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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Expositor's Bible, by F. W. Farrar
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-Title: The Expositor's Bible
- The Second Book of Kings
-
-Author: F. W. Farrar
-
-Editor: W. Robertson Nicoll
-
-Release Date: February 5, 2013 [EBook #42027]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EXPOSITOR'S BIBLE ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Douglas L. Alley, III, Colin Bell and the
-Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
-(This file was produced from images generously made
-available by The Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- The
-
- Expositor's Bible
-
-
- Edited by
- W. Robertson Nicoll, D.D., LL.D.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-
-
-
- THE EXPOSITORS' BIBLE
-
- _Edited by_ W. ROBERTSON NICOLL, D.D., LL.D.
-
- _New and Cheaper Edition. Printed from original plates
- Complete in every detail. Uniform with this volume_
-
- Price 50 cents per volume. (If by mail add 10 cents postage)
-
-
- OLD TESTAMENT VOLUMES
-
- GENESIS. By Rev. Prof. Marcus Dods, D.D.
-
- EXODUS. By Very Rev. G. A. Chadwick, D.D., Dean of Armagh.
-
- LEVITICUS. By Rev. S. H. Kellogg, D.D.
-
- NUMBERS. By Rev. R. A. Watson, D.D.
-
- DEUTERONOMY. By Rev. Prof. Andrew Harper, B.D.
-
- JOSHUA. By Rev. Prof. W. G. Blaikie, D.D., LL.D.
-
- JUDGES AND RUTH. By Rev. R. A. Watson, D.D.
-
- FIRST SAMUEL. By Rev. Prof. W. G. Blaikie, D.D., LL.D.
-
- SECOND SAMUEL. By same author.
-
- FIRST KINGS. By F. W. Farrar, D.D., Dean of Canterbury.
-
- SECOND KINGS. By same author.
-
- FIRST AND SECOND CHRONICLES. By Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett.
-
- EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER. By Rev. Prof. W. F. Adeney.
-
- JOB. By Rev. R. A. Watson, D.D.
-
- PSALMS. In 3 vols. Vol. I., Chapters I.-XXXVIII.; Vol. II., Chapters
- XXXIX.-LXXXIX.; Vol. III., Chapters XC.-CL. By Rev.
- Alexander Maclaren, D.D.
-
- PROVERBS. By Rev. R. F. Horton, D.D.
-
- ECCLESIASTES. By Rev. Samuel Cox, D.D.
-
- SONG OF SOLOMON and LAMENTATIONS. By Rev. Prof. W. F. Adeney.
-
- ISAIAH. In 2 vols. Vol. I., Chapters I.-XXXIX.; Vol. II., Chapters
- XL.-LXVI. By Prof. George Adam Smith, D.D., LL.D.
-
- JEREMIAH. Chapters I.-XX. With a Sketch of his Life and Times. By
- Rev. C. J. Ball.
-
- JEREMIAH. Chapters XXI.-LII. By Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett.
-
- EZEKIEL. By Rev. Prof. John Skinner.
-
- DANIEL. By F. W. FARRAR, D.D., Dean of Canterbury.
-
- THE TWELVE (Minor) PROPHETS. In 2 vols. By Rev. George Adam Smith,
- D.D., LL.D.
-
-
- NEW TESTAMENT VOLUMES
-
- ST. MATTHEW. By Rev. J. Monro Gibson, D.D.
-
- ST. MARK. By Very Rev. G. A. Chadwick, D.D., Dean of Armagh.
-
- ST. LUKE. By Rev. Henry Burton.
-
- GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. In 2 vols. Vol. I., Chapters I.-XI.; Vol. II.,
- Chapters XII.-XXI. By Rev. Prof. Marcus Dods, D.D.
-
- THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. In 2 vols. By Rev. Prof. G. T. Stokes, D.D.
-
- ROMANS. By Rev. Handley C. G. Moule, D.D.
-
- FIRST CORINTHIANS. By Rev. Prof. Marcus Dods, D.D.
-
- SECOND CORINTHIANS. By Rev. James Denney, D.D.
-
- GALATIANS. By Rev. Prof. G. G. Findlay, D.D.
-
- EPHESIANS. By same author.
-
- PHILIPPIANS. By Rev. Principal Robert Rainy, D.D.
-
- COLOSSIANS and PHILEMON. By Rev. Alexander Maclaren, D.D.
-
- THESSALONIANS. By Rev. James Denney, D.D.
-
- PASTORAL EPISTLES. By Rev. A. Plummer, D.D.
-
- HEBREWS. By Rev. Principal T. C. Edwards, D.D.
-
- ST. JAMES and ST. JUDE. By Rev. A. Plummer, D.D.
-
- ST. PETER. By Rev. Prof. J. Rawson Lumby, D.D.
-
- EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. By Rt. Rev. W. Alexander, Lord Bishop of Derry.
-
- REVELATION. By Prof. W. Milligan, D.D.
-
- INDEX VOLUME TO ENTIRE SERIES.
-
- _New York_: HODDER & STOUGHTON, _Publishers_
-
-
-
-
- THE
- SECOND BOOK OF KINGS
-
-
-
-
-
- BY
- F. W. Farrar, D.D., F.R.S.
-
- LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; ARCHDEACON OF
- WESTMINSTER
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- HODDER & STOUGHTON
- NEW YORK
- GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
-
-
-
-
- CONTENTS
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I
-
- PAGE
-
- AHAZIAH BEN-AHAB OF ISRAEL (B.C. 855-854) 3
-
- A weak, shadowy, and faithless king--1. Relations between Judah and
- Israel--2. Alliance with Jehoshaphat--3. Revolt of Moab--Mesha and
- the Moabite Stone--4. The fall from the lattice--Baal-Zebub--Elijah
- calling down fire from heaven--How are we to judge respecting the
- Elijah-spirit?--Variations of moral standard.
-
- CHAPTER II
-
- THE ASCENSION OF ELIJAH 19
-
- Uncertain date--The journey to Gilgal; to Bethel; to Jericho; to
- the Jordan--The double portion--Chariot and horses of fire--Elisha
- recrosses the Jordan--The young prophets and their
- search--Grandeur of Elijah.
-
- CHAPTER III
-
- ELISHA 25
-
- Cycle of supernatural stories--Elisha and Elijah--The cure of the
- unwholesome fountain--"Go up, thou bald-head"--The children and
- the bears.
-
- CHAPTER IV
-
- THE INVASION OF MOAB 29
-
- Death of Ahaziah--Jehoram Ben-Ahab of Israel--Good
- beginnings--Attempts to recover Moab--Alliance with Judah and
- Edom--The invasion--An army perishing of
- thirst--Elisha--Music--Trenches in the wâdy--Error of the
- Moabites--Their disastrous rout--Devastation of the
- country--Mesha propitiates Chemosh--"Great wrath against
- Israel"--The invading army retreats.
-
- CHAPTER V
-
- ELISHA'S MIRACLES 40
-
- Their chronological vagueness--Difference between Elisha and
- Elijah--Contrasts and resemblances--Social life in Israel--1. The
- widow and the oil--2. The lady of Shunem--Her hospitality--Her
- reward--3. The boy's death--Her distress--The resuscitation--4.
- Death in the pot--5. The multiplied first-fruits.
-
- CHAPTER VI
-
- THE STORY OF NAAMAN 50
-
- The little maid--The leper--Letter of Benhadad to Jehoram--His
- indignation--Elisha's message--Naaman's disappointment and
- anger--His servants--His healing--His gratitude--Bowing in the house
- of Rimmon--Mean cupidity of Gehazi--Stricken with leprosy--The
- axe-head.
-
- CHAPTER VII
-
- ELISHA AND THE SYRIANS 66
-
- Syrian marauders--They are baffled--Anger of Benhadad--The vision
- at Dothan--Meaning of the promises--How fulfilled to God's saints
- on earth--Some are delivered, some are not--Elisha misleads the
- Syrians--His generosity to them--Its effects--A fresh Syrian
- invasion.
-
- CHAPTER VIII
-
- THE FAMINE AND THE SIEGE 76
-
- Horrible straits of the besieged Samaritans--Stress of famine--The
- King of Israel--The miserable women--Sackcloth under the
- purple--The king's fury and despair--He threatens Elisha--The
- messenger--The king upbraids him--Prophecy of sudden plenty--The
- disbelieving lord--The extramural lepers--The Syrian camp--The
- king's misgivings--The lord killed in the rush of the people.
-
- CHAPTER IX
-
- THE SHUNAMMITE AND HAZAEL 87
-
- The lady of Shunem leaves her estate--Her return--Gehazi talks with
- the king--Entrance of the Shunammite--Her estates restored--Elisha
- visits Damascus--A royal present--Benhadad's illness--Hazael--The
- dark prophecy--Unexplained death of Benhadad--Hazael's
- usurpation--Real meaning of Elisha's words to Hazael.
-
- CHAPTER X
-
- TWO SONS OF JEHOSHAPHAT 99
-
- Jehoram (B.C. 851-843)--Ahaziah (B.C. 843-842)--Jehoram
- ben-Jehoshaphat of Judah--Perplexing uncertainty of minute
- chronological details--The blight of the Jezebel-alliance--The
- husband of Athaliah--His apostasies--Revolt of Edom--Narrow escape
- of Jehoram--Revolt of Libnah--Jehoram's murder by his
- brethren--Philistine invasion--Incurable disease--Ahaziah
- ben-Jehoram--Joins his uncle (Jehoram ben-Ahab) in the campaign
- against Ramoth-Gilead--Visits him at Jezreel--Shot down by Jehu.
-
- CHAPTER XI
-
- THE REVOLT OF JEHU (B.C. 842) 106
-
- Misery of Jehoram's reign--Thwarted invasion of Moab--Aggression
- of Benhadad--At Ramoth-Gilead--The young prophet--The two kings
- absent from the camp--The dangerous commission--The assembled
- captains--Jehu secretly anointed--His accession enthusiastically
- welcomed by the army--His sudden enthronement--His swift
- resolution--The watchman at Jezreel--The two horsemen--The two
- kings--Their murder--Ferocity of Jehu--Elijah's
- prophecy--Jezebel--She is hurled down--Jehu drives over her
- body--The curse fulfilled.
-
- CHAPTER XII
-
- JEHU ESTABLISHED ON THE THRONE (B.C. 842-814) 125
-
- His politic subtlety--The murder of the seventy princes--The
- ghastly heaps--Hypocritic ferocity.
-
- CHAPTER XIII
-
- FRESH MURDERS--THE EXTIRPATION OF BAAL-WORSHIP (B.C. 842) 131
-
- Wading through blood to a throne--The ride to Samaria--The brethren
- of Ahaziah of Judah--The corpse-choked tank of the shepherds--The
- Bedawy ascetic--The scene of slaughter in the temple of Baal--Did
- Elisha approve of these atrocities?--Prophetic judgment on
- Jehu--Ravages of Hazael--Jehu's anguish--He pays tribute to Assyria.
-
- CHAPTER XIV
-
- ATHALIAH (B.C. 842-836)--JOASH OF JUDAH (B.C. 836-796) 146
-
- The murderess-daughter of Jezebel--Fierce ambition--Jehosheba--The
- rescued child--Reared in the Temple--The high priest's plot--The
- coronation of the boy-king--Athaliah enters the Temple--Her
- murder--The fate of Baal's high priest--Proposed restoration of
- the Temple--Joash calls to task the defaulting priests--Death of
- Jehoiada--Defection of Joash--Murder of Zechariah--Bad record of
- the line of Jewish priests--Hazael attacks Judah--Defeat of Joash
- and plunder of Jerusalem--Murder of Joash--Names of the murderers.
-
- CHAPTER XV
-
- AMAZIAH OF JUDAH (B.C. 796-783[?]) 167
-
- The House of David--Amaziah brings to justice the murderers of his
- father, but spares their children--Grounds for this--Different
- views taken of him by the historian and the chronicler--Splendid
- victory of Amaziah in the Valley of Salt--Expansion of the story
- in the Chronicles--His defiance of Joash--His defeat and murder.
-
- CHAPTER XVI
-
- THE DYNASTY OF JEHU--JEHOAHAZ (B.C. 814-797)--JOASH
- (B.C. 797-781) 175
-
- Israel at its nadir--Calf-worship--Oppression of
- Hazael--Disappearance of Elisha--Repentance of Jehoahaz--Joash of
- Israel visits the death-bed of Elisha--"The arrow of the Lord's
- deliverance"--Three victories over the Syrians--Death of Elisha,
- and posthumous marvels--Joash and Amaziah--Contemptuous answer to
- the King of Judah--Crushing defeat of Judah.
-
- CHAPTER XVII
-
- THE DYNASTY OF JEHU (CONTINUED)--JEROBOAM II. (B.C. 781-740) 187
-
- Jeroboam II. the greatest of the kings of Israel--His conquests
- and wide dominion--A dying gleam of prosperity--Cause of his
- success--Relations with Assyria--Dawn of written prophecy--Jonah.
-
- CHAPTER XVIII
-
- AMOS AND HOSEA--ZACHARIAH BEN-JEROBOAM (B.C. 740) 193
-
- Amos describes the condition of Israel--Growth of usury and
- vice--Humble origin of Amos--His burdens--Degenerations of the
- "calf-worship"--Uncompromising denunciation--Collision of Amos
- with Amaziah the high priest at Bethel--His expulsion from
- Bethel--The curse denounced--His justification of his
- mission--Hosea the saddest of the prophets--His pictures of
- Ephraim--Jeroboam II.--His death--His son Zachariah--His
- desertion and shameful end.
-
- CHAPTER XIX
-
- UZZIAH OF JUDAH (B.C. 783[?]-737)--JOTHAM (B.C. 737-735) 209
-
- Wane of Assyria--Uzziah a wise and good king--His other name
- Azariah--Expansion of the story of his conquests in the
- Chronicles--Training of his army--Defeated by the Assyrians
- (?)--Stricken with leprosy--The story--Jotham acts as his public
- representative--Diminished power of Judah under Jotham--Beginning
- of Isaiah's prophecies--Death of Jotham.
-
- CHAPTER XX
-
- THE AGONY OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOM--SHALLUM, MENAHEM, PEKAHIAH,
- PEKAH (B.C. 740-734) 217
-
- Shallum, an usurping murderer--Rapid disappearance of
- kings--Distracted epoch--The prophet Zechariah and the three
- shepherds--Zechariah's prophecies--The cruel shepherd,
- Menahem--His savage deeds--Portentous appearance of the Assyrians
- in Israel--Menahem pays tribute--Tiglath-Pileser--Fulfilment of
- Hosea's prophecy--Pekahiah--His murder--Pekah--His alliance with
- Rezin against Judah--Ahaz appeals to Assyria--Defeat and death of
- Rezin--Fulfilment of prophecy of Amos--Beginning of the captivity
- of the Ten Tribes--Tiglath-Pileser's successors--Murder of Pekah
- by Hoshea--Horrible state of Israel as described by Isaiah.
-
- CHAPTER XXI
-
- KING HOSHEA AND THE FALL OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOM (B.C.
- 734-725) 235
-
- The name Hoshea--The king and the prophet--Occasional gleams of hope
- and promise--A humiliating reign--Death of Tiglath-Pileser--Hoshea
- revolts to Sabaco of Egypt--Seized by Shalmaneser--Samaria
- besieged--Terrible state of the city--Sabaco renders no
- help--Usurpation of Sargon--Capture of the city--Greatness of
- Sargon--Fall of the Northern Kingdom--Blighted destiny--God's
- mercy--"God, and not man"--Despoliation of the tribes--Moral of the
- story--Assyria and Egypt--The strength and weakness of a
- nation--Machiavelli--Mixture of alien emigrants--Their worship--The
- lions--Strange syncretism--The Jews and the Samaritans.
-
- CHAPTER XXII
-
- THE REIGN OF AHAZ (B.C. 735-715) 260
-
- The chronology--A distracted kingdom--Dark pictures from
- Isaiah--No sign of repentance--Grapes and wild grapes.
-
- CHAPTER XXIII
-
- ISAIAH AND AHAZ 265
-
- Isaiah--Rezin and Pekah--Ahaz meets Isaiah--He receives a promise
- of deliverance--He refuses a sign--The sign given
- him--Immanuel--Birth of Messianic
- prophecy--Maher-shalal-hash-baz--The promised Deliverer.
-
- CHAPTER XXIV
-
- THE APOSTASIES OF AHAZ 273
-
- Moloch-worship--Sacrifice of children--Ahaz appeals to Assyria for
- help--Ruin of Damascus and death of Rezin--Ahaz does homage to
- Tiglath-Pileser at Damascus--Records of Tiglath-Pileser--The new
- altar--Complaisance of the priest Urijah--Unpopularity of
- Ahaz--Further misgivings--His death.
-
- CHAPTER XXV
-
- HEZEKIAH (B.C. 715-686) 287
-
- Dates--Importance of the reign--Hezekiah's age--His character--His
- reformation--Partial suppression of the _bamoth_--Removal of the
- _matstseboth_ and _Asherim_--Destruction of the brazen
- serpent--Trust in Jehovah--Psalm xlvi.--Chastisement of the
- Philistines--Three parties in Jerusalem--1. The Assyrian party--2.
- The Egyptian party--3. The national party--Its attitude to the
- others--Micah--Mockery of Egypt--Anger and insults of the priests
- against Isaiah--Confidence of Isaiah--Waverings of Hezekiah.
-
- CHAPTER XXVI
-
- HEZEKIAH'S SICKNESS--THE BABYLONIAN EMBASSY 305
-
- The story of Hezekiah's illness misplaced--At the point of
- death--Isaiah's message--The king's agony of mind--The prayer--The
- reprieve--The sun-dial of Ahaz--The king's gratitude and
- thanksgiving--Merodach-Baladan--Rising power of Babylon--Object of
- the embassy--The king's action--The prophet's reproof--The king's
- humble submission.
-
- CHAPTER XXVII
-
- HEZEKIAH AND ASSYRIA (B.C. 701) 319
-
- Greatness of Sargon--His campaigns--Defeat of Egypt at the battle
- of Raphia--Ashdod--Defeat of Merodach-Baladan--Grandeur of
- Sennacherib--His invasion of Judæa--Earlier collisions--His
- campaigns--1. Against Babylon--2. Against Elam--3. Against the
- Hittites and Philistines--Defeat of the Ethiopian Tirhakah at
- Altaqu--Heavy mulct imposed on Hezekiah--Siege of
- Lachish--Sennacherib breaks his compact--Distress of Jerusalem.
-
- CHAPTER XXVIII
-
- THE GREAT DELIVERANCE (B.C. 701) 331
-
- Embassy of the Turtan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh--Misery and
- licence in the city--The conference--Oration of the Rabshakeh--Its
- effect on the king's ministers and on the people--Taunting insults
- of the Rabshakeh--Faithfulness and self-control of the
- people--Heroic faith of Isaiah--Failure of the
- embassy--Sennacherib's threatening letter--Hezekiah's
- prayer--Isaiah promises deliverance in the name of Jehovah--The
- sign--The angel of death--Scene of the catastrophe--The Egyptian
- tradition of Sethos and the mice--Death and burial of
- Hezekiah--The campaign as recorded on the Assyrian monuments--The
- triumph of indomitable faith--Grandeur of Isaiah--Wane of
- Assyria--Beautiful tolerance of Isaiah.
-
- CHAPTER XXIX
-
- MANASSEH (B.C. 686-641) 351
-
- The name Manasseh--His tender age--Influence of evil
- counsellors--Heathenising party--Their dislike of Hezekiah's
- reformation and of the exclusive worship of Jehovah--Tendency to
- trust in sacrifices and asceticism--Sanctification of
- licence--Arguments of the heathenisers--Disparagement of the work
- of Isaiah--Doubts and disbelief--Influence of the
- _bamoth_-priests--Reliance on Assyria--The immoral and idolatrous
- reaction--1. Restoration of the _bamoth_, and arguments in their
- favour--2. Adoption of Phoenician nature-worship--3. Assyrian
- Sabaism and star-worship--Connivance of the priests--4. Canaanite
- Moloch-worship--5. Mesopotamian Shamanism--6. The
- _Asherah_--Denunciation of the prophets--Persecution and the
- shedding of innocent blood--Asserted captivity, repentance, and
- reforming energy of Manasseh--Difficulties of the story--Reign of
- Amon (B.C. 641-639)--Wretchedness of his reign--Zephaniah and
- Jeremiah--Murder of Amon.
-
- CHAPTER XXX
-
- JOSIAH (B.C. 639-608) 374
-
- Three vast movements--Jeremiah's earlier prophecies--The state of
- society--The Scythians--Prophecies of Ezekiel--Herodotus--The fate
- of Nineveh--Rise of the Chaldæans--Habakkuk.
-
- CHAPTER XXXI
-
- JOSIAH'S REFORMATION 385
-
- Growth of Josiah's character--Repairs of the Temple--Hilkiah finds
- the Book of the Law--Intense effect produced on mind of the
- king--His message to the prophetess Huldah--Great
- assembly--Renewal of a solemn league and covenant with
- Jehovah--The _bamoth_-priests degraded--Defiling of Tophet--He
- carries the reformation into Samaria--Its stringency and
- severity--The Passover--Suppression of heathen
- corruptions--Jeremiah's share in the reformation--Its dangers and
- disappointing results--Jeremiah's warnings against all trust in
- externals--The prophecy of a new covenant--NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXI.:
- The Book found in the Temple.
-
- CHAPTER XXXII
-
- THE DEATH OF JOSIAH (B.C. 608) 402
-
- Prosperity and happiness of Josiah--Accession of the great Pharaoh
- Necho II.--His excursion against Carchemish--Josiah determines to
- bar his path--Warnings of Pharaoh Necho--Disaster at Megiddo and
- death of Josiah--Mistaken hopes--God's dealings with men and
- nations--Distress among Josiah's subjects--The king's
- burial--Misgivings respecting the future--Sorrow of
- Jeremiah--Ultimate fulfilments.
-
- CHAPTER XXXIII
-
- JEHOAHAZ (B.C. 608) 411
-
- Four sons of Josiah--Shallum chosen by the people of the land--Elegy
- of Ezekiel--Change of name from Shallum to Jehoahaz--Conquests of
- Pharaoh Necho II.--Jehoahaz summoned to Riblah--Carried captive by
- Pharaoh to Egypt--Tribute imposed on Judæa.
-
- CHAPTER XXXIV
-
- JEHOIAKIM (B.C. 608-597) 416
-
- Eliakim--His change of name--Ignored by Ezekiel--Evil
- influences--Æsthetic selfishness and oppressive
- greed--Denunciation by Habakkuk--Denunciation by Jeremiah--Murder
- of Urijah--Threatened murder of Jeremiah averted by Ahikam--Fall
- of Nineveh--Utterances of the prophets--Rise of the
- Chaldæans--Nabopolassar--Defeat of Pharaoh Necho by
- Nebuchadrezzar--His return to Babylon--His invasion of
- Judæa--Beginning of the Babylonian captivity--Jehoiakim revolts to
- Egypt in spite of Jeremiah's warnings--Imprisonment of
- Jeremiah--Baruch--The menacing roll--Alarm of the princes--Rage of
- the king--He cuts the scroll to pieces and burns it--Wretchedness
- of the times--A great drought--Captives of Jerusalem--Miserable
- death of Jehoiakim--"That which was found in him."
-
- CHAPTER XXXV
-
- JEHOIACHIN (B.C. 597) 431
-
- Bad influence over him--His brief reign--Allusions to him by
- Jeremiah at Jerusalem--Second captivity--Regret felt for
- Jehoiachin--Did he die childless?
-
- CHAPTER XXXVI
-
- ZEDEKIAH, THE LAST KING OF JUDAH (B.C. 597-586) 437
-
- His oath to the King of Assyria--Ezekiel's prophecies--The exiles
- and the remnant--Weakness of Zedekiah--Continuance of idolatry as
- described by Ezekiel--The king breaks his oath with
- Assyria--Indignation and warnings of Jeremiah--The false prophet
- Hananiah--The wooden and iron yokes--Death of Hananiah--False
- prophets--The broken covenant--Advance of
- Nebuchadrezzar--Belomancy and Babylonian divinations--Siege of
- Jerusalem--Gloom of Jeremiah's prophecies.
-
- CHAPTER XXXVII
-
- JEREMIAH AND HIS PROPHECIES 449
-
- Pathos of Jeremiah's lot--The sad epoch in which he
- lived--Religious changes--Arrest of Jeremiah--Progress of the
- siege--Zedekiah sends for the prophet--His hardships
- alleviated--Horrors of famine--Wicked defiance--A sudden
- death--Anger of the priests and nobles against Jeremiah--He is
- thrust into a miry pit--Compassion of Ebed-Melech--Purchase of a
- field at Anathoth--Secret interview with Zedekiah--It becomes
- known--Distress of Zedekiah.
-
- CHAPTER XXXVIII
-
- THE FALL OF JERUSALEM (B.C. 586) 457
-
- Nebuzaradan and the Babylonians--The final captivity--Dreadful
- fate of Zedekiah--Prophecies of Ezekiel and Jeremiah--Sack of the
- city--Massacre of the chief inhabitants--Burning of the city and
- Temple--Desolation--Respect shown by the Babylonian general to
- Jeremiah--He decides to remain with the remnant in Judæa.
-
- CHAPTER XXXIX
-
- GEDALIAH (B.C. 586) 465
-
- Sad parting from the exiles--The wail at Ramah--Gedaliah's
- appointment as satrap perhaps due to Jeremiah--Desolation of
- Jerusalem--The seat of government removed to Mizpah--A respite and
- a gleam of hope--Guerilla bands--Johanan warns Gedaliah against
- Ishmael--Unsuspecting generosity of the governor--He receives
- Ishmael and his confederates with hospitality--He is brutally
- murdered--Massacre of the pilgrims from Shiloh--The horrible
- well--Johanan pursues Ishmael--His escape--Proposal to migrate to
- Egypt--Jeremiah consulted--His advice refused--Prophecy of
- Jeremiah at the khan of Chimham--Kindness shown by Evil-Merodach
- to Jehoiachin.
