs to -the original, for it alliterates with _ch_ at _a_ 12, 50. - -_b_ 64. _Dominus_, &c.: Psalm xvi. 5. - -_b_ 83. _Symondes sone_: a son of Simon Magus--one guilty of simony, or -one who receives preferment merely because of his wealth. - -_b_ 90. Matthew iv. 4. - -_b_ 103-4. _Simile est_, &c.: Matthew xiii. 44. _Mulier que_, &c.: Luke -xv. 8 ff. - - -IX - -#Dialect#: South-East Midland. - -#Vocabulary#: A number of French words are taken over -from the original, e.g. _plee_ 81, _ryot_ 83, _violastres_ 97, _saphire -loupe_ 116, _gowrdes_ 139, _clowe gylofres_ 157, _canell_ 158, _avaled_ -195, _trayne_ (for _taynere_?) 222, _bugles_ 256, _gowtes artetykes_ -314, _distreynen_ 315. - -#Inflexions#: Almost modern. - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _schadeweth_ 19, _turneth_ 23. - 3 pl. _ben_ 4, _han_ 14, _wexen_ 22, _loue_ 100. - pres. p. _fle(e)ynge_ 148, 252; _recordynge_ 317. - strong pp. _[gh]ouen_ 90, _begonne_ 171. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. _žei_ 5; _here_ 71; _hem_ 20. - -#Sounds#: OE. _[=a]_ becomes _[=o,]_: _hoot_ 11, _cold_ 31. - -OE. _y_ appears as _y_ (= _i_): _byggynge_ 90, _ky[gh]n_ 'kine' 256; -except regular _left_ (hand) 69, 71, 72, where Modern English has also -adopted the South-Eastern form of OE. _lyft_. - - * * * * * - -21-3. The French original says that the children have white _hair_ when -they are young, which becomes black as they grow up. - -24-5. The belief that one of the Three Kings came from Ethiopia is based -on Ps. lxviii. 31: 'Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall soon -stretch out her hands unto God.' In mediaeval representations one of the -three is usually a negro. - -27. _Emlak_: miswritten for _Euilak_, a name for India taken from -_Havilah_ of Genesis ii. 11. - -28. _žat is: že more_: _Ynde_ has probably fallen out of the text after -_is_. - -34-5. _[Gh]alow cristall draweth <to> colour lyke oylle_: the insertion -of _to_ is necessary to give sense, and is supported by the French: -_cristal iaunastre trehant a colour doile_. (MS. Harley 4383, f. 34 b.) - -36-7. The translation is not accurate. The French has: _et appelle homme -les dyamantz en ceo pais 'Hamese'_. - -64 ff. It was supposed that the pearl-bearing shell-fish opened at low -tide to receive the dew-drops from which the pearls grew. - -74. _[gh]if [gh]ou lyke_, 'if it please you', impersonal = French _si -vous plest_. - -75. _že Lapidarye_, Latin _Lapidarium_, was a manual of precious stones, -which contained a good deal of pseudo-scientific information about their -natures and virtues, just as the _Bestiary_ summed up popular knowledge -of animals. A Latin poem by Marbod bishop of Rennes (d. 1123) is the -chief source of the mediaeval lapidaries, and, curiously enough, there -is a French prose text attributed by so intimate an authority as Jean -d'Outremeuse to Mandeville himself. Several Old French texts have been -edited by L. Pannier, _Les Lapidaires Franēais du Moyen Āge_, Paris -1882. Their high repute may be judged from the inclusion of no less than -seven copies in the library of Charles V of France (d. 1380); and it is -surprising that no complete ME. version is known. But much of the matter -was absorbed into encyclopaedic works like the _De Proprietatibus -Rerum_ of Bartholomaeus, which Trevisa translated. - -97. Mistranslated. The French has: _qi sont violastre, ou pluis broun qe -violettes_. - -100-1. _But in soth to me_: French: _Mes endroit de moy_, 'but for my -part'; the English translator has rendered _en droit_ separately. - -108. _žerfore_: the context requires the sense 'because', but the -translator would hardly have used _žerfore_ had he realized that ll. -108-9 correspond to a subordinate clause in the French, and do not form -a complete independent sentence. He was misled by the bad punctuation of -some French MSS., e.g. Royal 20 B. X and (with consequent corruption) -Harley 4383. - -136. _Cathaye_: China. See the classic work of Colonel Yule, _Cathay and -the Way Thither_, 2 vols., London 1866. The modernization of the Catalan -map of 1375 in vol. i gives a good idea of Mandeville's geography. - -142. _withouten wolle_: the story of the vegetable lamb is taken from -the Voyage of Friar Odoric, which is accessible in Hakluyt's _Voyages_. -Hakluyt's translation is reprinted, with the Eastern voyages of John de -Plano Carpini (1246) and of William de Rubruquis (1253), in _The Travels -of Sir John Mandeville_, ed. A. W. Pollard, London 1900. The legend -probably arose from vague descriptions of the cotton plant; and -Mandeville makes it still more marvellous by describing as without wool -the lamb which had been invented to explain the wool's existence. - -143-4. _Of žat frute I haue eten_: This assertion seems to be due to the -English translator. The normal French text has simply: _et cest bien -grant meruaille de ceo fruit, et si est grant oure [= oeuvre] de nature_ -(MS. Royal 20 B. X, f. 70 b). - -147. _the Bernakes_: The barnacle goose--introduced here on a hint from -Odoric--is a species of wild goose that visits the Northern coasts in -winter. It was popularly supposed to grow from the shell-fish called -'barnacle', which attaches itself to floating timber by a stalk -something like the neck and beak of a bird, and has feathery filaments -not unlike plumage. As the breeding place of the barnacle goose was -unknown, and logs with the shell-fish attached were often found on the -coasts, it was supposed that the shell-fish was the fruit of a tree, -which developed in the water into a bird. Giraldus Cambrensis, -_Topographia Hibernica_, I. xv, reproves certain casuistical members of -the Church who ate the barnacle goose on fast-days on the plea that it -was not flesh; but himself vouches for the marvel. The earliest -reference in English is No. 11 of the Anglo-Saxon _Riddles_, of which -the best solution is 'barnacle goose'. For a full account see Max -Müller's _Lectures on the Science of Language_, vol. ii, pp. 583-604. - -157. _grete notes of Ynde_, 'coco-nuts'. - -163-4. _Goth and Magoth_: see Ezekiel xxxviii and xxxix. The forms of -the names are French. - -170. _God of Nature_: Near the end of the _Travels_ it is explained that -all the Eastern peoples are Deists, though they have not the light of -Christianity: _žei beleeven in God žat formede all thing and made the -world, and clepen him 'God of Nature'_. - -191-2. _žat žei schull not gon out on no syde, but be the cost of hire -lond_: the general sense requires the omission of _but_, which has no -equivalent in the original French text: _qils ne<nt> issent fors deuers -la coste de sa terre_ (MS. Sloane 1464, f. 139 b). But some MSS. like -Royal 20 B. X have _fors qe deuers_, a faulty reading that must have -stood in the copy used by the Cotton translator. Cp. note to l. 108. - -199-200. _a four grete myle_: renders the French _iiii grantz lieus_. -There is no 'great mile' among English measures. - -209 ff. In the Middle Ages references to the Jews are nearly always -hostile. They were hated as enemies of the Church, and prejudice was -hardened by stories, like that in the text, of their vengeance to come, -or of ritual murder, like Chaucer's _Prioress's Tale_. England had its -supposed boy martyrs, William of Norwich (d. 1144), and Hugh of Lincoln -(d. 1255) whom the Prioress invokes: - - _O yonge Hugh of Lyncoln, slayn also - With cursed Jewes, as it is notable, - For it is but a litel while ago, - Preye eek for us_, &c. - -Religion was not the only cause of bitterness. The Jews, standing -outside the Church and its laws against usury, at a time when financial -needs had outgrown feudal revenues, became the money-lenders and bankers -of Europe; and with a standard rate of interest fixed at over 40 per -cent., debtors and creditors could hardly be friends. In England the -Jews reached the height of their prosperity in the twelfth century, so -that in 1188 nearly half the national contribution for a Crusade came -from them. In the thirteenth century their privileges and operations -were cut down, and they were finally expelled from the country in 1290 -(see J. Jacobs, _The Jews of Angevin England_, 1893). The Lombards, -whose consciences were not nice, took their place as financiers in -fourteenth-century England. - -222. _trayne_: read _taynere_, OFr. _taignere_ 'a burrow'. - -237-8. The cotton plant has already given us the vegetable lamb (l. -142). This more prosaic account is taken from the _Ežistola Alexandri ad -Aristotelem_: '_in Bactriacen... penitus ad abditos Seres, quod genus -hominum foliis arborum decerpendo lanuginem ex silvestri vellere vestes -detexunt_' (Julius Valerius, ed. B. Kübler, p. 194). From the same text -come the hippopotami, the bitter waters (Kübler, p. 195), and the -griffins (Kübler, p. 217). The _Letter of Alexander_ was translated into -Anglo-Saxon in the tenth century. - -254 ff. _talouns_ etc.: In the 1725 edition there is a reference to 'one -4 Foot long in the Cotton Library' with the inscription, _Griphi Unguis -Divo Cuthberto Dunelmensi sacer_, 'griffin's talon, sacred to St. -Cuthbert of Durham'. This specimen is now in the Mediaeval Department of -the British Museum, and is really the slim, curved horn of an ibex. The -inscription is late (sixteenth century), but the talon was catalogued -among the treasures of Durham in the fourteenth century. - -260. _Prestre Iohn_: Old French _Prestre Jean_, or 'John the Priest', -was reputed to be the Christian ruler of a great kingdom in the East. A -rather minatory letter professing to come from him reached most of the -princes of Europe, and was replied to in all seriousness by Pope -Alexander III. Its claims include the lordship over the tribes of Gog -and Magog whom Alexander the Great walled within the mountains. Official -missions were sent to establish relations with him; but neither in the -Far East nor in Northern Africa, where the best opinion in later times -located his empire, could the great king ever be found. The history of -the legend is set out by Yule in the article _Prester John_ in the -_Encyclopaedia Britannica_. - -261. _Yle of Pentexoire_: to Mandeville most Eastern countries are -'isles'. _Pentexoire_ in the French text of Odoric is a territory about -the Yellow River (Yule, _Cathay_, vol. i, p. 146). - -262 ff.: For comparison the French text of the Epilogue is given from -MS. Royal 20 B. X, f. 83 a, the words in < > being supplied from MS. -Sloane 1464: - -'Il y a plusours autres diuers pais, et moutz dautres meruailles par de -la, qe ieo nay mie tout veu, si nen saueroye proprement parler. Et -meismement el pais en quel iay este, y a plusours diuersetes dont ieo ne -fais point el mencioun, qar trop serroit long chose a tout deuiser. Et -pur ceo qe ieo vous ay deuisez dascuns pais, vous doit suffire quant a -present. Qar, si ieo deuisoie tout quantqez y est par de la, vn autre qi -se peneroit et trauailleroit le corps pur aler en celles marches, et pur -sercher la pais, serroit empeschez par mes ditz a recompter nuls choses -estranges, qar il ne purroit rien dire de nouelle, en quoy ly oyantz y -puissent prendre solaces. Et lem dit toutdis qe choses nouelles -pleisent. Si men taceray a tant, saunz plus recompter nuls diuersetez qi -soyent par de la, a la fin qe cis qi vourra aler en celles parties y -troeue assez a dire. - -'Et ieo, Iohan Maundeuille dessudit, qi men party de nos pais et -passay le mer lan de grace mil cccxxiide; qi moint terre et moint -passage et moint pays ay puis cerchez; et qy ay este en moint -bone compaignie et en molt beal fait, come bien qe ieo <ne fuisse -dignes, et> ne feisse vncqes ne beal fait ne beal emprise; et qi -meintenant suy venuz a repos maugre mien, pur goutes artetikes qi -moy destreignont; en preignan solacz en mon cheitif repos, en -recordant le temps passe, ay cestes choses compilez et mises en -escript, si come il me poet souuenir, lan de grace mil ccc.lvime, -a xxxiiiite an qe ieo men party de noz pais. - -'Si pri a toutz les lisauntz, si lour plest, qils voillent Dieu prier -pur moy, et ieo priera pur eux. Et toutz cils qi pur moy dirrount vne -_Paternoster_ qe Dieu me face remissioun de mes pecches, ieo les face -parteners et lour ottroie part dez toutz les bons pelrinages et dez -toutz les bienfaitz qe ieo feisse vnqes, et qe ieo ferray, si Dieu -plest, vncqore iusqes a ma fyn. Et pry a Dieu, de qy toute bien et toute -grace descent, qil toutz les lisantz et oyantz Cristiens voille de sa -grace reemplir, et lour corps et les almes sauuer, a la glorie et loenge -de ly qi est trinz et vns, et saunz comencement et saunz fin, saunz -qualite bons, saunz quantite grantz, en toutz lieus present et toutz -choses contenant, et qy nul bien ne poet amender ne nul mal enpirer, qy -en Trinite parfite vit et regne par toutz siecles et par toutz temps. -Amen.' - -274. _blamed_: The Old French verb _empescher_ means both 'to hinder, -prevent', and 'to accuse, impeach'. But here _empeschez_ should have -been translated by 'prevented', not 'blamed'. - -284-306. This passage, which in one form or another appears in nearly -all the MSS. in English, has no equivalent in the MSS. in French so far -examined: and, as it conflicts with ll. 313 ff., which--apart from the -peculiarities of the Cotton rendering--indicate that the _Travels_ were -written after Mandeville's return, it must be set down as an -interpolation. - -The art of forging credentials was well understood in the Middle Ages, -and the purpose of this addition was to silence doubters by the -_imprimatur_ of the highest authority, just as the marvel of the Dancers -of Colbek is confirmed by the sponsorship of Pope Leo IX (I 246-9). The -different interpretation of the latest editor, Hamelius, who thinks it -was intended as a sly hit at the Papacy (_Quarterly Review_ for April -1917, pp. 349 f.) seems to rest on the erroneous assumption that the -passage belonged to the French text as originally written. - -The anachronism by which the author is made to seek the Pope _in Rome_ -gives a clue to the date of the interpolation. From the beginning of the -fourteenth century until 1377 Avignon, and not Rome, was the seat of the -Pope; and for another thirty years there was doubt as to the issue of -the conflict between the popes, who had their head-quarters at Rome and -were recognized by England, and the antipopes, who remained at Avignon -and had the support of the French. The facts were notorious, so that the -anachronism would hardly be possible to one who wrote much before the -end of the century, even though he were a partisan of the Roman court. - -From internal evidence it would seem that the interpolation first -appeared in French. The style is the uniform style of translation, with -the same tags--_and [gh]ee schull vndirstonde_ = _et sachiez_; _[gh]if -it lyke [gh]ou_ = _si vous plest_; and the same trick of double -rendering, e.g. _of dyuerse secte and of beleeve_; _wyse and discreet_; -_the auctour ne the persone_. More decisive is an example of the -syntactical compromise explained in the note to l. 329: #be# _the whiche -the Mappa Mundi was made_ #after#. With so many French MSS. of -Mandeville in use in England, an interpolation in French would have more -authority than one that could not be traced beyond English; and it can -hardly be an insuperable objection that no such French text exists -to-day, since our knowledge of the Cotton and Egerton versions -themselves depends in each case on the chance survival of a single MS. - -The point has a bearing on the vexed question of the relations of the -English texts one to another. For brevity we may denote by D the -defective text of the early prints and most MSS., which is specially -distinguished by a long gap near the beginning; by C the Cotton text -(ed. Halliwell, Pollard, Hamelius); by E the Egerton text (ed. Warner). -Nicholson (in the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_) and Warner give priority -to D, and consider that C and E are independent revisions and expansions -of D by writers who had recourse to the French original. Their argument -seems to be this: There is precise evidence just before the gap that D -derives direct from a mutilated French text (see _Enc. Brit._), and if -it be granted that a single translation from the French is the base of -C, D, and E, it follows that C and E are based on D. - -A fuller study by Vogels (_Handschriftliche Untersuchungen über die -Englische Version Mandeville's_, Crefeld 1891) brings to light a new -fact: the two Bodleian MSS., E Museo 116 and Rawlinson D 99, contain an -English translation (say L) made from a Latin text of the _Travels_. -Vogels also shows that E is based on D, because the characteristic -lacuna of D is filled in E by a passage which is borrowed from L and is -not homogeneous with the rest of E. So far there is no conflict with the -view of Nicholson and Warner. But, after adducing evidence in favour of -the contention that C, D, and E are at base one translation, Vogels -concludes that D derives from C, arguing thus: There is good evidence -that C is a direct translation from the French, and if it be granted -that a single translation from the French is the base of C and D, it -follows that D derives from C. - -In short, the one party maintains that C is an expansion of D, the other -that D is an abridgement of C; and this flat opposition results from -the acceptance of common ground: that C and D represent in the main one -translation and not two translations. - -To return to our interpolation: - -(1) Vogels's first piece of evidence that C, D, and E are at base one -translation is the appearance in all of this interpolation, which is -absent from the MSS. in French. But a passage so remarkable might spread -from one to the other of two independent English texts; or if the -interpolation originated in England in a MS. of the French text since -lost, it might be twice translated. - -(2) Vogels assumes that the interpolation first appeared in type C. But -C is the form in which it would be least likely to originate, because -here the contradiction of statement is sharpest owing to the rendering -at ll. 313-14: _and now I am comen hom_, which is peculiar to C (see the -French). - -(3) If, in order to eliminate individual peculiarities, we take two MSS. -of the D type--say Harley 2386 and Royal 17 C. XXXVIII--we find that -their text of the interpolation is identical with that of E. This is -consistent with Vogels's finding that the body of E derives from D; and -it confirms the evidence of all the defective MSS. that the -interpolation in this particular form was an integral part of the D -type. - -(4) But between the text of the interpolation in D and that in C there -are differences in matter, in sentence order, and in phrasing, which, -while they do not exclude the possibility of interdependence, do not -suggest such a relation. In D the passage is a naked attempt at -authentication; in C it is more artfully though more shamelessly -introduced by the touch of piety conventional in epilogues. And as the -signs of a French original that appear in C are absent from D, it is -unlikely that the text of the interpolation in C derives from D. - -(5) Again, in D and E the addition follows the matter of ll. 307-20. -Unfortunately, though the balance of probability is in favour of the -order in C, the order intended by the interpolator is not certain enough -to be made the basis of arguments. But such a difference in position is -naturally explained from the stage when the interpolation stood in the -margin of a MS., or on an inserted slip, so that it might be taken into -the consecutive text at different points. And an examination of the -possibilities will show that if the interpolation originated in French, -the different placing is more simply explained on the assumption that C -and D are independent translations than on the assumption that one of -them derives from the other. - -To sum up: the central problem for the history of the English texts is -the relation of C and D. Taken by itself the evidence afforded by the -text of the interpolation is against the derivation of C from D; it -neither favours nor excludes the derivation of D from C; it rather -favours independent translation in C and D. - -For the relations of the rest of the text these deductions afford no -more than a clue. Against independent translation of C and D stands the -evidence adduced by Vogels for basic unity. Much of this could be -accounted for by the coincidences that are inevitable in literal prose -translations from a language so near to English in vocabulary and word -order; and a few striking agreements might be due to the use of French -MSS. having abnormal variants in common, or even to reference by a -second translator to the first. The remainder must be weighed against a -considerable body of evidence in the contrary sense, e.g. several places -where the manuscripts of the French text have divergent readings, of -which C translates one, and D another. - -It is unlikely that any simple formula will be found to cover the whole -web of relationships: but any way of reconciling the conclusions of the -authorities should be explored; and the first step is an impartial -sifting of all the evidence, with the object of discovering to what -extent C and D are interdependent, and to what extent independent -translations. The chief obstacle is the difficulty of bringing the -necessary texts together; for an investigator who wished to clear the -ground would have to face the labour of preparing a six-text -_Mandeville_, in the order, French, C, D, E, L, Latin. - -301. _Mappa Mundi_: OFr. and ME. _Mappemounde_, was the generic name for -a chart of the world, and, by extension, for a descriptive geography of -the world. It is not clear what particular _Mappa Mundi_ is referred to -here, or whether such a map was attached to the manuscript copy of the -_Travels_ in which this interpolation first appeared. - -329. _fro whom all godenesse and grace cometh fro_: cp. 24-5 _the lond -of the whiche on of the žre Kynges... was kyng offe_; 76-8 _žei... of -whom all science... cometh from_; and 301-2 _be the whiche the_ Mappa -Mundi _was made after_. The pleonasm is explained by the divergence of -French and ME. word order. In French, as in modern literary English, the -preposition is placed at the beginning of the clause, before the -relative (_de qui_, _dont_, &c.). ME. writers naturally use the relative -_that_, and postpone the preposition to the end of the clause: e.g. _žat -all godenesse cometh fro_. The translator compromises between his French -original and his native habit by placing the preposition both at the -beginning and at the end. - - -X - -#Dialect#: Northern (Scots): the MS. copy was made in 1487 more than a -century after the poem was composed. - -#Vocabulary#: Note _till_ 'to' 4, 77 (in rime); _syne_ 'afterwards' 35, -112; the forms _sic_ 'such' 135, _begouth_ 94, and the short verbal -forms _ma_ (in rime) 'make' 14, _tane_ (in rime) 'taken' 19. - -#Inflexions#: - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _has_ 76. - 3 pl. _has_ 52, _mais_ 72; but _thai haf_ 16. - pres. p. _rynand_ 17, _vyndland_ 129 (in rime). - strong pp. _gane_ 84, _drawyn_ 124. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: sg. fem. nom. _scho_ (in rime) 80; - pl. _thai_ 1: _thair_ 28; _thame_ 3. - -#Sounds#: OE. _[=a]_ remains: _brynstane_ (in rime) 20, _sare_ 51. - -OE. _[=o]_ (close _[=o.]_) appears as _u_ (_[=ü]_?): _gude_ 36, _fut_ -57, _tume_ 143. - -Unaccented _-(e)d_ of weak pa. t. and pp. becomes _-(i)t_: _passit_ 2, -&c. - -#Spelling#: _i_ (_y_) following a vowel indicates length: _weill_ 10, -_noyne_ 'noon' 67. - -OE. _hw-_ appears as _quh-_ (indicating strong aspiration): _quhelis_ -'wheels' 17, _quhar_ 18. - -_v_ and _w_ are interchanged: _vithall_ 9, _behevin_ 163, _in swndir_ -106. - - * * * * * - -Book XVII of _The Bruce_ begins with the capture of Berwick by the Scots -in March 1318. Walter Stewart undertakes to hold the city, and is aided -in preparing defences by a Flemish engineer, John Crab. Next year King -Edward II determines to recapture the stronghold by an attack from both -land and sea. He entrenches his forces and makes the first assault -unsuccessfully early in September 1319. In this battle the Scotch -garrison capture a clever engineer (see note to l. 71 below). King -Robert Bruce meanwhile orders a raid into England as a diversion, and on -20 September 1319, an English army, led by the Archbishop of York, is -disastrously defeated by the invaders at Mitton. Our extract gives the -story of the second assault on Berwick, which was also fruitless. The -fortress fell into English hands again as a result of the battle of -Halidon Hill in 1333: see XIV _a_ 35-6. - - * * * * * - -5-6. 'They made a sow of great joists, which had a stout covering over -it.' The _sow_ was essentially a roof on wheels. The occupants, under -shelter of the roof, pushed up to the walls of the besieged place and -tried to undermine them. For an illustration see Cutts, _Scenes and -Characters of the Middle Ages_, Pt. VI, chap. vi, where other military -engines of the time are described. - -15. _Crabbis consale_: John Crab was the engineer of the garrison. He is -no doubt the same as the John Crab who in 1332 brought Flemish ships -round from Berwick to attack the English vessels at Dundee. There was an -important Flemish colony at Berwick from early times. - -36. _Schir Valter, the gude Steward_: Walter Steward, whose surname -denotes his office as Steward of Scotland, was the father of Robert II, -the first king of the Stuart line. - -42. _Rude-evyn_: September 13, the eve of the feast of the Exaltation of -the Cross. - -49. _thame... of the toune_, 'the defenders of the town'. - -51. _or than_, 'or else'. - -71 ff. _The engynour_: an English engineer captured by the garrison in -the previous assault and forced into their service. - -80. _scho_, 'she', some engine of war not previously referred to: -apparently a mechanical sling. - -123 ff. The boats were filled with men and hoisted up the masts, so as -to overtop the walls and allow the besiegers to shoot at the garrison -from above. The same engine that proved fatal to the sow was used to -break up the boats. - -146. _thar wardane with him had_, 'their warden <who> had with him'; cp. -note to XIII _a_ 36. - -158-61. A confused construction. The writer has in mind: (1) 'Of all the -men he had there remained with him only one whom he had not left to -relieve', &c.; and (2) 'There were no members of his company (except -one) whom he had not left', &c. - - -XI - -#Dialect#: South Midland. - -#Inflexions#: _u_ for inflexional _e_, as in _knowun_ _a_ 2, _seun_ _a_ -51, _a[gh]enus_ _a_ 29, _mannus_ _b_ 114 is found chiefly in West -Midland. - - VERB: pres. ind. 2 sg. _madist_ _b_ 214. - 3 sg. _groundiž_ _a_ 4. - 3 pl. _seyn_ _a_ 1, _techen_ _b_ 5. - pres. p. _brennynge_ _b_ 67. - strong pp. _knowun_ _a_ 2, _[gh]ouen_ _b_ 264, _take_ _b_ - 271. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. _žey_, _žei_, _a_ 3, _b_ 9; - possessive usually _žer_ in _a_ 1, 23, &c.; but _her_ _a_ - 52, and regularly _here_ in _b_ 25, 36, &c.; - objective _hem_ _a_ 4, _b_ 3. - -#Sounds#: OE. _[=a]_ appears regularly as _o_, _oo_: _more_ _a_ 7, -_Hooly_ _a_ 10, _toolde_ _a_ 65. - -OE. _y_ appears as _y_, _i_: _synne_ _a_ 61, _stiren_ _b_ 93. - -The form _žouž_ (= _žou[gh]_) _b_ 190 probably indicates -sound-substitution; and in _ynowž[gh]_ (= _ynou[gh]_) _b_ 149 there is -wavering between the two forms. - - * * * * * - -_a_ 12. _Wit Sunday_: the first element is OE. _hw[=i]t_ 'white', not -'wit'. - -_a_ 25 ff. Translations of the Bible were common in France at this -time. No less than six fine copies survive from the library of John, -Duke of Berry (d. 1416). About the middle of the fourteenth century King -John of France ordered a new translation and commentary to be made at -the expense of the Jews, but it was never finished, although several -scholars were still engaged on it at the end of the century. The early -French verse renderings, which incorporate a good deal of mediaeval -legend, are described by J. Bonnard, _Les Traductions de la Bible en -Vers Franēais au Moyen Āge_ (Paris 1884); the prose by S. Berger, _La -Bible Franēaise au Moyen Āge_ (Paris 1884). Of the surviving manuscripts -mentioned in these excellent monographs several were written in England. - -_a_ 28 ff. In earlier times, when most of those who could read at all -were schooled in Latin, the need for English translations of the -Scriptures was not so pressing, and the partial translations that were -made were intended rather for the use of the clergy and their noble -patrons than for the people. Bede (d. 735) completed a rendering of St. -John's Gospel on his death-bed. Old English versions of the Gospels and -the Psalms still survive. Abbot Aelfric (about A.D. 1000) translated the -first five books of the Old Testament; and more than one Middle English -version of the Psalms is known. Wiclif was perhaps unaware of the Old -English precedents because French renderings became fashionable in -England from the twelfth century onwards, and he would probably think of -the Psalter more as a separate service book than as an integral part of -the Bible. But the prologue to the Wiclifite version attributed to John -Purvey quotes the example of Bede and King Alfred; and the Dialogue on -Translation which, in Caxton's print, serves as preface to Trevisa's -translation of Higden, emphasizes the Old English precedents. Both may -be read in _Fifteenth Century Prose and Verse_, ed. A. W. Pollard, -London 1903, pp. 193 ff. The attitude of the mediaeval Church towards -vernacular translations of the Bible has been studied very fully by Miss -M. Deanesly, _The Lollard Bible and other Medieval Biblical Versions_, -Cambridge 1920. - -_a_ 34. _že pley of [Gh]ork._ The York Paternoster Play has not -survived, but there are records from 1389 of a Guild of the Lord's -Prayer at York, whose main object was the production of the play. It -seems to have been an early example of the moral play, holding up 'the -vices to scorn and the virtues to praise', and it probably consisted of -several scenes, each exhibiting one of the Seven Deadly Sins. The last -recorded representation was in 1572. See Chambers, _The Mediaeval -Stage_, vol. ii, p. 154. The association of the friars with the -production of religious plays is confirmed by other writings of the -time. They were quick to realize the value of dramatic representation -as a means of gaining favour with the people, and their encouragement -must be reckoned an important factor in the development of the Miracle -Play. - -_a_ 51. _wher_, 'whether'; cp. _b_ 207. In ll. 197, 266, 274, it -introduces a direct question; see note to V 118. - -_b_ 20. _Gregory_, Gregory the Great. See his work _In Primum Regum -Expositiones_, Bk. iii, c. 28: _praedicatores autem Sanctae Ecclesiae... -prophetae ministerio utuntur_ (Migne, _Patrologia_, vol. lxxix, col. -158). - -_b_ 44. <_God_>. Such omissions from the Corpus MS. are supplied -throughout from the copy in Trinity College, Dublin, MS. C. III. 12. - -_b_ 79-80. Cp. Luke xxi. 36 and 1 Thessalonians v. 17. - -_b_ 89-91. Proverbs xxviii. 9. - -_b_ 126. _as Ambrose_: In 386 St. Ambrose, besieged in the Portian -Church at Milan by Arian sectaries, kept his followers occupied and in -good heart by introducing the Eastern practice of singing hymns and -antiphons. See St. Augustine's _Confessions_ Bk. ix, c. 7. - -_b_ 131-2. _placebo._ Vespers of the Dead, named from the first word of -the antiphon, _Placebo Domino in regione vivorum_ (Psalm cxiv. 9). - -_dirige._ Matins of the Dead, named from the first word of the antiphon, -_Dirige, Domine, Deus meus, in conspectu tuo viam meam_ (Psalm v. 9). -Hence our word _dirge_. - -_comendacion_: an office in which the souls of the dead are commended to -God. - -_matynes of Oure Lady_: one of the services in honour of the Virgin -introduced in the Middle Ages. - -The whole question of these accretions to the Church services is dealt -with by our English master in liturgical study, the late Mr. Edmund -Bishop, in his essay introductory to the Early English Text Society's -edition of the _Prymer_, since reprinted with additional notes in his -_Liturgica Historica_ (Oxford 1918), pp. 211 ff. - -_b_ 137 f. _deschaunt, countre note, and orgon, and smale brekynge._ The -elaboration of the Church services in mediaeval times was accompanied by -a corresponding enrichment of the music. To the plain chant additional -parts were joined, sung in harmony either above or below the plain -chant. _Descant_ usually means the addition of a part above, _organ_ and -_countre-note_ (= counterpoint) the addition of parts either above or -below. All these could be composed note for note with the plain chant. -But _smale brekyng_ represents a further complication, whereby the -single note in the plain chant was represented by two or more notes in -the accompanying parts. - -_b_ 140 f. The abuse is referred to in _Piers Plowman_: - - _Persones and parsheprests pleynede to the bisshop - That hure parshens ben poore sitthe the pestelence tyme, - To haue licence and leue in Londone to dwelle, - And synge ther for symonye, for seluer ys swete._ - - _Prologue_ ll. 81-4. - -and by Chaucer in his description of the Parson: - - _He sette nat his benefice to hyre, - And leet his sheepe encombred in the myre, - And ran to Londoun, unto Seint Poules, - To seken hym a chaunterie for soules._ - - _Prologue_ ll. 507-10. - -_b_ 183. _Ordynalle of Salisbury._ An 'ordinal' is a book showing the -order of church services and ceremonies. In mediaeval times there was -considerable divergence in the usage of different churches. But after -the Conquest, and more especially in the thirteenth century, there was -developed at Salisbury Cathedral an elaborate order and form of service -which spread to most of the English churches of any pretensions. This -was called 'Sarum' or 'Salisbury' use. - -_b_ 209. _žei demen it dedly synne a prest to fulfille_, &c. For this -construction, cp. Chaucer, _Prologue_ 502 _No wonder is a lewed man to -ruste_; Shakespeare, _Two Gentlemen of Verona_, V. iv. 108 f. _It is the -lesser blot... Women to change their shapes_, &c. The same construction, -where we now insert _for_, is seen in _Gawayne_ (v. 352-3) _hit were a -wynne huge... a leude, žat couže, to luf hom wel_, &c. - -_b_ 221-3. 'They say that a priest may be excused from saying mass, to -be the substance of which God gave Himself, provided that he hears one.' - -_b_ 228 f. _newe costy portos, antifeners, graielis, and alle ožere -bokis._ _Portos_, French _porte hors_, represents Latin _portiforium_, a -breviary convenient for 'carrying out of doors'. The _antifener_ -contained the antiphons, responses, &c., necessary for the musical -service of the canonical hours. The _graiel_, or _gradual_, was so -called from the gradual responses, sung at the steps of the altar, or -while the deacon ascended the steps of the pulpit: but the book actually -contained all the choral service of the Mass. - -_b_ 230. _makynge of biblis._ Wiclif in his _Office of Curates_ (ed. -Matthew, p. 145) complains of the scarcity of bibles. _But fewe curatis -han že Bible and exposiciouns of že Gospelis, and litel studien on hem, -and lesse donne after hem. But wolde God žat euery parische chirche in -žis lond hadde a good Bible!