-
- EPILOGUE 477
-
- The interest of the preceding history and the great moral lessons
- which it involves--The central conceptions of Hebrew prophecy--The
- end of the whole matter.
-
- APPENDIX I
-
- THE KINGS OF ASSYRIA, AND SOME OF THEIR INSCRIPTIONS 487
-
- APPENDIX II
-
- INSCRIPTION IN THE TUNNEL OF THE POOL OF SILOAM 493
-
- APPENDIX III
-
- WAS THERE A GOLDEN CALF AT DAN? 494
-
- APPENDIX IV
-
- DATES OF THE KINGS OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH, AS GIVEN BY KITTEL AND
- OTHER MODERN CRITICS 495
-
-
-
-
- THE SECOND BOOK OF KINGS
-
-
-
-
-"Theories of inspiration which impaginate the Everlasting Spirit, and
-make each verse a cluster of objectless and mechanical miracles, are
-not seriously believed by any one: the Bible itself abides in its
-endless power and unexhausted truth. All that is not of asbestos is
-being burned away by the restless fires of thought and criticism. That
-which remains is enough, and it is indestructible."--BISHOP OF DERRY.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I
-
- _AHAZIAH BEN-AHAB OF ISRAEL_
-
- B.C. 855-854
-
- 2 KINGS i. 1-18
-
- "Ye know not of what spirit are ye."--LUKE ix. 55.
-
- "He is the mediator of a better covenant, which hath been enacted
- upon better promises."--HEB. viii. 6.
-
-
-Ahaziah, the eldest son and successor of Ahab, has been called "the most
-shadowy of the Israelitish kings."[1] He seems to have been in all
-respects one of the most weak, faithless, and deplorably miserable. He
-did but reign two years--perhaps in reality little more than one; but
-this brief space was crowded with intolerable disasters. Everything that
-he touched seemed to be marked out for ruin or failure, and in character
-he showed himself a true son of Jezebel and Ahab.
-
-What results followed the defeat of Ahab and Jehoshaphat at
-Ramoth-Gilead we are not told. The war must have ended in terms of
-peace of some kind--perhaps in the cession of Ramoth-Gilead; for
-Ahaziah does not seem to have been disturbed during his brief reign by
-any Syrian invasion. Nor were there any troubles on the side of Judah.
-Ahaziah's sister was the wife of Jehoshaphat's heir, and the good
-understanding between the two kingdoms was so closely cemented, that
-in both royal houses there was an identity of names--two Ahaziahs and
-two Jehorams.
-
-But even the Judæan alliance was marked with misfortune. Jehoshaphat's
-prosperity and ambition, together with his firm dominance over
-Edom--in which country he had appointed a vassal, who was sometimes
-allowed the courtesy title of king[2]--led him to emulate Solomon by
-an attempt to revive the old maritime enterprise which had astonished
-Jerusalem with ivory, and apes, and peacocks imported from India. He
-therefore built "ships of Tarshish" at Ezion-Geber to sail to Ophir.
-They were called "Tarshish-ships," because they were of the same build
-as those which sailed to Tartessus, in Spain, from Joppa. Ahaziah was
-to some extent associated with him in the enterprise. But it turned
-out even more disastrously than it had done in former times. So
-unskilled was the seamanship of those days among all nations except
-the Phoenicians, that the whole fleet was wrecked and shattered to
-pieces in the very harbour of Ezion-Geber before it had set sail.
-
-Ahaziah, whose affinity with the King of Tyre and possession of some
-of the western ports had given his subjects more knowledge of ships
-and voyages, then proposed to Jehoshaphat that the vessels should be
-manned with sailors from Israel as well as Judah. But Jehoshaphat was
-tired of a futile and expensive effort. He refused a partnership which
-might easily lead to complications, and on which the prophets of
-Jehovah frowned. It was the last attempt made by the Israelites to
-become merchants by sea as well as by land.
-
-Ahaziah's brief reign was marked by one immense humiliation. David, who
-extended the dominion of the Hebrews in all directions, had smitten the
-Moabites, and inflicted on them one of the horrible atrocities against
-which the ill-instructed conscience of men in those days of ignorance
-did not revolt.[3] He had made the male warriors lie on the ground, and
-then, measuring them by lines, he put every two lines to death and kept
-one alive. After this the Moabites had continued to be tributaries. They
-had fallen to the share of the Northern Kingdom, and yearly acknowledged
-the suzerainty of Israel by paying a heavy tribute of the fleeces of a
-hundred thousand lambs and a hundred thousand rams. But now that the
-warrior Ahab was dead, and Israel had been crushed by the catastrophe at
-Ramoth-Gilead, Mesha, the energetic viceroy of Moab, seized his
-opportunity to revolt and to break from the neck of his people the
-odious yoke. The revolt was entirely successful. The sacred historian
-gives us no details, but one of the most priceless of modern
-archæological discoveries has confirmed the Scriptural reference by
-securing and translating a fragment of Mesha's own account of the
-annals of his reign. We have, in what is called "The Moabite Stone," the
-memorial written in glorification of himself and of his god Chemosh,
-"the abomination of the children of Ammon," by a contemporary of Ahab
-and Jehoshaphat.[4] It is the oldest specimen which we possess of Hebrew
-writing; perhaps the only specimen, except the Siloam inscription, which
-has come down to us from before the date of the Exile. It was discovered
-in 1878 by the German missionary Klein, amid the ruins of the royal city
-of Daibon (Dibon, Num. xxi. 30), and was purchased for the Berlin Museum
-in 1879. Owing to all kinds of errors and intrigues, it did not remain
-in the hands of its purchaser, but was broken into fragments by the
-nomad tribe of Beni Hamide, from whom it was in some way obtained by M.
-Clermont-Ganneau. There is no ground for questioning its perfect
-genuineness, though the discovery of its value led to the forgery of a
-number of spurious and often indecent inscriptions. There can be no
-reasonable doubt that when we look at it we see before us the identical
-memorial of triumph which the Moabite emîr erected in the days of
-Ahaziah on the _bamah_ of Chemosh at Dibon, one of his chief towns.
-
-This document is supremely interesting, not only for its historical
-allusions, but also as an illustration of customs and modes of thought
-which have left their traces in the records of the people of Jehovah,
-as well as in those of the people of Chemosh.[5] Mesha tells us that
-his father reigned in Dibon for thirty years, and that he succeeded.
-He reared this stone to Chemosh in the town of Karcha, as a memorial
-of gratitude for the assistance which had resulted in the overthrow of
-all his enemies. Omri, King of Israel, had oppressed Moab many days,
-because Chemosh was wroth with his people. Ahaziah wished to oppress
-Moab as his father had done. But Chemosh enabled Mesha to recover
-Medeba, and afterwards Baal-Meon, Kirjatan, Ataroth, Nebo, and Jahaz,
-which he reoccupied and rebuilt. Perhaps they had been practically
-abandoned by all effective Israelite garrisons. In some of these towns
-he put the inhabitants under a ban, and sacrificed them to Moloch in a
-great slaughter. In Nebo alone he slew seven thousand men. Having
-turned many towns into fortresses, he was enabled to defy Israel
-altogether, to refuse the old burdensome tribute, and to re-establish
-a strong Moabite kingdom east of the Dead Sea; for Israel was wholly
-unable to meet his forces in the open field. Month after month of the
-reign of the miserable son of Ahab must have been marked by tidings of
-shame, defeat, and massacre.
-
-Added to these public calamities, there came to Ahaziah a terrible
-personal misfortune. As he was coming down from the roof of his
-palace, he seems to have stopped to lean against the lattice of some
-window or balcony in his upper chamber in Samaria.[6] It gave way
-under his weight, and he was hurled down into the courtyard or street
-below. He was so seriously hurt that he spent the rest of his reign on
-a sick-bed in pain and weakness, and ultimately died of the injuries
-he had received.
-
-A succession of woes so grievous might well have awakened the wretched
-king to serious thought. But he had been trained under the idolatrous
-influences of his mother. As though it were not enough for him to walk
-in the steps of Ahab, of Jezebel, and of Jeroboam, he had the fatuity to
-go out of his way to patronise another and yet more odious superstition.
-Ekron was the nearest town to him of the Philistine Pentapolis, and at
-Ekron was established the local cult of a particular Baal known as
-Baal-Zebub ("the lord of flies").[7] Flies, which in temperate countries
-are sometimes an intense annoyance, become in tropical climates an
-intolerable plague. Even the Greeks had their Zeus Apomuios ("Zeus the
-averter of flies"), and some Greek tribes worshipped Zeus Ipuktonos
-("Zeus the slayer of vermin"), and Zeus Muiagros and Apomuios, and
-Apollo Smintheus ("the destroyer of mice").[8] The Romans, too, among
-the numberless quaint heroes of their Pantheon, had a certain Myiagrus
-and Myiodes, whose function it was to keep flies at a distance.[9] This
-fly-god, Baal-Zebub of Ekron, had an oracle, to whose lying responses
-the young and superstitious prince attached implicit credence. That a
-king of Israel professing any sort of allegiance to Jehovah, and having
-hundreds of prophets in his own kingdom, should send an embassy to the
-shrine of an abominable local divinity in a town of the
-Philistines--whose chief object of worship was
-
- "That twice-battered god of Palestine,
- Who mourned in earnest when the captive ark
- Maimed his brute image on the grunsel edge
- Where he fell flat, and shamed his worshippers"--
-
-was, it must be admitted, an act of apostasy more outrageously
-insulting than had ever yet been perpetrated by any Hebrew king.
-Nothing can more clearly illustrate the callous indifference shown by
-the race of Jezebel to the lessons which God had so decisively taught
-them by Elijah and by Micaiah.
-
-But
-
- _Quem vult Deus perire, dementat prius_;
-
-and in this "dementation preceding doom" Ahaziah sent to ask the
-fly-god's oracle whether he should recover of his injury. His
-infatuated perversity became known to Elijah, who was bidden by "the
-angel," or messenger, "of the Lord"--which may only be the recognised
-phrase in the prophetic schools, putting in a concrete and vivid form
-the voice of inward inspiration--to go up, apparently on the road
-towards Samaria, and meet the messengers of Ahaziah on their way to
-Ekron. Where Elijah was at the time we do not know. Ten years had
-elapsed since the calling of Elisha, and four since Elijah had
-confronted Ahab at the door of Naboth's vineyard. In the interval he
-has not once been mentioned, nor can we conjecture with the least
-certainty whether he had been living in congenial solitude or had
-been helping to train the Sons of the Prophets in the high duties of
-their calling. Why he had not appeared to support Micaiah we cannot
-tell. Now, at any rate, the son of Ahab was drawing upon himself an
-ancient curse by going a-whoring after wizards and familiar spirits,
-and it was high time for Elijah to interfere.[10]
-
-The messengers had not proceeded far on their way when the prophet met
-them, and sternly bade them go back to their king, with the
-denunciation, "Is it because there is no God in Israel that ye go to
-inquire of Baal-Zebub, the god of Ekron? Now, therefore, thus saith
-Jehovah, 'Thou shalt not descend from that bed on which thou art gone
-up, but dying thou shalt die.'"
-
-He spoke, and after his manner vanished with no less suddenness.
-
-The messengers, overawed by that startling apparition, did not dream
-of daring to disobey. They at once went back to the king, who,
-astonished at their reappearance before they could possibly have
-reached the oracle, asked them why they had returned.
-
-They told him of the apparition by which they had been confronted.
-That it was a prophet who had spoken to them they knew; but the
-appearances of Elijah had been so few, and at such long intervals,
-that they knew not who he was.
-
-"What sort of man was he that spoke to you?" asked the king.
-
-"He was," they answered, "a lord of hair,[11] and girded about his
-loins with a girdle of skin."[12]
-
-Too well did Ahaziah recognise from this description the enemy of his
-guilty race! If he had not been present on Carmel, or at Jezreel, on
-the occasions when that swart and shaggy figure of the awful Wanderer
-had confronted his father, he must have often heard descriptions of
-this strange Bedawy ascetic who "feared man so little because he
-feared God so much."
-
-"It is Elijah the Tishbite!" he exclaimed, with a bitterness which was
-succeeded by fierce wrath; and with something of his mother's
-indomitable rage he sent a captain with fifty soldiers to arrest him.
-
-The captain found Elijah sitting at the top of "the hill," perhaps of
-Carmel; and what followed is thus described:--
-
-"Thou man of God," he cried, "the king hath said, Come down."
-
-There was something strangely incongruous in this rude address. The
-title "man of God" seems first to have been currently given to Elijah,
-and it recognises his inspired mission as well as the supernatural
-power which he was believed to wield. How preposterous, then, was it
-to bid a man of God to obey a king's order and to give himself up to
-imprisonment or death!
-
-"If I be a man of God," said Elijah, "then let fire come down from
-heaven, to consume thee and thy fifty."[13]
-
-The fire fell and reduced them all to ashes.[14]
-
-Undeterred by so tremendous a consummation, the king sent another
-captain with his fifty, who repeated the order in terms yet more
-imperative.[15]
-
-Again Elijah called down the fire from heaven, and the second captain
-with his fifty soldiers was reduced to ashes.
-
-For the third time the obstinate king, whose infatuation must indeed
-have been transcendent, despatched a captain with his fifty. But he,
-warned by the fate of his predecessors, went up to Elijah and fell on
-his knees, and implored him to spare the life of himself and his fifty
-innocent soldiers.
-
-Then "the angel of the Lord" bade Elijah go down to the king with him
-and not be afraid.
-
-What are we to think of this narrative?
-
-Of course, if we are to judge it on such moral grounds as we learn from
-the spirit of the Gospel, Christ Himself has taught us to condemn it.
-There have been men who so hideously misunderstood the true lessons of
-revelation as to applaud such deeds, and hold them up for modern
-imitation. The dark persecutors of the Spanish Inquisition, nay, even
-men like Calvin and Beza, argued from this scene that "fire is the
-proper instrument for the punishment of heretics." To all who have been
-thus misled by a false and superstitious theory of inspiration, Christ
-Himself says, with unmistakable plainness, as He said to the Sons of
-Thunder at Engannim, "Ye know not what spirit ye are of. I am not come
-to destroy men's lives, but to save."[16] In the abstract, and judged by
-Christian standards, the calling down of lightning to consume more than
-a hundred soldiers, who were but obeying the orders of a king--the
-protection of personal safety by the miraculous destruction of a king's
-messengers--could only be regarded as a deed of horror. "There are few
-tracks of Elijah that are ordinary and fit for common feet," says Bishop
-Hall; and he adds, "Not in his own defence would the prophet have been
-the death of so many, if God had not, by a peculiar instinct, made him
-an instrument of His just vengeance."[17]
-
-For myself, I more than doubt whether we have any right to appeal to
-these "peculiar instincts" and unrecorded inspirations; and it is so
-important that we should not form utterly false views of what
-Scripture does and does not teach, that we must once more deal with
-this narrative quite plainly, and not beat about the bush with the
-untenable devices and effeminate euphemisms of commentators, who give
-us the "to-and-fro-conflicting" apologies of _a priori_ theory instead
-of the clear judgments of inflexible morality.
-
-"It is impossible not to feel," says Professor Milligan,[18] "that the
-events thus presented to us are of a very startling kind, and that it
-is not easy to reconcile them either with the conception that we form
-of an honoured servant of God, or with our ideas of eternal justice.
-Elijah rather appears to us at first sight as a proud, arrogant, and
-merciless wielder of the power committed to him: we wonder that an
-answer should have been given to his prayer; we are shocked at the
-destruction of so many men, who listened only to the command of their
-captain and their king; and we cannot help contrasting Elijah's
-conduct, as a whole, with the beneficent and loving tenderness of the
-New Testament dispensation."
-
-Professor Milligan proceeds rightly to set aside the attempts which
-have been made to represent the first two captains and their fifties
-as especially guilty--which is a most flimsy hypothesis, and would not
-in any case touch the heart of the matter. He says that the event
-stands on exactly the same footing as the slaughter of the 450
-prophets of Baal at Kishon, and of the 3000 idolaters by order of
-Moses at Sinai; the swallowing up of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram; the
-ban of total extirpation on Jericho and on Canaan; the sweeping
-massacre of the Amalekites by Saul; and many similar instances of
-recorded savagery. But the reference to analogous acts furnishes no
-justification for those acts. What, then, is their justification, if
-any can be found?
-
-Some would defend them on the grounds that the potter may do what he
-likes with the clay. That analogy, though perfectly admissible when
-used for the purpose to which it is applied by St. Paul, is grossly
-inapplicable to such cases as this. St. Paul uses it simply to prove
-that we cannot judge or understand the purposes of God, in which, as
-he shows, mercy often lies behind apparent severity. But, when urged
-to maintain the rectitude of sweeping judgments in which a man arms
-his own feebleness with the omnipotence of Heaven, they amount to no
-more than the tyrant's plea that "might makes right." "Man is a reed,"
-said Pascal, "but he is a _thinking_ reed." He may not therefore be
-indiscriminately crushed. He was made by God in His image, after His
-likeness, and therefore his rights have a Divine and indefeasible
-sanction.
-
-All that can be said is that these deeds of wholesale severity were
-not in disaccord with the conscience even of many of the best Old
-Testament saints. They did not feel the least compunction in
-inflicting judgments on whole populations in a way which would argue
-in us an infamous callousness. Nay, their consciences approved of
-those deeds; they were but acting up to the standard of their times,
-and they regarded themselves as righteous instruments of divinely
-directed vengeance.[19] Take, for instance, the frightful Eastern law
-which among the Jews no less than among Babylonians and Persians
-thought nothing of overwhelming the innocent with the guilty in the
-same catastrophe; which required the stoning, not only of Achan, but
-of all Achan's innocent family, as an expiation for his theft; and the
-stoning, not only of Naboth, but also of Naboth's sons, in requital
-for his asserted blasphemy. Two reasons may be assigned for the chasm
-between their moral sense and ours on such subjects--one was their
-amazing indifference to the sacredness of human life, and the other
-their invariable habit of regarding men in their corporate relations
-rather than in their individual capacity. Our conscience teaches us
-that to slay the innocent with the guilty is an action of monstrous
-injustice;[20] but they, regarding each person as indissolubly mixed
-up with all his family and tribe, magnified the conception of
-_corporate responsibility_, and merged the individual in the mass.
-
-It is clear that, if we take the narrative literally, Elijah would not
-have felt the least remorse in calling fire from heaven to consume these
-scores of soldiers, because the prophetic narrator who recorded the
-story, perhaps two centuries later, must have understood the spirit of
-those days, and certainly felt no shame for the prophet's act of
-vengeance. On the contrary, he relates it with entire approval for the
-glorification of his hero. We cannot blame him for not rising above the
-moral standard of his age. He held that the natural manifestation of an
-angry Jehovah was, literally or metaphorically, in consuming fire.
-Considering the slow education of mankind in the most elementary
-principles of mercy and righteousness, we must not judge the views of
-prophets who lived so many ages before Christ by those of religious
-teachers who enjoy the inherited experience of two millenniums of
-Christianity. Thus much is plainly taught us by Christ Himself, and
-there perhaps we might be content to leave the question. But we are
-compelled to ask, Do we not too much form all our judgments of the
-Scripture narratives on _a priori_ traditions and unreasoned prejudices?
-Can we with adequate knowledge and honest conviction declare our
-certainty that this scene of destruction ever occurred as a literal
-fact? If we turn to any of the great students and critics of Germany, to
-whom we are indebted for the floods of light which their researches have
-thrown on the sacred page, they with almost consentient voice regard
-these details of this story as legendary. There is indeed every reason
-to believe the account of Ahaziah's accident, of his sending to consult
-the oracle of Baal-Zebub, of the turning back of his messengers by
-Elijah, and of the menace which he heard from the prophet's lips. But
-the calling down of lightning to consume his captains and soldiers to
-ashes belongs to the cycle of Elijah-traditions preserved in the schools
-of the prophets; and in the case of miracles so startling and to our
-moral sense so repellent--miracles which assume the most insensate folly
-on the part of the king, and the most callous ruthlessness on the part
-of the prophet--the question may be fairly asked, Is there any proof, is
-there anything beyond dogmatic assertion to convince us, that we were
-intended to accept them _au pied de la lettre_? May they not be the
-formal vehicle chosen for the illustration of the undoubted powers and
-righteous mission of Elijah as the upholder of the worship of Jehovah?
-In a literature which abounds, as all Eastern literature abounds, in
-vivid and concrete methods of indicating abstract truths, have we any
-cogent proof that the supernatural details, of which some may have been
-introduced into these narratives by the scribes in the schools of the
-prophets, were not, in some instances, _meant_ to be regarded as
-imaginative apologues? The most orthodox divines, both Jewish and
-Christian, have not hesitated to treat the Book of Jonah as an instance
-of the use of fiction for purposes of moral and spiritual edification.
-Were any critic to maintain that the story of the destruction of
-Ahaziah's emissaries belongs to the same class of narratives, I do not
-know how he could be refuted, however much he might be denounced by
-stereotyped prejudice and ignorance. I do not, however, myself regard
-the story as a mere parable composed to show how awful was the power of
-the prophets, and how fearfully it might be exercised. I look upon it
-rather as possibly the narrative of some event which has been
-imaginatively embellished, and intermingled with details which we call
-supernatural.[21] Circumstances which we consider natural would be
-regarded as directly miraculous by an Eastern enthusiast, who saw in
-every event the immediate act of Jehovah to the exclusion of all
-secondary causes, and who attributed every occurrence of life to the
-intervention of those "millions of spiritual creatures," who
-
- "walk the earth
- Unseen both when we wake and when we sleep."
-
-If such a supposition be correct and admissible--and assuredly it is
-based on all that we increasingly learn of the methods of Eastern
-literature, and of the forms in which religious ideas were inculcated
-in early ages--then all difficulties are removed. We are not dealing
-with the mercilessness of a prophet, or the wielding of Divine powers
-in a manner which higher revelation condemns, but only with the
-well-known fact that the Elijah-spirit was not the Christ-spirit, and
-that the scribes of Ramah or Gilgal, and "the men of the tradition"
-and the "men of letters" who lived at Jabez, when they used the
-methods of Targum and Haggadah in handing down the stories of the
-prophets, had not received that full measure of enlightenment which
-came only when the Light of the World had shone.[22]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] Rawlinson, _Kings of Israel and Judah_, p. 86. "The name of
-Ahaziah ('the Lord taketh hold'), like that of all Ahab's sons,
-testifies to the fact that the husband of Jezebel still worshipped
-Jehovah. Among the names of the judges and kings before Ahab in
-Israel, and Asa in Judah, scarcely a single instance occurs of names
-compounded with Jehovah; thenceforward they became the rule"
-(Wellhausen, _Israel and Judah_, Es. 1, p. 66).
-
-[2] 1 Kings xxii. 47; 2 Kings iii. 9: comp. viii. 20.
-
-[3] 2 Sam. viii. 2. On the ethics of these wars of extermination, such
-as are commanded in the Pentateuch, and were practised by Joshua,
-Samuel, Saul, David, and others, see Josh. vi. 17; 1 Sam. xv. 3, 33; 2
-Sam. viii. 2, etc., and Mozley's _Lectures on the Old Testament_, pp.
-83-103.
-
-[4] See Stade, i. 86. He gives a photograph and translation of it at
-p. 534.
-
-[5] See _Records of the Past_, xi. 166, 167.
-
-[6] 2 Kings i. 2; Heb., _be'ad hass'bakah_; LXX., [Greek: dia tou
-diktuôtou]; Vulg., _per cancellos_ (comp. 1 Kings vii. 18; 2 Chron.
-iv. 12).
-
-[7] LXX., [Greek: Baal muian theon Akkarôn]. So, too, Jos., _Antt._,
-IX. ii. 1. It is possible that the god was represented holding a fly
-as the type of pestilence, just as the statue of Pthah held in its
-hands a mouse (Herod., ii. 141). Flies convey all kinds of contagion
-(Plin., _H. N._, x. 28).
-
-[8] Pausan., v. 14, § 2.
-
-[9] The name, or a derisive modification of it, was given by the Jews
-in the days of Christ to the prince of the devils. In Matt. xii. 24
-the true reading is [Greek: Beelzeboul], which perhaps means (in
-contempt) "the lord of dung"; but might mean "the lord of the
-[celestial] habitation" ([Greek: oikodespotên]). Comp. Matt. x. 25;
-Eph. ii. 2; "Baal Shamaim," the Belsamen of Augustine (Gesen., _Monum.
-Phoenic._, 387; Movers, _Phönizier_, i. 176). For "opprobrious puns"
-applied to idols, see Lightfoot, _Exercitationes ad Matt._, xii. 24.
-The common word for idols, _gilloolim_, is perhaps connected with
-_galal_, "dung." Hitzig thinks that the god was represented under the
-symbol of the _Scarabæus pillularius_, or dung-beetle.
-
-[10] Lev. xx. 6.
-
-[11] [Hebrew: ba'alsetzar] (LXX., [Greek: dasus]), whether in reference
-to his long shaggy locks, or his sheepskin _addereth_, [Greek: mêlôtê]
-(Zech. xiii. 4; Heb. xii. 37).
-
-[12] [Greek: zônê dermatinê] (Matt iii. 4).
-
-[13] There is perhaps an intentional play of words between "man
-([Hebrew: yosh]) of God" and "fire ([Hebrew: 'osh]) of God"
-(Klostermann).
-
-[14] Hebrew.
-
-[15] "Come down _quickly_" (2 Kings i. 9).
-
-[16] Luke ix. 51-56. This is a more than sufficient answer to the
-censure of Theodoret, that "they who condemn the prophet are wagging
-their tongues against God." The remark is based on utter
-misapprehension; and if we are to form no judgment on the morality of
-Scripture examples, they would be of no help for us. Compare the
-striking remark of the minister to Balfour of Burleigh in Scott's _Old
-Mortality_.
-
-[17] Quoted by Rev. Professor Lumby, _ad loc._
-
-[18] _Elijah_, p. 146.