_ &c. - -_b_ 234. At this time books, especially illuminated books, were very -dear. The Missal of Westminster Abbey, which is now shown in the -Chapter-house, was written in 1382-4 at a cost of £34 14_s._ 7_d._--a -great sum in those days, for the scribe, Thomas Preston, who took two -years to write it, received only £4 for his labour, 20_s._ for his -livery, and board at the rate of 21_s._ 8_d._ the half year. The -inscription in British Museum MS. Royal 19 D. II, a magnificently -illustrated Bible with commentary, shows that it was captured at -Poitiers with King John of France, and bought by the Earl of Salisbury -for 100 marks (about £66). Edward III gave the same sum to a nun of -Amesbury for a rich book of romance. In France John, Duke of Berry, paid -as much as £200 for a breviary, and the appraisement of his library in -1416 shows a surprisingly high level of values (L. Delisle, _Le Cabinet -des Manuscrits_, vol. iii, pp. 171 ff.). These were luxurious books. The -books from the chapel of Archbishop Bowet of York (d. 1423) sold more -reasonably: £8 for a great antiphonar and £6 13_s._ 4_d._ _pro uno libro -vocato 'Bibill'_, were the highest prices paid; and from his library -there were some fascinating bargains: 4_s._ for a small copy of -Gregory's _Cura Pastoralis_; 5_s._ _pro uno libro vocato 'Johannes -Andrewe', vetere et debili_, which would probably turn out to be a dry -work on the Decretals; and 3_s._ 4_d._ for a nameless codex, _vetere et -caduco_, 'old and falling to pieces'. (_Historians of the Church of -York_, ed. J. Raine, vol. iii, pp. 311, 315.) - -But the failing activity of the monastic scriptoria, and the formation -of libraries by the friars and by rich private collectors, made study -difficult for students at the universities, where at this time a -shilling per week--a third of the price of Bowet's most dilapidated -volume--was reckoned enough to cover the expenses of a scholar living -plainly. The college libraries were scantily supplied: books were lent -only in exchange for a valuable pledge; or even pawned, in hard times, -by the colleges themselves. - -These conditions were not greatly improved until printing gave an easy -means of duplication, and for a time caused the humble manuscripts in -which most of the mediaeval vernacular literature was preserved to be -treated as waste paper. As late as the eighteenth century Martčne found -the superb illuminated manuscripts left by John, Duke of Berry, to the -Sainte Chapelle at Bourges serving as roosting places to their keeper's -hens (_Voyage Littéraire_, Paris 1717, pt. i, p. 29). - -_b_ 261-3. The reference is to Acts vi. 2, 'It is not reason that we -should leave the word of God, and serve tables.' - -_b_ 266. _wisere žan._ After these words the Corpus MS. (p. 170, col. i, -l. 34 mid.), without any warning, goes on to the closing passage of an -entirely unrelated 'Petition to the King and Parliament'. By way of -compensation, the end of our sermon appears at the close of the -Petition. Clearly the scribe (or some one of his predecessors) copied -without any regard for the sense from a MS. of which the leaves had -become disarranged. - -_b_ 285. Cp. Acts iii. 6. - - -XII - -#Dialect#: London (SE. Midland) with Kentish features. - -#Inflexions#: - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _loveth_ _a_ 5; contracted _stant_ _a_ 74. - 3 pl. _schewen_ _a_ 136, _halsen_ _a_ 148, _be_ - (in rime) _a_ 92. - pres. p. _growende_ _a_ 80. - strong pp. _schape_ (in rime) _a_ 130, beside _schapen_ _a_ - 169. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: sg. fem. nom. _sche_ _a_ 32; - pl. _thei_ _a_ 148; _here_ _a_ 144; _hem_ _a_ 112. - -Unaccented final _-e_ is treated as in Chaucer, having its full value in -the verse when it represents an inflexion or final vowel in Old English -or Old French, e.g. - - _And for he schold[.e] slep[.e] soft[.e]_ _a_ 93 - _An ap[.e], which at thilk[.e] throw[.e]_ _b_ 5 - -#Sounds#: _e_ appears as in Kentish for OE. _y_: _hell_ 'hill' _a_ 65, -79, 86; _keste_ 'kissed' _a_ 178; note the rimes _unschette_: _lette_ -_a_ 71-2; _pet_ 'pit': _let_ _b_ 9-10; and less decisive _pet_: _knet_ -(OE. _knyttan_) _b_ 29-30, 53-4; _dreie_: _beie_ _b_ 23-4. - -#Spelling#: _ie_ represents close _[=e.]_: _flietende_ _a_ 157, _hier_ -_b_ 34; _diemed_ _b_ 216. - -#Syntax#: The elaborate machinery of sentence connexion deserves special -attention; and many turns of phrase are explained by Gower's fluency in -French. - - * * * * * - -_a_ 1. Gower follows Ovid, _Metamorphoses_, Bk. xi. Chaucer tells the -story of Ceix and Alcyone in his _Death of Blanche the Duchess_, ll. 62 -ff. This is presumably the early work to which the Man of Law refers: - - _I kan right now no thrifty tale seyn - But Chaucer, thogh he kan but lewedly - On metres and on rymyng craftily, - Hath seyd hem, in swich Englissh as he kan, - Of olde tyme, as knoweth many a man; - And if he have noght seyd hem, leve brother, - In o book, he hath seyd hem in another; - For he hath toold of loveris up and doun - Mo than Ovide made of mencioun - In his ~Epistelles~, that been ful olde. - What sholde I tellen hem, syn they ben tolde? - In youthe he made of Ceys and Alcione_, &c. - - (Link to _Man of Law's Tale_, ll. 46 ff.) - -Gower's rendering is the more poetical. - -_a_ 2. _Trocinie._ Ovid's _Trachinia tellus_, so called from the city of -Trachis, north-west of Thermopylae. - -_a_ 23. _As he which wolde go_: otiose, or at best meaning no more than -'desiring to go'. Cp. _b_ 25 _As he which hadde_ = 'having' simply; and -similarly _b_ 37, 203. It is an imitation of a contemporary French idiom -_comme celui qui_. - -_a_ 26. _and_: the displacement of the conjunction from its natural -position at the beginning of the clause is characteristic of Gower's -verse. Cp. l. 152 _Upon the morwe and up sche sterte_ = 'and in the -morning she got up', and _a_ 45, 49, _b_ 121, 124, 135, 160, 182. See -notes to ll. 32, 78 f. - -_a_ 32. Editors put a comma after _wepende_, and no stop after -_seileth_: but it is Alceoun who weeps. The displacement of _and_ is -exemplified in the notes to l. 26 and ll. 78 f. - -_a_ 37. 'One had not to look for grief'; a regular formula of -understatement, meaning 'her grief was great'. - -_a_ 53. _Hire reyny cope_, &c.: the rainbow, which was the sign or -manifestation of Iris. - -_a_ 59 ff. - - _Prope Cimmerios longo spelunca recessu, - Mons cavus, ignavi domus et penetralia Somni._ - - (_Metamorphoses_ xi. 592-3.) - -Much of the poetry of Gower's description is due to Ovid. - -_a_ 78 f. Editors put no stop after _may_ and a comma after _hell_. -Hence _The New English Dictionary_ quotes this passage as an isolated -instance of _noise_, transitive, meaning 'disturb with noise'. But -_noise_ is intransitive, _hell_ is governed by _aboute round_, and the -position of _bot_ is abnormal as in l. 105. Cp. notes to ll. 26, 32, and -render 'But all round about the hill'. - -_a_ 105. For the word order see notes to ll. 26, 32, 78 f. - -_a_ 117. _The lif_, 'the man', cp. IV _a_ 43. - -_a_ 118. _Ithecus_: for Icelos. According to Ovid 'Icelos' was the name -by which he was known to the gods, but men called him 'Phobetor'. - -_a_ 123. _Panthasas_: Ovid's _Phantasos_. - -_a_ 152. See note to l. 26. - -_a_ 197. The halcyon, usually identified with the kingfisher, was -supposed to build a floating nest on the sea in midwinter, and to have -power to calm the winds and waves at that season, bringing 'halcyon -weather'. - -_b_ 2. _I finde._ Matthew Paris in his _Chronica Maiora_ (ed. Luard, -Rolls Series, vol. ii, pp. 413 ff.) gives a similar story, which, he -says, King Richard the First often told to rebuke ingratitude. In this -version, Vitalis of Venice falls into a pit dug as a trap for wild -beasts. The rescued animals are a lion and a serpent; the rescuer is -nameless, and the gem given to him by the serpent has not the magic -virtue of returning whenever sold. Nearer to Gower is the story told in -Nigel Wireker's _Speculum Stultorum_, a late twelfth-century satire in -Latin verse, which, from the name of its principal character Burnellus -the Ass, who is ambitious to have a longer tail, is sometimes called -_Burnellus_; cp. Chaucer, _Nun's Priest's Tale_, l. 492: - - _I have wel rad in Daun Burnel the Asse - Among his vers_, &c. - -The poem is printed in T. Wright's _Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets and -Epigrammatists of the Twelfth Century_ (Rolls Series, 1872), vol. i. At -the end the Ass returns disappointed to his master Bernardus (= Bardus). -Bernardus, when gathering wood, hears Dryanus (= Adrian), a rich citizen -of Cremona, call from a pit for help. The rescued animals are a lion, a -serpent, and an ape. The gem given by the serpent in token of gratitude -always returns to Bernardus, who, with more honesty than Gower's poor -man shows, takes it back to the buyer. The fame of the marvellous stone -reaches the king; his inquiries bring to light the whole story; and -Dryanus is ordered to give half his goods to Bernardus. - -Gower probably worked on a later modification of Nigel's story. - -_b_ 86. _blessed_, 'crossed (himself)'. - -_b_ 89. _Betwen him and his asse_, i.e. pulling together with the ass. -The ass is, of course, the distinguished Burnellus. - -_b_ 116. _his ape_: for _this ape_ (?). - -_b_ 191. _Justinian_, Emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire (d. 565), was -best known for his codification of the Roman Law, and so is named here -as the type of a lawgiver. - - -XIII - -#Dialect#: South-Western, with some Midland forms. - -#Inflexions#: - - VERB: pres. ind. 3 sg. _blowež_ _a_ 7, _castež_ _a_ 8. - 3 pl. _buž_ _a_ 10, _habbež_ _a_ 15. - pres. p. _slyttyng_, _frotyng_ _b_ 59. - strong pp. _yknowe_ _a_ 12, _ysode_ _a_ 30. - NOUN: Note the plural in _-(e)n_, _tren_ 'trees' _a_ 44, 51, 53; - _chyldern_ _b_ 16 is a double plural. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. _hy_ _a_ 17; _here_ _a_ 61; _ham_ _a_ 23. - Note the unstressed 3 sg. and 3 pl. form _a_, e.g. at _a_ - 13, 27. - -#Sounds#: There is no instance of _v_ for initial _f_, which is -evidenced in the spelling of early South-Western writers like Robert of -Gloucester (about 1300), or of _z_ for initial _s_, which is less -commonly shown in spelling. _u_ for OE. _y_ occurs in _hulles_ 'hills' -_a_ 18 (beside _bysynes_ _b_ 24, where Modern English has _u_ in -spelling but _i_ in pronunciation; and _lift_ (OE. _lyft_) _b_ 39, where -Modern English has the South-Eastern form _left_). - - * * * * * - -_a_ 2-3. _Mayster... Minerua... hys_: Trevisa appears to have understood -'Minerva' as the name of a god. - -_a_ 6-49. Higden took all this passage from Book i of the -twelfth-century Annals of Alfred of Beverley (ed. Hearne, pp. 6-7). The -_Polychronicon_ is a patchwork of quotations from earlier writers. - -_a_ 7. _Pectoun._ Higden has _ad Peccum_, and Alfred of Beverley _in -monte qui vocatur Pec_, i.e. The Peak of Derbyshire. _cc_ and _ct_ are -not distinguishable in some hands of the time, and Trevisa has made -_Peccum_ into _Pectoun_. - -_a_ 14. _Cherdhol._ Hearne's text of Alfred of Beverley has _Cherole_; -Henry of Huntingdon (about 1150), who gives the same four marvels in his -_Historia Anglorum_, has _Chederhole_; and on this evidence the place -has been identified with Cheddar in Somerset, where there are famous -caves. - -_a_ 22. _an egle hys nest_: cp. _b_ 23 _a child hys brouch_. This -construction has two origins: (1) It is a periphrasis for the genitive, -especially in the case of masculine and neuter proper names which had no -regular genitive in English; (2) It is an error arising from false -manuscript division of the genitive suffix _-es_, _-is_, from its stem. - -_a_ 36. <_žat_> here and in l. 52 is inserted on the evidence of the -other MSS. Syntactically its omission is defensible, for the suppressed -relative is a common source of difficulty in Middle English; see the -notes to V 4-6, 278-9; X 146; XIV _c_ 54; XVII 66. - -_a_ 50. _Wynburney._ Wimborne in Dorset. Here St. Cuthburga founded a -nunnery, which is mentioned in one of Aldhelm's letters as early as A.D. -705. The information that it is 'not far from Bath', which is hardly -accurate, was added by Higden to the account of the marvel he found in -the _Topographia Hibernica_ of Giraldus Cambrensis (vol. v, p. 86 of the -Rolls Series edition of his works). - -_a_ 54-64. Higden took this passage from Giraldus, _Itinerarium -Cambriae_, Bk. ii, c. 11 (vol. vi, p. 139 of the Rolls edition). - -_a_ 60-1. _be at here aboue_, 'be over them', 'have the upper hand'. - -_a_ 63. _Pimbilmere_: the English name for Lake Bala. - -_b_ 6-7. _že Flemmynges._ The first settlement of Flemings in -Pembrokeshire took place early in the twelfth century, and in 1154, -Henry II, embarrassed alike by the turbulence of the Welsh, and of the -new host of Flemish mercenaries who had come in under Stephen, -encouraged a further settlement. They formed a colony still -distinguishable from the surrounding Welsh population. - -_b_ 11-12. The threefold division of the English according to their -Continental origin dates back to Bede's _Ecclesiastical History_. But -the areas settled by Bede's three tribes do not correspond to Southern, -Northern, and Midland. The Jutes occupied Kent, whence the South-Eastern -dialect; the Saxons occupied the rest of the South, whence the -South-Western dialect; and the Angles settled in the Midlands and the -North; so that the Midland and Northern dialects are both Anglian, and -derive from the same Continental tribe or tribal group. - -_b_ 26. _že furste moreyn_: the Black Death of 1349. There were fresh -outbreaks of plague in 1362, 1369, 1376. - -_b_ 26-42. The bracketed passage is an addition by Trevisa himself, and -is of primary importance for the history of English and of English -education. See the valuable article by W. H. Stevenson in _An English -Miscellany Presented to Dr. Furnivall_, pp. 421 ff. - -_b_ 27-8. _Iohan Cornwal, a mayster of gramere._ A 'master of grammar' -was a licensed teacher of grammar. Mr. Stevenson points out that in -1347-8 John of Cornwall received payment from Merton College, Oxford, -for teaching the boys of the founder's kin. His countryman Trevisa -probably had personal knowledge of his methods of teaching. - -_b_ 39-40. _and a scholle passe že se_, 'if they should cross the sea'. - -_b_ 47-8. The bracketed words are introduced by Trevisa. - -_b_ 50 f. _and ys gret wondur_: _and_ is superfluous and should perhaps -be deleted. - -_b_ 58-65. Though still often quoted as a fourteenth-century witness to -the pronunciation of Northern English (e.g. by K. Luick, _Historische -Grammatik der englischen Sprache_, 1914, pp. 40 f.), this passage, as -Higden acknowledges, comes from the Prologue to Book iii of William of -Malmesbury's _Gesta Pontificum_, completed in the year 1125: see the -Rolls Series edition, p. 209. - - -XIV - -_a_ 2. _Bannokburn._ Minot's subject is not so much the defeat of the -English at Bannockburn in 1314, as the English victory at Halidon Hill -on 19 July 1333, which he regards as a vengeance for Bannockburn. - -_a_ 7. _Saint Iohnes toune_: Perth, so called from its church of St. -John the Baptist. It was occupied by the English in 1332 after the -defeat of the Scots at Dupplin Moor. - -_a_ 13. _Striflin_, 'Stirling'. - -_a_ 15. Hall suggests that this refers to Scotch raids on the North of -England undertaken to distract Edward III from the siege of Berwick. - -_a_ 19 f. _Rughfute riueling... Berebag_: nicknames for the Scots, the -first because they wore brogues (_riuelings_) of rough hide; the second -because, to allow of greater mobility, each man carried his own bag of -provisions instead of relying on a baggage train. - -_a_ 22. _Brig_ = _Burghes_ l. 25, 'Bruges'. At this time Scots, English, -and French had all close connexions with the Netherlands. Observe that -John Crab, who aided the Scots in the defence of Berwick (note to X 15), -was a Fleming. - -_a_ 35. _at Berwik._ Berwick fell as a result of the battle of Halidon -Hill which the Scots fought with the object of raising the siege. For an -earlier siege of Berwick, in 1319, see No. X. - -_a_ 36. _get_, 'watch', 'be on the look out' (ON. _g['oe]ta_). - -_b_ 5-6. Calais was at this time a convenient base for piracy in the -Channel. - -_b_ 19. _A bare_: Edward III, whom Minot often refers to as -'the boar'. - -_b_ 24-6. In preparation for the long siege Edward III had built a -regular camp beside Calais. - -_b_ 32. _Sir Philip._ Philip de Valois, Philip VI of France (1293-1350). -His son, John Duke of Normandy (1319-64), who succeeded him in 1350, is -of good memory as a lover of fine books. Two are mentioned in the notes -to XI _a_ 25 ff. and XI _b_ 234. A splendid copy of the _Miracles de -Notre Dame_, preserved until recently in the Seminary Library at -Soissons, seems also to have been captured with his baggage at Poitiers, -for it was bought back from the English by King Charles V. Another -famous book produced by his command was the translation of Livy by -Bersuire, with magnificent illuminations. The spirit of the collector -was not damped by his captivity in England from 1356-60, for his account -books show that he continued to employ binders and miniaturists, to -encourage original composition, and to buy books, especially books of -romance. See _Notes et Documents relatifs ą Jean, Roi de France_, &c., -ed. by Henry of Orleans, Duc d'Aumale (Philobiblon Soc., London 1855-6). - -_b_ 40. _že Cardinales._ Pope Clement VI had sent cardinals Annibale -Ceccano bishop of Frascati, and Etienne Aubert, who became Pope Innocent -VI in 1352, to arrange a peace between France and England. But the -English were suspicious of the Papal court at Avignon, and accused the -cardinals of favouring the French cause. - -_b_ 82. _Sir Iohn de Viene._ Jean de Vienne, seigneur de Pagny (d. -1351), a famous captain in the French wars. - -_c_ 5 f. 'They (friends) are so slippery when put to the test, so -eager to have <for themselves>, and so unwilling to give up <to -others>.' - -_c_ 14. _And_, 'if'. - -_c_ 47. King John of France was captured at Poitiers in 1356 and held in -England as a prisoner until the Treaty of Bretigny in 1360. See note to -XIV _b_ 32. - -_c_ 54. Note the omission of the relative: 'which recked not a cleat for -all France', and cp. ll. 43-4, XIII _a_ 36 (note). - -_c_ 59. _his helm_, 'its helm'--the bar by which the rudder was moved. - -_c_ 61. 'The King sailed and rowed aright'; on _him_, see note to XV _g_ -24. - -_c_ 83. _An ympe_: Richard II. - -_c_ 90. _sarri_: not in the dictionaries in this sense, is probably OFr. -_serré_, _sarré_, in the developed meaning 'active', 'vigorous', seen in -the adv. _sarréement_. - -_c_ 103-4. 'If we are disloyal and inactive, so that what is rarely seen -is straightway forgotten.' - -_c_ 108. 'Who was the fountain of all courage.' - -_c_ 111. _los_, 'fame'. - -_d_ 1. SCHEP: here means 'shepherd', 'pastor', a name taken by Ball as -appropriate to a priest. - -_Seynte Marie prest of [Gh]ork_, 'priest of St. Mary's of York' (cp. -note to I 44), a great Benedictine abbey founded soon after the -Conquest; see Dugdale, _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. iii, pp. 529 ff. -_Marie_ does not take the _s_ inflexion, because it has already the -Latin genitive form, cp. _Mary-[gh]et_ X 163. - -_d_ 2. _Iohan Nameles_, 'John Nobody', for _nameless_ has the sense -'obscure', 'lowly'. - -_d_ 6. _Hobbe že Robbere._ _Hob_ is a familiar form for _Robert_, and it -has been suggested that _Hobbe že Robbere_ may refer to Robert Hales, -the Treasurer of England, who was executed by the rebels in 1381. But -_Robert_ was a conventional name for a robber, presumably owing to the -similarity of sound. Already in the twelfth century, Mainerus, the -Canterbury scribe of the magnificent Bible now in the library of -Sainte-Genevičve at Paris, plays upon it in an etymological account of -his family: _Secundus_ (sc. _frater meus_) _dicebatur Robertus, quia a -re nomen habuit: spoliator enim diu fuit et praedo_. From the fourteenth -century lawless men were called _Roberts men_. In _Piers Plowman_ Passus -v (A- and B-texts) there is a confession of 'Robert the Robber'; and the -literary fame of the prince of highwaymen, 'Robin Hood', belongs to this -period. - -_d_ 14. _do wel and bettre_: note this further evidence of the -popularity of _Piers Plowman_, with its visions of _Dowel_, _Dobet_, and -_Dobest_. - - -XV - -_a_ 8. _Že clot him clingge!_ 'May the clay cling to him!' i.e. 'Would -he were dead!' - -_a_ 12. _Žider_: MS. _Yider_, and conversely MS. _Žiif_ 23 for _Yiif_ -'if'. _y_ and _ž_ are endlessly confused by scribes. - -_b_ 1. _Lenten ys come... to toune._ In the Old English _Metrical -Calendar_ phrases like _cymeš... us to tune Martius reše_, 'fierce March -comes to town', are regular. The meaning is 'to the dwellings of men', -'to the world'. - -_b_ 3. _Žat_: construe with _Lenten_. - -_b_ 7. _him žretež_, 'chides', 'wrangles' (ON. _žr['ę]ta_?). See the -thirteenth-century debate of _The Thrush and the Nightingale_ -(_Reliquiae Antiquae_, vol. i, pp. 241 ff.), of which the opening lines -are closely related to this poem. - -_b_ 11. _Ant wlytež on huere wynter wele_, 'and look at their winter -happiness (?)'. This conflicts with _huere wynter wo_ above; and the -explanation that the birds have forgotten the hardships of the past -winter and recall only its pleasures is forced. Holthausen's emendation -_wynne wele_ 'wealth of joys' (cp. l. 35) is good. - -_b_ 20. _Miles_: a crux. It has been suggested without much probability -that _miles_ means 'animals' from Welsh _m[=i]l_. - -_b_ 28. _Deawes donkež že dounes._ Of the suggestions made to improve -the halting metre the best is _žise_ for _že_. The poet is thinking of -the sparkle of dew in the morning sun; cp. _Sir Gawayne_ 519 f.: - - _When že donkande dewe drope[gh] of že leue[gh] - To bide a blysful blusch of že bry[gh]t sunne._ - -_b_ 29-30. 'Animals with their cries (_rounes_) unmeaning to us -(_derne_), whereby they converse (_domes for te deme_).' For the -weakened sense of _deme_ (_domes_) see note to V 115. - -_c_ 30. _Wery so water in wore_: the restless lover (l. 21) has tossed -all night like the troubled waters in a _wore_; cp. _I wake so water in -wore_ in another lyric of the same MS. It has been suggested that _wore_ -= Old High German _wuor_ 'weir'; but the rimes in both passages show -that the stem is OE. _w[=a]r_, not _w[=o]r_. - -_d_ 2. _the holy londe_: because Ireland was _par excellence_ 'the Land -of the Saints'. - -_f._ I am obliged to Professor Carleton Brown for the information that -this poem is found, with two additional stanzas, in MS. 18. 7. 21 of the -Advocates' Library, Edinburgh; and that the full text will be published -shortly in his _Religious Lyrics of the Fourteenth Century_. - -_f_ 4. _bere_ (OE. _b[=y]r_) riming with _fere_ (OE. _(ge)f[=e]ra_) -indicates a South-Eastern composition. - -_g_ 1. _Scere Žorsday_: Maundy Thursday, the eve of Good Friday. - -_g_ 1-2. _aros_: _Iudas_: the alternative form _aras_ may have given the -rime in the original, but it is not justifiable to accept this as -certain and so to assume an early date of composition for the poem. -Morsbach, _ME. Grammatik_, § 135, n. 4, quotes a number of parallel -rimes with proper names, and the best explanation is that _o_ in _aros_ -still represented a sound intermediate between _[=a]_ and _[=o,]_, and -so served as an approximate rime to _[)=a]_ in proper names. - -_g_ 6. _cunesmen_: as _c_ and _t_ are hard to distinguish in some ME. -hands, and are often confused by copyists, this reading is more likely -than _tunesmen_ of the editors--Wright-Halliwell, Mätzner, Child, Cook -(and _N. E. D._ s.v. _townsman_). For (1) _tunesman_ is a technical, not -a poetical word. (2) In a poem remarkable for its terseness, _tunesmen_ -reduces a whole line to inanity, unless the poet thinks of Judas quite -precisely as a citizen of a town other than Jerusalem; and in the -absence of any Biblical tradition it is unlikely that a writer who calls -Pilate _že riche Ieu_ would gratuitously assume that Judas was not a -citizen of Jerusalem, where his sister lived. (3) Christ's words are -throughout vaguely prophetic, and as Judas forthwith _imette wid is -soster_--one of his kin--_cunesmen_ gives a pregnant sense. [I find the -MS. actually has _cunesmen_, but leave the note, lest _tunesmen_ might -appear to be better established.] - -_g_ 8. The repetition of ll. 8, 25, 30 is indicated in the MS. by 'ii' -at the end of each of these lines, which is the regular sign for _bis_. - -_g_ 16. 'He tore his hair until it was bathed in blood.' The MS. has -_top_, not _cop_. - -_g_ 24. _In him com ur Lord gon._ In the MS. _c'ist_ = _Crist_ has been -erased after _Lord_. Note (1) the reflexive use of _him_, which is very -common in OE. and ME. with verbs of motion, e.g. _Up him stod_ 27, 29; -_Žau Pilatus him com_ 30; _Als I me rode_ XV _a_ 4; _The Kyng him rod_ -XIV _c_ 61; cp. the extended use _ar že coc him crowe_ 33, and notes to -II 289, V 86: (2) the use of the infinitive (_gon_) following, and -usually defining the sense of, a verb of motion, where Modern English -always, and ME. commonly (e.g. _[gh]ede karoland_ I 117; _com daunceing_ -II 298), uses the pres. p.: 'Our Lord came walking in'. - -_g_ 27. _am I žat?_ 'Is it I?', the interrogative form of _ich hit am_ -or _ich am hit_. The editors who have proposed to complete the line by -adding _wrech_, have missed the sense. The original rime was _žet_: -_spec_, cp. note to I 240. - -_g_ 30. _cnistes_: for _cniste_ = _cnihte_ representing the OE. gen. pl. -_cnihta_. On the forms _meist_ 6, _heiste_ 18, _eiste_ 20, _bitaiste_ -21, _iboust_ 26, _miste_ 29, _cnistes_ 30, _fiste_ 31, all with _st_ for -OE. _ht_, see Appendix § 6 end. - -_h_ 17-18. Difficult. Perhaps 'The master smith lengthens a little -piece [sc. of hot iron], and hammers a smaller piece, twines the two -together, and strikes [with his hammer] a treble note'. - -_h_ 21-2. _cložemerys... brenwaterys_: not in the dictionaries, but both -apparently nonce names for the smiths: they 'clothe horses' (for by the -end of the fourteenth century a charger carried a good deal of armour -and harness), and 'burn water' (when they temper the red-hot metal). - -_i_ 4. _Žat_: dat. rel. 'to whom'; cp. VI 64. But _lowte_ is sometimes -transitive 'to reverence'. - -_i_ 6. This line, at first sight irrelevant, supplies both rime and -doctrine. See in Chaucer's Preface to his _Tale of Melibeus_ the passage -ending: - - _I meene of Marke, Mathew, Luc and John-- - Bot doutelees hir sentence is all oon._ - -An erased _t_ after _Awangelys_ in the MS. shows that the scribe wavered -between _Awangelys_ 'Gospels' and _Awangelystes_. - -_i_ 7. _Sent Geretrude_: Abbess of Nivelle (d. 659), commemorated on -March 17. She is appropriately invoked, for one or more rats make her -emblem. - -_i_ 11. _Sent Kasi._ I cannot trace this saint, or his acts against the -rats. But parallels are not wanting. St. Ivor, an Irish saint, banished -rats from his neighbourhood _per imprecationem_ because they gnawed his -books; and the charm-harassed life of an Irish rat was still proverbial -in Shakespeare's day: 'I was never so berhymed' says Rosalind (_As You -Like It_, III. ii) 'since Pythagoras' time, that I was an Irish rat'. In -the South of France the citizens of Autun trusted more to the processes -of the law, and brought a suit against the rats which ended in a victory -for the defendants because the plaintiffs were unable to guarantee them -safe conduct to the court (see Chambers, _Book of Days_, under Jan. 17). -Even in such little things the Normans showed their practical genius:--A -friend chancing to meet St. Lanfranc by the way inquired the cause of -the strange noises that came from a bag he was carrying: 'We are -terribly plagued with mice and rats', explained the good man, 'and so, -to put down their ravages, I am bringing along a cat' (_Mures et rati -valde nobis sunt infesti, et idcirco nunc affero catum ad comprimendum -furorem illorum_). _Acta Sanctorum_ for May 28, p. 824. - - -XVI - -#Dialect#: Yorkshire. - -#Inflexions#: - - VERB: pres. ind. 2 sg. _žou royis_ 99, _žou is_ 360; beside _žou - hast_ 69. - 3 sg. _bidis_ 23, _comes_ 57. - 1 pl. _we here_ 169. - 2 pl. _[gh]e haue_ 124. - 3 pl. _žei make_ 103, _žei crie_ 107, _dwelle_ - (rime) 102 ; beside _musteres_ 104, _sais_ - 108. - imper. pl. _harkens_ 37, _beholdes_ 195; but _vndo_ 182. - pres. p. _walkand_ 53 (in rime); beside _shynyng_ 94. - strong pp. _stoken_ 193, _brokynne_ 195, &c. - Contracted verbal forms are _mase_ pres. 3 pl. (in rime) - 116, _bus_ pres. 2 sg. 338, _tane_ pp. 172. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: pl. nom. _žei_ 21; poss. _thare_ 18, _žer_ 20; - obj. _žame_ 9; but _hemselue_ 307. - The demonstrative _žer_ 'these' 97, 399, is Northern. - -#Sounds#: _[=a]_ remains in rimes: _are_: _care_ 345-7, _waa_: _gloria_ -406-8, _lawe_: _knawe_ 313-15, _moste_ (for _m[=a]ste_): _taste_ 358-60; -but _[=o)]_ is also proved for the original in _restore_: _euermore_: -_were_ (for _w[=o,]re_): _before_ 13 ff. - -#Spelling#: In _fois_ (= _f[=o,]s_) 30, the spelling with _i_ indicates -vowel length. - - * * * * * - -17. _were_: rime requires the alternative form _w[=o,]re_. - -39. _Foure thowsande and sex hundereth [gh]ere._ I do not know on what -calculation the writer changes 5,500, which is the figure in the Greek -and Latin texts of the Gospel of Nicodemus, in the French verse -renderings, and the ME. poem _Harrowing of Hell_. Cp. l. 354. - -40. _in žis stedde_: the rimes _hadde_: _gladde_: _sadde_ point to the -Towneley MS. reading _in darknes stad_, 'set in darkness', as nearer the -original, which possibly had _in žister(nes) stad_. - -49. _we_: read _[gh]e_ (?). For what follows cp. Isaiah ix. 1-2. - -59. _puplisshid_: the rime with _Criste_ shows that the pronunciation -was _puplist_. Similarly, _abasshed_: _traste_ 177-9. In French these -words have _-ss-_, which normally becomes _-sh-_ in English. It is hard -to say whether _-ss-_ remained throughout in Northern dialects, or -whether the development was OFr. _-ss-_ > ME. _-sh-_ > Northern _-ss-_ -(notes to I 128, VII 4). - -62. _žis_: read _His (?) frendis_: here 'relatives', 'parents' (ON. -_fr[“ę]ndi_); see Luke ii. 27. - -65-8. Luke ii. 29-32. - -73-82. Matthew iii. 13-17, &c. - -75. _hande_: the rime requires the Norse plural _hend_ as at l. 400; cp. -XVII 255, IV _a_ 65 (foot-note). - -86 ff. Cp. Matthew xvii. 3 ff., Mark ix. 2 ff. - -113. _Astrotte_: cp. 2 Kings xxiii. 13 'Ashtoreth, the abomination of -the Zidonians'. I cannot identify _Anaball_ among the false gods. - -115. _Bele-Berit_: Judges viii. 33 'the children of Israel... made -Baal-Berith their god'. For _Belial_ see 2 Cor. vi. 15. - -122-4. A common misrendering for 'Be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors', -Psalm xxiv. 7. - -125 ff. postulate a preceding _et introibit rex glori[e,]_, which the -writer has not been able to work into the frame of his verse. - -128. _a kyng of vertues clere_ = _dominus virtutum_, rendered 'Lord of -Hosts' in Psalm xxiv. 10. - -154-6. _ware_: _ferre_: the rime indicates some corruption. _ware_ -probably stands for _werre_ 'worse'. The Towneley MS. has _or it be -war_. - -162. John xi. - -165. John xiii. 27. - -171 ff. 'And know he won away Lazarus, who was given to us to take -charge of, do you think that you can hinder him from showing the powers -that he has purposed (to show)?' But it is doubtful whether _what_ is a -true relative. Rather 'from showing his powers--those he has purposed -(to show)'. - -188. _I prophicied_: MS. _of prophicie_ breaks the rime scheme. - -190. Psalm cvii. 16 'For he hath broken the gates of brass, and cut the -bars of iron in sunder.' - -205 ff. The rimes _saide_: _braide_: _ferde_: _grathed_ are bad. For the -last two read _flaide_ = 'terrified', and _graid_, a shortened form of -_graithed_. - -208. _and we wer moo_, 'if we were more', 'even if there were more of -us'. - -220. _as my prisoune_ might be taken closely with _here_: 'in this place -as my prison'. The Towneley MS. has _in_ for _as_. Better would be -_prisoune<s>_ 'prisoners'. - -240. _wolle_: read _wille_ for the rime. - -241. _God<ys> sonne_: MS. _God sonne_ might be defended as parallel to -the instances in the note to XVII 88. - -256. Apparently, 'you argue his men in the mire', i.e. if Jesus is God's -Son, the souls should remain in hell because God put them there. But the -text may be corrupt. - -267 ff. Cp. Ezekiel xxxi. 16, &c. - -281 ff. _Salamon saide_: Proverbs ii. 18-19 taken with vii. 27 and ix. -18. It was hotly disputed in the Middle Ages whether Solomon himself was -still in hell. Dante, _Paradiso_, x. 110, informs a world eager for -tidings that he is in Paradise: but Langland declares _Ich leyue he be -in helle_ (C-text, iv. 330); and, more sweepingly, coupling him with -Aristotle: _Al holy chirche holden hem in helle_ (A-text, xi. 263). - -285-8. Perhaps a gloss on Job xxxvi. 18 'Because there is wrath, beware -lest he take thee away with his stroke: then a great ransom cannot -deliver thee.' - -301. _menys_, the reading of the Towneley MS. is better than _mouys_, -which appears to be a copyist's error due to the similarity of _n_ and -_u_, _e_ and _o_, in the handwriting of the time. - -308. Judas hanged himself, according to Matthew xxvii. 3-5; Acts i. 18 -gives a different account of his end. _Archedefell_: Ahithophel who -hanged himself (2 Samuel xvii. 23) after the failure of his plot against -David. - -309. _Datan and Abiron_: see Numbers xvi. - -313-16. 'And all who do not care to learn my law (which I have left in -the land newly, and which is to make known my Coming), and to go to my -Sacrament, and those who will not believe in my Death and my -Resurrection read in order--they are not true.' - -338. _žou bus_, 'you ought'; _bus_, a Northern contracted form of -_behoves_, is here used as a personal verb, where _že bus_, 'it behoves -thee', is normal. See note to XVII 196. - -360. _moste_: read _maste_ to rime with _taste_. - -371. _Of žis comyng_: the Towneley MS. reading _of Thi commyng_ is -possible. - -378-80: Corrupt. The copy from which the extant MS. was made seems to -have been indistinct here. The Towneley MS. has: - - _Suffre thou neuer Thi sayntys to se - The sorow of thaym that won in wo, - Ay full of fylth, and may not fle_, - -which is more intelligible and nearer Psalm xvi. 10: - - _Nec dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem._ - -405. _louyng_: 'praise', cp. IV _a_ 24 (note). - - -XVII - -#Dialect#: Late Yorkshire. - -#Vocabulary#: Northern are _then_ 108 (note), and _at_ 'to' 235. - -#Inflexions#: - - VERB: pres. ind. 2 sg. _thou spekis_ 206. - 3 sg. _ligis he_ 84; _he settis_ 92; _(God) - knowes_ 202. - 1 pl. _we swete or swynk_ 195. - 2 pl. _ye carp_ (in rime) 360. - 3 pl. _thay ryn_ (in rime) 277, 357; beside - _has_ 345, _renys_ 351. - pres. p. _liffand_ 73, _bowand_ 76, _wirkand_ 120 (all in - rime); beside _lifyng_ 47, 48; _standyng_ 416; _taryyng_ - 497. - strong pp. _rysen_ 442; _fon_ 'found' 503 is a Northern - short form. - PRONOUN 3 PERS.: sg. fem. nom. _she_ 186; - pl. _thay_ 27; _thare_ 75; _thaym_ 31. (MS. _hame_ 143 is - miswritten for _thame_.) - -#Sounds#: OE. _[=a]_ appears as _[=o,]_ in rime: _old_: _cold_: _mold_ -(OE. _móld_) 60-2, and probably _dold_: _old_ 266-70; _sore_: _store_: -_therfor_: _more_ 91-4; but elsewhere remains _[=a]_, e.g. _draw_ (OE. -_dr[)a]gan_): _knaw_ 245-6. The spelling with _o_ is the commoner. - -See notes on _emong_ 400; _grufe_ 463. - -#Spelling#: Note the Northern spellings with _i_, _y_ following a vowel -to indicate length: _moyne_ 'moon' 6, _bayle_ 'bale' 26, _leyde_ = -_lede_ 48; and conversely _farest_ 'fairest' 79, _fath_ 'faith' 330. - - * * * * * - -The maritime associations of the play of _Noah_ made it a special -favourite with the Trinity House guild of master mariners and pilots at -Hull; and some of their records of payments for acting and equipment are -preserved, although the text of their play is lost (Chambers, _Mediaeval -Stage_, vol. ii, pp. 370-1): - - _anno_ To the minstrels, 6d. - 1485. To Noah and his wife, 1s. 6d. - To Robert Brown playing God, 6d. - To the Ship-child, 1d. - To a shipwright for clinking Noah's ship, one day, 7d. - 22 kids for shoring Noah's ship, 2d. - To a man clearing away the snow, 1d. - Straw for Noah and his children, 2d. - Mass, bellman, torches, minstrels, garland &c., 6s. - For mending the ship, 2d. - To Noah for playing, 1s. - To straw and grease for wheels, ¼d. - To the waits for going about with the ship, 6d. - 1494. To Thomas Sawyr playing God, 10d. - To Jenkin Smith playing Noah, 1s. - To Noah's wife, 8d. - The clerk and his children, 1s. 6d. - To the players of Barton, 8d. - For a gallon of wine, 8d. - For three skins for Noah's coat, making it, and a rope to - hang the ship in the kirk, 7s. - To dighting and gilding St. John's head, painting two - tabernacles, beautifying the boat and over the table, - 7s. 2d. - Making Noah's ship, £5. 