-
-[19] This is practically the sum-total of the answer given again and
-again by Canon Mozley in his _Lectures on the Old Testament_, 2nd
-edition, 1878. For instance, he says that "the Jewish idea of justice
-gives us the reason why the Divine commands (of exterminating wars,
-etc.) were then adapted to man as the agent for executing them, and
-are not adapted now" (p. 102).
-
-[20] Comp. Ezek. xviii. 2-30.
-
-[21] For the _idea_ involved see Num. xi. 1; Deut. iv. 24; Psalm xxi.
-9; Isa. xxvi. 11; Heb. x. 27, etc.
-
-[22] 1 Chron. ii. 55, where "Shimeathites" means "men of the
-tradition," and "scribes," "men of letters."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II
-
- _THE ASCENSION OF ELIJAH_
-
- 2 KINGS ii. 1-18
-
- [Greek: Êlias ex anthrôpôn êphanisthê, kai oudeis egnô mechris tês
- sêmeron autou tên teleutên.]--JOS., _Antt._, IX. ii. 2.
-
- [Greek: Gegonasin aphaneis, thanaton de autôn oudeis oiden.]--ST.
- EPHRÆM SYRUS.
-
-
-The date of the assumption of Elijah is wholly uncertain, and it
-becomes still more so because of the confusion of chronological order
-which results from the composite character of the records here
-collected. It appears from various scattered notices that Elijah lived
-on till the reign of Jehoram of Judah, whereas the narrative in this
-chapter is placed before the death of Jehoshaphat.
-
-When the time came that "Jehovah would take up Elijah by a whirlwind
-into heaven," the prophet had a prevision of his approaching end, and
-determined for the last time to visit the hills of his native Gilead.
-The story of his end, though not written in rhythm, is told in a style
-of the loftiest poetry, resembling other ancient poems in its simple
-and solemn repetitions. On his way to Gilead, Elijah desires to visit
-ancient sanctuaries where schools of the prophets were now
-established, and accompanied by Elisha, whose faithful ministrations
-he had enjoyed for ten almost silent years, he went to Gilgal. This
-was not the Gilgal in the Jordan valley so famous in the days of
-Joshua,[23] but _Jiljilia_ in the hills of Ephraim,[24] where many
-young prophets were in course of training.[25]
-
-Knowing that he was on his way to death, Elijah felt the imperious
-instinct which leads the soul to seek solitude at the supreme crises
-of life. He would have preferred that even Elisha should leave him,
-and he bade him stop at Gilgal, because the Lord had sent him as far
-as Bethel. But Elisha was determined to see the end, and exclaimed
-with strong asseveration, "As Jehovah liveth, and as thy soul liveth,
-I will not leave thee."
-
-So they went on to Bethel, where there was another school of prophets,
-under the immediate shadow of Jeroboam's golden calf, though we are
-not told whether they continued the protest of the old nameless seer
-from Judah, or not.[26] Here the youths of the college came
-respectfully to Elisha--for they were prevented by a sense of awe from
-addressing Elijah--and asked him "whether he knew that that day God
-would take away his master." "Yes, I know it," he answers; but--for
-this is no subject for idle talk--"hold ye your peace."
-
-Once more Elijah tries to shake off the attendance of his friend and
-disciple. He bids him stay at Bethel, since Jehovah has sent him on to
-Jericho. Once more Elisha repeats his oath that he will not leave
-him, and once more the sons of the prophets at Jericho, who warn him
-of what is coming, are told to say no more.
-
-But little of the journey now remains. In vain Elijah urges Elisha to
-stay at Jericho; they proceed to Jordan. Conscious that some great
-event is impending, and that Elijah is leaving these scenes for ever,
-fifty of the sons of the prophets watch the two as they descend the
-valley to the river. Here they saw Elijah take off his mantle of hair,
-roll it up, and smite the waters with it. The waters part asunder, and
-the prophets pass over dry-shod.[27] As they crossed over Elijah asks
-Elisha what he should do for him, and Elisha entreats that a double
-portion of Elijah's spirit may rest upon him. By this he does not mean
-to ask for twice Elijah's power and inspiration, but only for an elder
-son's portion, which was twice what was inherited by the younger
-sons.[28] "Thou hast asked a hard thing," said Elijah; "but if thou
-seest me when I am taken hence, it shall be so."
-
-The sequel can be only told in the words of the text: "And it came to
-pass, as they still went on, and talked, that, behold, there appeared
-a chariot of fire, and horses of fire,[29] and parted them both
-asunder; and Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven. And Elisha saw
-it, and he cried, 'My father, my father, the chariots of Israel, and
-the horsemen thereof!'[30] And he saw him no more."
-
-Respecting the manner in which Elijah ended his earthly career, we
-know nothing beyond what is conveyed by this splendid narrative. His
-death, like that of Moses, was surrounded by mystery and miracles, and
-we can say nothing further about it. The question must still remain
-unanswered for many minds whether it was intended by the prophetic
-annalists for literal history, for spiritual allegory, or for actual
-events bathed in the colourings of an imagination to which the
-providential assumed the aspect of the supernatural.[31] We are twice
-told that "Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven,"[32] and in that
-storm--which would have seemed a fit scene for the close of a career
-of storm--God, in the high poetry of the Psalmist, may have made the
-winds His angels, and the flames of fire His ministers. For us it must
-suffice to say of Elijah, as the Book of Genesis says of Enoch, that
-"he was not, for God took him."
-
-Elisha signalised the removal of his master by a burst of natural
-grief. He seized his garments and rent them in twain. Elijah had
-dropped his mantle of skin, and his grieving disciple took it with him
-as a priceless relic.[33] The legendary St. Antony bequeathed to St.
-Athanasius the only thing which he had, his sheepskin mantle; and in
-the mantle of Elijah his successor inherited his most characteristic
-and almost his sole possession. He returned to Jordan, and with this
-mantle he smote the waters as Elijah had done. At first they did not
-divide;[34] but when he exclaimed, "Where is the Lord, the God of
-Elijah, even He?" they parted hither and thither. Seeing the portent,
-the sons of the prophets came with humble prostrations, and
-acknowledged him as their new leader.
-
-They were not, however, satisfied with what they had seen, or had
-heard from Elisha, of the departure of the great prophet, and begged
-leave to send fifty strong men to search whether the wind of the Lord
-had not swept him away to some mountain or valley. Elisha at first
-refused, but afterwards yielded to their persistent importunity. They
-searched for three days among the hills of Gilead, but found him not,
-either living or dead, as Elisha had warned them would be the case.
-
-From that time forward Elijah has taken his place in all Jewish and
-Mohammedan legends as the mysterious and deathless wanderer. Malachi
-spoke of him as destined to appear again to herald the coming of the
-Messiah,[35] and Christ taught His disciples that John the Baptist had
-come in the spirit and power of Elijah. In Jewish legend he often
-appears and disappears. A chair is set for him at the circumcision of
-every Jewish child. At the Paschal feast the door is set open for him
-to enter. All doubtful questions are left for decision until he comes
-again. To the Mohammedans he is known as the wonder-working and awful
-El Khudr.[36]
-
-Elisha is mentioned but once in all the later books of Scripture; but
-Elijah is mentioned many times, and the son of Sirach sums up his
-greatness when he says: "Then stood up Elias as fire, and his word
-burned like a torch. O Elias, how wast thou honoured in thy wondrous
-deeds! and who may glory like unto thee--who anointed kings to take
-revenge, and prophets to succeed after him--who wast ordained for
-reproof in their times, to pacify the wrath of the Lord's judgment
-before it broke forth into fury, and to turn the heart of the father
-unto the son, and to restore the tribes of Jacob! Blessed are they
-that saw thee and slept in love; for we shall surely live!"
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[23] Josh. iv. 19; v. 9, 10.
-
-[24] Deut. xi. 30. It is on a hill south-west of Shiloh (_Seilun_),
-near the road to Jericho (Hos. iv. 15; Amos iv. 4). The name means "a
-circle," and there may have been an ancient circle of sacred stones
-there.
-
-[25] 2 Kings iv. 38.
-
-[26] 1 Kings xiii.
-
-[27] As there are fords at Jericho, the object of this miracle, as of
-the one subsequently ascribed to Elisha, is not self-evident. Nothing
-is more certain than that there is a Divine economy in the exercise of
-supernatural powers. The pomp and prodigality of superfluous portents
-belong, not to Scripture, but to the _Acta sanctorum_, and the
-saint-stories of Arabia and India.
-
-[28] Deut. xxi. 17. The Hebrew is [Hebrew: pi-shenayim], "a mouthful,
-or ration of two." Comp. Gen. xliii. 34. Even Ewald's "_Nur
-Zweidrittel und auch diese kaum_" is too strong (_Gesch._, iii. 517).
-In no sense was Elisha greater than Elijah: he wrought more wonders,
-but he left little of his teaching, and produced on the mind of his
-nation a far less strong impression.
-
-[29] In 2 Kings vi. 17 the stormblast (_sa'arah_) and chariots and
-horses of fire are part of a vision of the Divine protection. Comp.
-Isa. lxvi. 15; Job xxxviii, 1; Nah. i. 3; Psalms xviii. 6-15, civ. 3.
-
-[30] That is, the protection and defence of Israel by thy prayers.
-
-[31] Even the Church-father St. Ephræm Syrus evidently felt some
-misgivings. He says: "Suddenly there came from the height a storm of
-fire, and in the midst of the flame the form of a chariot and horses,
-and parted them both asunder; the one of them it left on the earth, the
-other it carried to the height; but whether the wind carried him, or in
-what place it left him, the Scripture has not informed us, but it says
-that after some years, a terrifying letter from him full of menaces, was
-delivered to King Jehoram of Judah" (quoted by Keil _ad loc._). See 2
-Chron. xxi. 12. The letter is called "a writing" (_miktâb_).
-
-[32] 2 Kings ii. 11; Ecclus. xlviii. 12. The LXX. curiously says [Greek:
-en susseismô hôs eis ton ouranon]. So too the Rabbis, _Sucah_, f. 5.
-
-[33] The circumstance has left its trace in the proverbs of nations,
-and in the German word _Mantelkind_ for a spiritual successor.
-
-[34] 2 Kings ii. 14. LXX., [Greek: kai ou diêrethê]; Vulg., _Percussit
-aquas, et non sunt divisæ_.
-
-[35] Mal. iv. 4-6.
-
-[36] _Bava-Metzia_, f. 37, 2, etc. His name is used for incantations in
-the Kabbala. _Kitsur Sh'lh_, f. 71, 1 (Hershon, _Talmudic Miscellany_,
-p. 340). The chair set for him is called "the throne of Elijah." For
-many Rabbinic legends see Hershon, _Treasures of the Talmud_, pp.
-172-178. The Persians regard him as the teacher of Zoroaster.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III
-
- _ELISHA_
-
- 2 KINGS ii. 1-25
-
- "He did wonders in his life, and at death even his works were
- marvellous. For all this the people repented not."--ECCLUS.
- xlviii. 14, 15.
-
-
-At this point we enter into the cycle of supernatural stories, which
-gathered round the name of Elisha in the prophetic communities. Some of
-them are full of charm and tenderness; but in some cases it is difficult
-to point out their intrinsic superiority over the ecclesiastical
-miracles with which monkish historians have embellished the lives of the
-saints. We can but narrate them as they stand, for we possess none of
-the means for critical or historical analysis which might enable us to
-discriminate between essential facts and accidental elements.
-
-We see at once that the figure of Elisha[37] is far less impressive
-than that of Elijah. He inspires less of awe and terror. He lives far
-more in cities and amid the ordinary surroundings of civilised life.
-The honour with which he was treated was the honour of respect and
-admiration for his kindliness. He plays his part in no stupendous
-scenes like those at Carmel and at Horeb, and nearly all his miracles
-were miracles of mercy. Other remarkable differences are observable
-in the records of Elijah and Elisha. In the case of the former his
-main work was the opposition to Baal-worship; but although
-Baal-worship still prevailed (2 Kings x. 18-27) we read of no protests
-raised by Elisha against it. "With him"--perhaps it should be more
-accurately said, in the narrative which tells us of him--"the miracles
-are everything, the prophetic work nothing." The conception of a
-prophet's mission in these stories of him differs widely from that
-which dominates the splendid _midrash_ of Elijah.
-
-His separate career began with an act of beneficence. He had stopped for
-a time at Jericho. The curse of the rebuilding of the town upon a site
-which Joshua had devoted to the ban had expended itself on Hiel, its
-builder. It was now a flourishing city, and the home of a large school
-of prophets. But though the situation was pleasant as "a garden of the
-Lord,"[38] the water was bad, and the land "miscarried." In other words,
-the deleterious spring caused diseases among the inhabitants, and caused
-the trees to cast their fruit. So the men of the city came to Elisha,
-and humbly addressing him as "my lord," implored his help. He told them
-to bring him a new cruse full of salt, and going with it to the fountain
-cast it into the springs, proclaiming in Jehovah's name that they were
-healed, and that there should be no more death or miscarrying land. The
-gushing waters of the Ain-es-Sultân, fed by the spring of Quarantania,
-are to this day pointed out as the Fountains of Elisha, as they have
-been since the days of Josephus.[39]
-
-The anecdote of this beautiful interposition to help a troubled city is
-followed by one of the stories which naturally repel us more than any
-other in the Old Testament. Elisha, on leaving Jericho, returned to
-Bethel, and as he climbed through the forest up the ascent leading to
-the town through what is now called the Wady Suweinît, a number of young
-lads--with the rudeness which in boys is often a venial characteristic
-of their gay spirits or want of proper training, and which to this day
-is common among boys in the East--laughed at him, and mocked him with
-the cry "Go up, round-head! go up, round-head!"[40] What struck these
-ill-bred and irreverent youngsters was the contrast between the rough
-hair-skin garb and unkempt shaggy locks of Elijah, "the lord of hair,"
-and the smooth civilised aspect and shorter hair of his disciple. If the
-word _quereach_ means "bald"[41] we see an additional reason for their
-ill-mannered jeers, since baldness was a cause of reproach and suspicion
-in the East, where it is comparatively rare. No doubt, too, the conduct
-of these young scoffers was the more offensive, and even the more
-wicked, because of the deeper reverence for age which prevails in
-Eastern countries, and above all because Elisha was known as a prophet.
-Perhaps, too, if some other reading lies behind the [Greek: elithazon]
-of one MS. of the Septuagint, they pelted him with stones.[42] That
-Elisha should have rebuked them, and that seriously--that he should even
-have inflicted some punishment upon them to reform their manners--would
-have been natural; but we cannot repress the shudder with which we read
-the verse, "And he turned back and looked on them, and cursed them in
-the name of the Lord. And there came forth two she-bears out of the
-wood, and tare forty-and-two children of them." Surely the punishment
-was disproportionate to the offence! Who could doom so much as a single
-rude boy, not to speak of forty-two, to a horrible and agonising death
-for shouting after any one? It is the chief exception to the general
-course of Elisha's compassionate interpositions. Here, too, we must
-leave the narrative where it is; but we hold it quite admissible to
-conjecture that the incident, in some form or other, really
-occurred--that the boys were insolent, and that some of them may have
-been killed by the wild beasts which at that time abounded in
-Palestine--and yet that the _nuances_ of the story which cause deepest
-offence to us may have suffered from some corruption of the tradition in
-the original records, and may admit of being represented in a slightly
-different form.
-
-After this Elisha went for a time to the ancient haunts of his master
-on Mount Carmel, and thence returned to Samaria, the capital of his
-country, which he seems to have chosen for his most permanent
-dwelling-place.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[37] The name Elisha means "My God is salvation."
-
-[38] Gen. xiii. 10. "The city of palms" (Deut. xxxiv. 3).
-
-[39] Jos., _B. J._, IV. viii. 3; Robinson, _Bibl. Researches_, i. 554.
-
-[40] Abarbanel's notion that they meant "Ascend to heaven as Elijah
-did" is absurd.
-
-[41] [Hebrew: kereha] This means bald at the back of the head, as
-[Hebrew: nibbeha] (_gibbeach_), means "forehead-bald" (Ewald, iii.
-512). Elisha could not have been bald from old age, since he lived on
-for nearly sixty years, and must have been a young man. Baldness
-involved a suspicion of leprosy, and was disliked by Easterns (Lev.
-xxi. 5, xiii. 43; Isa. iii. 17, 24, xv. 2), as much as by the Romans
-(Suet., _Jul. Cæs._, 45; _Domit._, 18). Elisha's prophetic activity
-lasted through the reigns of Joram, Jehu, Jehoahaz, and Joash (_i.e._,
-12 + 28 + 17 + 2 years).
-
-[42] The [Greek: katepaizon] of the Vat. LXX. implies persistent and
-vehement insult. The Post-Mishnic Rabbis, however, say that Elisha was
-punished with sickness for this deed (_Bava-Metzia_, f. 87, 1).
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IV
-
- _THE INVASION OF MOAB_
-
- 2 KINGS iii. 4-27
-
- "What reinforcement we may gain from hope,
- If not, what resolution from despair."
- MILTON, _Paradise Lost_, i. 190.
-
-
-Ahaziah, as Elijah had warned him, never recovered from the injuries
-received in his fall through the lattice, and after his brief and
-luckless reign died without a child. He was succeeded by his brother
-Jehoram ("Jehovah is exalted"), who reigned for twelve years.[43]
-
-Jehoram began well. Though it is said that he did "that which was evil
-in the sight of the Lord," we are told that he was not so guilty as his
-father or his mother. He did not, of course, abolish the worship of
-Jehovah under the cherubic symbol of the calves; no king of Israel
-thought of doing that, and so far as we know neither Elijah, nor Elisha,
-nor Jonah, nor Micaiah, nor any genuine prophet of Israel before Hosea,
-ever protested against that worship, which was chiefly disparaged by
-prophets of Judah like Amos and the nameless seer.[44] But Jehoram at
-least removed the _Matstsebah_ or stone obelisk which had been reared in
-Baal's honour in front of his temple by Ahab, or by Jezebel in his
-name.[45] In this direction, however, his reformation must have been
-exceedingly partial, for until the sweeping measures taken by Jehu the
-temple and images of Baal still continued to exist in Samaria under his
-very eyes, and must have been connived at if not approved.
-
-The first great measure which occupied the thoughts of Jehoram was to
-subdue the kingdom of Moab, which had been restored to independence by
-the bravery of the great pastoral-king Mesha;[46] or at any rate to
-avenge the series of humiliating defeats which Mesha had inflicted on
-his brother Ahaziah. A war of forty years' duration[47] had ended in the
-complete success of Moab. The loss of a tribute of the fleeces of one
-hundred thousand lambs and one hundred thousand rams was too serious to
-be lightly faced.[48] Jehoram laid his plans well. First he ordered a
-muster of all the men of war throughout his kingdom, and then appealed
-for the co-operation of Jehoshaphat and his vassal-king of Edom. Both
-kings consented to join him. Jehoshaphat had already been the victim of
-a powerful and wanton aggression on the part of King Mesha,[49] from
-which he had been delivered by the panic of his foes in the Valley of
-Salt. Though the king of Edom had, on that occasion, been an ally of
-Mesha, the forces of Edom had fallen the first victims of that
-internecine panic. Both Judah and Edom, therefore, had grave wrongs to
-avenge, and eagerly seized the opportunity to humble the growing pride
-of the people of Chemosh. The attack was wisely arranged. It was
-determined to advance against Moab from the south, through the territory
-of Edom, by a rough and mountainous track, and, as far as possible, to
-take the nation by surprise. The combined host took a seven days'
-circuit round the south of the Dead Sea, hoping to find an abundant
-supply of water in the stream which flows through the Wady-el-Ahsa,
-which separates Edom from Moab.[50] But owing to recent droughts the
-Wady was waterless, and the armies, with their horses, suffered all the
-agonies of thirst. Jehoram gave way to despair, bewailing that Jehovah
-should have brought together these three kings to deliver them a
-helpless prey into the hands of Moab. But the pious Jehoshaphat at once
-thinks of "inquiring of the Lord" by some true prophet, and one of
-Jehoram's courtiers informs him that no less a person than Elisha, the
-son of Shaphat, who had been the attendant of Elijah, is with the
-host.[51] We are surprised to find that his presence in the camp had
-excited so little attention as to be unknown to the king;[52] but
-Jehoshaphat, on hearing his name, instantly acknowledged his prophetic
-inspiration. So urgent was the need, and so deep the sense of Elisha's
-greatness, that the three kings in person went on an embassy "to the
-servant of him who ran before the chariot of Ahab." Their humble appeal
-to him produced so little elation in his mind that, addressing Jehoram,
-who was the most powerful, he exclaimed, with rough indignation: "What
-have I to do with thee? Get thee to the prophets of thy
-father,"--nominal prophets of Jehovah, who will say to thee smooth
-things and prophesy deceits, as four hundred of them did to Ahab--"and
-to the Baal-prophets of thy mother." Instead of resenting this scant
-respect Jehoram, in utmost distress, deprecated the prophet's anger, and
-appealed to his pity for the peril of the three armies. But Elisha is
-not mollified. He tells Jehoram that but for the presence of Jehoshaphat
-he would not so much as look at him: so completely was the destiny of
-the people mixed up with the character of their kings! Out of respect
-for Jehoshaphat Elisha will do what he can. But all his soul is in a
-tumult of emotion. For the moment he can do nothing. He needs to be
-calmed from his agitation by the spell of music, and bids them send a
-minstrel to him. The harper came, and as Elisha listened his soul was
-composed, and "the hand of the Lord came upon him" to illuminate and
-inspire his thoughts.[53] The result was that he bade them dig trenches
-in the dry wady, and promised that, though they should see neither wind
-nor rain, the valley should be filled with water to quench the thirst of
-the fainting armies, their horses and their cattle. After this God would
-also deliver the Moabites into their hand; and they were bidden to smite
-the cities, fell the trees, stop the wells, and mar the smiling
-pasture-lands, which constituted the wealth of Moab, with stones. That
-the hosts of Judah and Israel and jealous Edom should be prone to
-afflict this awfully devastating vengeance on a power by which they had
-been so severely defeated on past occasions, and on which they had so
-many wrongs and blood-feuds to avenge, was natural; but it is surprising
-to find a prophet of the Lord giving the commission to ruin the gifts of
-God and spoil the innocent labours of man, and thus to inflict misery on
-generations yet unborn. The behest is directly contrary to rules of
-international war which have prevailed even between non-Christian
-nations, among whom the stopping or poisoning of wells and the cutting
-down of fruit trees has been expressly forbidden. It is also against the
-rules of war laid down in Deuteronomy.[54] Such, however, was the
-command attributed to Elisha; and, as we shall see, it was fulfilled,
-and seems to have led to disastrous consequences.
-
-Cheered by the promise of Divine aid which the prophet had given them,
-the host retired to rest. The next morning at day-dawn, when the
-_minchah_ of fine flour, oil, and frankincense was offered,[55] water,
-which, according to the tradition of Josephus, had fallen at three
-days' distance on the hills of Edom, came flowing from the south and
-filled the wady with its refreshing streams.
-
-The incident itself is highly instructive. It throws light both upon
-the general accuracy of the ancient narrative, and on the fact that
-events to which a directly supernatural colouring is given are, in
-many instances, not so much supernatural as providential. The
-deliverance of Israel was due, not to a portent wrought by Elisha, but
-to the pure wisdom which he derived from the inspiration of God. When
-the counsels of princes were of none effect, and for lack of the
-spirit of counsel the people were perishing, his mind alone,
-illuminated by a wisdom from on high, saw what was the right step to
-take. He bade the soldiers dig trenches in the dry torrent bed,--which
-was the very step most likely to ensure their deliverance from the
-torment of thirst, and which would be done under similar circumstances
-to this day. They saw neither wind nor rain; but there had been a
-storm among the farther hills, and the swollen watercourses discharged
-their overflow into the trenches of the wady which were ready prepared
-for them, and offered the path of least resistance.
-
-Moab, meanwhile, had heard of the advance of the three kings through the
-territories of Edom. The whole military population had mustered in arms,
-and stood on the frontier, on the other side of the dry wady, to oppose
-the invasion. For they knew this would be a struggle of life and death,
-and that if defeated they would have no mercy to expect. When the sun
-rose, and its first rays burned on the wady, which had been dry on the
-previous evening, the water which, unknown to the Moabites, had filled
-the trenches in the night, looked red as blood. Doubtless it may have
-been stained, as Ewald says, by the red soil which gave its name to the
-red land of the "red king, Edom"; but as it gleamed under the dawn the
-Moabites thought that those seemingly crimson pools had been filled with
-the blood of their enemies, who had fallen by each other's swords. Their
-own recent experience when Jehoshaphat met them in the Valley of Salt
-showed them how easy it was for temporary allies to be seized by panic,
-and to fight among themselves.[56]
-
-The army of their invaders was composed of heterogeneous and mutually
-conflicting elements. Between Israel and Judah there had been nearly a
-century of war,[57] and only a brief reunion; and Edom, recently the
-willing and natural ally of Moab, was not likely to fight very
-zealously for Judah, which had reduced her to vassalage. So the
-Moabites said to one another, as they pointed to the unexpected
-apparition of those red pools: "This is blood. The kings are surely
-destroyed, and they have smitten each man his fellow. Moab to the
-spoil!" They rushed down tumultuously on the camp of Israel, and found
-the soldiers of Jehoram ready to receive them. Taken by surprise, for
-they had expected no resistance, they were hurled back in utter
-confusion and with immense slaughter. The three kings pushed their
-advantage to the utmost. They went forward into the land, driving and
-smiting the Moabites before them, and ruthlessly carrying out the
-command attributed to Elisha. They beat down the cities--most of which
-in a land of flocks and herds were little more than pastoral villages;
-they rendered the green fields useless with stones; they filled up all
-the wells with earth; they felled every fruit-bearing tree of any
-value. At last only one stronghold, Kir-haraseth, the chief fenced
-town of Moab, held out against them.[58] Even this fortress was sore
-bested. The slingers, for which Israel, and specially the tribe of
-Benjamin, was so famous, advanced to drive its defenders from the
-battlements. King Mesha fought with undaunted heroism. He decided to
-take the seven hundred warriors who were left to him, and cut his way
-through the besieging host to the king of Edom. He thought that even
-now he might persuade the Edomites to abandon this new and unnatural
-alliance, and turn the battle against their common enemies. But the
-numbers against him were too strong, and he found the plan impossible.
-Then he formed a dreadful resolution, dictated to him by the extremity
-of his despair. His inscription at Karcha shows that he was a profound
-and even fanatical believer in Chemosh, his god. Chemosh could still
-deliver him. If Chemosh was, as Mesha says in his inscription, "angry
-with his land"--if, even for a time, he allowed his faithful people
-and his devoted king to be afflicted--it could not be for any lack of
-power on his part, but only because they had in some way offended him,
-so that he was wroth, or because he had gone on a journey, or was
-asleep, or deaf.[59] How could he be appeased? Only by the offering of
-the most precious of all the king's possessions; only by the
-self-devotion of the crown-prince, on whom were centred all the
-nation's hopes. Mesha would force Chemosh to help him for very shame.
-He would offer to Chemosh a human sacrifice, the sacrifice of his
-eldest son that should have reigned in his stead. Doubtless the young
-prince gave himself up as a willing offering, for that was essential
-to the holocaust being valid and acceptable.[60]
-
-So upon the wall of Kir-haraseth, in the sight of all the Moabites,
-and of the three invading armies, the brave and desperate hero of a
-hundred fights, who had inflicted so many reverses upon these enemies,
-and received so many at their hands, but who, having liberated his
-country, now saw all the efforts of his life ruined at one blow--took
-his eldest son, kindled the sacrificial fire, and then and there
-solemnly offered that horrible burnt-offering.[61]
-
-And it proved effectual, though far otherwise than Mesha had expected.
-He was delivered; and, doubtless, if ever he reared, at Kirharaseth or
-elsewhere, another memorial stone, he would have attributed his
-deliverance to his national god. But here, in the annals of Elisha,
-the result is hurried over, and a veil is, so to speak, dropped upon
-the dreadful scene with the one ambiguous expression, "And there was
-great wrath against Israel: and they departed from him, and returned
-to their own land."
-
-The phrase awakens but does not satisfy our curiosity. We are not
-certain of the translation, or of the meaning. It may be, as in the
-margin of the Revised Version, "there came great wrath upon
-Israel."[62] But wrath from whom? and on what account? The word
-"wrath" all but invariably denotes divine wrath; but we cannot imagine
-(as some critics do) that any Israelite of the schools of the prophets
-would sanction the notion that the chosen people were allowed to
-suffer from the kindled wrath of Chemosh. Can we then suppose that the
-desperate act of King Mesha was a proof that Israel, who was no doubt
-the most interested and the most remorseless of the invaders, had
-pressed the Moabites too hard, and carried his vengeance much too far?
-That is by no means impossible. The prophet Amos denounces upon Moab
-in after years the doom that fire should devour the palaces of
-Kirioth, and that Moab should perish with shoutings, and all his royal
-line be cut off, for the far less offence of having burned into lime
-the bones of the king of Edom.[63] The command of Elisha did not
-exempt the Israelites from their share of moral responsibility. Jehu
-was commissioned to be an executioner of vengeance upon the house of
-Ahab. Yet Jehu is expressly condemned by the prophet Hosea for the
-tiger-like ferocity and horrible thoroughness with which he had
-carried out his destined work.[64] Only one other explanation is
-possible. If "wrath" here has the unusual sense of human indignation,
-the clause can only imply that the armies of Judah and Edom were
-roused to anger by the unpitying spirit which Israel had displayed.
-The horrible tragedy enacted upon the wall of Kirharaseth awoke their
-consciences to the sense of human compassion. These, after all, were
-fellow-men--fellow-men of kindred blood to their own--whom they had
-driven to straits so frightful as to cause a king to burn his own heir
-alive as a mute appeal to his god in the hour of overwhelming ruin.
-They had done enough:
-
- "Sunt lacrimæ rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt."
-
-They hastily broke up the league, dissolved the alliance, returned
-horror-stricken to their own land. They left Moab indeed in possession
-of his last fortress, but they had reduced his territory to a
-wilderness before they retired and called it peace.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[43] There are great difficulties in the statement (2 Kings iii. 1)
-that he began to reign in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat. I have
-not entered, nor shall I enter, into the minute and precarious
-conjectures necessitated by the uncertainties and contradictions of
-this synchronism introduced into the narrative by some editor. Suffice
-it that with the aid of the Assyrian records we have certain _points
-de repère_; from which we can, with the assistance of the historian,
-conjecturally restore the main data. In the dates given at the head of
-the chapters I follow Kittel, as a careful inquirer. Some of the
-approximately fixed dates are (see Appendix I.):--
-
- 854. Battle of Karkar (Ahab and Benhadad against Shalmaneser II.)
- 738. Tribute of Menahem to Tiglath-Pileser II.
- 732. Fall of Damascus.
- 722. Capture of Samaria by Sargon.
- 720. Defeat of Sabaco by Sargon in battle of Raphia.
- 705. Accession of Sennacherib.
- 701. Campaign against Hezekiah.
- 608. Death of Josiah.
-
-
-[44] But neither the man of God from Judah nor Amos directly denounce
-the calf-worship, so much as its concomitant sins and irregularities.
-
-[45] Perhaps the true reading is "pillars" (LXX., Vulg., Arab.).
-
-[46] He is called "a sheep-master," _noked_; LXX., [Greek: nôkêd].
-Elsewhere the word occurs only in Amos i. 1. The Alex. LXX. has
-[Greek: ên pherôn phoron].
-
-[47] According to the Moabite Stone.
-
-[48] It is not clear whether the lambs and rams were sent with the
-fleeces. The A.V. says "lambs and rams with their wool," in accordance
-with Josephus--[Greek: myriadas eikosi probatôn syn tois pokois]. The
-LXX. has the vague [Greek: epi pokôn], and implies that this was a
-special fine after a defeat in the revolt ([Greek: en tê
-epanastasei]): but comp. Isa. xvi. 1.
-
-[49] 2 Chron. xx. 1-30.
-
-[50] Robinson (_Bibl. Res._, ii. 157) identifies it with the brook
-_Zered_. Deut. ii. 13; Num. xxi. 12. The name means "valley of
-water-pits." W. R. Smith quotes Doughty, _Travels_, i. 26.
-
-[51] Comp. 1 Kings xxii. 7. The phrase "who poured water on the hands
-of Elijah" is a touch of Oriental custom which the traveller in remote
-parts of Palestine may still often see. Once, when driven by a storm
-into the house of the Sheykh of a tribe which had a rather bad
-reputation for brigandage, I was most hospitably entertained; and the
-old white-haired Sheykh, his son, and ourselves were waited on by the
-grandson, a magnificent youth, who immediately after the meal brought
-out an old richly chased ewer and basin, and poured water over our
-hands, soiled by eating out of the common dish, of course without
-spoons or forks.
-
-[52] This seems to have struck Josephus (_Antt._, IX. iii. 1), who
-says that "he _chanced_ to be in a tent ([Greek: etuche kateskênôkôs])
-outside the host."
-
-[53] Comp. 1 Sam. x. 5; 1 Chron. xxv. 1; Ezek. i. 3, xxxiii. 22.
-_Menaggen_ is one who plays on a stringed instrument, _n'gînah_. The
-Pythagoreans used music in the same way (Cic., _Tusc. Disp._, iv. 2).
-
-[54] Deut. xx. 19, 20.
-
-[55] Lev. ii. 1. Comp. 1 Kings xviii. 36.
-
-[56] This dreadful result crippled the revolt of Vindex against Nero.
-
-[57] Jeroboam I., B.C. 937; Joram, 854.
-
-[58] Isa. xv. 1, Kir of Moab; Jer. xlviii. 31, Kir-heres. It is built
-on a steep calcareous rock, surrounded by a deep, narrow glen, which
-thence descends westward to the Dead Sea, under the name of the Wady
-Kerak. We know that the armies of Nineveh habitually practised these
-brutal modes of devastation in the districts which they conquered. See
-Layard, _passim_; Rawlinson, _Ancient Monarchies_ ii. 84.
-
-[59] 1 Kings xviii. 27. Comp. Psalm xxxv. 23, xliv. 23, lxxxiii. 1, etc.
-
-[60] Comp. Micah vi. 7. This is an entirely different incident from
-that alluded to in Amos ii. 1.
-
-[61] Eusebius (_Præp. Evang._, iv. 16) quotes from Philo's Phoenician
-history a reference to human sacrifices ([Greek: tois timôrois
-daimosin]) at moments of desperation.
-
-[62] The rendering is doubtful. LXX., [Greek: kai egeneto metamelos
-megas epi Israêl]; Vulg., indignatio _in_ Israel; Luther, _Da ward
-Israel sehr zornig_.
-
-[63] Amos ii. 1-3.
-
-[64] Hos. i. 4: "I will avenge the blood of Jezreel upon the house of
-Jehu."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER V
-
- _ELISHA'S MIRACLES_
-
- 2 KINGS iv. 1-44
-
-
-We are now in the full tide of Elisha's miracles, and as regards many
-of them we can do little more than illustrate the text as it stands.
-The record of them clearly comes from some account prevalent in the
-schools of the prophets, which is however only fragmentary, and has
-been unchronologically pieced into the annals of the kings of Israel.
-
-The story of Elisha abounds far more in the supernatural than that of
-Elijah, and is believed by most critics to be of earlier date. Yet the
-scenes and portents of his life are almost wholly lacking in the
-element of grandeur which belong to those of the elder seer. His
-personality, if on the whole softer and more beneficent, inspires less
-of awe, and the whole tone of the biography which recorded these
-isolated incidents is lacking in the poetic and impassioned elevation
-which marks the episodes of Elijah's history. We see in the records of
-Elisha, as in the biographies--so rich in prodigies--of fourth-century
-hermits and mediæval saints, how little impressive in itself is the
-exercise of abnormal powers; how it derives its sole grandeur from the
-accompaniment of great moral lessons and spiritual revelations. John
-the Baptist "did no miracle," yet our Lord placed him not only far
-above Elisha, but even above Moses and Samuel and Elijah, when He said
-of him, "Verily I say unto you, of them that have been born of women
-there hath not risen a greater than John the Baptist."
-
-It is impossible not to be struck with the singular parallelism
-between the powers exercised by Elisha and those which are attributed
-to his predecessor. "How true an heir is Elisha of his master," says
-Bishop Hall, "not in his graces only, but in his actions! Both of them
-divided the waters of Jordan, the one as his last act, the other as
-his first. Elijah's curse was the death of the captains and their
-troops; Elisha's curse was the death of the children. Elijah rebuked
-Ahab to his face; Elisha, Jehoram. Elijah supplied the drought of
-Israel by rain from heaven; Elisha supplied the drought of the three
-kings by waters gushing out of the earth; Elijah increased the oil of
-the Sareptan, Elisha increased the oil of the prophet's widow; Elijah
-raised from death the Sareptan's son, Elisha the Shunammite's; both of
-them had one mantle, one spirit; both of them climbed up one Carmel,
-one heaven." The resemblance, however, is not at all in character, but
-only in external and miraculous circumstances. In all other respects
-Elisha furnishes a contrast to Elijah which startles us quite as much
-as any superficial resemblances. Elijah was a free, wild Bedawy
-prophet, hating and shunning as his ordinary residence the abodes of
-men, making his home in the rocky wady or in the mountain glades,
-appearing and disappearing suddenly as the wind. He asserted his power
-most often in ministries of retribution. Clad in the sheepskin of a
-Gadite shepherd or mountaineer, he was not one of those who wear soft
-clothing or are found in kings' houses. He usually met monarchs as
-their enemy and their reprover, but for the most part avoided them. He
-never intervened for years together even in national events of the
-utmost importance, whether military or religious, unless he received
-the direct call of God, or there appeared to him to be a "_dignus
-Vindice nodus_." Elisha, on the other hand, makes his home in cities,
-and chiefly in Samaria. He is familiar with kings and moves about with
-armies, and has no long retirements into unknown solitudes; and though
-he could speak roughly to Jehoram, he is often on the friendliest
-terms with him and with other sovereigns.
-
-The stories of Elisha give us many interesting glimpses into the
-social life of Israel in his day. As to their literal historic
-accuracy, those must make positive affirmation who feel that they can
-do so in accordance alike with adequate authority and with the
-sacredness of truth. Many will be unable to escape the opinion that
-they bear some resemblance to other Jewish haggadoth, written for
-edification, with every innocent intention, in the schools of the
-Prophets, but no more intended for perfectly literal acceptance in all
-their details than the Life of St. Paul the Hermit, by St. Jerome; or
-that of St. Antony, attributed erroneously to St. Athanasius; or that
-of St. Francis in the Fioretti; or the lives of humble saints of the
-people called _Kisar-el-anbiah_, which are so popular among poor
-Mohammedans. Into that question there is no need to enter further.
-_Abundet quisque in sensu suo._
-
-I. On one occasion a widow of one of the Sons of the Prophets--for
-these communities, though coenobitic, were not celibate--came to him
-in deep distress. Her husband--the Jews, with their usual guesswork,
-most improbably identify him with Obadiah, the chamberlain of
-Ahab[65]--had died insolvent. As she had nothing to pay, her creditor
-under the grim provision of the law was about to exercise his right of
-selling her two sons into slavery to recoup himself for the debt.[66]
-Would Elisha help her?
-
-Prophets were never men of wealth, so that he could not pay her debt. He
-asked her what she possessed to satisfy the demand. "Nothing," she said,
-"but a pot of the common oil, used for anointing the body after a bath."
-
-Elisha bade her go and borrow from her neighbours all the empty
-vessels she could, then to return home, shut the door, and pour the
-oil into the vessels.
-
-She did so. They were all filled, and she asked her son to bring yet
-another. But there was not another to be had, so she went out and told
-the Man of God. He bade her sell the miraculously multiplied oil to
-pay the debt, and live with her sons on the proceeds of what was over.
-
-II. We next find Elisha at Shunem, famous as the abode of the fair
-maiden--probably Abishag, the nurse of David's decrepitude--who is the
-heroine of the Song of Songs. It is a village, now called Solam, on the
-slopes of Little Hermon (Jebel-el-Duhy), three miles north of Jezreel.
-At this place there lived a lady of wealth and influence, whose husband
-owned the surrounding land. There were but few khans in Palestine, and
-even where they now exist the traveller has in most cases to supply his
-own food. Elisha, in his journeys to and fro among the schools of the
-Prophets, had often enjoyed the welcome hospitality eagerly pressed
-upon him by the lady of Shunem. Struck with his sacred character, she
-persuaded her husband to take a step unusual even to the boundless
-hospitality of the East. She begged him to do honour to this holy Man of
-God by building for him a little chamber (_alîyah_) on the flat roof of
-the house, to which he might have easy and private access by the outside
-staircase.[67] The chamber was built, and furnished, like any other
-simple Eastern room, with a bed, a divan to sit on, a table, and a lamp;
-and there the weary prophet on his journeys often found a peaceful,
-simple, and delightful resting-place.
-
-Grateful for the reverence with which she treated him, and the kind
-care with which she had supplied his needs, Elisha was anxious to
-recompense her in whatever way might be possible. The thought of money
-payment was of course out of the question: merely to hint at it would
-have been a breach of manners. But perhaps he might be of use to her
-in some other way. At this time, and for years afterwards during his
-long ministry of perhaps fifty-six years, he was attended by a servant
-named Gehazi, who stood to him in the same sort of relation which he
-had held to Elijah. He told Gehazi to summon the Shunammite lady. In
-the deep humility of Eastern womanhood she came and stood in his
-presence. Even then he did not address her. So downtrodden was the
-position of women in the East that any dignified person, much more a
-great prophet, could not converse with a woman without compromising
-his dignity. The more scrupulous Pharisees in the days of Christ
-always carefully gathered up their garments in the streets, lest they
-should so much as touch a woman with their skirts in passing by, as
-the modern Chakams in Jerusalem do to this day.[68] The disciples
-themselves, sophisticated by familiarity with such teachers, were
-astonished that Jesus at the well of Shechem should talk with a
-woman.[69] So, though the lady stood there, Elisha, instead of
-speaking to her directly, told Gehazi to thank her for all the devout
-respect and care, all 'the modesty of fearful duty,'[70] which she had
-displayed towards them, and to ask her if he should say a good word
-for her to the King or the Captain of the Host. This is just the sort
-of favour which an Eastern would be likely to value most.[71] The
-Shunammite, however, was well provided for; she had nothing to
-complain of, and nothing to request. She thanked Elisha for his kindly
-proposal, but declined it, and went away.
-
-"Is there, then, nothing which we can do for her?" asked Elisha of
-Gehazi.[72]
-
-There was. Gehazi had learnt that the sorrow of her life--a sorrow and
-a source of reproach to any Eastern household, but most of all to that
-of a wealthy householder--was her childlessness.
-
-"Call her," he said.
-
-She came back, and stood reverently in the doorway. "When the time
-comes round," he said to her, "you shall embrace a son."
-
-The promise raised in her heart a thrill of joy. It was too precious
-to be believed. "Nay," she said "my lord, thou Man of God, do not lie
-unto thine handmaid."
-
-But the promise was fulfilled, and the lady of Shunem became the happy
-mother of a son.
-
-III. The charming episode then passes over some years. The child had
-grown into a little boy, old enough now to go out alone to see his
-father in the harvest fields and to run about among the reapers. But as
-he played about in the heat he had a sunstroke, and cried to his father,
-"O my head, my head!" Not knowing how serious the matter was, his father
-simply ordered one of his lads to carry the child home to his mother.
-The fond mother nursed him tenderly upon her knees, but at noon he died.
-
-Then the lady of Shunem showed all the faith and strength and wisdom of
-her character. "The good Shunammite," says Bishop Hall, "had lost her
-son; her faith she lost not." Overwhelming as was this calamity--the
-loss of an only child--she suppressed all her emotions, and, instead of
-bursting into the wild helpless wail of Eastern mourners, or rushing to
-her husband with the agonising news, she took the little boy's body in
-her arms, carried it up to the chamber which had been built for Elisha,
-and laid it upon his bed. Then, shutting the door, she called to her
-husband to send to her one of his reapers and one of the asses, for she
-was going quickly to the Man of God and would return in the cool of the
-evening. "Why should you go to-day particularly?" he asked. "It is
-neither new moon, nor sabbath." "It is all right," she said;[73] and
-with perfect confidence in the rectitude of all her purposes, he sent
-her the she-ass, and a servant to drive it and to run beside it for her
-protection on the journey of sixteen miles.
-
-"Drive on the ass," she said. "Slacken me not the riding unless I tell
-you." So with all possible speed she made her way--a journey of
-several hours--from Shunem to Mount Carmel.
-
-Elisha, from his retreat on the hill, marked her coming from a
-distance, and it rendered him anxious. "Here comes the Shunammite," he
-said to Gehazi. "Run to meet her, and ask Is it well with thee? is it
-well with thy husband? is it well with the child?"
-
-"All well," she answered, for her message was not to Gehazi, and she
-could not trust her voice to speak; but pressing on up-hillwards, she
-flung herself before Elisha and grasped his feet. Displeased at the
-familiarity which dared thus to clasp the feet of his master, Gehazi ran
-up to thrust her away by force, but Elisha interfered. "Let her alone,"
-he cried; "she is in deep affliction, and Jehovah has not revealed to me
-the cause." Then her long pent-up emotion burst forth. "Did I desire a
-son of my lord?" she cried. "Did I not say do not deceive me?"
-
-It was enough--though she seemed unable to bring out the dreadful
-words that her boy was dead. Catching her meaning, Elisha said to
-Gehazi, "Gird up thy loins, take my staff, and without so much as
-stopping to salute any one, or to return a salutation,[74] lay my
-staff on the dead child's face." But the broken-hearted mother
-refused to leave Elisha. She imagined that the servant, the staff,
-might be severed from Elisha; but she knew that wherever the prophet
-was, there was power. So Elisha arose and followed her, and on the way
-Gehazi met them with the news that the child lay still and dead, with
-the fruitless staff upon his face.
-
-Then Elisha in deep anguish went up to the chamber and shut the door,
-and saw the boy's body lying pale upon his bed. After earnest prayer
-he outstretched himself over the little corpse, as Elijah had done at
-Zarephath. Soon it began to grow warm with returning life, and Elisha,
-after pacing up and down the room, once more stretched himself over
-him. Then the child opened his eyes and sneezed seven times, and
-Elisha called to Gehazi to summon the mother.
-
-"Take up thy son," he said. She prostrated herself at his feet in
-speechless gratitude, and took up her recovered child, and went.
-
-IV. We next find Elisha at Gilgal, in the time of the famine of which
-we read his prediction in a later chapter.[75] The sons of the
-prophets were seated round him, listening to his instructions; the
-hour came for their simple meal, and he ordered the great pot to be
-put on the fire for the vegetable soup, on which, with bread, they
-chiefly lived. One of them went out for herbs, and carelessly brought
-his outer garment (the _abeyah_)[76] full of wild poisonous
-coloquinths,[77] which, by ignorance or inadvertence, were shred into
-the pottage. But when it was cooked and poured out they perceived the
-poisonous taste, and cried out, "O Man of God, death in the pot!"
-
-"Bring meal," he said, for he seems always to have been a man of the
-fewest words.
-
-They cast in some meal, and were all able to eat of the now harmless
-pottage. It has been noticed that in this, as in other incidents of
-the story, there is no invocation of the name of Jehovah.
-
-V. Not far from Gilgal was the little village of Baalshalisha,[78] at
-which lived a farmer who wished to bring an offering of firstfruits
-and _karmel_ (bruised grain) in his wallet to Elisha as a Man of
-God.[79] It was a poor gift enough--only twenty of the coarse barley
-loaves which were eaten by the common people, and a sack[80] full of
-fresh ears of corn.[81] Elisha told his servitor[82]--perhaps
-Gehazi--to set them before the people present. "What?" he asked, "this
-trifle of food before a hundred men!" But Elisha told him in the
-Lord's name that it should more than suffice; and so it did.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[65] Jos., _Antt._, IX. iv. 2. This perhaps is only suggested by the
-reminiscences of 1 Kings xviii. 2, 3, 12.
-
-[66] Lev. xxv. 39-41; Matt. xviii. 25.
-
-[67] 2 Kings iv. 10. Not "a little chamber on the wall" (A.V.), but
-"an _alîyah_ with walls" (margin, R.V.).
-
-[68] Frankl., _Jews in the East_.
-
-[69] John iv. 27: "Then came His disciples, and marvelled that He was
-_talking_ ([Greek: meta gunaikos]) _with a woman_."
-
-[70] 2 Kings iv. 13: "Behold, thou hast been careful for us with all
-this care" (LXX., [Greek: pasan tên ekstasin tautên]).
-
-[71] The Sheykh with whom I stayed at Bint es Jebeil could think of no
-return which I could offer for his hospitality so acceptable as if I
-would say a good word for him to the authorities at Beyrout.
-
-[72] Gehazi is usually called the _na'ar_ or "lad" of Elisha--a term
-implying lower service than Elisha's "ministry" to Elijah.
-
-[73] 2 Kings iv. 23. Hebrew "Peace"; A.V., "It shall be well."
-
-[74] Salutations occupy some time in the formally courteous East.
-Comp. Luke x. 4.
-
-[75] 2 Kings viii. 1.
-
-[76] Not "lap," as in A. V. (Heb., _beged_); LXX. [Greek: synelixe
-plêres to himation autou]; Vulg., _implevit vestem suam_ (both
-correctly).
-
-[77] Heb., _paquoth_; LXX., [Greek: tolypên agrian]; Vulg;
-_colocynthidas agri_. Hence the name _cucumis prophetarum_.
-
-[78] Lord of the Chain and "Three lands." Three wadies meet at this
-spot, a little west of Bethel.
-
-[79] 2 Kings iv. 42. Karmel, Lev. ii. 14. Perhaps a sort of frumenty.
-
-[80] The word for "wallet" (_tsiqlon_; Vulg., _pera_) occurs here
-only. Peshito, "garment." The Vatican LXX. omits it. The Greek version
-has [Greek: en kôrykô autou].
-
-[81] See Lev. ii. 14, xxiii. 14.
-
-[82] 2 Kings iv. 43. The word for "his servitor" (_m'chartho_) is used
-also of Joshua. It does not mean a mere ordinary attendant. LXX.,
-[Greek: leitourgos]; Vulg., _minister_.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VI
-
- _THE STORY OF NAAMAN_
-
- 2 KINGS v. 1-27
-
- MATT. viii. 3: [Greek: Thelô, katharisthêti]
-
-
-After these shorter anecdotes we have the longer episode of Naaman.[83]
-
-A part of the misery inflicted by the Syrians on Israel was caused by
-the forays in which their light-armed bands, very much like the
-borderers on the marches of Wales or Scotland, descended upon the
-country and carried off plunder and captives before they could be
-pursued.
-
-In one of these raids they had seized a little Israelitish girl and
-sold her to be a slave. She had been purchased for the household of
-Naaman, the captain of the Syrian host, who had helped his king and
-nation to win important victories either against Israel or against
-Assyria. Ancient Jewish tradition identified him with the man who had
-"drawn his bow at a venture" and slain King Ahab. But all Naaman's
-valour and rank and fame, and the honour felt for him by his king,
-were valueless to him, for he was suffering from the horrible
-affliction of leprosy. Lepers do not seem to have been segregated in
-other countries so strictly as they were in Israel, or at any rate
-Naaman's leprosy was not of so severe a form as to incapacitate him
-from his public functions.
-
-But it was evident that he was a man who had won the affection of all
-who knew him; and the little slave girl who waited on his wife
-breathed to her a passionate wish that Naaman could visit the Man of
-God in Samaria, for he would recover him from his leprosy. The saying
-was repeated, and one of Naaman's friends mentioned it to the king of
-Syria. Benhadad was so much struck by it that he instantly determined
-to send a letter, with a truly royal gift to the king of Israel, who
-could, he supposed, as a matter of course, command the services of the
-prophet. The letter came to Jehoram with a stupendous present of
-ingots of silver to the value of ten talents, and six thousand pieces
-of gold, and ten changes of raiment.[84] After the ordinary
-salutations, and a mention of the gifts, the letter continued "And
-now, when this letter is come to thee, behold I have sent Naaman my
-servant, that thou mayest recover him of his leprosy."