8s. - Two wrights a day and a half, 1s. 6d. - A halser [i.e. hawser] 4 stone weight, 4s. 8d. - Rigging Noah's ship, 8d. - - * * * * * - -10. _is_: read _es_ for the rime. Cp. note to I 128-9. - -42. _and sythen_: MS. _in sythen_. Cp. note to VI 36. - -49. _syn_: 3 pl. because _euery liffyng leyde_ is equivalent to a plural -subject 'all men'. - -52. _coueteis_: MS. _couetous_. - -56. _alod_: a shortened form of _allowed_, apparently on the analogy of -such words as _lead_ infin., _led_ pa. t. and pp. For a parallel see -note to I 254-5. - -57. _Sex hundreth yeris and od_: the _od_ thrown in to rime, as Noah was -exactly 600 years old according to Genesis vii. 6. - -66. _and my fry shal with me fall_: 'and the children <that> I may have' -(?). - -88. _for syn sake_: 'because of sin'. Until modern times a genitive -preceding _sake_ usually has no _s_, e.g. _for goodness sake_. The -genitive of _sin_ historically had no _s_ (OE. _synne_), but the -omission in a Northern text is due rather to euphony than to survival of -an old genitive form. Cp. _for tempest sake_ I 177. - -108. _then_: 'nor', a rare Northern usage, which is treated as an error -here in England and Pollard's text, though it occurs again at l. 535. -Conversely _nor_ is used dialectally for _than_. - -109. _Hym to mekill wyn_: 'to his great happiness'. - -137. _take_: 'make', and so in l. 272. - -167-71. _knowe_: _awe_. The rime requires _kn[=a]we_ or _[=o,]we_. - -191. 'The worse <because> I see thee.' - -196. _what thou thynk_: 'what seems to you best', 'what you like'; _thou -thynk_ for _thee thynk_--the verb being properly impersonal; see notes -to XVI 338 and VI 192. - -200. _Stafford blew_: from the context this line might mean 'you are a -scaremonger', for blue is the recognized colour of fear, and it might be -supposed that 'Stafford blue' represents a material like 'Lincoln -green'. But Mätzner is certainly right in interpreting the line 'you -deserve a beating'. _Stafford blew_ would then be the livid colour -produced by blows. The reference, unless there is a play on _staff_, is -obscure. - -202. _led_: 'treated'. - -211. _sory_: the rime requires _sary_. - -220. _Mary_: the later _marry!_ = 'by (the Virgin) Mary!' cp. l. 226. So -_Peter!_ 367 = 'by St. Peter!' - -246. _to knaw_: 'to confess'. - -247-8. _daw to ken_: 'to be recognized as stupid', 'a manifest fool'. - -272. _castell_: note the rime with _sayll_: _nayll_: _fayll_, which may -be due to suffix substitution on the analogy of _catail_ beside _catel_ -'cattle'. For _take_ see note to 137. - -281. _chambre_: the rime points to a by-form _chamb(o)ur_, but the -uninflected form is awkward. Cp. _thre chese chambres_ 'three tiers of -chambers' 129, where the construction is the same as the obsolete _three -pair gloves_. - -289-92. Read _lider_, _hider_, _togider_. - -292. _must vs_: cp. l. 334 and note to VI 192. - -298. 'There is other yarn on the reel', i.e. there is other business on -hand. - -320. _brether sam_: 'brothers both'. Some editors prefer to read -_brother Sam_ 'brother Shem'. - -336 ff. Chaucer refers to the quarrels of Noah and his wife in the -_Miller's Tale_ (ll. 352 ff.):-- - - _'Hastou nat herd', quod Nicholas, 'also - The sorwe of Noe with his felaweshipe - Er that he myghte brynge his wyf to shipe? - Hym hadde be levere, I dar wel undertake, - At thilke tyme, than alle his wetheres blake, - That she hadde had a shipe hirself allone.'_ - -The tradition is old. In the splendid tenth-century Bodleian MS. Junius -11, which contains the so-called Caedmon poems, a picture of the Ark -shows Noah's wife standing at the foot of the gangway, and one of her -sons trying to persuade her to come in. - -370. _Yei_ is defensible; cp. l. 353. _Že_ 'the' has been suggested. - -383. _Wat Wynk_: an alliterative nick-name like _Nicholl Nedy_ in l. -405. - -400. _emong_: OE. _gemang_, here rimes as in Modern English with _u_ -(OE. _iung_: _tunge_: _lungen_), cp. note to VI 109 ff.; but in ll. -244-7 it rimes with _lang_: _fang_: _gang_--all with original _a_. - -417. <_floodis_>. Some such word is missing in the MS. Cp. ll. 454 f. -and 426. - -461. _How_: MS. _Now_. The correction is due to Professor Child. Initial -capitals are peculiarly liable to be miscopied. - -463. _grufe_: a Northern and Scottish form of the verb _grow_. The sb. -_ro_ 'rest' 237 sometimes has a parallel form _rufe_. - -525. _stold_: for _stalled_ 'fixed'. Note the rime words, which all have -alternative forms _behald_: _bald_: _wald_. - - - - -APPENDIX - -THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN THE FOURTEENTH -CENTURY - - -§ 1. GENERAL. Gower's work shows that at the end of the century Latin -and French still shared with English the place of a literary language. -But their hold was precarious. - -Latin was steadily losing ground. The Wiclifite translation of the Bible -threatened its hitherto unchallenged position as the language of the -Church; and the Renaissance had not yet come to give it a new life among -secular scholars. - -French was still spoken at the court; but in 1387 Trevisa remarks (p. -149) that it was no longer considered an essential part of a gentleman's -education: and he records a significant reform--the replacement of -French by English as the medium of teaching in schools. After the end of -the century Anglo-French, the native development of Norman, was -practically confined to legal use, and French of Paris was the accepted -standard French. - -English gained wherever Latin and French lost ground. But though the -work of Chaucer, Gower, and Wiclif foreshadows the coming supremacy of -the East Midland, or, more particularly, the London dialect, there was -as yet no recognized standard of literary English. The spoken language -showed a multiplicity of local varieties, and a writer adopted the -particular variety that was most familiar to him. Hence it is almost -true to say that every considerable text requires a special grammar. - -Confusion is increased by the scribes. Nowadays a book is issued in -hundreds or thousands of uniform copies, and within a few months of -publication it may be read in any part of the world. In the fourteenth -century a book was made known to readers only by the slow and costly -multiplication of manuscripts. The copyist might work long after the -date of composition, and he would then be likely to modernize the -language, which in its written form was not stable as it is at present: -so of Barbour's _Bruce_ the oldest extant copies were made nearly a -century after Barbour's death. Again, if the dialect of the author were -unfamiliar to the copyist, he might substitute familiar words and forms. -Defective rimes often bear witness to these substitutions. - -Nor have we to reckon only with copyists, who are as a rule careless -rather than bold innovators. While books were scarce and many could not -read them, professional minstrels and amateur reciters played a great -part in the transmission of popular literature; and they, whether from -defective memory or from belief in their own talents, treated the exact -form and words of their author with scant respect. An extreme instance -is given by the MSS. of _Sir Orfeo_ at ll. 267-8: - - Auchinleck MS.: _His harp, whereon was al his gle, - He hidde in an holwe tre;_ - - Harley MS.: _He takež his harpe and makež hym gle, - And lyže al ny[gh]t vnder a tre;_ - - Ashmole MS.: _In a tre žat was holow - Žer was hys haule euyn and morow._ - -If the Ashmole MS. alone had survived we should have no hint of the -degree of corruption. - -And so, before the extant MSS. recorded the text, copyists and reciters -may have added change to change, jumbling the speech of different men, -generations, and places, and producing those 'mixed' texts which are the -will-o'-the-wisps of language study. - -Faced with these perplexities, beginners might well echo the words of -Langland's pilgrims in search of Truth: - - _This were a wikked way, but whoso hadde a gyde - That wolde folwen vs eche a fote._ - -There is no such complete guide, for the first part of Morsbach's -_Mittelenglische Grammatik_, Halle 1896, remains a splendid fragment, -and Luick's _Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache_, Leipzig -1914-, which promises a full account of the early periods, is still far -from completion. Happily two distinguished scholars--Dr. Henry Bradley -in _The Making of English_ and his chapter in _The Cambridge History -of English Literature_, vol. i, Dr. O. Jespersen in _Growth and -Structure of the English Language_--have given brief surveys of the -whole early period which are at once elementary and authoritative. But -for the details the student must rely on a mass of dissertations and -articles of very unequal quality, supplemented by introductions to -single texts, and, above all, by his own first-hand observations made on -the texts themselves. - -Some preliminary considerations will be helpful, though perhaps not -altogether reassuring: - -(i) A great part of the evidence necessary to a thorough knowledge of -spoken Middle English has not come down to us, a considerable part -remains unprinted, and the printed materials are so extensive and -scattered that it is easy to overlook points of detail. For instance, it -might be assumed from rimes in _Gawayne_, _Pearl_, and the Shropshire -poet Myrc, that the falling together of OE. _-ang-_, _-ung-_, which is -witnessed in NE. _among_ (OE. _gemang_), _-monger_ (OE. _mangere_), was -specifically West Midland, if the occurrence of examples in Yorkshire -(XVII 397-400) escaped notice. It follows that, unless a word or form is -so common as to make the risk of error negligible, positive -evidence--the certainty that it occurs in a given period or district--is -immeasurably more important than negative evidence--the belief that it -never did occur, or even the certainty that it is not recorded, in a -period or district. For the same reason, the statement that a word or -form is found 'in the early fourteenth century' or 'in Kent' should -always be understood positively, and should not be taken to imply that -it is unknown 'in the thirteenth century' or 'in Essex', as to which -evidence may or may not exist. - -(ii) It is necessary to clear the mind of the impression, derived from -stereotyped written languages, that homogeneity and stability are -natural states. Middle English texts represent a spoken language of many -local varieties, all developing rapidly. So every linguistic fact should -be thought of in terms of time, place, and circumstance, not because -absolute precision in these points is attainable, but because the -attempt to attain it helps to distinguish accurate knowledge from -conclusions which are not free from doubt. - -If the word or form under investigation can be proved to belong to the -author's original composition, exactness is often possible. In the -present book, we know nearly enough the date of composition of extracts -I, III, VIII, X, XI _a_, XII, XIII, XIV; the place of composition of I, -III, X, XI _a_, XII, XIII, XVI, XVII (see map). - -But if, as commonly happens, a form cannot be proved to have stood in -the original, endless difficulties arise. It will be necessary first to -determine the date of the MS. copy. This is exactly known for _The -Bruce_, and there are few Middle English MSS. which the palaeographer -cannot date absolutely within a half-century, and probably within a -generation. The place where the MS. copy was written is known nearly -enough for IV _b_, _c_, XII, XIV _e_, XV _b_, _c_ (possibly Leominster), -XVI, XVII; and ME. studies have still much to gain from a thorough -inquiry into the provenance of MSS. Yet, when the extant copy is placed -and dated, it remains to ask to what extent this MS. reproduces some -lost intermediary of different date and provenance; how many such -intermediaries there were between the author's original and our MS.; -what each has contributed to the form of the surviving copy--questions -usually unanswerable, the consideration of which will show the -exceptional linguistic value of the _Ayenbyte_, where we have the -author's own transcript exactly dated and localized, so that every word -and form is good evidence. - -Failing such ideal conditions, it becomes necessary to limit doubt by -segregating for special investigation the elements that belong to the -original composition. Hence the importance of rimes, alliteration, and -rhythm, which a copyist or reciter is least likely to alter without -leaving a trace of his activities. - - -§ 2. DIALECTS. At present any marked variation from the practice of -educated English speakers might, if it were common to a considerable -number of persons, be described as dialectal. But as there was no such -recognized standard in the fourteenth century, it is most convenient to -consider as dialectal any linguistic feature which had a currency in -some English-speaking districts but not in all. For example, _žat_ as a -relative is found everywhere in the fourteenth century and is not -dialectal; _žire_ 'these' is recorded only in Northern districts, and so -is dialectal. Again, _[=o,]_ represents OE. _[=a]_ in the South and -Midlands, while the North retains _[=a]_ (§ 7 b i): since neither -_[=o,]_ nor _[=a]_ is general, both may be called dialectal. - -If a few sporadic developments be excluded because they may turn up -anywhere at any time, then, provided sufficient evidence were -available,[29] it would be possible to mark the boundaries within which -any given dialectal feature occurs at a particular period: we could draw -the line south of which _žire_ 'these' is not found, or the line -bounding the district in which the Norse borrowing _kirke_ occurs; just -as French investigators in _L'Atlas linguistique de la France_ have -shown the distribution of single words and forms in the modern French -dialects. - -[Foot-note 29: Sufficient evidence is not available. If in the year 1340 -at every religious house in the kingdom a native of the district had -followed the example of Michael of Northgate, and if all their autograph -copies had survived, we should have a very good knowledge of Middle -English at that time. If the process had been repeated about every ten -years the precision of our knowledge would be greatly increased. For the -area in which any feature is found is not necessarily constant: we know -that in the pres. p. the province of _-ing_ was extending throughout the -fourteenth century; that the inflexion _-es_ in 3 sg. pres. ind. was a -Northern and North-Midland feature in the fourteenth century, but had -become general in London by Shakespeare's time. And though less is known -about the spread of sound changes as distinct from analogical -substitutions, it cannot be assumed that their final boundaries were -reached and fixed in a moment. There is reason to regret the handicap -that has been imposed on ME. studies by the old practice of writing in -Latin or French the documents and records which would otherwise supply -the exactly dated and localized specimens of English that are most -necessary to progress.] - -Of more general importance is the fixing of boundaries for sound changes -or inflexions that affect a large number of words, a task to which -interesting contributions have been made in recent years on the evidence -of place-names (see especially A. Brandl, _Zur Geographie der -altenglischen Dialekte_, Berlin 1915, which supplements the work of -Pogatscher on the compounds of _street_ and of Wyld on the ME. -developments of OE. _y_). For example, on the evidence available, which -does not permit of more than rough indications, OE. _[=a]_ remains -_[=a]_, and does not develop to _[=o,]_, north of a line drawn west from -the Humber (§ 7 b i); _-and(e)_ occurs in the ending of the pres. p. as -far south as a line starting west from the Wash (§ 13 ii); farther south -again, a line between Norwich and Birmingham gives the northern limit -for _Stratton_ forms as against _Stretton_ (§ 8 iv, note).[30] The -direction of all these lines is roughly east and west, yet no two -coincide. But if the developments of OE. _y_ (§ 7 b ii) are mapped out, -_u_ appears below a line drawn athwart from Liverpool to London, and -normal _e_ east of a line drawn north and south from the western border -of Kent. Almost every important feature has thus its own limits, and the -limits of one may cross the limits of another. - -[Foot-note 30: The evidence of place-names does not agree entirely with -the evidence of texts. _Havelok_, which is localized with reasonable -certainty in North Lincolnshire, has _(a)dradd_ in rimes that appear to -be original, and these indicate a North-Eastern extension of the area in -which OE. _str[=ę]t_, _dr[=ę]dan_ appear for normal Anglian _str[=e]t_, -_dr[=e]da(n)_. This evidence, supported by rimes in Robert of Brunne, is -too early to be disposed of by the explanation of borrowing from other -dialects, nor is the testimony of place-names so complete and -unequivocal as to justify an exclusive reliance upon it.] - -What then is a ME. dialect? The accepted classification is - - { South-Western = OE. West Saxon - Southern { - { South-Eastern = OE. Kentish - - { East Midland } - Midland { } = OE. Mercian - { West Midland } - - Northern = OE. Northumbrian - -with the Thames as boundary between Southern and Midland, and the Humber -between Midland and Northern. And yet of five actual limiting lines -taken at random, only the first coincides approximately with the line of -Humber or Thames. - -Still the classification rests on a practical truth. Although each -dialectal feature has its own boundaries, these are not set by pure -chance. Their position is to some extent governed by old tribal and -political divisions, by the influence of large towns which served as -commercial and administrative centres, and by relative ease of -communication. Consequently, linguistic features are roughly grouped, -and it is _a priori_ likely that London and Oxford would have more -features in common than would London and York, or Oxford and Hull; and -similarly it is likely that for a majority of phenomena York and Hull -would stand together against London and Oxford. Such a grouping was -recognized in the fourteenth century. Higden and his authorities -distinguish Northern and Southern speech (XIII _b_); in the Towneley -_Second Shepherds' Play_, ll. 201 ff., when Mak pretends to be a yeoman -of the king, he adopts the appropriate accent, and is promptly told to -'take outt that Sothren tothe'. In the _Reeves Tale_ Chaucer makes the -clerks speak their own Northern dialect, so we may be sure that he -thought of it as a unity. - -But had Chaucer been asked exactly where this dialect was spoken, he -would probably have replied, _Fer in the North,--I kan nat telle where_. -A dialect has really no precise boundaries; its borders are nebulous; -and throughout this book 'Southern', 'Northern', &c., are used vaguely, -and not with any sharply defined limits in mind. The terms may, however, -be applied to precise areas, so long as the boundaries of single dialect -features are not violently made to conform. It is quite accurate to say -that _-and(e)_ is the normal ending of the pres. p. north of the Humber, -and that _u_ for OE. _y_ is found south of the Thames and west of -London, provided it is not implied that the one should not be found -south of the Humber, or the other north of the Thames. Both in fact -occur in _Gawayne_ (Cheshire or Lancashire); and in general the language -of the Midlands was characterized by the overlapping of features which -distinguish the North from the South. - -From what has been said it should be plain that the localization of a -piece of Middle English on the evidence of language alone calls for an -investigation of scope and delicacy. Where the facts are so complex the -mechanical application of rules of thumb may give quick and specious -results, but must in the end deaden the spirit of inquiry, which is the -best gift a student can bring to the subject. - - -§ 3. VOCABULARY. The readiness of English speakers to adopt words from -foreign languages becomes marked in fourteenth-century writings. But the -classical element which is so pronounced in modern literary English is -still unimportant. There are few direct borrowings from Latin, and -these, like _obitte_ XVI 269, are for the most part taken from the -technical language of the Church. The chief sources of foreign words are -Norse and French. - -(_a_) #Norse.