-
-Jehoram lived in perpetual terror of his powerful and encroaching
-neighbour. Nothing was said in the letter about the Man of God; and
-the king rent his clothes, exclaiming that he was not God to kill and
-to make alive, and that this must be a base pretext for a quarrel. It
-never so much as occurred to him, as it certainly would have done to
-Jehoshaphat, that the prophet, who was so widely known and honoured,
-and whose mission had been so clearly attested in the invasion of
-Moab, might at least help him to face this problem. Otherwise the
-difficulty might indeed seem insuperable, for leprosy was universally
-regarded as an incurable disease.
-
-But Elisha was not afraid: he boldly told Jehoram to send the Syrian
-captain to him. Naaman, with his horses and his chariots, in all the
-splendour of a royal ambassador, drove up to the humble house of the
-prophet. Being so great a man, he expected a deferential reception,
-and looked for the performance of his cure in some striking and
-dramatic manner. "The prophet," so he said to himself, "will come out,
-and solemnly invoke the name of his God Jehovah, and wave his hand
-over the leprous limbs, and so work the miracle."[85]
-
-But the servant of the King of kings was not exultantly impressed, as
-false prophets so often are, by earthly greatness. Elisha did not even
-pay him the compliment of coming out of the house to meet him. He
-wished to efface himself completely, and to fix the leper's thoughts
-on the one truth that if healing was granted to him, it was due to the
-gift of God, not to the thaumaturgy or arts of man. He simply sent out
-his servant to the Syrian commander-in-chief with the brief message,
-"Go and wash in Jordan seven times, and be thou clean."
-
-Naaman, accustomed to the extreme deference of many dependants, was not
-only offended, but enraged, by what he regarded as the scant courtesy
-and procrastinated boon of the prophet. Why was he not received as a man
-of the highest distinction? What necessity could there be for sending
-him all the way to the Jordan? And why was he bidden to wash in that
-wretched, useless, tortuous stream, rather than in the pure and flowing
-waters of his own native Abanah and Pharpar?[86] How was he to tell that
-this "Man of God" did not design to mock him by sending him on a fool's
-errand, so that he would come back as a laughing-stock both to the
-Israelites and to his own people? Perhaps he had not felt any great
-faith in the prophet, to begin with; but whatever he once felt had now
-vanished. He turned and went away in a rage.
-
-But in this crisis the affection of his friends and servants stood him
-in good stead. Addressing him, in their love and pity, by the unusual
-term of honour "my father," they urged upon him that, as he certainly
-would not have refused some _great_ test, there was no reason why he
-should refuse this simple and humble one.
-
-He was won over by their reasonings, and descending the hot steep valley
-of the Jordan, bathed himself in the river seven times. God healed him,
-and, as Elisha had promised, "his flesh," corroded by leprosy, "came
-again like the flesh of a little child, and he was clean."
-
-This healing of Naaman is alluded to by our Lord to illustrate the truth
-that the love of God extended farther than the limits of the chosen
-race; that His Fatherhood is co-extensive with the whole family of man.
-
-It is difficult to conceive the transport of a man cured of this most
-loathsome and humiliating of all earthly afflictions. Naaman, who seems
-to have possessed "a mind naturally Christian," was filled with
-gratitude. Unlike the thankless Jewish lepers whom Christ cured as He
-left Engannim, this alien returned to give glory to God. Once more the
-whole imposing cavalcade rode through the streets of Samaria, and
-stopped at Elisha's door. This time Naaman was admitted into his
-presence. He saw, and no doubt Elisha had strongly impressed on him the
-truth, that his healing was the work not of man but of God; and as he
-had found no help in the deities of Syria, he confessed that the God of
-Israel was the only true God among those of the nations. In token of his
-thankfulness he presses Elisha, as God's instrument in the unspeakable
-mercy which has been granted to him, to accept "a blessing" (_i.e._, a
-present) from him--"from thy servant," as he humbly styled himself.
-
-Elisha was no greedy Balaam. It was essential that Naaman and the
-Syrians should not look on him as on some vulgar sorcerer who wrought
-wonders for "the rewards of divination." His wants were so simple that
-he stood above temptation. His desires and treasures were not on
-earth. To put an end to all importunity, he appealed to Jehovah with
-his usual solemn formula--"As the Lord liveth before whom I stand, I
-will receive no present."[87]
-
-Still more deeply impressed by the prophet's incorruptible superiority
-to so much as a suspicion of low motives, Naaman asked that he might
-receive two mules' burden of earth wherewith to build an altar to the
-God of Israel of His own sacred soil.[88] The very soil ruled by such
-a God must, he thought, be holier than other soil; and he wished to
-take it back to Syria, just as the people of Pisa rejoiced to fill
-their Campo Santo with mould from the Holy Land, and just as mothers
-like to baptize their children in water brought home from the Jordan.
-Henceforth, said Naaman, I will offer burnt-offering and sacrifice to
-no God but unto Jehovah. Yet there was one difficulty in the way. When
-the King of Syria went to worship in the temple of his god Rimmon it
-was the duty of Naaman to accompany him.[89] The king leaned on his
-hand, and when he bowed before the idol it was Naaman's duty to bow
-also. He begged that for this concession God would pardon him.
-
-Elisha's answer was perhaps different from what Elijah might have given.
-He practically allowed Naaman to give this sign of outward compliance
-with idolatry, by saying to him, "Go in peace." It is from this
-circumstance that the phrase "to bow in the house of Rimmon" has become
-proverbial to indicate a dangerous and dishonest compromise. But
-Elisha's permission must not be misunderstood. He did but hand over this
-semi-heathen convert to the grace of God. It must be remembered that he
-lived in days long preceding the conviction that proselytism is a part
-of true religion; in days when the thought of missions to heathen lands
-was utterly unknown. The position of Naaman was wholly different from
-that of any Israelite. He was only the convert, or the half-convert of
-a day, and though he acknowledged the supremacy of Jehovah as alone
-worthy of his worship, he probably shared in the belief--common even in
-Israel--that there were other gods, local gods, gods of the nations, to
-whom Jehovah might have divided the limits of their power.[90] To demand
-of one who, like Naaman, had been an idolater all his days, the sudden
-abandonment of every custom and tradition of his life, would have been
-to demand from him an unreasonable, and, in his circumstances, useless
-and all but impossible self-sacrifice. The best way was to let him feel
-and see for himself the futility of Rimmon-worship. If he were not
-frightened back from his sudden faith in Jehovah, the scruple of
-conscience which he already felt in making his request might naturally
-grow within him and lead him to all that was best and highest. The
-temporary condonation of an imperfection might be a wise step towards
-the ultimate realisation of a truth. We cannot at all blame Elisha, if,
-with such knowledge as he then possessed, he took a mercifully tolerant
-view of the exigencies of Naaman's position. The bowing in the house of
-Rimmon under such conditions probably seemed to him no more than an act
-of outward respect to the king and to the national religion in a case
-where no evil results could follow from Naaman's example.[91]
-
-But the general principle that _we_ must _not_ bow in the house of
-Rimmon remains unchanged. The light and knowledge vouchsafed to us far
-transcend those which existed in times when men had not seen the days of
-the Son of Man. The only rule which sincere Christians can follow is to
-have no truce with Canaan, no halting between two opinions, no
-tampering, no compliance, no connivance, no complicity with evil,--even
-no tolerance of evil as far as their own conduct is concerned. No good
-man, in the light of the Gospel dispensation, could condone himself in
-seeming to sanction--still less in doing--anything which in his opinion
-ought not to be done, or in saying anything which implied his own
-acquiescence in things which he knows to be evil. "Sir," said a
-parishioner to one of the non-juring clergy: "there is many a man who
-has made a great gash in his conscience; cannot you make a little nick
-in yours?" No! a _little_ nick is, in one sense, as fatal as a great
-gash. It is an abandonment of _the principle_; it is a violation of the
-Law. The wrong of it consists in this--that all evil begins, not in the
-commission of great crimes, but in the slight divergence from right
-rules. The angle made by two lines may be infinitesimally small, but
-produce the lines and it may require infinitude to span the separation
-between the lines which inclose so tiny an angle. The wise man gave the
-only true rule about wrong-doing, when he said, "Enter not into the path
-of the wicked and go not in the way of evil men. Avoid it, pass not by
-it, turn from it and pass away."[92] And the reason for his rule is
-that the beginning of sin--like the beginning of strife--"is as when one
-letteth out water."[93]
-
-The proper answer to all abuses of any supposed concession to the
-lawfulness of bowing in the house of Rimmon--if that be interpreted to
-mean the doing of anything which our consciences cannot wholly
-approve--is _Obsta principiis_--avoid the beginnings of evil.
-
- "We are not worst at once; the course of evil
- Begins so slowly, and from such slight source,
- An infant's hand might stem the breach with clay;
- But let the stream grow wider, and philosophy,
- Age, and religion too, may strive in vain
- To stem the headstrong current."
-
-The mean cupidity of Gehazi, the servant of Elisha, gives a deplorable
-sequel to the story of the prophet's magnanimity. This man's wretched
-greed did its utmost to nullify the good influence of his master's
-example. There may be more wicked acts recorded in Scripture than that
-of Gehazi, but there is scarcely one which shows so paltry a
-disposition.
-
-He had heard the conversation between his master and the Syrian
-marshal, and his cunning heart despised as a futile sentimentality the
-magnanimity which had refused an eagerly proffered reward. Naaman was
-rich: he had received a priceless boon; it would be rather a pleasure
-to him than otherwise to return for it some acknowledgment which he
-would not miss. Had he not even seemed a little hurt by Elisha's
-refusal to receive it? What possible harm could there be in taking
-what he was anxious to give? And how useful those magnificent presents
-would be, and to what excellent uses could they be put! He could not
-approve of the fantastic and unpractical scrupulosity which had led
-Elisha to refuse the "blessing" which he had so richly earned. Such
-attitudes of unworldliness seemed entirely foolish to Gehazi.
-
-So pleaded the Judas-spirit within the man. By such specious delusions
-he inflamed his own covetousness, and fostered the evil temptation
-which had taken sudden and powerful hold upon his heart, until it took
-shape in a wicked resolve.
-
-The mischief of Elisha's quixotic refusal was done, but it could be
-speedily undone, and no one would be the worse. The evil spirit was
-whispering to Gehazi:--
-
- "Be mine and Sin's for one short hour; and then
- Be all thy life the happiest man of men."
-
-"Behold," he said, with some contempt both for Elisha and for Naaman,
-"my master hath let off this Naaman the Syrian; but as the Lord liveth
-I will run after him, and take somewhat of him."
-
-"As the Lord liveth!" It had been a favourite appeal of Elijah and
-Elisha, and the use of it by Gehazi shows how utterly meaningless and
-how very dangerous such solemn words become when they are degraded
-into formulæ.[94] It is thus that the habit of swearing begins. The
-light use of holy words very soon leads to their utter degradation.
-How keen is the satire in Cowper's little story:--
-
- "A Persian, humble servant of the sun,
- Who, though devout, yet bigotry had none,
- Hearing a lawyer, grave in his address,
- With adjurations every word impress,--
- Supposed the man a bishop, or, at least,
- God's Name so often on his lips--a priest.
- Bowed at the close with all his gracious airs,
- And begged an interest in his frequent prayers!"
-
-
-Had Gehazi felt their true meaning--had he realised that on Elisha's
-lips they meant something infinitely more real than on his own, he
-would not have forgotten that in Elisha's answer to Naaman they had
-all the validity of an oath, and that he was inflicting on his master
-a shameful wrong, when he led Naaman to believe that, after so sacred
-an adjuration, the prophet had frivolously changed his mind.
-
-Gehazi had not very far to run,[95] for in a country full of hills,
-and of which the roads are rough, horses and chariots advance but
-slowly. Naaman, chancing to glance backwards, saw the prophet's
-attendant running after him. Anticipating that he must be the bearer
-of some message from Elisha, he not only halted the cavalcade, but
-sprang down from his chariot,[96] and went to meet him with the
-anxious question, "Is all well?"
-
-"Well," answered Gehazi; and then had ready his cunning lie. "Two
-youths," he said, "of the prophetic schools had just unexpectedly come
-to his master from the hill country of Ephraim; and though he would
-accept nothing for himself, Elisha would be glad if Naaman would spare
-him two changes of garments, and one talent of silver for these poor
-members of a sacred calling."[97]
-
-Naaman must have been a little more or a little less than human if he
-did not feel a touch of disappointment on hearing this message. The gift
-was nothing to him. It was a delight to him to give it, if only to
-lighten a little the burden of gratitude which he felt towards his
-benefactor. But if he had felt elevated by the magnanimous example of
-Elisha's disinterestedness, he must have thought that this hasty request
-pointed to a little regret on the prophet's part for his noble
-self-denial. After all, then, even prophets were but men, and gold after
-all was gold! The change of mind about the gift brought Elisha a little
-nearer the ordinary level of humanity, and, so far, it acted as a sort
-of disenchantment from the high ideal exhibited by his former refusal.
-And so Naaman said, with alacrity, "Be content: take two talents."
-
-The fact that Gehazi's conduct thus inevitably compromised his master,
-and undid the effects of his example, is part of the measure of the
-man's apostacy. It showed how false and hypocritical was his position,
-how unworthy he was to be the ministering servant of a prophet. Elisha
-was evidently deceived in the man altogether. The heinousness of his
-guilt lies in the words _Corruptio optimi pessima_. When religion is
-used for a cloak of covetousness, of usurping ambition, of secret
-immorality, it becomes deadlier than infidelity. Men raze the
-sanctuary, and build their idol temples on the hallowed ground. They
-cover their base encroachments and impure designs with the "cloke of
-profession, doubly lined with the fox-fur of hypocrisy," and hide the
-leprosy which is breaking out upon their foreheads with the golden
-_petalon_ on which is inscribed the title of "holiness to the Lord."
-
-At first Gehazi did not like to take so large a sum as two talents;
-but the crime was already committed, and there was not much more harm
-done in taking two talents than in taking one. Naaman urged him, and
-it is very improbable that, unless the chances of detection weighed
-with him, he needed much urging. So the Syrian weighed out silver
-ingots to the amount of two talents, and putting them in two satchels
-laid them on two of his servants and told them to carry the money
-before Gehazi to Elisha's house. But Gehazi had to keep a look-out
-lest his nefarious dealings should be observed, and when they came to
-Ophel--the word means the foot of the hill of Samaria, or some part of
-the fortifications[98]--he took the bags from the two Syrians,
-dismissed them, and carried the money to some place where he could
-conceal it in the house. Then, as though nothing had happened, with
-his usual smooth face of sanctimonious integrity, the pious Jesuit
-went and stood before his master.
-
-He had not been unnoticed! His heart must have sunk within him when
-there smote upon his ear Elisha's question,--
-
-"Whence comest thou, Gehazi?"
-
-But one lie is as easy as another, and Gehazi was doubtless an adept
-at lying.
-
-"Thy servant went no whither," he replied, with an air of innocent
-surprise.
-
-"_Went not_ my beloved one?"[99] said Elisha--and he must have said it
-with a groan, as he thought how utterly unworthy the youth, whom he
-thus called "my loving heart" or "my dear friend,"--"when the man
-turned from his chariot to meet thee?" It may be that from the hill
-of Samaria Elisha had seen it all, or that he had been told by one who
-had seen it. If not, he had been rightly led to read the secret of his
-servant's guilt. "Is it a time," he asked, "to act thus?" Did not my
-example show thee that there was a high object in refusing this
-Syrian's gifts, and in leading him to feel that the servants of
-Jehovah do His bidding with no afterthought of sordid considerations?
-Are there not enough troubles about us actual and impending, to show
-that this is no time for the accumulation of earthly treasures? Is it
-a time to receive money--and all that money will procure? to receive
-garments, and olive-yards and vineyards, and oxen, and men-servants
-and maid-servants? Has a prophet no higher aim than the accumulation
-of earthly goods, and are his needs such as earthly goods can supply?
-And hast thou, the daily friend and attendant of a prophet, learnt so
-little from his precepts and his example?
-
-Then followed the tremendous penalty for so grievous a
-transgression--a transgression made up of meanness, irreverence,
-greed, cheating, treachery, and lies.
-
-"The leprosy therefore of Naaman shall cleave unto thee, and unto thy
-seed for ever!" "Oh heavy talents of Gehazi!" exclaims Bishop Hall:
-"Oh the horror of the one unchangeable suit! How much better had been
-a light purse and a homely coat, with a sound body and a clean soul!"
-
-"And he went out from his presence a leper as white as snow."[100]
-
-It is the characteristic of the leprous taint in the system to be thus
-suddenly developed, and apparently in crises of sudden and
-overpowering emotion it might affect the whole blood. And one of the
-many morals which lie in Gehazi's story is again that moral to which
-the world's whole experience sets its seal--that though the guilty
-soul may sell itself for a desired price, the sum-total of that price
-is nought. It is Achan's ingots buried under the sod on which stood
-his tent. It is Naboth's vineyard made abhorrent to Ahab on the day he
-entered it. It is the thirty pieces of silver which Judas dashed with
-a shriek upon the Temple floor. It is Gehazi's leprosy for which no
-silver talents or changes of raiment could atone.
-
-The story of Gehazi--of the son of the prophets who would naturally
-have succeeded Elisha as Elisha had succeeded Elijah--must have had a
-tremendous significance to warn the members of the prophetic schools
-from the peril of covetousness. That peril, as all history proves to
-us, is one from which popes and priests, monks, and even nominally
-ascetic and nominally pauper communities, have never been exempt;--to
-which, it may even be said, that they have been peculiarly liable.
-Mercenariness and falsity, displayed under the pretence of religion,
-were never more overwhelmingly rebuked. Yet, as the Rabbis said, it
-would have been better if Elisha, in repelling with the left hand, had
-also drawn with the right.[101]
-
- * * * * *
-
-The fine story of Elisha and Naaman, and the fall and punishment of
-Gehazi, is followed by one of the anecdotes of the prophet's life
-which appears to our unsophisticated, perhaps to our imperfectly
-enlightened judgment, to rise but little above the ecclesiastical
-portents related in mediæval hagiologies.
-
-At some unnamed place--perhaps Jericho--the house of the Sons of the
-Prophets had become too small for their numbers and requirements, and
-they asked Elisha's leave to go down to the Jordan and cut beams to make
-a new residence. Elisha gave them leave, and at their request consented
-to go with them. While they were hewing, the axe-head of one of them
-fell into the water, and he cried out, "Alas! master, it was borrowed!"
-Elisha ascertained where it had fallen. He then cut down a stick,[102]
-and cast it on the spot, and the iron swam and the man recovered it.
-
-The story is perhaps an imaginative reproduction of some unwonted
-incident. At any rate, we have no sufficient evidence to prove that it
-may not be so. It is wholly unlike the economy invariably shown in the
-Scripture narratives which tell us of the exercise of supernatural
-power. All the eternal laws of nature are here superseded at a word, as
-though it were an every-day matter, without even any recorded invocation
-of Jehovah, to restore an axe-head, which could obviously have been
-recovered or resupplied in some much less stupendous way than by making
-iron swim on the surface of a swift-flowing river. It is easy to invent
-conventional and _à priori_ apologies to show that religion demands the
-unquestioning acceptance of this prodigy, and that a man must be
-shockingly wicked who does not feel certain that it happened exactly in
-the literal sense; but whether the doubt or the defence be morally
-worthier, is a thing which God alone can judge.[103]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[83] It is curiously omitted by Josephus, though he mentions him
-([Greek: Amanos]) as the slayer of Ahab (_Antt._, VIII. xv. 5). The
-name is an old Hebrew name (Num. xxvi. 40).
-
-[84] The word _l'boosh_ means a gala dress. Comp. v. 5; Gen. xlv. 22.
-[Greek: chitônes epêmoiboi] (Hom., _Od._, xiv. 514). Comp. viii. 249.
-
-[85] Elisha would not be likely to _touch_ the place.
-
-[86] Now the _Burâda_ ("cold") and the Nahr-el-Awâj.
-
-[87] Compare the answer of Abraham to the King of Sodom (Gen. xiv. 23).
-
-[88] The feeling which influenced Naaman is the same which led the Jews
-to build Nahardea in Persia of stones from Jerusalem. Altars were to be
-of earth (Exod. xx. 24), but no altar is mentioned in 2 Kings v. 17, and
-the LXX. does not even specify _earth_ ([Greek: gomos zeugos hêmionôn]).
-
-[89] This is the only place in Scripture where Rimmon is mentioned,
-though we have the name Tab-Rimmon ("Rimmon is good"), 1 Kings xv. 18,
-and Hadad-Rimmon (Zech. xii. 11). He was the god of the thunder. The
-word means "pomegranate," and some have fancied that this was one of
-his symbols. But the resemblance may be accidental, and the name was
-properly _Ramman_.
-
-[90] See Deut. xxxii. 8, where the LXX. has [Greek: kata arithmon
-angelôn].
-
-[91] The moral difficulty must have been early felt, for the
-Alexandrian LXX. reads [Greek: kai proskynêsô ama autô egô Kuriô tô
-Theô mou]. But he would still be bowing in the House of Rimmon, though
-he might in his heart worship God. "Elisha, like Elijah" (says Dean
-Stanley), "made no effort to set right what had gone so wrong. Their
-mission was to make the best of what they found; not to bring back a
-rule of religion which had passed away, but to dwell on the Moral Law
-which could be fulfilled everywhere, not on the Ceremonial Law which
-circumstances seemed to have put out of their reach: 'not sending the
-Shunammite to Jerusalem' (says Cardinal Newman), 'not eager for a
-proselyte in Naaman, yet making the heathen fear the Name of God, and
-proving to them that there was a prophet in Israel'" (Stanley,
-_Lectures_, ii. 377; Newman, _Sermons_, viii. 415).
-
-[92] Prov. iv. 14, 15.
-
-[93] Prov. xvii. 14.
-
-[94] On Gehazi's lips it meant no more than the incessant _Wallah_,
-"by God," of Mohammedans.
-
-[95] 2 Kings v. 19. Heb., _kib'rath aretz_, "a little way"--literally,
-"a space of country." (The Vatican LXX. follows another reading,
-[Greek: eis Debratha tês gês]; Vulg., _electo terræ tempore_[?].)
-
-[96] LXX., [Greek: katepêdêsen].
-
-[97] A talent of silver was worth about £400--an enormous sum for two
-half-naked youths.
-
-[98] 2 Kings v. 24. The LXX. ([Greek: eis to skoteinon]) seems to have
-read [Hebrew: 'ofel] (_ophel_); "darkness," a treasury or secret
-place, for [Hebrew: tzofel], and so the Vulgate _jam vesperi_.
-
-[99] 2 Kings v. 26. The verse is so interpreted by some critics,
-especially Ewald, followed by Stanley. Margin, R.V.: "Mine heart went
-not from me, when" etc.
-
-[100] Exod. iv. 6; Num. xii. 10.
-
-[101] The later Rabbis thought that Elisha was too severe with Gehazi,
-and was punished with sickness because "he repelled him with both his
-hands" (_Bava-Metsia_, f. 87, 1, and _Yalkut Jeremiah_).
-
-[102] The Hebrew word for "cut off" (_qatsab_) is very rare. LXX.,
-[Greek: apeknise xylon]; Vulg., _præcidit lignum_.
-
-[103] It must be further borne in mind that "the iron did swim" (A.V.)
-is less accurate than "made the iron to swim" (R.V.). The LXX. has
-[Greek: epepolase], "brought to the surface." Von Gerlach says, "He
-thrust the stick into the water, and raised the iron to the surface."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VII
-
- _ELISHA AND THE SYRIANS_
-
- 2 KINGS vi. 1-23
-
- "Now there was found in the city a poor wise man, and he by his
- wisdom delivered the city."--ECCLES. ix. 15.
-
-
-Elisha, unlike his master Elijah, was, during a great part of his long
-career, intimately mixed up with the political and military fortunes
-of his country. The king of Israel who occurs in the following
-narratives is left nameless--always the sign of later and more vague
-tradition; but he has usually been identified with Jehoram ben-Ahab,
-and, though not without some misgivings, we shall assume that the
-identification is correct. His dealings with Elisha never seem to have
-been very cordial, though on one occasion he calls him "my father."
-The relations between them at times became strained and even stormy.
-
-His reign was rendered miserable by the incessant infestation of Syrian
-marauders. In these difficulties he was greatly helped by Elisha. The
-prophet repeatedly frustrated the designs of the Syrian king by
-revealing to Jehoram the places of Benhadad's ambuscades, so that
-Jehoram could change the destination of his hunting parties or other
-movements, and escape the plots laid to seize his person. Benhadad,
-finding himself thus frustrated, and suspecting that it was due to
-treachery, called his servants together in grief and indignation, and
-asked who was the traitor among them. His officers assured him that they
-were all faithful, but that the secrets whispered in his bed-chamber
-were revealed to Jehoram by Elisha the prophet in Israel, whose fame had
-spread into Syria, perhaps because of the cure of Naaman. The king,
-unable to take any step while his counsels were thus published to his
-enemies, thought--not very consistently--that he could surprise and
-seize Elisha himself, and sent to find out where he was. At that time he
-was living in Dothan, about twelve miles north-east of Samaria,[104] and
-Benhadad sent a contingent with horses and chariots by night to surround
-the city, and prevent any escape from its gates. That he could thus
-besiege a town so near the capital shows the helplessness to which
-Israel had been now reduced.
-
-When Elisha's servitor rose in the morning he was terrified to see the
-Syrians encamped round the city, and cried to Elisha, "Alas! my
-master, what shall we do?"
-
-"Fear not," said the prophet: "they that be with us are more than they
-that be with them." He prayed God to grant the youth the same open eyes,
-the same spiritual vision which he himself enjoyed; and the youth saw
-the mountain full of horses and chariots of fire round about Elisha.