# Although many Norse words first appear in English in late -texts, they must have come into the spoken language before the end of -the eleventh century, because the Scandinavian settlements ceased after -the Norman Conquest. The invaders spoke a dialect near enough to OE. to -be intelligible to the Angles; and they had little to teach of -literature or civilization. Hence the borrowings from Norse are all -popular; they appear chiefly in the Midlands and North, where the -invaders settled; and they witness the intimate fusion of two kindred -languages. From Norse we get such common words as _anger_, _both_, -_call_, _egg_, _hit_, _husband_, _ill_, _law_, _loose_, _low_, _meek_, -_take_, _till_ (prep.), _want_, _weak_, _wing_, _wrong_, and even the -plural forms of the 3rd personal pronoun (§ 12). - -It is not always easy to distinguish Norse from native words, because -the two languages were so similar during the period of borrowing, and -Norse words were adopted early enough to be affected by all ME. sound -changes. But there were some dialectal differences between ON. and OE. -in the ninth and tenth centuries, and these afford the best criteria of -borrowing. For instance in ME. we have _žou[gh]_, _žof_ (ON. _ž[)=o]h_ -for _*žauh_) beside _žei(h)_ (OE. _ž[=e](a)h_) II 433; _ay_ (ON. _ei_) -'ever' XVI 293 beside _oo_ (OE. _[=a]_) XV _b_ 7; _waik_ (ON. _veik-r_) -VIII _b_ 23, where OE. _w[=a]c_ would yield _w[=o,]k_; the forms -_w[=o,]re_ XVI 17 (note) and _w[=a]pin_ XIV _b_ 15 are from ON. _vįrum_, -_vįpn_, whereas _w[=e]re(n)_ and _w[)e]ppen_ V 154 represent OE. -(Anglian) _w[=e]ron_, _w[=e]pn_. So we have the pairs _awe_ (ON. _agi_) -I 83 and _ay_ (OE. _ege_) II 571; _neuen_ (ON. _nefna_) 'to name' XVII -12 and _nem(p)ne_ (OE. _nemnan_) II 600; _rot_ (ON. _rót_) II 256 and -_wort_ (OE. _wyrt_) VIII _a_ 303; _sterne_, _starne_ (ON. _stjarna_) -XVII 8, 423 and native _sterre_, _starre_ (OE. _steorra_); _systyr_ (ON. -_systir_) I 112 and _soster_ (OE. _sweostor_) XV _g_ 10; _werre_, -_warre_ (ON. _verri_) XVI 154 (note), 334 and native _werse_, _wars_ -(OE. _wyrsa_) XVI 200, XVII 191; _wylle_ (ON. _vill-r_) V 16 and native -_wylde_ (OE. _wilde_) XV _b_ 19. - -Note that in Norse borrowings the consonants _g_, _k_ remain stops where -they are palatalized in English words: _garn_ XVII 298, _giue_, _gete_ -(ON. _garn_, _gefa_, _geta_) beside _[gh]arn_, _[gh]iue_, _for-[gh]ete_ -(OE. _gearn_, _giefan_, _for-gietan_); _kirke_ (ON. _kirkja_) beside -_chirche_ (OE. _cirice_). Similarly OE. initial _sc-_ regularly becomes -ME. _sh-_, so that most words beginning with _sk-_, like _sky_, _skin_, -_skyfte_ VI 209 (English _shift_), _skirte_ (English _shirt_), are -Norse; see the alliterating words in V 99. - -There is an excellent monograph by E. Björkman: _Scandinavian Loan-Words -in Middle English_, 1900. - -(_b_) #French.# Most early borrowings from French were again due to -invasion and settlement. But the conditions of contact were very -different. Some were unfavourable to borrowing: the Normans, who were -relatively few, were dispersed throughout the country, and not, like the -Scandinavians, massed in colonies; and their language had little in -common with English. So the number of French words in English texts is -small before the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Other -conditions made borrowing inevitable: the French speakers were the -governing class; they gradually introduced a new system of -administration and new standards of culture; and they had an important -literature to which English writers turned for their subject-matter and -their models of form. Fourteenth-century translators adopt words from -their French originals so freely (see note at p. 234, foot), that -written Middle English must give a rather exaggerated impression of the -extent of French influence on the spoken language. But a few examples -will show how many common words are early borrowings from French: nouns -like _country_, _face_, _place_, _river_, _courtesy_, _honour_, _joy_, -_justice_, _mercy_, _pity_, _reason_, _religion_, _war_; adjectives like -_close_, _large_, _poor_; and verbs _cry_, _pay_, _please_, _save_, -_serve_, _use_. - -Anglo-French was never completely homogeneous, and it was constantly -supplemented as a result of direct political, commercial, and literary -relations with France. Hence words were sometimes adopted into ME. in -more than one French dialectal form. For instance, Late Latin _ca-_ -became _cha-_ in most French dialects, but remained _ca-_ in the North -of France: hence ME. _catch_ and _(pur)chase_, _catel_ and _chatel_, -_kanel_ 'neck' V 230 and _chanel_ 'channel' XIII _a_ 57. So Northern -French preserves initial _w-_, for which other French dialects -substitute _g(u)_: hence _Wowayn_ V 121 beside _Gawayn_ V 4, &c. (see -note to V 121). Again, in Anglo-French, _a_ before nasal + consonant -alternates with _au_:--_dance_: _daunce_; _chance_: _chaunce_; _change_: -_chaunge_; _chambre_ XVII 281: _chaumber_ II 100. English still has the -verbs _launch_ and _lance_, which are ultimately identical. - -As borrowing extended over several centuries, the ME. form sometimes -depends on the date of adoption. Thus Latin _fidem_ becomes early French -_feiš_, later _fei_, and later still _foi_. ME. has both _feiž_ and -_fay_, and by Spenser's time _foy_ appears. - -The best study of the French element in ME. is still that of D. Behrens: -_Beiträge zur Geschichte der französischen Sprache in England_, 1886. A -valuable supplement, dealing chiefly with Anglo-French as the language -of the law, is the chapter by F. W. Maitland in _The Cambridge History -of English Literature_, vol. i. - - -§ 4. HANDWRITING. In the ME. period two varieties of script were in use, -both developed from the Caroline minuscule which has proved to be the -most permanent contribution of the schools of Charlemagne. The one, -cursive and flourished, is common in charters, records, and memoranda; -see C. H. Jenkinson and C. Johnson, _Court Hand_, 2 vols., Oxford 1915. -The other, in which the letters are separately written, with few -flourishes or adaptations of form in combination, is the 'book hand', so -called because it is regularly used for literary texts. Between the -extreme types there are many gradations; and fifteenth-century copies, -such as the Cambridge MS. of Barbour's _Bruce_, show an increasing use -of cursive forms, which facilitate rapid writing. - -The shapes of letters were not always so distinct as they are in print, -so that copyists of the time, and even modern editors, are liable to -mistake one letter for another. Each hand has its own weaknesses, but -the letters most commonly misread are:-- - -_e_ : _o_ e.g. _Beuo_ for _Bouo_ I 59; _wroche_ for _wreche_ II 333; -_teches_ IV _b_ 60, where _toches_ (foot-note) is probably right; -pesible (MS. _posible_) XI _b_ 67. - -_u_ : _n_ (practically indistinguishable) e.g. _menys_ (MS. _mouys_) XVI -301; _skayned_ (edd. _skayued_) V 99; _ryue[gh]_ or _ryne[gh]_ V 222 -(note). This is only a special case of the confusion of letters and -combinations formed by repetition of the downstroke, e.g. _u_, _n_, _m_, -and _i_ (which is not always distinguished by a stroke above). Hence -_dim_ II 285 where modern editors have _dun_, although _i_ has the -distinguishing stroke. - -_y_ : _ž_ e.g. _ye_ (MS. _že_) XIV _d_ 11; see note to XV _a_ 12. -Confusion is increased by occasional transference to _ž_ of the dot -which historically may stand over _y_. _[gh]_ for _ž_ initially, as in -XVI 170, is more often due to confusion of the letters _ž_: _y_ and -subsequent preference of _[gh]_ for _y_ in spelling (§ 5 i) than to -direct confusion of _ž_: _[gh]_, which are not usually very similar in -late Middle English script. - -_ž_ : _h_ e.g. _dož_ (MS. _doh_) XV _b_ 22; and notes to XII _b_ 116, XVI -62. - -_b_ : _v_ e.g. _vousour_ (edd. _bonsour_) II 363. - -_c_ : _t_ e.g. _cunesmen_ (edd. _tunesmen_) XV _g_ 6 (note); _top_ (edd. -_cop_) ibid. 16; see note to XIII _a_ 7. - -_f_ : _[s]_ (= _s_) e.g. _slang_ (variant _flang_) X 53. - -_l_ : _[s]_ (= _s_) e.g. _al_ (edd. _as_) II 108. - -_l_ : _k_ e.g. _kyže[gh]_ (MS. _lyže[gh]_) VI 9. - - -§ 5. SPECIAL LETTERS. Two letters now obsolete are common in -fourteenth-century MSS.: _ž_ and _[gh]_. - -_ž_: 'thorn', is a rune, and stands for the voiced and voiceless sounds -now represented by _th_ in _this_, _thin_. The gradual displacement of -_ž_ by _th_, which had quite a different sound in classical Latin (note -to VIII _a_ 23), may be traced in the MSS. printed (except X, XII). _ž_ -remained longest in the initial position, but by the end of the -fifteenth century was used chiefly in compendia like _že_ 'the', _žt_ -'that'. - -_[gh]_: called '_[gh]o[gh]_' or '_yogh_', derives from _<g>_, the OE. -script form of the letter _g_. It was retained in ME. after the Caroline -form _g_ had become established in vernacular texts, to represent a -group of spirant sounds: - -(i) The initial spirant in _[gh]oked_ IX 253 (OE. _geoc-_), _[gh]ere_ I -151 (OE. _g[=e]ar_), where the sound was approximately the same as in -our _yoke_, _year_. Except in texts specially influenced by the -tradition of French spelling, _y_ (which is ambiguous owing to its -common use as a vowel = _i_) is less frequent than _[gh]_ initially. -Medially the palatal spirant is represented either by _[gh]_ or _y_: -_e[gh]e_ (OE. _[=e](a)[gh]-_) XV _c_ 14 beside _eyen_ VIII _a_ 168; -_ise[gh]e_ (OE. _gesegen_) XIV _c_ 88 beside _iseye_ XIV _c_ 16. The -medial guttural spirant more commonly develops to _w_ in the fourteenth -century: _awe_ (ON. _agi_) I 83, _felawe_ (ON. _félagi_) XIV _d_ 7, -_halwes_ (OE. _halg-_), beside _a[gh]-_ V 267, _fela[gh]-_ V 83, -_hal[gh]-_ V 54. - -(ii) The medial or final spirant, guttural or palatal, which is lost in -standard English, but still spelt in _nought_, _through_, _night_, -_high_: ME. _no[gh]t_, _žur[gh]_, _ny[gh]t_, _hy[gh]_: OE. _noht_, -_žurh_, _niht_, _h[=e]h_. The ME. sound was probably like that in German -_ich_, _ach_. The older spelling with _h_ is occasionally found; more -often _ch_ as in _mycht_ X 17; but the French spelling _gh_ gains ground -throughout the century. Abnormal are _write_ for _wrighte_ XVI 230, -_wytes_, _nytes_ for _wy[gh]tes_, _ny[gh]tes_ XV _i_ 19 f. - -(iii) As these sounds weakened in late Southern ME., _[gh]_ was -sometimes used without phonetic value, or at the most to reinforce a -long _i_: e.g. _Engli[gh]sch_ XI _a_ 28, 37, &c.; _ky[gh]n_ 'kine' IX -256. - -N.B.--Entirely distinct in origin and sound value, but identical in -script form, is _[gh]_, the minuscule form of _z_, in _A[gh]one_ (= -_Azone_) I 105, _clyffe[gh]_ 'cliffs' V 10, &c. It would probably be -better to print _z_ in such words. - - -§ 6. SPELLING. Modern English spelling, which tolerates almost any -inconsistency in the representation of sounds provided the same word is -always spelt in the approved way, is the creation of printers, schools, -and dictionaries. A Middle English writer was bound by no such arbitrary -rules. Michael of Northgate, whose autograph MS. survives, writes -_diaknen_ III 5 and _dyacne_ 9; _vyf_ 22, _uif_ 23, _vif_ 37; _žouzond_ -30 and _žousend_ 34. Yet his spelling is not irrational. The comparative -regularity of his own speech, which he reproduced directly, had a -normalizing influence; and by natural habit he more often than not -solved the same problem of representation in the same way. Scribes, too, -like printers in later times, found a measure of consistency convenient, -and the spelling of some transcripts, e.g. I and X, is very regular. If -at first ME. spelling appears lawless to a modern reader, it is because -of the variety of dialects represented in literature, the widely -differing dates of the MSS. printed, and the tendency of copyists to mix -their own spellings with those of their original. - -The following points must be kept in mind: - -(i) _i_ : _y_ as vowels are interchangeable. In some MSS. (for instance, -I) _y_ is used almost exclusively; in others (VIII _a_) it is preferred -for distinctness in the neighbourhood of _u_, _n_, _m_, so that the -scribe writes _hym_, but _his_. - -(ii) _ie_ is found in later texts for long close _[=e.]_: _chiere_ XII -_a_ 120, _flietende_ XII _a_ 157, _diemed_ XII _b_ 216. - -(iii) _ui_ (_uy_), in the South-West and West Midlands, stands for -_[=ü]_ (sounded as in French _amuser_): _puit_ XIV _c_ 12; _vnkuynde_ -XIV _c_ 103. The corresponding short _ü_ is spelt _u_: _hull_ '_hill_', -&c. - -(iv) Quite distinct is the late Northern addition of _i_ (_y_), to -indicate the long vowels _[=a]_, _[=e]_, _[=o]_: _neid_ X 18, _noyne_ -'noon' X 67. - -(v) _ou_ (_ow_) is the regular spelling of long _[=u]_ (sounded as in -_too_): _hous_, _now_, _founden_, &c. - -(vi) _o_ is the regular spelling for short _u_ (sounded as in _put_) in -the neighbourhood of _u_, _m_, _n_, because if _u_ is written in -combination with these letters an indistinct series of downstrokes -results. Hence _loue_ but _luf_, _come_ infin., _sone_ 'son', _dronken_ -'drunk'. In _Ayenbyte_ _o_ for _[)u]_ is general, e.g. _grochinge_ III -10. In other texts it is common in _bote_ 'but'. - -(vii) _u_ : _v_ are not distinguished as consonant and vowel. _v_ is -preferred in initial position, _u_ medially or finally: _valay_ -'valley', _vnder_ 'under', _vuel_ (= _üvel_) 'evil', _loue_ 'love'. -(Note that in XII the MS. distinction of _v_ and _u_ is not reproduced.) - -(viii) So _i_, and its longer form _j_, are not distinguished as vowel -and consonant. In this book _i_ is printed throughout, and so stands -initially for the sound of our _j_ in _ioy_, _iuggement_, &c. - -(ix) _c_ : _k_ for the sounds in _kit_, _cot_, are often interchangeable; -but _k_ is preferred before palatal vowels _e_, _i_ (_y_); and _c_ -before _o_, _u_. See the alliterating words in V 52, 107, 128, 153, 272, -283. - -(x) _c_ : _s_ alternate for voiceless _s_, especially in French words: -_sité_ 'city' VII 66, _resayue_ 'receive' V 8, _vyse_ 'vice' V 307, -_falce_ V 314; but also in _race_ (ON. _rįs_) V 8 beside _rase_ XVII -429. - -(xi) _s_ : _z_ (_[gh]_) are both used for voiced _s_, the former -predominating: _kyssedes_ beside _ra[gh]te[gh]_ V 283; _žouzond_ III 30 -beside _žousend_ III 34. But _[gh]_ occasionally appears for voiceless -_s_: _(a[gh]-)le[gh]_ 'awe-less' V 267, _for[gh]_ 'force' 'waterfall' V -105. - -(xii) _sh_ : _sch_ : _ss_ are all found for modern _sh_, OE. _sc_: _shuld_ -I 50; _schert_ II 230; _sserte_ III 40; but _sal_ 'shall', _suld_ -'should' in Northern texts represent the actual Northern pronunciation -in weakly stressed words. - -(xiii) _v_ : _w_: In late Northern MSS. _v_ is often found for initial -_w_: _vithall_ X 9, _Valter_ X 36. The interchange is less common in -medial positions: _in swndir_ X 106. - -(xiv) _wh-_ : _qu(h)-_ : _w-_:--_wh-_ is a spelling for _hw-_. In the -South the aspiration is weakened or lost, and _w_ is commonly written, -e.g. VIII _b_. In the North the aspiration is strong, and the sound is -spelt _qu(h)-_, e.g. _quhelis_ 'wheels' X 17. Both _qu-_ and _wh-_ are -found in _Gawayne_. The development in later dialects is against the -assumption that _hw-_ became _kw-_ in pronunciation. - -See also § 5. - -The whole system of ME. spelling was modelled on French, and some of the -general features noted above (e.g. ii, iii, v, vi, x) are essentially -French. But, particularly in early MSS., there are a number of -exceptional imitations. Sometimes the spelling represents a French -scribe's attempt at English pronunciation: _foret_ in XV _g_ 18 stands -for _forž_, where _-rž_ with strongly trilled _r_ was difficult to a -foreigner; and occasionally such distortions are found as _knith_, -_knit_, and even _kint_ (_Layamon_, _Havelok_) for _kni[gh]t_, which had -two awkward consonant groups. More commonly the copyist, accustomed to -write both French and English, chose a French representation for an -English sound. So _st_ for _ht_ appears regularly in XV _e_: _seuenist_ -'sennight', and XV _g_: _iboust_ 'bought', &c. The explanation is that -in French words like _beste_ 'bźte', _gist_ 'gīt', _s_ became only a -breathing before it disappeared; and _h_ in ME. _ht_ weakened to a -similar sound, as is shown by the rimes with _Kryste_ 'Christ' in VI -98-107. Hence the French spelling _st_ is occasionally substituted for -English _ht_. Again, in borrowings from French, _an_ + consonant -alternates with _aun_: _dance_ or _daunce_; _change_ or _chaunge_ (p. -273); and by analogy we have _Irlande_ or _Irlaunde_ in XV _d_. Another -exceptional French usage, _-tz_ for final voiceless _-s_, is explained -at p. 219, top. - - -§ 7. SOUND CHANGES. (_a_) #Vowel Quantity.# No fourteenth-century writer -followed the early example of Orm. Marks of quantity are not used in -fourteenth-century texts; doubling of long vowels is not an established -rule; and there are no strictly quantitative metres, or treatises on -pronunciation. Consequently it is not easy to determine how far the -quantity of the vowels in any given text has been affected by the very -considerable changes that occurred in the late OE. and ME. periods. - -Of these the chief are: - -(i) In unstressed syllables original long vowels tend to become short. -Hence _[)u]s_ (OE. _[=u]s_), and _b[)o]te_ (OE. _b[=u]tan_) 'but', which -are usually unstressed. - -(ii) All long vowels are shortened in stressed close syllables (i.e., -_usually_, when they are followed by two consonants): e.g. _k[=e]pen_, -pa. t. _k[)e]pte_, pp. _k[)e]pt_; _h[)u]sband_ beside _hous_; -_w[)i]mmen_ (from _w[)i]f-men_) beside _w[=i]f_. - -_Exception._ Before the groups _-ld_, _-nd_, _-rd_, _-rš_, _-mb_, a -short vowel is lengthened in OE. unless a third consonant immediately -follows. Hence, before any of these combinations, length may be retained -in ME.: e.g. _f[=e]nd_ 'fiend', _b[=i]nden_, _ch[=i]ld_; but -_ch[)i]ldren_. - -(iii) Short vowels _[)a]_, _[)e]_, _[)o]_ are lengthened in stressed -open syllables (i.e., _usually_, when they are followed by a single -consonant with a following vowel): _t[)a]|ke_ > _tįke_; _m[)e]|te_ > -_méte_ 'meat'; _br[)o]|ken_ > _bróken_. To what extent _[)i]_ and _[)u]_ -were subject to the same lengthening in Northern districts is still -disputed. Normally they remain short in South and S. Midlands, e.g. -_dr[)i]uen_ pp.; _l[)o]uen_ = _l[)u]ven_ 'to love'. - -There are many minor rules and many exceptions due to analogy; but -roughly it may be taken that ME. vowels are: - -_short_ when unstressed; - -_short_ before two consonants, except _-ld_, _-nd_, _-rd_, _-rš_, _-mb_; - -_long_ (except _i_ (_y_), _u_) before a single medial consonant; - -otherwise of the quantity shown in the Glossary for the OE. or ON. -etymon. - -(_b_) #Vowel Quality.# The ME. sound-changes are so many and so obscure -that it will be possible to deal only with a few that contribute most to -the diversity of dialects, and it happens that the particular changes -noticed all took effect before the fourteenth century. - -(i) OE. and ON. _[=a]_ develop to long open _[=o,]_ (sounded as in -_broad_), first in the South and S. Midlands, later in the N. Midlands. -In the North _[=a]_ (sounded approximately as in _f~a~ther_) remains: -e.g. _bane_ 'bone' IV _a_ 54, _balde_ 'bold' IV _a_ 51. The boundary -seems to have been a line drawn west from the Humber, and this -approximates to the dividing line in the modern dialects. There are of -course instances of _[=o,]_ to the north and of _[=a]_ to the south of -the Humber, since border speakers would be familiar with both _[=a]_ and -_[=o,]_, or would have intermediate pronunciations; and poets might use -convenient rimes from neighbouring dialects. - -(ii) OE. _[)=y]_ (deriving from Germanic _[)=u]_ followed by _i_) -appears _normally_ in E. Midlands and the North as _[)=i]_ (_[)=y]_): -e.g. _k[=y]n_, _hill_ (OE. _c[=y]_, _hyll_). In the South-East, -particularly Kent, it appears as _[)=e.]_: _k[=e]n_, _hell_. In the -South-West, and in W. Midlands, it commonly appears as _u_, _ui_ (_uy_), -with the sound of short or long _ü_. London was apparently at a meeting -point of the _u_, _i_, and _e_ boundaries, because all the forms appear -in fourteenth-century London texts, though _[)=ü]_ and _[)=e]_ gradually -give place to _[)=i]_. The extension of _[)=ü]_ forms to the North-West -is shown by _Gawayne_, and a line drawn from London to Liverpool would -give a rough idea of the boundary. But within this area unrounding of -_[)=ü]_ to _[)=i]_ seems to have been progressive during the century. -N.B.--It is dangerous to jump to conclusions from isolated examples. -Before _r_ + consonant _e_ is sometimes found in all dialects, e.g. -_schert_ II 230. _Church_, spelt with _u_, _i_, or _e_, had by etymology -OE. _i_, not _y_. And in Northern texts there are a number of -_e_-spellings in open syllables, both for OE. _y_ and _i_. - -(_c_) #Consonants#: - -(i) _f_ > _v_ (initial): this change, which dates back to OE. times, is -carried through in _Ayenbyte_: e.g. _uele uayre uorbisnen_ = Midland -'_fele fayre forbisnes_'. In some degree it extended over the whole of -the South. - -(ii) _s_ > _z_ (initial), parallel to the change of _f_ to _v_, is -regularly represented in spelling in the _Ayenbyte_: _zome_ 'some', &c. -Otherwise _z_ is rare in spelling, but the voiced initial sound probably -extended to most of the Southern districts where it survives in modern -dialect. - - -§ 8. PRONUNCIATION. One of the best ways of studying ME. pronunciation -is to learn by heart a few lines of verse in a consistent dialect, and -to correct their repetition as more precise knowledge is gained. The -spelling can be relied on as very roughly phonetic if the exceptional -usages noted in § 6 are kept in mind. Supplementary and controlling -information is provided by the study of rimes, of alliteration, and of -the history of English and French sounds. - -#Consonants.# Where a consonant is clearly pronounced in Modern English, -its value is nearly enough the same for ME. But modern spelling -preserves many consonants that have been lost in speech, and so is -rather a hindrance than a help to the beginner in ME. For instance, the -initial sounds in ME. _kni[gh]t_ and _ni[gh]t_ were not the same, for -_kni[gh]t_ alliterates always with _k-_ (V 43, 107) and _ni[gh]t_ with -_n-_ (VII 149); and initial _wr-_ in _wringe_, _wri[gh]te_ is distinct -from initial _r-_ in _ring_, _ri[gh]t_ (cp. alliteration in VIII _a_ -168, V 136). Nor can _wri[gh]te_ rime with _write_ in a careful -fourteenth-century poem. In words like _lerne_, _doghter_, _r_ was -pronounced with some degree of trilling. And although there are signs of -confusion in late MSS. (IV _a_, XVI, XVII), double consonants were -generally distinguished from single: _sonne_ 'sun' was pronounced -_s[)u]n-ne_, and so differed from _sone_ 'son', which was pronounced -_s[)u]-ne_ (§ 6 vi). - -#Vowels.# Short vowels _[)a]_, _[)e]_, _[)i]_, _[)o]_, _[)u]_ (§ 6 vi) -were pronounced respectively as in French _patte_, English _pet_, _pit_, -_pot_, _put_. Final unstressed _-e_ was generally syllabic, with a sound -something like the final sound in _China_ (§ 9). - -The long vowels _[=a]_, _[=i]_, _[=u]_ (§ 6 v) were pronounced -approximately as in _f~a~ther_, _mach~i~ne_, _cr~u~de_. But _[=e]_ and -_[=o]_ present special difficulties, because the spelling failed to make -the broad distinction between open _[=o,]_ and close _[=o.]_, open -_[=e,]_ and close _[=e.]_--a distinction which, though relative only -(depending on the greater or less opening of the mouth passage), is -proved to have been considerable by ME. rimes, and by the earlier and -subsequent history of the long sounds represented in ME. by _e_, _o_. - - (i) Open _[=o,]_ (as in _broad_) derives: - - (_a_) from OE. _[=a]_, according to § 7 b i: OE. _br[=a]d_, - _b[=a]t_, _bįld_ > ME. _br[=o,]d_, _b[=o,]t_, _b[=o,]ld_ > NE. - _broad_, _boat_, _bold_. The characteristic modern spelling is - thus _oa_. - - (_b_) from OE. _[)o]_ in open syllables according to § 7 a iii: - OE. _br[)o]cen_ > ME. _br[ó,]ke(n)_ > NE. _broken_. - -NOTE.--In many texts the rimes indicate a distinction in -pronunciation between _[=o,]_ derived from OE. _[=a]_ and _[=o,]_ -derived from OE. _[)o]_, and the distinction is still made in NW. -Midland dialects. - - (ii) Close _[=o.]_ (pronounced rather as in French _beau_ than as - in standard English _so_ which has developed a diphthong _[o.]u_), - derives from OE. _[=o]_: OE. _g[=o]s_, _d[=o]m_, _góld_ > ME. - _g[=o.]s_, _d[=o.]m_, _g[=o.]ld_ > NE. _goose_, _doom_, _gold_. - The characteristic modern spelling is _oo_. - -NOTE.--(1) After consonant + _w_, _[=o,]_ often develops in ME. -to _[=o.]_: OE. _(al)sw[=a]_, _tw[=a]_ > ME. _(al)s[=o,]_, _tw[=o,]_ > -later _(al)s[=o.]_, _tw[=o.]_. - -(2) In Scotland and the North _[=o.]_ becomes regularly -a sound (perhaps _[=ü]_) spelt _u_: _g[=o]d_ > _gud_, _bl[=o]d_ > -_blud_, &c. - -Whereas the distribution of _[=o,]_ and _[=o.]_ is practically the same -for all ME. dialects, the distinction of open _[=e,]_ and close _[=e.]_ -is not so regular, chiefly because the sounds from which they derive -were not uniform in OE. dialects. For simplicity, attention will be -confined to the London dialect, as the forerunner of modern Standard -English. - - (iii) South-East Midland open _[=e,]_ (pronounced as in _there_) - derives: - - (_a_) from OE. (Anglian) _[=ę]_: Anglian _d[=ę]l_ > SE. Midl. - _d[=e,]l_ > NE. _deal_; - - (_b_) from OE. _[=e]a_: OE. _b[=e]atan_ > ME. _b[=e,]te(n)_ > NE. - _beat_; - - (_c_) from OE. _[)e]_ in open syllables according to § 7 a iii: - OE. _m[)e]te_ > ME. _m[é,]te_ > NE. _meat_. - -The characteristic modern spelling is _ea_. - - (iv) South-East Midland close _[=e.]_ (pronounced as in French - _été_) derives: - - (_a_) from OE. (Anglian) _[=e]_ of various origins: Anglian - _h[=e]r_, _m[=e]ta(n)_, _(ge)l[=e]fa(n)_ > SE. Midl. _h[=e.]re_, - _m[=e.]te(n)_, _l[=e.]ue(n)_ > NE. _here_, _meet_, _(be)lieve_. - - (_b_) from OE. _[=e]o_: OE. _d[=e]op_, _ž[=e]of_ > ME. _d[=e.]p_, - _ž[=e.]f_ (_žief_) > NE. _deep_, _thief_. - -The characteristic modern spellings are _ee_, and _ie_ which already in -ME. often distinguishes the close sound (§ 6 ii). - -NOTE.--The distinction made above does not apply in South-Eastern -(Kentish), because this dialect has ME. _ea_, _ia_, _ya_ for OE. _[=e]a_ -(iii b), and OE. _[=e]_ for Anglian _[=ę]_ (iii a). Nor does it hold for -South-Western, because the West Saxon dialect of OE. had _gel[=i]efan_ -for Anglian _gel[=e]fa(n)_ (iv a). West Saxon also had _str[=ę]t_, -_-dr[=ę]dan_, where normal Anglian had _str[=e.]t_, _-dr[=e.]da(n)_, but -the distribution of the place-names _Stratton_ beside _Stretton_, and of -the pa. t. and pp. _dradd(e)_ beside _dredd(e)_ (p. 270 and n.), shows -that the _[=ę]_ forms were common in the extreme South and the East of -the Anglian area; so that in fourteenth-century London both _[=e,]_ and -_[=e.]_ might occur in such words, as against regular West Midland and -Northern _[=e.]_. - -In NE. Midland and Northern texts some _[=e]_ sounds which we should -expect to be distinguished as open and close rime together, especially -before dental consonants, e.g. _[gh][=e]de_ (OE. _[=e]ode_): _l[=e]de_ -(Anglian _l[=ę]da(n)_) I 152-3. - - -§ 9. INFLEXIONS. Weakening and levelling of inflexions is continuous -from the earliest period of English. The strong stress falling regularly -on the first or the stem syllable produced as reflex a tendency to -indistinctness in the unstressed endings. The disturbing influence of -foreign conquest played a secondary but not a negligible part, as may be -seen from a comparison of some verbal forms in the North and the N. -Midlands, where Norse influence was strongest, with those of the South, -where it was inconsiderable: - - Normal Early Early Old - OE. Sth. Nth.and Norse - ME. N. Midl. - Infin. _dr[=i]fan_ _driue(n)_ _driue_ _drķfa_ - Pres. p. _dr[=i]fende_ _driuinde_ _driuande_ _drķfandi_ - Pp. strong _gedrifen_ _ydriue_ _driuen_ _drifenn_ - -and although tangible evidence of French influence on the flexional -system is wanting (for occasional borrowings like _gowtes artetykes_ IX -314 are mere literary curiosities), every considerable settlement of -foreign speakers, especially when they come as conquerors, must shake -the traditions of the language of the conquered. A third cause of -uncertainty was the interaction of English dialects in different stages -of development. - -The practical sense of the speakers controlled and balanced these -disruptive factors. There is no better field than Middle English for a -study of the processes of vigorous growth: the regularizing of -exceptional and inconvenient forms; the choice of the most distinctive -among a group of alternatives; the invention of new modes of expression; -the discarding of what has become useless. - -At the beginning of the fourteenth century the inflexional endings are: -_-e_; _-en_; _-ene_ (weak gen. pl.); _-er_ (comparative); _-es_; _-est_; -with _-ež_, _-ede_ (_-de_, _-te_), _-ed_ (_-d_, _-t_), _-ynge_ (_-inde_, -_-ende_, _-ande_), which are verbal only. - -NOTE.--(_a_) Sometimes one of these inflexions may be substituted for -another: e.g. when _-es_ replaces _-e_ as the Northern ending of the 1st -sg. pres. ind. Such analogical substitutions must be distinguished from -phonetic developments. - -(_b_) In disyllabic inflexions like _-ede_, _-ynge_ (_-ande_), final -_-e_ is lost early in the North. In polysyllables it is dropped -everywhere during the century. - -(_c_) The indistinct sound of flexional _-e-_ covered by a consonant is -shown by spellings with _-i-_, _-y-_: _woundis_ X 51; _madist_ XI _b_ -214; _blyndiž_ XI _b_ 7; _fulfillid_ XVI 6; _etin_ XIV _b_ 76; -_brokynne_ XVI 195. And, especially in West Midland texts, _-us_, _-un_ -(_-on_) appear for _-es_, _-en_: _mannus_ XI _b_ 234; _foundun_ XI _a_ -47; _laghton_ VII 119. Complete syncope sometimes occurs: _days_ I 198, -&c. - -Otherwise all the inflexions except _-e_, _-en_, are fairly stable -throughout the century. - -#-en#: In the North _-en_ is found chiefly in the strong pp., where it -is stable. In the South (except in the strong pp.) it is better -preserved, occurring rarely in the dat. sg. of adjectives, e.g. _onen_ -III 4, dat. pl. of nouns, e.g. _diaknen_ III 5, and in the infinitive; -more commonly in the weak pl. of nouns, where it is stable, and in the -pa. t. pl., where it alternates with _-e_. In the Midlands _-en_, -alternating with _-e_, is also the characteristic ending of the pres. -ind. pl. As a rule (where the reduced ending _-e_ is found side by side -with _-en_) _-e_ is used before words beginning with a consonant, and -_-en_ before words beginning with a vowel or _h_, to avoid hiatus. But -that the preservation of _-en_ does not depend purely on phonetic -considerations is proved by its regular retention in the Northern strong -pp., and its regular reduction to _-e_ in the corresponding Southern -form. - -#-e#: Wherever _-en_ was reduced, it reinforced final _-e_, which so -became the meeting point of all the inflexions that were to disappear -before Elizabethan times. - -_-e_ was the ending of several verbal forms; of the weak adjective and -the adjective pl.; of the dat. sg. of nouns; and of adverbs like -_faste_, _deepe_, as distinguished from the corresponding adjectives -_fast_, _deep_. - -That _-e_ was pronounced is clear from the metres of -Chaucer, Gower, and most other Southern and Midland -writers of the time. For centuries the rhythm of their verse -was lost because later generations had become so used to -final _-e_ as a mere spelling that they did not suspect that it -was once syllabic. - -But already in fourteenth-century manuscripts there is evidence of -uncertainty. Scribes often omit the final vowel where the rhythm shows -that it was syllabic in the original (see the language notes to I, II). -Conversely, in _Gawayne_ forms like _burne_ (OE. _beorn_), _race_ (ON. -_rįs_), _hille_ (OE. _hyll_) appear in nominative and accusative, where -historically there should be no ending. The explanation is that, quite -apart from the workings of analogy, which now extended and now curtailed -its historical functions, _-e_ was everywhere weakly pronounced, and was -dropped at different rates in the various dialects. In the North it -hardly survives the middle of the century (IV _a_, X). In the N. -Midlands its survival is irregular. In the South and S. Midlands it is -fairly well preserved till the end of the century. But everywhere the -proportion of flexionless forms was increasing. It may be assumed that, -in speech as in verse, final _-e_ was lost phonetically first before -words beginning with a vowel or _h_. - - -§ 10. NOUNS: Gender, which in standard West Saxon had been to a great -extent grammatical (i.e. dependent on the forms of the noun), was by the -fourteenth century natural (i.e. dependent on the meaning of the noun). -This change had accompanied and in some degree facilitated the transfer -of nearly all nouns to the strong masculine type, which was the -commonest and best defined in late OE.: - - OE. ME. - Sg. nom. acc. _cniht_ _kni[gh]t_ - gen. _cnihtes_ _kni[gh]tes_ - dat. _cnihte_ _kni[gh]te_ - - OE. ME. - Pl. nom. acc. _cnihtas_ _kni[gh]tes_ - gen. _cnihta_ _kni[gh]tes_ - dat. _cnihtum_ _kni[gh]tes_ - -In the North final _-e_ of the dat. sg. was regularly dropped early in -the fourteenth century, and even in the South the dat. sg. is often -uninflected, probably owing to the influence of the accusative. In the -plural the inflexion of the nom. acc. spreads to all cases; but in early -texts, and relatively late in the South, the historical forms are -occasionally found, e.g. gen. pl. _cniste_ (MS. _cnistes_) XV _g_ 30 -(note), dat. pl. _diaknen_ III 5. - -#Survivals#: (i) The common mutated plurals _man_: _men_, _fot_: _fet_, -&c., are preserved, and in VIII _b_ a gen. pl. _menne_ (OE. _manna_) -occurs; _ky_ pl. of _cow_ forms a new double pl. _kyn_, see (iii) below; -_hend_ pl. of _hand_ is Norse, cp. XVI 75 (note). - -(ii) Some OE. neuters like _shep_ 'sheep' VIII _b_ 18, _[gh]er_ 'year' -II 492, _žing_ II 218, _folk_ II 389, resist the intrusion of the -masculine pl. _-es_ in nominative and accusative. Pl. _hors_ II 304, -XIII _a_ 34 remains beside _horses_ XIV _b_ 73; but _deores_ 'wild -animals' occurs at XV _b_ 29, where Modern English preserves _deer_. - -(iii) In the South the old weak declension with pl. _-en_ persists, -though by the fourteenth century the predominance of the strong type is -assured. The weak forms occur not only where they are historically -justified, e.g. _ey[gh]en_ (OE. _[=e]agan_) II 111, but also by analogy -in words like _honden_ (OE. pl. _honda_) II 79, _tren_ (OE. pl. -_tr[=e]o_) XIII _a_ 51, _platen_ (OFr. _plate_) XV _g_ 4. The inflexion -still survives in three double plural formations: _children_ VIII _b_ 70 -beside _childer_ (OE. pl. _cildru_); _bretheren_ VIII _a_ 201 beside -_brether_ XVII 320 (OE. pl. _br[=o]žor_); and _ky[gh]n_ IX 256 for _ky_ -(cp. (i) above). The OE. weak gen. pl. in _-ena_ leaves its traces in -the South, e.g. _knauene_ VIII _b_ 56, XV _h_ 4, and unhistorical -_lordene_ VIII _b_ 77. - -(iv) The group _fader_, _moder_, _brožer_, _doghter_ commonly show the -historical flexionless gen. sg., e.g. _doghtyr arme_ I 136; _moder -wombe_ XI _b_ 29 f.; _brother hele_ XII _a_ 18; _Fadir voice_ XVI 79. - -(v) The historical gen. sg. of old strong feminines remains in _soule -dede_ (OE. _s[=a]wle_) I 212; but _Lady day_ (OE. _hl[=ę]fdigan dęg_) I -242 is a survival of the weak fem. gen. sg. - - -§ 11. ADJECTIVES. Separate flexional forms for each gender are not -preserved in the fourteenth century; but until its end the distinction -of strong and weak declensions remains in the South and South Midlands, -and is well marked in the careful verse of Chaucer and Gower. The strong -is the normal form. The weak form is used after demonstratives, _the_, -_his_, &c., and in the vocative. As types _god_ (OE. _g[=o]d_) 'good' -and _grene_ (OE. _gr[=e]ne_) 'green' will serve, because in OE. -_gr[=e]ne_ had a vowel-ending in the strong nom. sg. masc., while -_g[=o]d_ did not. The ME. paradigms are: - - Singular. Plural. - Strong Weak Strong and Weak - _god_ _god[.e]_ _god[.e]_ - _gren[.e]_ _gren[.e]_ _gren[.e]_ - -Examples: Strong sg. _a gret serpent_ (OE. _gr[=e]at_) XII _b_ 72; _an -unkind[.e] man_ (OE. _uncynde_) XII _b_ 1; _a still[.e] water_ (OE. -_stille_) XII _a_ 83. Weak sg. _The gret[.e] gastli serpent_ XII _b_ -126; _hire oghn[.e] hertes lif_ XII _a_ 4; _O lef liif_ (where the metre -indicates _leu[.e]_ for the original) II 102. Strong pl. _žer wer -wid[.e] wones_ II 365. Weak pl. _the smal[.e] stones_ XII _a_ 84. - -Note that strong and weak forms are identical in the plural; that even -in the singular there is no formal distinction when the OE. strong masc. -nom. ended in a vowel (_gr[=e]ne_); that monosyllables ending in a vowel -(e.g. _fre_), polysyllables, and participles, are usually invariable; -and that regular dropping of final _-e_ levels all distinctions, so that -the North and N. Midlands early reached the relatively flexionless stage -of Modern English. - -#Survivals.