-
-This incident has been full of comfort to millions, as a beautiful
-illustration of the truth that--
-
- "The hosts of God encamp around
- The dwellings of the just;
- Deliverance He affords to all
- Who on His promise trust.
-
- "Oh, make but trial of His love,
- Experience will decide,
- How blest are they, and only they,
- Who in His truth confide."
-
-The youth's affectionate alarm had not been shared by his master. He
-knew that to every true servant of God the promise will be fulfilled,
-"He shall defend thee under His wings; thou shalt be safe under His
-feathers; His righteousness and truth shall be thy shield and
-buckler."[105]
-
-Were our eyes similarly opened, we too should see the reality of the
-Divine protection and providence, whether under the visible form of
-angelic ministrants or not. Scripture in general, and the Psalms in
-particular, are full of the serenity inspired by this conviction. The
-story of Elisha is a picture-commentary on the Psalmist's words: "The
-angel of the Lord encampeth round them that fear Him, and delivereth
-them."[106] "He shall give His angels charge over thee, to keep thee
-in all thy ways."[107] "And I will encamp about Mine house because of
-the army, because of him that passeth by, and because of him that
-returneth: and no oppressor shall pass through them any more: for now
-have I seen with Mine eyes."[108] "The angel of His presence saved
-them: in His love and in His pity He redeemed them; and He bare them,
-and carried them all the days of old."[109]
-
-But what is the exact meaning of all these lovely promises? They do not
-mean that God's children and saints will always be shielded from anguish
-or defeat, from the triumph of their enemies, or even from apparently
-hopeless and final failure, or miserable death. The lesson is not that
-their persons shall be inviolable, or that the enemies who advance
-against them to eat up their flesh shall always stumble and fall. The
-experiences of tens of thousands of troubled lives and martyred ends
-instantly prove the futility of any such reading of these assurances.
-The saints of God, the prophets of God, have died in exile and in
-prison, have been tortured on the rack and broken on the wheel, and
-burnt to ashes at innumerable stakes; they have been destitute,
-afflicted, tormented, in their lives--stoned, beheaded, sawn asunder, in
-every form of hideous death; they have rotted in miry dungeons, have
-starved on desolate shores, have sighed out their souls into the
-agonising flame. The Cross of Christ stands as the emblem and the
-explanation of their lives, which fools count to be madness, and their
-end without honour. On earth they have, far more often than not, been
-crushed by the hatred and been delivered over to the will of their
-enemies. Where, then, have been those horses and chariots of fire?
-
-They have been there no less than around Elisha at Dothan. The eyes
-spiritually opened have seen them, even when the sword flashed, or the
-flames wrapped them in indescribable torment. The sense of God's
-protection has least deserted His saints when to the world's eyes they
-seemed to have been most utterly abandoned. There has been a joy in
-prisons and at stakes, it has been said, far exceeding the joy of
-harvest. "Pray for me," said a poor boy of fifteen, who was being
-burned at Smithfield in the fierce days of Mary Tudor. "I would as
-soon pray for a dog as for a heretic like thee," answered one of the
-spectators. "Then, Son of God, shine Thou upon me!" cried the
-boy-martyr; and instantly, upon a dull and cloudy day, the sun shone
-out, and bathed his young face in glory; whereat, says the
-martyrologist, men greatly marvelled. But is there one death-bed of a
-saint on which that glory has not shone?
-
-The presence of those horses and chariots of fire, unseen by the
-carnal eye--the promises which, if they be taken literally, all
-experience seems to frustrate--mean two things, which they who are the
-heirs of such promises, and who would without them be of all men most
-miserable, have clearly understood.
-
-They mean, first, that as long as a child of God is on the path of
-duty, and until that duty has been fulfilled, he is inviolable and
-invulnerable. He shall tread upon the lion and the adder; the young
-lion and the dragon shall he trample under his feet. He shall take up
-the serpent in his hands; and if he drink any deadly thing, it shall
-not hurt him. He shall not be afraid of the terror by night, nor of
-the arrow that flieth by day; of the pestilence that walketh in
-darkness, nor of the demon that destroyeth in the noonday. A thousand
-shall fall at his right hand, and ten thousand beside him; but it
-shall not come nigh him. The histories and the legends of numberless
-marvellous deliverances all confirm the truth that, when a man fears
-the Lord, He will keep him in all his ways, and give His angels charge
-over him, lest at any time he dash his foot against a stone. God will
-not permit any mortal force, or any combination of forces, to hinder
-the accomplishment of the task entrusted to His servant. It is the
-sense of this truth which, under circumstances however menacing,
-should enable us to
-
- "bate no jot
- Of heart or hope, but still bear up, and steer
- Uphillward"
-
-It is this conviction which has nerved men to face insuperable
-difficulties, and achieve impossible and unhoped-for ends. It works in
-the spirit of the cry, "Who art thou, O great mountain? Before
-Zerubbabel be thou changed into a plain!" It inspires the faith as a
-grain of mustard seed which is able to say to this mountain, "Be thou
-removed, and be thou cast into the sea,"--and it shall obey. It stands
-unmoved upon the pinnacle of the Temple whereon it has been placed,
-while the enemy and the tempter, smitten by amazement, falls. In the
-hour of difficulty it can cry,--
-
- "Rescue me, O Lord, in this mine evil hour,
- As of old so many by Thy mighty power,--
- Enoch and Elias from the common doom;
- Noe from the waters in a saving home;
- Abraham from the abounding guilt of heathenesse;
- Job from all his multiform and fell distress;
- Isaac when his faither's knife was raised to slay;
- Lot from burning Sodom on the judgment day;
- Moses from the land of bondage and despair;
- Daniel from the hungry lions in their lair;
- And the children three amid the furnace flame;
- Chaste Susanna from the slander and the shame;
- David from Golia, and the wrath of Saul;
- And the two Apostles from their prison-thrall."
-
-The strangeness, the unexpectedness, the apparently inadequate source
-of the deliverance, have deepened the trust that it has not been due
-to accident. Once, when Felix of Nola was flying from his enemies, he
-took refuge in a cave, and he had scarcely entered it before a spider
-began to spin its web over the fissure. The pursuer, passing by, saw
-the spider's web, and did not look into the cave; and the saint, as he
-came out into safety, remarked: "_Ubi Deus est, ibi aranea murus, ubi
-non est ibi murus aranea_" ("Where God is, a spider's web is as a
-wall; where He is not, a wall is but as a spider's web").
-
-This is one lesson conveyed in the words of Christ when the Pharisees
-told Him that Herod desired to kill Him. He knew that Herod could not
-kill Him till He had done His Father's will and finished His work. "Go
-ye," He said, "and tell this fox, Behold, I cast out devils, and I do
-cures to-day and to-morrow, and the third day I shall be perfected.
-Nevertheless, I must walk to-day, and to-morrow, and the day following."
-
-But had all this been otherwise--had Felix been seized by his pursuers
-and perished, as has been the common lot of God's prophets and
-heroes--he would not therefore have felt himself mocked by these
-exceeding great and precious promises. The chariots and horses of fire
-are still there, and are there to work a deliverance yet greater and
-more eternal. Their office is not to deliver the perishing body, but
-to carry into God's glory the immortal soul. This is indicated in the
-death-scene of Elijah. This was the vision of the dying Stephen. This
-was what Christian legend meant when it embellished with beautiful
-incidents such scenes as the death of Polycarp. This was what led
-Bunyan to write, when he describes the death of Christian, that "all
-the trumpets sounded for him on the other side." When poor Captain
-Allan Gardiner lay starving to death in that Antarctic isle with his
-wretched companions, he yet painted on the entrance of the cave which
-had sheltered them, and near to which his remains were found, a hand
-pointing downward at the words, "Though He slay me, yet will I put my
-trust in Him."
-
-There was a touch of almost joyful humour in the way in which Elisha
-proceeded to use, in the present emergency, the power of Divine
-deliverance. He seems to have gone out of the town and down the hill
-to the Syrian captains,[110] and prayed God to send them illusion
-([Greek: ablepsia]), so that they might be misled.[111] Then he boldly
-said to them, "You are being deceived: you have come the wrong way,
-and to the wrong city. I will take you to the man whom ye seek." The
-incident reminds us of the story of Athanasius, who, when he was being
-pursued on the Nile, took the opportunity of a bend of the river
-boldly to turn back his boat towards Alexandria. "Do you know where
-Athanasius is?" shouted the pursuers. "He is not far off!" answered
-the disguised Archbishop; and the emissaries of Constantius went on in
-the opposite direction from that in which he made his escape.
-
-Elisha led the Syrians in their delusion straight into the city of
-Samaria, where they suddenly found themselves at the mercy of the king
-and his troops. Delighted at so great a chance of vengeance, Jehoram
-eagerly exclaimed, "My father, shall I smite, shall I smite?"
-
-Certainly the request cannot be regarded as unnatural, when we remember
-that in the Book of Deuteronomy, which did not come to light till after
-this period, we read the rule that, when the Israelites had taken a
-besieged city, "thou shalt smite every male thereof with the edge of the
-sword";[112] and that when Israel defeated the Midianites[113] they slew
-all the males, and Moses was wroth with the officers of the host
-because they had not also slain all the women. He then (as we are told)
-ordered them to slay all except the virgins, and also--horrible to
-relate--"_every male among the little ones_." The spirit of Elisha on
-this occasion was larger and more merciful. It almost rose to the spirit
-of Him who said, "It was said to them of old time, Thou shalt love thy
-neighbour and hate thine enemy; but I say unto you, Love your enemies;
-forgive them that hate you; do good unto them that despitefully use you
-and persecute you." He asked Jehoram reproachfully whether he would even
-have smitten those whom he had taken captive with sword and bow.[114] He
-not only bade the king to spare them, but to set food before them, and
-send them home. Jehoram did so at great expense, and the narrative ends
-by telling us that the example of such merciful generosity produced so
-favourable an impression that "the bands of Syria came no more into the
-land of Israel."
-
-It is difficult, however, to see where this statement can be
-chronologically fitted in. The very next chapter--so loosely is the
-compilation put together, so completely is the sequence of events here
-neglected--begins with telling us that Benhadad with all his host went
-up and besieged Samaria. Any peace or respite gained by Elisha's
-compassionate magnanimity must, in any case, have been exceedingly
-short-lived. Josephus tries to get over the difficulty by drawing a
-sufficiently futile distinction between marauding bands and a direct
-invasion,[115] and he says that King Benhadad gave up his frays through
-_fear_ of Elisha. But, in the first place, the encompassing of Dothan
-had been carried out by "_a great host_ with horses and chariots," which
-is hardly consistent with the notion of a foray, though it creates new
-difficulties as to the numbers whom Elisha led to Samaria; secondly, the
-substitution of a direct invasion for predatory incursions would have
-been no gain to Israel, but a more deadly peril; and, thirdly, if it was
-fear of Elisha which stopped the king's raids, it is strange that it had
-no effect in preventing his invasions. We have, however, no data for any
-final solution of these problems, and it is useless to meet them with a
-network of idle conjectures. Such difficulties naturally occur in
-narratives so vague and unchronological as those presented to us in the
-documents from the story of Elisha which the compiler wove into his
-history of Israel and Judah.[116]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[104] Gen. xxxvii. 17, _Dothain_, "two wells" (?).
-
-[105] Psalm xci. 4.
-
-[106] Psalm xxxiv. 7.
-
-[107] Psalm xci. 11.
-
-[108] Zech. ix. 8.
-
-[109] Isa. lxiii. 9.
-
-[110] Adopting the reading of the Syriac version: "And when they
-[Elisha and his servant] came down to them [the Syrians]." The
-ordinary reading is "to _him_," which makes the narrative less clear.
-
-[111] 2 Kings vi. 19. [Hebrew: manverim], [Greek: aorasia], only found
-in Gen. xix. 11.
-
-[112] Deut. xx. 13.
-
-[113] Num. xxxi. 7.
-
-[114] Vulg., _Non percuties; neque enim cepisti eos ... ut percutias._
-
-[115] Jos., _Antt._, IX. iv. 4, [Greek: Krypha men ouketi ... phanerôs
-de].
-
-[116] Kittel, following Kuenen, surmises that this story has got
-misplaced; that it does not belong to the days of Jehoram ben-Ahab and
-Benhadad II., but to the days of Jehoahaz ben-Jehu and Benhadad III.,
-the son of Hazael (_Gesch. der Hebr._, 249). In a very uncertain
-question I have followed the conclusion arrived at by the majority of
-scholars, ancient and modern.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VIII
-
- _THE FAMINE AND THE SIEGE_
-
- 2 KINGS vi. 24-vii. 20
-
- "'Tis truly no good plan when princes play
- The vulture among carrion; but when
- They play the carrion among vultures--that
- Is ten times worse."
- LESSING, _Nathan the Wise_, Act I., Sc. 3.
-
-
-If the Benhadad, King of Syria, who reduced Samaria to the horrible
-straits recorded in this chapter, (2 Kings vi.) was the same Benhadad
-whom Ahab had treated with such impolitic confidence, his hatred
-against Israel must indeed have burned hotly. Besides the affair at
-Dothan, he had already been twice routed with enormous slaughter, and
-against those disasters he could only set the death of Ahab at
-Ramoth-Gilead. It is obvious from the preceding narrative that he
-could advance at any time at his will and pleasure into the heart of
-his enemy's country, and shut him up in his capital almost without
-resistance. The siege-trains of ancient days were very inefficient,
-and any strong fortress could hold out for years, if only it was well
-provisioned. Such was not the case with Samaria, and it was reduced to
-a condition of sore famine. Food so loathsome as an ass's head, which
-at other times the poorest would have spurned, was now sold for eighty
-shekels' weight of silver (about £8); and the fourth part of a
-_xestes_ or _kab_--which was itself the smallest dry-measure, the
-sixth part of a _seah_--of the coarse, common pulse, or roasted
-chick-peas, vulgarly known as "dove's dung," fetched five shekels
-(about 12_s._ 6_d._).[117]
-
-While things were at this awful pass, "the King of Israel," as he is
-vaguely called throughout this story, went his rounds upon the wall to
-visit the sentries and encourage the soldiers in their defence. As he
-passed, a woman cried, "Help, my lord, O king!" In Eastern monarchies
-the king is a judge of the humblest; a suppliant, however mean, may
-cry to him. Jehoram thought that this was but one of the appeals which
-sprang from the clamorous mendicity of famine with which he had grown
-so painfully familiar. "The Lord curse you!" he exclaimed
-impatiently.[118] "How can I help you? Every barn-floor is bare, every
-wine-press drained." And he passed on.
-
-But the woman continued her wild clamour, and turning round at her
-importunity, he asked, "What aileth thee?"
-
-He heard in reply a narrative as appalling as ever smote the ear of a
-king in a besieged city. Among the curses denounced upon apostate Israel
-in the Pentateuch, we read, "Ye shall eat the flesh of your sons, and
-the flesh of your daughters shall ye eat";[119] or, as it is expressed
-more fully in the Book of Deuteronomy, "He shall besiege thee in all
-thy gates throughout all thy land.... And thou shalt eat the fruit of
-thine own body, the flesh of thy sons and thy daughters, which the Lord
-thy God hath given thee, in the siege, and in the straitness wherewith
-thine enemies shall distress thee: so that the man that is tender among
-you, and very delicate, his eye shall be evil towards his brother, and
-towards the wife of his bosom, and towards the remnant of his children
-which he shall leave; so that he shall not give to any of them of the
-flesh of his children whom he shall eat, because he hath nothing left
-him in the siege.... The tender and delicate woman, which would not
-adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness
-and tenderness, her eye shall be evil towards the husband of her bosom,
-and towards her son, and towards her daughter, and towards her children:
-for she shall eat them for want of all things secretly in the siege and
-the straitness, if thou wilt not observe to do all the words of the law,
-... that thou mayest fear the glorious and fearful name, _The Lord thy
-God_."[120] We find almost the same words in the prophet Jeremiah;[121]
-and in Lamentations we read: "The hands of the pitiful women have sodden
-their own children: they were their meat in the destruction of the
-daughter of My people."[122]
-
-Isaiah asks, "Can a woman forget her sucking child, that she should not
-have compassion on the son of her womb?" Alas! it has always been so in
-those awful scenes of famine, whether after shipwreck or in beleaguered
-cities, when man becomes degraded to an animal, with all an animal's
-primitive instincts, and when the wild beast appears under the thin
-veneer of civilisation. So it was at the siege of Jerusalem, and at the
-siege of Magdeburg, and at the wreck of the _Medusa_, and on many
-another occasion when the pangs of hunger have corroded away every
-vestige of the tender affections and of the moral sense.
-
-And this had occurred at Samaria: her women had become cannibals and
-devoured their own little ones.
-
-"This woman," screamed the suppliant, pointing her lean finger at a
-wretch like herself--"this woman said unto me, 'Give thy son, that we
-may eat him to-day, and we will afterwards eat my son.' I yielded to
-her suggestion. We killed my little son, and ate his flesh when we had
-sodden it. Next day I said to her, 'Now give thy son, that we may eat
-him'; and she hath hid her son!"
-
-How could the king answer such a horrible appeal? Injustice had been
-done; but was he to order and to sanction by way of redress fresh
-cannibalism, and the murder by its mother of another babe? In that
-foul obliteration of every natural instinct, what could he do, what
-could any man do? Can there be equity among raging wild beasts, when
-they roar for their prey and are unfed?
-
-All that the miserable king could do was to rend his clothes in horror
-and to pass on, and as his starving subjects passed by him on the wall
-they saw that he wore sackcloth beneath his purple, in sign, if not of
-repentance, yet of anguish, if not of prayer, yet of uttermost
-humiliation.[123]
-
-But if indeed he had, in his misery, donned that sackcloth in order
-that at least the semblance of self-mortification might move Jehovah
-to pity, as it had done in the case of his father Ahab, the external
-sign of his humility had done nothing to change his heart. The
-gruesome appeal to which he had just been forced to listen only
-kindled him to a burst of fury[124].The man who had warned, who had
-prophesied, who so far during this siege had not raised his finger to
-help--the man who was believed to be able to wield the powers of
-heaven, and had wrought no deliverance for his people, but suffered
-them to sink unaided into these depths of abjectness--should he be
-permitted to live? If Jehovah would not help, of what use was Elisha?
-"God do so to me, and more also," exclaimed Jehoram--using his
-mother's oath to Elijah[125]--"if the head of Elisha, the son of
-Shaphat, shall stand on him this day."
-
-Was this the king who had come to Elisha with such humble entreaty,
-when three armies were perishing of thirst before the eyes of Moab?
-Was this the king who had called Elisha "my father," when the prophet
-had led the deluded host of Syrians into Samaria, and bidden Jehoram
-to set large provision before them? It was the same king, but now
-transported with fury and reduced to despair. His threat against God's
-prophet was in reality a defiance of God, as when our unhappy
-Plantagenet, Henry II., maddened by the loss of Le Mans, exclaimed
-that, since God had robbed him of the town he loved, he would pay God
-out by robbing Him of that which He most loved in him--his soul.
-
-Jehoram's threat was meant in grim earnest, and he sent an executioner
-to carry it out. Elisha was sitting in his house with the elders of
-the city, who had come to him for counsel at this hour of supreme
-need. He knew what was intended for him, and it had also been revealed
-to him that the king would follow his messenger to cancel his
-sanguinary threat. "See ye," he said to the elders, "how this son of a
-murderer"--for again he indicates his contempt and indignation for the
-son of Ahab and Jezebel--"hath sent to behead me! When he comes, shut
-the door, and hold it fast against him. His master is following hard
-at his heels."
-
-The messenger came, and was refused admittance. The king followed
-him,[126] and entering the room where the prophet and elders sat, he
-gave up his wicked design of slaying Elisha with the sword, but he
-overwhelmed him with reproaches, and in despair renounced all further
-trust in Jehovah. Elisha, as the king's words imply, must have refused
-all permission to capitulate: he must have held out from the first a
-promise that God would send deliverance. But no deliverance had come.
-The people were starving. Women were devouring their babes. Nothing
-worse could happen if they flung open their gates to the Syrian host.
-"Behold," the king said, "this evil is Jehovah's doing. You have
-deceived us. Jehovah does not intend to deliver us. Why should I wait
-for Him any longer?" Perhaps the king meant to imply that his mother's
-Baal was better worth serving, and would never have left his votaries
-to sink into these straits.
-
-And now man's extremity had come, and it was God's opportunity. Elisha
-at last was permitted to announce that the worst was over, that the
-next day plenty should smile on the besieged city. "Thus saith the
-Lord," he exclaimed to the exhausted and despondent king, "To-morrow
-about this time, instead of an ass's head being sold for eighty
-shekels, and a thimbleful of pulse for five shekels, a peck of fine
-flour shall be sold for a shekel, and two pecks of barley for a
-shekel, in the gate of Samaria."
-
-The king was leaning on the hand of his chief officer, and to this
-soldier the promise seemed not only incredible, but silly: for at the
-best he could only suppose that the Syrian host would raise the siege;
-and though to hope for that looked an absurdity, yet even that would
-not in the least fulfil the immense prediction. He answered,
-therefore, in utter scorn: "Yes! Jehovah is making windows in heaven!
-But even thus could this be?" It is much as if he should have answered
-some solemn pledge with a derisive proverb such as, "Yes! if the sky
-should fall, we should catch larks!"
-
-Such contemptuous repudiation of a Divine promise was a blasphemy; and
-answering scorn with scorn, and riddle with riddling, Elisha answers
-the mocker, "Yes! and _you_ shall see this, but shall not enjoy it."
-
-The word of the Lord was the word of a true prophet, and the miracle
-was wrought. Not only was the siege raised, but the wholly unforeseen
-spoil of the entire Syrian camp, with all its accumulated rapine,
-brought about the predicted plenty.
-
-There were four lepers[127] outside the gate of Samaria, like the
-leprous mendicants who gather there to this day. They were cut off
-from all human society, except their own. Leprosy was treated as
-contagious, and if "houses of the unfortunate" (_Biut-el-Masákin_)
-were provided for them, as seems to have been the case at Jerusalem,
-they were built outside the city walls.[128] They could only live by
-beggary, and this was an aggravation of their miserable condition. And
-how could any one fling food to these beggars over the walls, when
-food of any kind was barely to be had within them?
-
-So taking counsel of their despair, they decided that they would
-desert to the Syrians: among them they would at least find food, if
-their lives were spared; and if not, death would be a happy release
-from their present misery.
-
-So in the evening twilight, when they could not be seen or shot at
-from the city wall as deserters, they stole down to the Syrian camp.
-
-When they reached its outermost circle, to their amazement all was
-silence. They crept into one of the tents in fear and astonishment.
-There was food and drink there, and they satisfied the cravings of
-their hunger. It was also stored with booty from the plundered cities
-and villages of Israel. To this they helped themselves, and took it
-away and hid it. Having spoiled this tent, they entered a second. It
-was likewise deserted, and they carried a fresh store of treasures to
-their hiding-place. And then they began to feel uneasy at not
-divulging to their starving fellow-citizens the strange and golden
-tidings of a deserted camp. The night was wearing on; day would reveal
-the secret. If they carried the good news, they would doubtless earn a
-rich guerdon. If they waited till morning, they might be put to death
-for their selfish reticence and theft. It was safest to return to the
-city, and rouse the warder, and send a message to the palace. So the
-lepers hurried back through the night, and shouted to the sentinel at
-the gate, "We went to the Syrian camp, and it was deserted! Not a man
-was there, not a sound was to be heard. The horses were tethered
-there, and the asses, and the tents were left just as they were."
-
-The sentinel called the other watchmen to hear the wonderful news, and
-instantly ran with it to the palace. The slumbering house was roused;
-and though it was still night, the king himself arose. But he could not
-shake off his despondency, and made no reference to Elisha's prediction.
-News sometimes sounds too good to be true. "It is only a decoy," he
-said. "They can only have left their camp to lure us into an ambuscade,
-that they may return, and slaughter us, and capture our city."
-
-"Send to see," answered one of his courtiers. "Send five horsemen to
-test the truth, and to look out. If they perish, their fate is but the
-fate of us all."
-
-So two chariots with horses were despatched, with instructions not
-only to visit the camp, but track the movements of the host.
-
-They went, and found that it was as the lepers had said. The camp was
-deserted, and lay there as an immense booty; and for some reason the
-Syrians had fled towards the Jordan to make good their escape to
-Damascus by the eastern bank. The whole road was strewn with the traces
-of their headlong flight; it was full of scattered garments and vessels.
-
-Probably, too, the messengers came across some disabled fugitive, and
-learnt the secret of this amazing stampede. It was the result of one of
-those sudden unaccountable panics to which the huge, unwieldy,
-heterogeneous Eastern armies, which have no organised system of
-sentries, and no trained discipline, are constantly liable. We have
-already met with several instances in the history of Israel. Such was
-the panic which seized the Midianites when Gideon's three hundred blew
-their trumpets; and the panic of the Syrians before Ahab's pages of the
-provinces; and of the combined armies in the Valley of Salt; and of the
-Moabites at Wady-el-Ahsy; and afterwards of the Assyrians before the
-walls of Jerusalem. Fear is physically contagious, and, when once it has
-set in, it swells with such unaccountable violence, that the Greeks
-called these terrors "panic," because they believed them to be directly
-inspired by the god Pan. Well-disciplined as was the army of the Ten
-Thousand Greeks in their famous retreat, they nearly fell victims to a
-sudden panic, had not Clearchus, with prompt resource, published by the
-herald the proclamation of a reward for the arrest of the man who had
-let the ass loose. Such an unaccountable terror--caused by a noise as of
-chariots and of horses which reverberated among the hills--had seized
-the Syrian host. They thought that Jehoram had secretly hired an army of
-the princes of the Khetas[129] and of the Egyptians to march suddenly
-upon them. In wild confusion, not stopping to reason or to inquire, they
-took to flight, increasing their panic by the noise and rush of their
-own precipitance.
-
-No sooner had the messengers delivered their glad tidings, than the
-people of Samaria began to pour tumultuously out of the gates, to
-fling themselves on the food and on the spoil. It was like the rush of
-the dirty, starving, emaciated wretches which horrified the keepers
-of the reserved stores at Smolensk in Napoleon's retreat from Moscow,
-and forced them to shut the gates, and fling food and grain to the
-struggling soldiers out of the windows of the granaries. To secure
-order and prevent disaster, the king appointed his attendant lord to
-keep the gate. But the torrent of people flung him down, and they
-trampled on his body in their eagerness for relief. He died after
-having seen that the promise of Elisha was fulfilled, and that the
-cheapness and abundance had been granted, the prophecy of which he
-thought only fit for his sceptical derision.
-
-"The sudden panic which delivered the city," says Dean Stanley, "is
-the one marked intervention on behalf of the northern capital. No
-other incident could be found in the sacred annals so appropriately to
-express, in the Church of Gouda, the pious gratitude of the citizens
-of Leyden, for their deliverance from the Spanish army, as the
-miraculous raising of the siege of Samaria."[130]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[117] So _asafoetida_ is called "devil's dung" in Germany; and the
-_Herba alcali_, "sparrow's dung" by Arabs. The _Q'ri_, however, supports
-the _literal_ meaning; and compare 2 Kings xviii. 27; Jos., _B. J._, V.
-xiii. 7. Analogies for these prices are quoted from classic authors.
-Plutarch (_Artax._, xxiv.) mentions a siege in which an ass's head could
-hardly be got for sixty drachmas (£2 10_s._), though usually the whole
-animal only cost £1. Pliny (_H. N._, viii. 57) says that during
-Hannibal's siege of Casilinum a mouse sold for £6 5_s._
-
-[118] So Clericus. Comp. Jos. [Greek: epêrasato autê].
-
-[119] Lev. xxvi. 29.
-
-[120] Deut. xxviii. 52-58.
-
-[121] Jer. xix. 9.
-
-[122] Lam. iv. 10: comp. ii. 20; Ezek. v. 10; Jos., _B. J._, VI. iii. 4.
-
-[123] 1 Kings xxi. 27; Isa. xx. 2, 3.
-
-[124] Compare the wrath of Pashur the priest in consequence of the
-denunciation of Jeremiah (Jer. xx. 2).
-
-[125] 1 Kings xix. 2.
-
-[126] In 2 Kings vi. 33 we should read _melek_ (king) for _maleak_
-(messenger). Jehoram repented of his hasty order.
-
-[127] The Jews say Gehazi, and his three sons (Jarchi).
-
-[128] Lev. xiii. 46; Num. v. 2, 3.
-
-[129] The capitals of the ancient Hittites--a nation whose fame had
-been almost entirely obliterated till a few years ago--were
-Karchemish, Kadesh, Hamath, and Helbon (Aleppo).
-
-[130] _Lectures_, ii. 345.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IX
-
- _THE SHUNAMMITE AND HAZAEL_
-
- 2 KINGS viii. 1-6, 7-15. (Circ. B.C. 886.)
-
- "Our acts still follow with us from afar,
- And what we have been makes us what we are."
- GEORGE ELIOT.
-
-
-The next anecdote of Elisha brings us once more into contact with the
-Lady of Shunem. Famines, or dearths, were unhappily of very frequent
-occurrence in a country which is so wholly dependent, as Palestine is,
-upon the early and latter rain. On some former occasion Elisha had
-foreseen that "Jehovah had called for a famine"; for the sword, the
-famine, and the pestilence are represented as ministers who wait His
-bidding.[131] He had also foreseen that it would be of long duration,
-and in kindness to the Shunammite had warned her that she had better
-remove for a time into a land in which there was greater plenty. It
-was under similar circumstances that Elimelech and Naomi, ancestors of
-David's line, had taken their sons Mahlon and Chilion, and gone to
-live in the land of Moab; and, indeed, the famine which decided the
-migration of Jacob and his children into Egypt had been a
-turning-point in the history of the Chosen People.
-
-The Lady of Shunem had learnt by experience the weight of Elisha's
-words. Her husband is not mentioned, and was probably dead; so she
-arose with her household, and went for seven years to live in the
-plain of Philistia. At the end of that time the dearth had ceased, and
-she returned to Shunem, but only to find that during her absence her
-house and land were in possession of other owners, and had probably
-escheated to the Crown. The king was the ultimate, and to a great
-extent the only, source of justice in his little kingdom, and she went
-to lay her claim before him and demand the restitution of her
-property. By a providential circumstance she came exactly at the most
-favourable moment. The king--it must have been Jehoram--was at the
-very time talking to Gehazi about the great works of Elisha. As it is
-unlikely that he would converse long with a leper, and as Gehazi is
-still called "the servant of the man of God," the incident may here be
-narrated out of order. It is pleasant to find Jehoram taking so deep
-an interest in the prophet's story. Already on many occasions during
-his wars with Moab and Syria, as well as on the occasion of Naaman's
-visit, if that had already occurred, he had received the completest
-proof of the reality of Elisha's mission, but he might be naturally
-unaware of the many private incidents in which he had exhibited a
-supernatural power. Among other stories Gehazi was telling him that of
-the Shunammite, and how Elisha had given life to her dead son. At that
-juncture she came before the king, and Gehazi said, "My lord, O king,
-this is the very woman, and this is her son whom Elisha recalled to
-life." In answer to Jehoram's questions she confirmed the story, and
-he was so much impressed by the narrative that he not only ordered
-the immediate restitution of her land, but also of the value of its
-products during the seven years of her exile.
-
-We now come to the fulfilment of the second of the commands which
-Elijah had received so long before at Horeb. To complete the
-retribution which was yet to fall on Israel, he had been bidden to
-anoint Hazael to be king of Syria in the room of Benhadad. Hitherto
-the mandate had remained unfulfilled, because no opportunity had
-occurred; but the appointed time had now arrived. Elisha, for some
-purpose, and during an interval of peace, visited Damascus, where the
-visit of Naaman and the events of the Syrian wars had made his name
-very famous. Benhadad II., grandson or great-grandson of Rezin, after
-a stormy reign of some thirty years, marked by some successes, but
-also by the terrible reverses already recorded, lay dangerously ill.
-Hearing the news that the wonder-working prophet of Israel was in his
-capital, he sent to ask of him the question, "Shall I recover?" It had
-been the custom from the earliest days to propitiate the favour of
-prophets by presents, without which even the humblest suppliant hardly
-ventured to approach them.[132] The gift sent by Benhadad was truly
-royal, for he thought perhaps that he could purchase the intercession
-or the miraculous intervention of this mighty thaumaturge. He sent
-Hazael with a selection "of every good thing of Damascus," and, like
-an Eastern, he endeavoured to make his offering seem more
-magnificent[133] by distributing it on the backs of forty camels.
-
-At the head of this imposing procession of camels walked Hazael, the
-commander of the forces, and stood in Elisha's presence with the
-humble appeal, "Thy son Benhadad, King of Syria, hath sent me to thee,
-saying, Shall I recover of this disease?"
-
-About the king's munificence we are told no more, but we cannot doubt
-that it was refused. If Naaman's still costlier blessing had been
-rejected, though he was about to receive through Elisha's ministration
-an inestimable boon, it is unlikely that Elisha would accept a gift
-for which he could offer no return, and which, in fact, directly or
-indirectly, involved the death of the sender. But the historian does
-not think it necessary to pause and tell us that Elisha sent back the
-forty camels unladen of their treasures. It was not worth while to
-narrate what was a matter of course. If it had been no time, a few
-years earlier, to receive money and garments, and olive-yards and
-vineyards, and men-servants and maid-servants, still less was it a
-time to do so now. The days were darker now than they had been, and
-Elisha himself stood near the Great White Throne. The protection of
-these fearless prophets lay in their utter simplicity of soul. They
-rose above human fears because they stood above human desires. What
-Elisha possessed was more than sufficient for the needs of the plain
-and humble life of one whose communing was with God. It was not
-wonderful that prophets should rise to an elevation whence they could
-look down with indifference upon the superfluities of the lust of the
-eyes and the pride of life, when even sages of the heathen have
-attained to a similar independence of earthly luxuries. One who can
-climb such mountain-heights can look with silent contempt on gold.
-
-But there is a serious difficulty about Elisha's answer to the
-embassage. "Go, say unto him"--so it is rendered in our Authorised
-Version--"Thou mayest certainly recover: howbeit the Lord hath showed
-me that he shall surely die."
-
-It is evident that the translators of 1611 meant the emphasis to be
-laid on the "_mayest_," and understood the answer of Elisha to mean,
-"Thy recovery is quite possible; and yet"--he adds to Hazael, and not
-as part of his answer to the king--"Jehovah has shown me that dying he
-shall die,"--not indeed of this disease, but by other means before he
-has recovered from it.
-
-Unfortunately, however, the Hebrew will not bear this meaning. Elisha
-bids Hazael to go back with the distinct message, "Thou shalt surely
-recover," as it is rightly rendered in the Revised Version.
-
-This, however, is the rendering, not of the _written_ text as it stands,
-but of the margin. Every one knows that in the Masoretic original the
-text itself is called the K'thîb, or "what is written," whereas the
-margin is called _Q'rî_, "read." Now, our translators, both those of
-1611 and those of the Revision Committee, all but invariably follow the
-Kethîb as the most authentic reading. In this instance, however, they
-abandon the rule and translate the marginal reading.
-
-What, then, is the written text?
-
-It is the reverse of the marginal reading, for it has: "Go, say, Thou
-shalt _not_ recover."
-
-The reader may naturally ask the cause of this startling discrepancy.
-
-It seems to be twofold.
-
-(I.) Both the Hebrew word _lo_, "not" ([Hebrew: lo]), and the word
-_lo_, "to him" ([Hebrew: lo]), have precisely the same pronunciation.
-Hence this text might mean either "Go, say _to him_, Thou shalt
-certainly recover," or "Go, say, Thou shalt _not_ recover." The same
-identity of the negative and the dative of the preposition has made
-nonsense of another passage of the Authorised Version, where "Thou
-hast multiplied the nation, and _not_ increased the joy: they joy
-before Thee according to the joy of harvest," should be "Thou hast
-multiplied the nation, and increased _its_ joy." So, too, the verse
-"It is He that hath made us, and _not_ we ourselves," may mean "It is
-He that hath made us, and _to Him_ we belong." In the present case the
-adoption of the negative (which would have conveyed to Benhadad the
-exact truth) is not possible; for it makes the next clause and its
-introduction by the word "Howbeit" entirely meaningless.
-
-But (II.) this confusion in the text might not have arisen in the
-present instance but for the difficulty of Elisha's appearing to send
-a deliberately false message to Benhadad, and a message which he tells
-Hazael at the time is false.
-
-Can this be deemed impossible?
-
-With the views prevalent in "those times of ignorance," I think not.
-Abraham and Isaac, saints and patriarchs as they were, both told
-practical falsehoods about their wives. They, indeed, were reproved
-for this, though not severely; but, on the other hand, Jael is not
-reproved for her treachery to Sisera; and Samuel, under the semblance
-of a Divine permission, used a diplomatic ruse when he visited the
-household of Jesse; and in the apologue of Micaiah a lying spirit is
-represented as sent forth to do service to Jehovah; and Elisha himself
-tells a deliberate falsehood to the Syrians at Dothan. The
-sensitiveness to the duty of always speaking the exact truth is not
-felt in the East with anything like the intensity that it is in
-Christian lands; and reluctant as we should be to find in the message
-of Elisha another instance of that _falsitas dispensativa_ which has
-been so fatally patronised by some of the Fathers and by many Romish
-theologians, the love of truth itself would compel us to accept this
-view of the case, if there were no other possible interpretation.
-
-I think, however, that another view is possible. I think that Elisha
-may have said to Hazael, "Go, say unto him, Thou shalt surely
-recover," with the same accent of irony in which Micaiah said at first
-to the two kings, "Go up to Ramoth-Gilead, and prosper; for the Lord
-shall deliver it into the hand of the king." I think that his whole
-manner and the tone of his voice may have shown to Hazael, and may
-have been meant to show him, that this was not Elisha's real message
-to Benhadad. Or, to adopt the same line of explanation with an
-unimportant difference, Elisha may have meant to imply, "Go, follow
-the bent which I know you _will_ follow; go, carry back to your master
-the lying message that I said he would recover. But that is not _my_
-message. My message, whether it suits your courtier instincts or not,
-is that Jehovah has warned me that he shall surely die."
-
-That some such meaning as this attaches to the verse seems to be shown
-by the context. For not only was some reproof involved in Elisha's
-words, but he showed his grief still more by his manner. It was as
-though he had said, "Take back what message you choose, but Benhadad
-will certainly die"; and then he fastened his steady gaze on the
-soldier's countenance, till Hazael blushed and became uneasy. Only
-when he noted that Hazael's conscience was troubled by the glittering
-eyes which seemed to read the inmost secrets of his heart did Elisha
-drop his glance, and burst into tears. "Why weepeth, my lord?" asked
-Hazael, in still deeper uneasiness. Whereupon Elisha revealed to him
-the future. "I weep," he said, "because I see in thee the curse and
-the avenger of the sins of my native land. Thou wilt become to them a
-sword of God; thou wilt set their fortresses on fire; thou wilt
-slaughter their youths; thou wilt dash their little ones to pieces
-against the stones; thou wilt rip up their women with child." That he
-actually inflicted these savageries of warfare on the miserable
-Israelites we are not told, but we are told that he smote them in all
-their coasts; that Jehovah delivered them into his hands; that he
-oppressed Israel all the days of Jehoahaz.[134] That being so, there
-can be no question that he carried out the same laws of atrocious
-warfare which belonged to those times and continued long afterwards.
-Such atrocities were not only inflicted on the Israelites again and
-again by the Assyrians and others,[135] but they themselves had often
-inflicted them, and inflicted them with what they believed to be
-Divine approval, on their own enemies.[136] Centuries after, one of
-their own poets accounted it a beatitude to him who should dash the
-children of the Babylonians against the stones.[137]
-
-As the answer of Hazael is usually read and interpreted, we are taught
-to regard it as an indignant declaration that he could never be guilty
-of such vile deeds. It is regarded as though it were "an abhorrent
-repudiation of his future self." The lesson often drawn from it in
-sermons is that a man may live to do, and to delight in, crimes which
-he once hated and deemed it impossible that he should ever commit.
-
-The lesson is a most true one, and is capable of a thousand
-illustrations. It conveys the deeply needed warning that those who,
-even in thought, dabble with wrong courses, which they only regard as
-venial peccadilloes, may live to commit, without any sense of horror,
-the most enormous offences. It is the explanation of the terrible fact
-that youths who once seemed innocent and holy-minded may grow up, step
-by step, into colossal criminals. "Men," says Scherer, "advance
-unconsciously from errors to faults, and from faults to crimes, till
-sensibility is destroyed by the habitual spectacle of guilt, and the
-most savage atrocities come to be dignified by the name of State
-policy."
-
- "Lui-même à son portrait forcé de rendre hommage,
- Il frémira d'horreur devant sa propre image."
-
-But true and needful as these lessons are, they are entirely beside the
-mark as deduced from the story of Hazael. What he said was not, as in
-our Authorised Version, "But what, is thy servant a dog, that he should
-do this great thing?" nor by "great thing" does he mean "so deadly a
-crime." His words, more accurately rendered in our Revision, are, "But
-what is thy servant, which is but a dog, that he should do this great
-thing?" or, "But what is the dog, thy servant?" It was a hypocritic
-deprecation of the future importance and eminence which Elisha had
-prophesied for him. There is not the least sense of horror either in his
-words or in his thoughts. He merely means "A mere dog, such as I am, can
-never accomplish such great designs." A dog in the East is utterly
-despised;[138] and Hazael, with Oriental irony, calls himself a dog,
-though he was the Syrian Commander-in-chief--just as a Chinaman, in
-speaking of himself, adopts the periphrasis "this little thief."
-
-Elisha did not notice his sham humility, but told him, "The Lord hath
-showed me that thou shalt be King over Syria." The date of the event
-was B.C. 886.
-
-The scene has sometimes been misrepresented to Elisha's discredit, as
-though he suggested to the general the crimes of murder and rebellion.
-The accusation is entirely untenable. Elisha was, indeed, in one
-sense, commissioned to anoint Hazael King of Syria, because the cruel
-soldier had been predestined by God to that position; but, in another
-sense, he had no power whatever to give to Hazael the mighty kingdom
-of Aram, nor to wrest it from the dynasty which had now held it for
-many generations. All this was brought about by the Divine purpose, in
-a course of events entirely out of the sphere of the humble man of
-God. In the transferring of this crown he was in no sense the agent or
-the suggester. The thought of usurpation must, without doubt, have
-been already in Hazael's mind. Benhadad, as far as we know, was
-childless. At any rate he had no natural heirs, and seems to have been
-a drunken king, whose reckless undertakings and immense failures had
-so completely alienated the affections of his subjects from himself
-and his dynasty, that he died undesired and unlamented, and no hand
-was uplifted to strike a blow in his defence. It hardly needed a
-prophet to foresee that the sceptre would be snatched by so strong a
-hand as that of Hazael from a grasp so feeble as that of Benhadad II.
-The utmost that Elisha had done was, under Divine guidance, to read
-his character and his designs, and to tell him that the accomplishment
-of these designs was near at hand.
-
-So Hazael went back to Benhadad, and in answer to the eager inquiry,
-"What said Elisha to thee?" he gave the answer which Elisha had
-foreseen that he meant to give, and which was in any case a falsehood,
-for it suppressed half of what Elisha had really said. "He told me,"
-said Hazael, "that thou shouldest surely recover."
-
-Was the sequel of the interview the murder of Benhadad by Hazael?
-
-The story has usually been so read, but Elisha had neither prophesied
-this nor suggested it. The sequel is thus described. "And it came to
-pass on the morrow, that _he_ took the coverlet,[139] and dipped it in
-water, and spread it on his face, so that he died: and Hazael reigned
-in his stead." The repetition of the name Hazael in the last clause is
-superfluous if he was the subject of the previous clause, and it has
-been consequently conjectured that "he took" is merely the impersonal
-idiom "one took." Some suppose that, as Benhadad was in the bath, his
-servant took the bath-cloth, wetted it, and laid its thick folds over
-the mouth of the helpless king; others, that he soaked the thick
-quilt, which the king was too weak to lift away.[140] In either case
-it is hardly likely that a great officer like Hazael would have been
-in the bath-room or the bed-room of the dying king. Yet we must
-remember that the Prætorian Præfect Macro is said to have suffocated
-Tiberius with his bed-clothes. Josephus says that Hazael strangled his
-master with a net; and, indeed, he has generally been held guilty of
-the perpetration of the murder. But it is fair to give him the benefit
-of the doubt. Be that as it may, he seems to have reigned for some
-forty-six years (B.C. 886-840), and to have bequeathed the sceptre to
-a son on whom he had bestowed the old dynastic name of Benhadad.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[131] Jer. xxv. 29; Ezek. xxxviii. 21.
-
-[132] See the cases of Samuel (1 Sam. ix. 7), of Ahijah (1 Kings xiv.
-3), and of Elisha himself (2 Kings iv. 42).
-
-[133] As Jacob did in sending forward his present to Esau. Comp.
-Chardin, _Voyages_, iii. 217.
-
-[134] 2 Kings x. 32, xiii. 3, 22.
-
-[135] Isa. xiii. 15, 16; Hos. x. 14, xiii. 16; Nah. iii. 10.
-
-[136] See Josh. vi. 17, 21; 1 Sam. xv. 3; Lev. xxvii. 28, 29.
-
-[137] Psalm cxxxvii. 9.
-
-[138] 1 Sam. xxiv. 14; 2 Sam. ix. 8.
-
-[139] [Hebrew: machber] Jos., _Antt._, IX. iv. 6, [Greek: diktuon
-diabrochon]. Aquila, Symmachus, [Greek: to strôma]. Michaelis supposed
-it to be the mosquito-net ([Greek: kônôpeion]). Comp. 1 Sam. xix. 13.
-Ewald suggested "bath-mattress" (iii. 523). Sir G. Grove (_s.v._
-"Elisha," _Bibl. Dict._, ii. 923) mentions that Abbas Pasha is said to
-have been murdered in the same manner. Some, however, think that the
-measure was taken by way of cure (Bruce, _Travels_, iii. 33.
-Klostermann, _ad loc._, alters the text at his pleasure).
-
-[140] 2 Kings viii. 15; LXX., [Greek: to machbar]; Vulg., _stragulum_;
-lit., "woven cloth."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER X
-
- (1) _JEHORAM BEN-JEHOSHAPHAT OF JUDAH_
-
- B.C. 851-843
-
- (2) _AHAZIAH BEN-JEHORAM OF JUDAH_
-
- B.C. 843-842
-
- 2 KINGS viii. 16-24, 25-29
-
- "Bear like the Turk, no brother near the throne."--POPE.
-
-
-The narrative now reverts to the kingdom of Judah, of which the
-historian, mainly occupied with the great deeds of the prophet in
-Israel, takes at this period but little notice.
-
-He tells us that in the fifth year of Jehoram of Israel, son of Ahab,
-his namesake and brother-in-law, Jehoram of Judah, began to reign in
-Judah, though his father, Jehoshaphat, was then king.[141]
-
-The statement is full of difficulties, especially as we have been
-already told (i. 17) that Jehoram ben-Ahab of Israel began to reign in
-the _second_ year of Jehoram ben-Jehoshaphat of Judah, and (iii. 1)
-in the eighteenth year of Jehoshaphat. It is hardly worth while to
-pause here to disentangle these complexities in a writer who, like
-most Eastern historians, is content with loose chronological
-references. By the current mode of reckoning, the twenty-five years of
-Jehoshaphat's reign may merely mean twenty-three and a month or two of
-two other years; and some suppose that, when Jehoram of Judah was
-about sixteen, his father went on the expedition against Moab, and
-associated his son with him in the throne. This is only conjecture.
-Jehoshaphat, of all kings, least needed a coadjutor, particularly so
-weak and worthless a one as his son; and though the association of
-colleagues with themselves has been common in some realms, there is
-not a single instance of it in the history of Israel and Judah--the
-case of Uzziah, who was a leper, not being to the point.[142]
-
-The kings both of Israel and of Judah at this period, with the single
-exception of the brave and good Jehoshaphat, were unworthy and
-miserable. The blight of the Jezebel-marriage and the curse of
-Baal-worship lay upon both kingdoms. It is scarcely possible to find
-such wretched monarchs as the two sons of Jezebel--Ahaziah and Jehoram
-in Israel, and the son-in-law and grandson of Jezebel, Jehoram and
-Ahaziah, in Judah. Their respective reigns are annals of shameful
-apostasy, and almost unbroken disaster.
-
-Jehoram ben-Jehoshaphat of Judah was thirty-two years old when he
-began his independent reign, and reigned for eight deplorable years.
-The fact that his mother's name is (exceptionally) omitted seems to
-imply that his father Jehoshaphat set the good example of
-monogamy.[143] Jehoram was wholly under the influence of Athaliah, his
-wife, and of Jezebel, his mother-in-law, and he introduced into Judah
-their alien abominations. He "walked in their way, and did evil in the
-sight of the Lord." The Chronicler fills up the general remark by
-saying that he did his utmost to foster idolatry by erecting _bamoth_
-in the mountains of Judah, and compelled his people to worship there,
-in order to decentralise the religious services of the kingdom, and so
-to diminish the glory of the Temple. He introduced Baal-worship into
-Judah, and either he or his son was the guilty builder of a temple to
-Baalim, not only on the "opprobrious mount" on which stood the
-idolatrous chapels of Solomon, but on the Hill of the House itself.
-This temple had its own high priest, and was actually adorned with
-treasures torn from the Temple of Jehovah.[144] So bad was Jehoram's
-conduct that the historian can only attribute his non-destruction to
-the "covenant of salt" which God had made with David, "to give him a
-lamp for his children always."
-
-But if actual destruction did not come upon him and his race, he came
-very near such a fate, and he certainly experienced that "the path of
-transgressors is hard." There is nothing to record about him but crime
-and catastrophe. First Edom revolted. Jehoshaphat had subdued the
-Edomites, and only allowed them to be governed by a vassal; now they
-threw off the yoke. The Jewish King advanced against them to "Zair"--by
-which must be meant apparently either Zoar (through which the road to
-Edom lay), or their capital, Mount Seir.[145] There he was surrounded by
-the Edomite hosts; and though by a desperate act of valour he cut his
-way through them at night in spite of their reserve of chariots, yet his
-army left him in the lurch.[146] Edom succeeded in establishing its
-final independence, to which we see an allusion in the one hope held out
-to Esau by Isaac in that "blessing" which was practically a curse.
-
-The loss of so powerful a subject-territory, which now constituted a
-source of danger on the eastern frontier of Judah, was succeeded by
-another disaster on the south-west, in the Shephelah or lowland plain.
-Here Libnah revolted,[147] and by gaining its autonomy contracted yet
-farther the narrow limits of the southern kingdom.
-
-The Book of Kings tells us no more about the Jewish Jehoram, only
-adding that he died and was buried with his fathers, and was succeeded
-by his son Ahaziah. But the Book of Chronicles, which adds far darker
-touches to his character, also heightens to an extraordinary degree
-the intensity of his punishment. It tells us that he began his reign
-by the atrocious murder of his six younger brothers, for whom,
-following the old precedent of Rehoboam, Jehoshaphat had provided by
-establishing them as governors of various cities. As his throne was
-secure, we cannot imagine any motive for this brutal massacre except
-the greed of gain, and we can only suppose that, as Jehoram
-ben-Jehoshaphat became little more than a friendly vassal of his
-kinsmen in Israel, so he fell under the deadly influence of his wife
-Athaliah, as completely as his father-in-law had done under the spell
-of her mother Jezebel. With his brothers he also swept away a number
-of the chief nobles, who perhaps embraced the cause of his murdered
-kinsmen. Such conduct breathes the known spirit of Jezebel and of
-Athaliah. To rebuke him for this wickedness, he received the menace of
-a tremendous judgment upon his home and people in a writing from
-_Elijah_, whom we should certainly have assumed to be dead long before
-that time. The judgment itself followed. The Philistines and Arabians
-invaded Judah, captured Jerusalem, and murdered all Jehoram's own
-children, except Ahaziah, who was the youngest. Then Jehoram, at the
-age of thirty-eight, was smitten with an incurable disease of the
-bowels, of which he died two years later, and not only died
-unlamented, but was refused burial in the sepulchres of the kings. In
-any case his reign and that of his son and successor were the most
-miserable in the annals of Judah, as the reigns of their namesakes and
-kinsmen, Ahaziah ben-Ahab and Jehoram ben-Ahab, were also the most
-miserable in the annals of Israel.