# The _Ayenbyte_ shows some living use of the adjective -inflexions. Otherwise the survivals are limited to set phrases, e.g. -gen. sg. _nones cunnes_ 'of no kind', _enes cunnes_ 'of any kind', XV -_g_ 20, 22. That the force of the inflexion was lost is shown by the -early wrong analysis _no skynnes_, _al skynnes_, &c. - -#Definite Article.# Parallel to the simplification of the adjective, the -full OE. declension _s[=e]_, _s[=e]o_, _žęt_, &c., is reduced to -invariable _že_. The _Ayenbyte_ alone of our specimens keeps some of the -older distinctions. Elsewhere traces appear in set phrases, e.g. neut. -sg. _žat_, _žet_ in _žat on_ 'the one', _žat ožer_ 'the other' V 344, -and, with wrong division, _že ton_ XI _b_ 27, _the tožer_ IX 4; neut. -sg. dat. _žen_ (OE. _ž[=ę]m_), with wrong division, in _atte nale_ (for -_at žen ale_) VIII _a_ 109. - - -§ 12. PRONOUNS. In a brilliant study (_Progress in Language_, London -1894) Jespersen exemplifies the economy and resources of English from -the detailed history of the Pronoun. In the first and second persons -fourteenth-century usage does not differ greatly from that of the -Authorized Version of the Bible. But the pronoun of the third person -shows a variety of developments. In the singular an objective case -replaces, without practical disadvantages, the older accusative and -dative: _him_ (OE. _hine_ and _him_), _her(e)_ (OE. _h[=i]e_ and -_hiere_), _(h)it_ (OE. _hit_ and _him_). The possessive _his_ still -serves for the neuter as well as the masculine, e.g. _žat ryuer... -chaungež ~hys~ fordes_ XIII _a_ 55 f.; though an uninflected neuter -possessive _hit_ occasionally appears in the fourteenth century. In the -plural, where one would expect objective _him_ from the regular OE. dat. -pl. _him_, clearness is gained by the choice of unambiguous _hem_, from -an OE. dat. pl. by-form _heom_. - -But as we see from _Orfeo_, ll. 408, 446, 185, in some dialects the nom. -sg. masc. (OE. _h[=e]_), nom. sg. fem. (OE. _h[=e]o_), and nom. pl. (OE. -_h[=i]e_), had all become ME. _he_. The disadvantages of such ambiguity -increased as the flexional system of nouns and adjectives collapsed, and -a remedy was found in the adoption of new forms. For the nom. sg. fem., -_s(c)he_, _s(c)ho_ (mostly Northern), come into use, which are probably -derived from _s[i(][=e]_, _s[e(][=o]_, the corresponding case of the -definite article. The innovation was long resisted in the South, and -_ho_, an unambiguous development of _he[=o]_, remains late in W. Midland -texts like _Pearl_. - -In the nom. pl. ambiguous _he_ was replaced by _žei_, the -nom. pl. of the Norse definite article. This is the regular -form in all except the Southern specimens II (orig.), III, XIII. -And although the full series of Norse forms _žei_, _žeir_, _že(i)m_ -is found in Orm at the beginning of the thirteenth century, -Chaucer and other Midland writers of the fourteenth century -as a rule have only _žei_, with native English _her(e)_, _hem_ in the -oblique cases. (For details see the language note to each -specimen.) - -The poss. pl. _her(e)_, beside _hor(e)_, was still liable to confusion -with the obj. sg. fem. _her(e)_, cp. II 92. Consequently this was -the next point to be gained by the Norse forms, e.g. in VII 181. -In the Northern texts X, XVI, XVII, all from late MSS., the -Norse forms _žai_, _ža(i)r_, _ža(i)me_ are fully established; but -_(h)em_, which was throughout unambiguous, survived into -modern dialects in the South and Midlands. - -Note the reduced nominative form _a_ 'he', 'they' in XIII; and the -objective _his(e)_ 'her', 'them' in III, which has not been -satisfactorily explained. - -#Relative#: The general ME. relative is _žat_, representing all genders -and cases (note to XV _i_ 4). Sometimes definition is gained by adding -the personal pronoun: _žat... he (sche)_ = 'who'; _žat... it_ = 'which'; -_žat... his_ = 'whose'; _žat ... him_ = 'whom', &c.; e.g. _a well, ~žat~ -in the day ~it~ is so cold_ IX 5-6, cp. V 127 (note); _oon ~That~ with a -spere was thirled ~his~ brest-boon_ 'one whose breast-bone was pierced -with a spear', _Knight's Tale_ 1851. For the omission of _žat_ see note -to XIII _a_ 36. - -In later texts, _which_, properly an interrogative, appears commonly as -a relative, both with personal and impersonal antecedents, e.g. -_Alceone... ~which~... him loveth_ XII _a_ 3 ff.; _žat steede... fro -~whilke~ že feende fell_ XVI 13 f. Under the influence of French -_lequel_, &c., _which_ is often compounded with the article _že_, e.g. -_a gret serpent... ~the which~ Bardus anon up drouh_ XII _b_ 72 f.; _no -thing of newe, in ~the whiche~ the hereres myghten hauen... solace_ IX -275 f. Further compounding with _žat_ is not uncommon, e.g. _the queen -of Amazoine, ~the whiche žat~ maketh hem to ben kept in cloos_ IX 190 f. - -More restricted is the relative use of _whos_, _whom_, which are -originally interrogatives, though both are found very early in ME. as -personal relatives. Examples of the objective after prepositions are: -_my Lady, of ~quom~..._ VI 93; _God, fro ~whom~ ..._ IX 328 f.; _my -Sone... in ~whome~_ XVI 81 f. The possessive occurs in _Seynt Magne... -yn ~whos~ wurschyp_ I 90 f.; _I am ... the same, ~whos~ good_ XII _b_ 78 -f.; and, compounded with the article, in _Morpheüs, ~the whos~ nature_ -XII _a_ 113. The nominative _who_ retains its interrogative meaning, -e.g. _But ~who~ ben more heretikis?_ XI _b_ 77 f.; or is used as an -indefinite, e.g. _a tasse of grene stickes... to selle, ~who that~ wolde -hem beie_ XII _b_ 22 ff.; but it is never used as a relative; and -probably _what_ in XVI 174 is better taken as in apposition to _myghtis_ -than as a true relative. - - -§ 13. VERB. Syntactically the most interesting point in the history of -the ME. verb is the development of the compound tenses with _have_, -_be_, _will_, _shall_, _may_, _might_, _mun_, _can_, _gan_. But the -flexional forms of the simple tenses are most subject to local -variation, and, being relatively common, afford good evidence of -dialect. Throughout the period, despite the crossings and confusions -that are to be expected in a time of uncertainty and experiment, the -distinction between strong and weak verbs is maintained; and it will be -convenient to deal first with the inflexions common to both classes, and -then to notice the forms peculiar to one or the other. - -(i) #The Infinitive# had already in Northumbrian OE. lost final _-n_: -_dr[=i]fa_ 'to drive'. Hence in ME. of the North and N. Midlands the -ending is _-e_, which becomes silent at varying rates during the -fourteenth century; e.g. _dryue_ I 171, _to luf_ IV _a_ 17. In the South -and S. Midlands the common ending is _-e_, e.g. _telle_ III 3, which -usually remains syllabic to the end of the century; but _-(e)n_ is also -found, especially in verse to make a rime or to avoid hiatus: e.g. -_sein_ (: _a[gh]ein_) XII _a_ 27; _to parte and [gh]iven half his good_ -XII _b_ 201. - -(ii) #The Present Participle# (OE. _dr[=i]fende_) in the North and N. -Midlands ends in _-and(e)_, though _-yng(e)_, _-ing(e)_ is beginning to -appear in V, VII, XVI, XVII. In S. Midlands the historical ending -_-ende_ still prevails in Gower; but Chaucer has more commonly -_-yng(e)_; and in IX, XI, both late texts, only _-yng(e)_ appears. In -the South _-yng(e)_ is established as early as the beginning of the -century, e.g. in II. - -N.B. Carefully distinguish the verbal noun which always ends in -_-yng(e)_. Early confusion resulted in the transference of this ending -to the participle. - -(iii) #Present Indicative.# - -(_a_) Singular: OE. 1 _dr[=i]fe_, 2 _dr[=i]f(e)s(t)_, 3 _dr[=i]f(e)š_ -(late Northumbrian _dr[=i]fes_). - -In ME. _-e_, _-est_, _-ež_ are still the regular endings for the South -and most of the Midlands. Shortened forms like _fint_ = _findež_ II 239; -_stant_ = _standež_ XII _a_ 74 are commonest in the South, where in OE. -they were a feature of West Saxon and Kentish as distinguished from -Anglian. Distinct are the Northern and N. Midland _mas(e)_ 'makes', -_tas_ 'takes', with contracted infinitives _ma_, _ta_; and _bus_ -'behoves', which Chaucer uses in his imitation of Northern English, -_Reeves Tale_ 172. - -In N. Midlands the modern 3rd sg. _-(e)s_ is common (V, VI, but not in -earlier I). Farther North it is invariable (IV, X, XVI, XVII). The -distribution of _-es_ as the ending of the 2nd sg. is the same, and it -is extended even to the 1st person. - -(_b_) Plural: OE. _dr[=i]faš_ (late Northumbrian _dr[=i]fas_). - -Only Southern ME. retains the OE. inflexion as _-ež_ (II, III, XIII). -The Midland ending, whence the modern form derives, is _-e(n)_; though -in the N. Midlands _-es_ occasionally appears. Northern has regularly -_-es_, _unless the personal pronoun immediately precedes_, when the -ending is _-e_, as in the Midlands, e.g. _žei make_ XVI 103. - -N.B. In applying this test, care must be taken to exclude inversions, -which are subject to special rules; to distinguish the subjunctive (e.g. -_falle_ XIII _a_ 52, _drawe_ XIII _b_ 6) from the indicative; and, -generally, to choose examples that are syntactically free from doubt, -because concord of number is not always logical in ME. - -SUMMARY. - - OE. - - 1. sg. _dr[=i]f-e_ - 2. _dr[=i]f-es(t)_ - 3. _dr[=i]f-eš_ (Nth. _-es_) - pl. _dr[=i]f-aš_ (Nth. _-as_) - - ME. - South S. Midl. N. Midl. North - 1. sg. _-e_ _-e_ _-(e)_ _-(e)_ or _-(e)s_ - 2. _-est_ _-est_ _-es(t)_ _-es_ - 3. _-ež_ _-ež_ _-ež_ or _-es_ _-es_ - pl. _-ež_ _-e(n)_ _-e(n)_ or _-es_ _-es_ or _-(e)_ - -(iv) #The Imperative Plural# might be expected to agree with the pres. -ind. pl. In fact it has the ending _-ež_ not merely in the South, but in -most of the Midlands, e.g. I, VIII, Gower and Chaucer. Northern and NW. -Midland (V, VI, XIV _b_, XVI) have commonly _-es_. But Chaucer, Gower, -and most late ME. texts have, beside the full inflexion, an uninflected -form, e.g. _vndo_ XVI 182. - -(v) #Past Tense.# - -(_a_) Strong: The historical distinctions of stem-vowel were often -obscured in ME. by the rise of new analogical forms, the variety of -which can best be judged from the detailed evidence presented in the -_New English Dictionary_ under each verb. But, for the common verbs or -classes, the South and S. Midlands preserved fairly well the OE. vowel -distinction of past tense singular and plural; while North and N. -Midlands usually preferred the form proper to the singular for both -singular and plural, e.g. _žey bygan_ I 72; _žey ne blan_ I 73; _thai -slang_ X 53, where OE. has sg. _gan_: _gunnon_; _blan_: _blunnon_; ON. -_sl[o,]ng_: _slungu_. - -(_b_) Weak: In the South and Midlands the weak pa. t. 2nd sg. usually -ends in _-est_ (N. Midland also _-es_): _hadest_ II 573; _cursedest_ I -130; _kyssedes_, _ra[gh]te[gh]_ V 283. In the North, and sometimes in N. -Midland, it ends in _-(e)_: _žou hadde_ XVI 219. The full ending of the -pa. t. pl. is fairly common in the South, S. Midlands, and NW. Midlands: -_wenten_ II 185, _hedden_ III 42, _maden_ XII _b_ 196, _sayden_ VI 174. - -(vi) #Past Participle (Strong)#: OE. _(ge)dr[)i]fen_. - -In the North and N. Midlands the ending _-en_ is usually preserved, but -the prefix _y-_ is dropped. In the South the type is _y-driue_, with -prefix and without final _n_. S. Midland fluctuates--for example, Gower -rarely, Chaucer commonly, uses the prefix _y-_. - -(vii) #Weak Verbs with -i- suffix#: In OE. weak verbs of Class II formed -the infinitive in _-ian_, e.g. _acsian_, _lufian_, and the _i_ appeared -also in the pres. ind. and imper. pl. _acsiaš_ and pres. p. _acsiende_. -In ME. a certain number of French verbs with an _-i-_ suffix reinforced -this class. In the South and W. Midlands the _-i-_ of the suffix is -often preserved, e.g. _aski_ II 467, _louy_ V 27, and is sometimes -extended to forms in which it has no historical justification, e.g. pp. -_spuryed_ V 25. In the North and the E. Midlands the forms without _i_ -are generalized. - - - - -PRINTED IN ENGLAND -AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS - - - - -CORRIGENDA - -To Sisam's _Fourteenth Century Verse and Prose_ - -p. xlv, l. 7: _for_ carat _read_ caret - -p. xlvii: _for_ Jessop _read_ Jessopp - -p. 21, l. 259: _for_ be _read_ he - -p. 28, l. 493: _for_ enn _read_ en - -p. 43, foot-note to l. 69: _omit_ 'for:' - -p. 62, l. 100: _for_ tyste _read_ t<r>yste (_Morris_); _and adjust -note at p. 225_. - -p. 103, l. 254: _for_ largeand _read_ large and - -p. 175, l. 1: _for_ Daib. _read_ Diab. - -p. 214, note to _a_: _for_ 'The best... are' _read_ 'This poem is -largely a translation of sentences excerpted from Rolle's _Incendium -Amoris_, cc. xl-xli (Miss Allen in _Mod. Lang. Review_ for 1919, p. -320). Useful commentaries are' - -p. 226, note to l. 153: in l. 8 for _t[o,]_ read _t[=o,]_ - -p. 243, n. to ll. 5-6: _for_ 'external covering' _read_ 'covering over -it' - -p. 291, table, last column, 1 sg.: for '_-e_ or _(e)s_' read '_-(e)_ or -_-(e)s_' - - - - -[Transcriber's Note: A number of editorial corrections are without -Footnotes or Notes. The manuscript readings for these are here supplied -by the transcriber from the editions of Hamelius and England & Pollard: - - IX 166 Sy_t_hye] Sychye _MS._ - IX 270 i_t_] is _MS._ - IX 287 gr_e_uous] grouous _MS._ - XVII 85 displeas_es_] displeasse _MS._ - XVII 472 th_ou_] thi _MS._ - -Unusual characters have been transcribed in the following way: - - [=a] a with macron - [)=a] a with breve and macron - [)a] a with breve - [=ę] ę with macron - [“ę] ę with acute - ['ę] ę stressed - [=e] e with macron - [=e.] e with macron and dot below - [.e] e with dot above - [e,] e with ogonek (e caudata or tailed e) - [é,] e with ogonek and acute - [e(] e with inverted breve below - [)e] e with breve - [)=e] e with breve and macron - [)=e.] e with breve and macron with dot below - [=i] i with macron - [i(] i with inverted breve below - [)i] i with breve - [)=i] i with breve and macron - [=n] n with macron - [=o] o with macron - [=o,] o with macron and ogonek - [=o.] o with macron and dot below - [=o)] o with macron and breve below - [)o] o with breve - [)=o] o with breve and macron - [o,] o with ogonek - [ó,] o with ogonek and acute - [o.] o with dot below - ['oe] oe ligature, stressed - [)u] u with breve - [)=u] u with breve and macron - [=u] u with macron - [=ü] u with macron and diaresis - [)=ü] u with diaresis, with breve and macron - [=y] y with macron - [)=y] y with breve and macron - [gh] letter yogh - [Gh] letter Yogh - [s] long s - ['v] v stressed - [+] dagger symbol - ['-] stressed syllable - -The CORRIGENDA to Sisam's _Fourteenth Century Verse and Prose_ (see -above) from the end of the accompanying vocabulary volume has been moved -here. All items listed have been corrected, except - - p. 62, l. 100: [...] _and adjust note at p. 225_ - -which remains unadjusted. - -The line numbering has been regularised to multiples of 5. Lines -of prose have their line numbers in {braces} within the text. The -companion volume, _A Middle English Vocabulary, designed for use with -SISAM's Fourteenth Century Verse & Prose_, by J. R. R. Tolkien is -available at PG #43737.] - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Fourteenth Century Verse & Prose, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FOURTEENTH CENTURY VERSE & PROSE *** - -***** This file should be named 43736-8.txt or 43736-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/3/7/3/43736/ - -Produced by David Starner and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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