-
-Jehoram was succeeded on the throne of Judah by his son Ahaziah. If
-the chronology and the facts be correct, Ahaziah ben-Jehoram of Judah
-must have been born when his father was only eighteen, though he was
-the youngest of the king's sons, and so escaped from being massacred
-in the Philistine invasion. He succeeded at the age of twenty-two,
-and only reigned a single year. During this year his mother, the
-Gebîrah Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, and granddaughter
-of the Tyrian Ethbaal, was all-supreme. She bent the weak nature of
-her son to still further apostasies. She was "his counsellor to do
-wickedly," and her Baal-priest Mattan was more important than the
-Aaronic high priest of the despised and desecrated Temple. Never did
-Judah sink to so low a level, and it was well that the days of Ahaziah
-of Judah were cut short.
-
-The only event in his reign was the share he took with his uncle
-Jehoram of Israel in his campaign to protect Ramoth-Gilead from
-Hazael. The expedition seems to have been successful in its main
-purpose. Ramoth-Gilead, the key to the districts of Argob and Bashan,
-was of immense importance for commanding the country beyond Jordan. It
-seems to be the same as Ramath-Mizpeh (Josh. xiii. 26); and if so, it
-was the spot where Jacob made his covenant with Laban. Ahab, or his
-successors, in spite of the disastrous end of the expedition to Ahab
-personally, had evidently recovered the frontier fortress from the
-Syrian king.[148] Its position upon a hill made its possession vital
-to the interests of Gilead; for the master of Ramah was the master of
-that Trans-Jordanic district. But Hazael had succeeded his murdered
-master, and was already beginning to fulfil the ruthless mission which
-Elisha had foreseen with tears. Jehoram ben-Ahab seems to have held
-his own against Hazael for a time; but in the course of the campaign
-at Ramoth he was so severely wounded that he was compelled to leave
-his army under the command of Jehu, and to return to Jezreel, to be
-healed of his wounds. Thither his nephew Ahaziah of Judah went to
-visit him; and there, as we shall hear, he too met his doom. That
-fate, the Chronicler tells us, was the penalty of his iniquities. "The
-destruction of Ahaziah was of God by coming to Joram."
-
-We have no ground for accusing either king of any want of courage; yet
-it was obviously impolitic of Jehoram to linger unnecessarily in his
-luxurious capital, while the army of Israel was engaged in service on
-a dangerous frontier. The wounds inflicted by the Syrian archers may
-have been originally severe. Their arrows at this time played as
-momentous a part in history as the cloth-yard shafts of our English
-bowmen which "sewed the French ranks together" at Poictiers, Creçy,
-and Azincour. But Jehoram had at any rate so far recovered that he
-could ride in his chariot; and if he had been wise and bravely
-vigorous, he would not have left his army under a subordinate at so
-perilous an epoch, and menaced by so resolute a foe. Or if he were
-indeed compelled to consult the better physicians at Jezreel, he
-should have persuaded his nephew Ahaziah of Judah--who seems to have
-been more or less of a vassal as well as a kinsman--to keep an eye on
-the beleaguered fort. Both kings, however, deserted their
-post,--Jehoram to recover perfect health; and Ahaziah, who had been
-his comrade--as their father and grandfather had gone together to the
-same war--to pay a state visit of condolence to the royal invalid. The
-army was left under a popular, resolute, and wholly unscrupulous
-commander, and the results powerfully affected the immediate and the
-ultimate destiny of both kingdoms.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[141] The following genealogy may help to elucidate the troublesome
-identity of names:--
-
- OMRI
- ____|____
- | | JEHOSHAPHAT
- Ahab = Jezebel |
- _______|__________________ |
- | | | |
- Ahaziah Jehoram Athaliah = Jehoram
- (of Israel). (of Israel). | (of Judah).
- |
- Ahaziah
- (of Judah).
-
-
-[142] Jotham ben-Uzziah was not the colleague of his father, but his
-public representative.
-
-[143] The only other king of Judah whose mother's name is not
-mentioned (perhaps because his father Jotham had but one wife) is
-Ahaz.
-
-[144] 2 Kings xi. 18; 2 Chron. xxi. 11, xxiv. 7.
-
-[145] Vulg., _Seira_; Arab., _Sa'ir_ (but the historian never uses the
-name Mount Seir); LXX., [Greek: Siôr]. There is perhaps some
-corruption in the text, and the reading of the Chronicler "with his
-princes" shows that it may have once been [Hebrew: tzam-sarav].
-
-[146] 2 Kings viii. 21. "The people" (_i.e._, the army of Judah) "fled
-to their tents." Apparently this means that they slunk away home. The
-word "tents" is a reminiscence of their nomad days, like the
-treasonable cry, "To your tents, O Israel."
-
-[147] Josh. x. 29-39.
-
-[148] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vi. 1.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XI
-
- _THE REVOLT OF JEHU_
-
- B.C. 842
-
- 2 KINGS ix. 1-37
-
- "Te semper anteit sæva Necessitas
- Clavos trabales et cuneos manu,
- Gestans ahenâ."
- HORAT., _Od._, I. xxxv. 17.
-
-
-A long period had elapsed since Elijah had received the triple
-commission which was to mark the close of his career. Two of those
-Divine behests had now been accomplished. He had anointed Elisha, son
-of Shaphat, of Abel-Meholah, to be prophet in his room;[149] and
-Elisha had anointed Hazael to be king over Syria;[150] the third and
-more dangerous commission, involving nothing less than the overthrow
-of the mighty dynasty of Omri, remained still unaccomplished.
-
-If the name of Jehu ("Jehovah is He")[151] had been actually mentioned
-to Elijah, the dreadful secret must have remained buried in the breast
-of the prophet and in that of his successor for many years. Further,
-Jehu was yet a very young man, and to have marked him out as the
-founder of a dynasty would have been to doom him to certain
-destruction. An Eastern king, whose family has once securely seated
-itself on the throne, is hedged round with an awful divinity, and
-demands an unquestioning obedience. Elijah had been removed from earth
-before this task had been fulfilled, and Elisha had to wait for his
-opportunity. But the doom was passed, though the judgment was belated.
-The sons of Ahab were left a space to repent, or to fill to the brim
-the cup of their father's iniquities.
-
- "The sword of Heaven is not in haste to smite,
- Nor yet doth linger."
-
-Ahaziah, Ahab's eldest son, after a reign of one year, marked only by
-crimes and misfortunes, had ended in overwhelming disaster his
-deplorable career. His brother Jehoram had succeeded him, and had now
-been on the throne for at least twelve years, which had been chiefly
-signalised by that unsuccessful attempt to recover the territory of
-revolted Moab, to which we owe the celebrated Stone of Mesha. We have
-already narrated the result of the campaign which had so many
-vicissitudes. The combined armies of Israel, Judah, and Edom had been
-delivered by the interposition of Elisha from perishing of thirst
-beside the scorched-up bed of the Wady-el-Ahsy; and availing
-themselves of the rash assault of the Moabites, had swept everything
-before them. But Moab stood at bay at Kir-Haraseth (Kerak), his
-strongest fortress, six miles from Ar or Rabbah, and ten miles east of
-the southern end of the Dead Sea. It stood three thousand feet above
-the level of the sea, and is defended by a network of steep valleys.
-Nevertheless, Israel would have subdued it, but for the act of
-horrible despair to which the King of Moab resorted in his extremity,
-by offering up his eldest son as a burnt-offering to Chemosh upon the
-wall of the city. Horror-stricken by the catastrophe, and terrified
-with the dread that the vengeance of Chemosh could not but be aroused
-by so tremendous a sacrifice, the besieging host had retired. From
-that moment Moab had not only been free, but assumed the _rôle_ of an
-aggressor, and sent her marauding bands to harry and carry the farms
-and homesteads of her former conqueror.[152]
-
-Then followed the aggressions of Benhadad which had been frustrated by
-the insight of Elisha, and which owed their temporary cessation to his
-generosity.[153] The reappearance of the Syrians in the field had
-reduced Samaria to the lowest depths of ghastly famine. But the day of
-the guilty city had not yet come, and a sudden panic, caused among the
-invaders by a rumoured assault of Hittites and Egyptians, had saved
-her from destruction.[154] Taking advantage of the respite caused by
-the change of the Syrian dynasty, and pressing on his advantage,
-Jehoram, with the aid of his Judæan nephew, had once more got
-possession of Ramoth-Gilead before Hazael was secure on the throne
-which he had usurped.
-
-This then was the situation:--The allied and kindred kings of Israel
-and Judah were idling in the pomp of hospitality at Jezreel; their
-armies were encamped about Ramoth-Gilead; and at the head of the host
-of Israel was the crafty and vehement grandson of Nimshi.
-
-Elisha saw and seized his opportunity. The day of vengeance from the
-Lord had dawned. Things had not materially altered since the days of
-Ahab. If Jehovah was nominally worshipped, if the very names of the
-kings of Israel bore witness to His supremacy,[155] Baal was
-worshipped too. The curse which Elijah had pronounced against Ahab and
-his house remained unfulfilled. The credit of prophecy was at stake.
-The blood of Naboth and his slaughtered sons cried to the Lord from
-the ground; and hitherto it seemed to have cried in vain. If the
-_Nebiîm_ (the prophetic class) were to have their due weight in
-Israel, the hour had come, and the man was ready.
-
-The light which falls on Elisha is dim and intermittent. His name is
-surrounded by a halo of nebulous wonders, of which many are of a
-private and personal character. But he was a known enemy of Ahab and
-his house. He had, indeed, more than once interposed to snatch them
-from ruin, as in the expedition against Moab, and in the awful straits
-of the siege of Samaria by the Syrians. But his person had none the
-less been hateful to the sons of Jezebel, and his life had been
-endangered by their bursts of sudden fury. He could hardly again have
-a chance so favourable as that which now offered itself, when the
-armed host was at one place and the king at another. Perhaps, too, he
-may have been made aware that the soldiers were not well pleased to
-find at their head a king who was so far a _fainéant_ as to leave them
-exposed to a powerful enemy, and show no eagerness to return. His
-"urgent private affairs" were not so urgent as to entitle him to take
-his ease at luxurious Jezreel.
-
-Where Elisha was at the time we do not know--perhaps at Dothan,
-perhaps at Samaria. Suddenly he called to him a youth--one of the Sons
-of the Prophets, on whose speed and courage he could rely--placed in
-his hands a vial of the consecrated anointing oil,[156] told him to
-gird up his loins,[157] and to speed across the Jordan to
-Ramoth-Gilead. When he arrived, he was to bid Jehu rise up from the
-company of his fellow-captains to hurry him into "a chamber within a
-chamber,"[158] to shut the door for secrecy, to pour the consecrating
-oil upon his head, to anoint him King of Israel in the name of
-Jehovah, and then to fly without a moment's delay.[159]
-
-The messenger--the Rabbis guess that he was Jonah, the son of
-Amittai[160]--knew well that his was a service of immense peril, in
-which his life might easily pay the forfeit of his temerity. How was
-he to guess that at once, without striking a blow, the host of Israel
-would fling to the winds its sworn allegiance to the son of the
-warrior Ahab, the fourth monarch of the powerful dynasty of Omri?
-Might not any one of a thousand possible accidents thwart a conspiracy
-of which the success depended on the unflinching courage and
-promptitude of his single hand?
-
-He was but a youth, but he was the trained pupil of a master who had,
-again and again, stood before kings, and not been afraid. He sprang
-from a community which inherited the splendid traditions of the
-Prophet of Flame.
-
-He did not hesitate a moment. He tightened the camel's hide round his
-naked limbs, flung back the long dark locks of the Nazarite, and sped
-upon his way. A true son of the schools of Jehovah's prophets has, and
-can have, no fear of man. The armies of Israel and Judah saw the wild,
-flying figure of a young man, with his hairy garment and streaming
-locks, rush through the camp. Whatever might be their surmisings, he
-brooked no questions. Availing himself of the awe with which the
-shadow of Elijah had covered the sacrosanct person of a prophetic
-messenger, he made his way straight to the war-council of the
-captains; and brushing aside every attempt to impede his progress with
-the plea that he was the bearer of Jehovah's message, he burst into
-the council of the astonished warriors, who were assembled in the
-private courtyard of a house in the fortress-town.[161]
-
-He knew the fame of Jehu, but did not know his person, and dared not
-waste time. "I have an errand to thee, O captain," he said to the
-assembly generally. The message had been addressed to no one in
-particular, and Jehu naturally asked, "Unto which of all of us?" With
-the same swift intuition which has often enabled men in similar
-circumstances to recognise a leader--as Josephus recognised Vespasian,
-and St. Severinus recognised Odoacer, and Joan of Arc recognised
-Charles VI. of France--he at once replied, "To thee, O captain." Jehu
-did not hesitate a moment. Prophets had shown, many a time, that their
-messages might not be neglected or despised. He rose, and followed the
-youth, who led him into the most secret recess of the house, and
-there, emptying on his head the fragrant oil of consecration, said,
-"Thus saith Jehovah, God of Israel, I have anointed thee king over
-the people of Jehovah, even over Israel."[162] He was to smite the
-house of his master Ahab in vengeance for the blood of Jehovah's
-prophets and servants whom Jezebel had murdered. Ahab's house, every
-male of it, young and old, bond and free,[163] is doomed to perish, as
-the houses of Jeroboam and of Baasha had perished before them, by a
-bloody end. Further, the dogs should eat Jezebel by the rampart of
-Jezreel,[164] and there should be none to bury her.
-
-One moment sufficed for his daring deed, for his burning message; the
-next he had flung open the door and fled. The soldiers of the camp must
-have whispered still more anxiously together as they saw the same
-agitated youth rushing through their lines with the same impetuosity
-which had marked his entrance. In those dark days the sudden appearance
-of a prophet was usually the herald of some terrific storm.[165]
-
-Jehu was utterly taken by surprise; but according to the reading
-preserved by Ephraem Syrus in 2 Kings ix. 26, he had on the previous
-night seen in a dream the blood of Naboth and his sons. If the thought
-of revolt had ever passed for a moment through his mind, it had never
-assumed a definite shape. True, he had been a warrior from his youth.
-True, he had been one of Ahab's bodyguard, and had ridden before him
-in a chariot at least twenty years earlier, and had now risen by
-valour and capacity to the high station of captain of the host. True,
-also, that he had heard the great curse which Elijah had pronounced on
-Ahab at the door of Naboth's vineyard; but he heard it while he was
-yet an obscure youth, and he had little dreamed that his was the hand
-which should carry it into execution. Who was he? And had not the
-house of Omri been, in some sense, sanctioned by Heaven? And were not
-the words of the prophet "wild and wandering cries," of which the
-issues might be averted by such a repentance as that of Ahab?
-
-And he felt another misgiving. Might not this scene be the plot of
-some secret enemy? Might it not at any rate be a reckless jest palmed
-upon him by his comrades? If any jealous member of the confederacy of
-captains betrayed the fact that Jehu had tampered with their
-allegiance, would his head be safe for a single hour? He would act
-warily. He came back to his fellow-captains and said nothing.
-
-But they were burning with curiosity. Something must be impending.
-Prophets did not rush in thus tumultuously for no purpose. Must not
-the youth's mantle of hair be some standard of war?
-
-"Is all right?" they shouted. "Why did this frantic fellow come to
-thee?"[166]
-
-"You know all about it," answered Jehu, with wary coolness. "You know
-more about it than I do. You know the man, and what his talk was."
-
-"Lies!" bluntly answered the rough soldiers.[167] "Tell us now."
-
-Then Jehu's eye took measure of them and their feelings. A judge of
-men and of men's countenances, he saw conspiracy flashing in their
-faces. He saw that they suspected the true state of things, and were
-on fire to carry it out. Perhaps they had caught sight of the vial of
-oil under the youth's scant dress. Could any quickened observation at
-least fail to notice that the soldier's dark locks were shining and
-fragrant, as they had not been a moment ago, with consecrated oil?
-
-Then Jehu frankly told them the perilous secret. Thus and thus had the
-young prophet spoken, and had said, "Thus saith Jehovah, I have
-anointed thee king over Israel."
-
-The message was met with a shout of answering approbation. That shout
-was the death-knell of the house of Omri. It showed that the reigning
-dynasty had utterly forfeited its popularity. No luck had followed the
-sons of Naboth's murderer. Israel was weary of their mother Jezebel.
-Why was this king Jehoram, this king of evil auspices, who had been
-repudiated by Moab and harried by Syria--why, in the first gleam of
-possible prosperity, was he being detained at Jezreel by wounds which
-rumour said were already sufficiently healed to allow him to return to
-his post? Down with the seed of the murderer and the sorceress! Let
-brave Jehu be king, as Jehovah has said!
-
-So the captains sprang to their feet, and then and there seized Jehu,
-and carried him in triumph to the top of the stairs which ran round
-the inside of the courtyard, and stripped off their mantles to
-extemporise for him the semblance of a cushioned throne.[168] Then in
-the presence of such soldiers as they could trust they blew a sudden
-blast of the ram's horn, and shouted, "Jehu is king!"
-
-Jehu was not the man to let the grass grow under his feet. Nothing
-tries a man's vigour and nerve so surely as a sudden crisis. It is
-this swift resolution which has raised many a man to the throne, as it
-raised Otho, and Napoleon I. and Napoleon III. The history of Israel
-is specially full of _coups d'état_, but no one of them is half so
-decisive or overwhelming as this. Jehu instantly accepted the office
-of Jehovah's avenger on the house of Ahab.[169] Everything, as Jehu
-saw, depended on the suddenness and fury with which the blow was
-delivered. "If you want me to be your king,"[170] he said, "keep the
-lines secure, and guard the fortress walls. I will be my own messenger
-to Jehoram. Let no deserter go forth to give him warning."[171]
-
-It was agreed; and Jehu, only taking with him Bidkar, his
-fellow-officer, and a small band of followers, set forth at full speed
-from Ramoth-Gilead.
-
-The fortress of Ramoth, now the important town of Es-Salt, a place
-which must always have been the key of Gilead, was built on the
-summit of a rocky headland, fortified by nature as well as by art. It
-is south of the river Jabbok, and lies at the head of the only easy
-road which runs down westward to the Jordan and eastward to the rich
-plateau of the interior.[172] Crossing the fords of the Jordan, Jehu
-would soon be able to join the main road, which, passing Tirzah,
-Zaretan, and Beth-shean, and sweeping eastward of Mount Gilboa, gives
-ready access to Jezreel.
-
-The watchman on the lofty watchtower of the summer palace caught sight
-of a storm of dust careering along from the eastward up the valley
-towards the city.[173] The times were wild and troublous. What could
-it be? He shouted his alarm, "I see a troop!" The tidings were
-startling, and the king was instantly informed that chariots and
-horsemen were approaching the royal city. "Send a horseman to meet
-them," he said, "with the message, 'Is all well?'"
-
-Forth flew the rider, and cried to the rushing escort, "The king asks,
-'Is all well? Is it peace?'" For probably the anxious city hoped that
-there might have been some victory of the army against Hazael, which
-would fill them with joy.
-
-"What hast thou to do with peace? Turn thee behind me," answered Jehu;
-and perforce the horseman, whatever may have been his conjectures, had
-to follow in the rear.
-
-"He reached them," cried the sentry on the watchtower, "but he does
-not return."
-
-The news was enigmatical and alarming; and the troubled king sent
-another horseman. Again the same colloquy occurred, and again the
-watchman gave the ominous message, adding to it the yet more
-perplexing news that, in the mad and headlong driving[174] of the
-charioteer, he recognises the driving of Jehu, the son of Nimshi.[175]
-
-What had happened to his army? Why should the captain of the host be
-driving thus furiously to Jezreel?
-
-Matters were evidently very critical, whatever the swift approach of
-chariots and horsemen might portend. "Yoke my chariot," said Jehoram;
-and his nephew Ahaziah, who had shared his campaign, and was no less
-consumed with anxiety to learn tidings which could not but be
-pressing, rode by him in another chariot to meet Jehu. They took with
-them no escort worth mentioning. The rebellion was not only sudden,
-but wholly unexpected.
-
-The two kings met Jehu in a spot of the darkest omen. It was the plot
-of ground which had once been the vineyard of Naboth, at the door of
-which Ahab had heard from Elijah the awful message of his doom. As the
-New Forest was ominous to our early Norman kings as the witness of
-their cruelties and encroachments, so was this spot to the house of
-Omri, though it was adjacent to their ivory palace, and had been
-transformed from a vineyard into a garden or pleasance.
-
-"Is it peace, Jehu?" shouted the agitated king; by which probably he
-only meant to ask, "Is all going well in the army at Ramoth?"
-
-The fierce answer which burst from the lips of his general fatally
-undeceived him. "What peace," brutally answered the rebel, "so long as
-the whoredoms of thy mother Jezebel and her witchcrafts are so many?"
-She, after all, was the _fons et origo mali_ to the house of Jehoram.
-Hers was the dark spirit of murder and idolatry which had walked in that
-house. She was the instigator and the executer of the crime against
-Naboth. She had been the foundress of Baal- and Asherah-worship; she was
-the murderess of the prophets; she had been specially marked out for
-vengeance in the doom pronounced both by Elijah and Elisha.
-
-The answer was unmistakable. This was a revolt, a revolution.
-"Treachery, Ahaziah!" shouted the terrified king, and instantly wheeled
-round his chariot to flee.[176] But not so swiftly as to escape the
-Nemesis which had been stealing upon him with leaden feet, but now smote
-him irretrievably with iron hand. Without an instant's hesitation, Jehu
-snatched his bow from his attendant charioteer, "filled his hands with
-it," and from its full stretch and resonant string sped the arrow, which
-smote Jehoram in the back with fatal force, and passed through his
-heart.[177] Without a word the unhappy king sank down upon his
-knees[178] in his chariot, and fell face forward, dead.
-
-"Take him up," cried Jehu to Bidkar,[179] "and fling him down where he
-is,--here in this portion of the field of Naboth the Jezreelite. Here,
-years ago, you and I, as we rode behind Ahab,[180] heard Elijah utter
-his oracle on this man's father, that vengeance should meet him here.
-Where the dogs licked the blood of Naboth and his sons, let dogs lick
-the blood of the son of Ahab."[181]
-
-But Jehu was not the man to let the king's murder stay his
-chariot-wheels when more work had yet to be done. Ahaziah of Judah,
-too, belonged to Ahab's house, for he was Ahab's grandson, and
-Jehoram's nephew and ally. Without stopping to mourn or avenge the
-tragedy of his uncle's murder, Ahaziah fled towards Bethgan or
-Engannim,[182] the fountain of gardens, south of Jezreel, on the road
-to Samaria and Jerusalem. Jehu gave the laconic order, "Smite him
-also";[183] but fright added wings to the speed of the hapless King of
-Judah. His chariot-steeds were royal steeds, and were fresh; those of
-Jehu were spent with the long, fierce drive from Ramoth. He got as far
-as the ascent of Gur before he was overtaken.[184] There, not far from
-Ibleam, the rocky hill impeded his flight, and he was wounded by the
-pursuers. But he managed to struggle onwards to Megiddo, on the south
-of the plain of Jezreel, and there he hid himself.[185] He was
-discovered, dragged out, and slain. Even Jehu's fierce emissaries did
-not make war on dead bodies, any more than Hannibal did, or Charles V.
-They left such meanness to Jehu himself, and to our Charles II. They
-did not interfere with the dead king's remains. His servants carried
-them to Jerusalem, and there he was buried with his fathers in the
-sepulchre of the kings, in the city of David. As there was nothing
-more to tell about him, the historian omits the usual formula about
-the rest of the acts of Ahaziah, and all that he did. His death
-illustrates the proverb _Mitgegangen mitgefangen_: he was the comrade
-of evil men, and he perished with them.
-
-Jehu speedily reached Jezreel, but the interposition of Jehoram and
-the orders for the pursuit of Ahaziah had caused a brief delay, and
-Jezebel had already been made aware that her doom was imminent.
-
-Not even the sudden and dreadful death of her son, and the nearness of
-her own fate, daunted the steely heart of the Tyrian sorceress. If she
-was to die, she would meet death like a queen. As though for some
-Court banquet, she painted her eyelashes and eyebrows with antimony,
-to make her eyes look large and lustrous,[186] and put on her jewelled
-head-dress.[187] Then she mounted the palace tower, and, looking down
-through the lattice above the city gate, watched the thundering
-advance of Jehu's chariot, and hailed the triumphant usurper with the
-bitterest insult she could devise. She knew that Omri, her husband's
-father, had taken swift vengeance on the guilt of the usurper Zimri,
-who had been forced to burn himself in the harem at Tirzah after one
-month's troubled reign. Her shrill voice was heard above the roar of
-the chariot-wheels in the ominous taunt,--
-
-"Is it peace, thou Zimri, thou murderer of thy master?"[188]
-
-No!--She meant, "There is no peace for thee nor thine, any more than for
-me or mine! Thou mayest murder us; but thee too, thy doom awaiteth!"
-
-Stung by the ill-omened words, Jehu looked up at her and shouted,--
-
-"Who is on my side? Who?"
-
-The palace was apparently rife with traitors. Ahab had been the first
-polygamist among the kings of Israel, and therefore the first also to
-introduce the odious atrocity of eunuchs. Those hapless wretches, the
-portents of Eastern seraglios, the disgrace of humanity, are almost
-always the retributive enemies of the societies of which they are the
-helpless victims. Fidelity or gratitude are rarely to be looked for
-from natures warped into malignity by the ruthless misdoing of men.
-Nor was the nature of Jezebel one to inspire affection. One or two
-eunuchs[189] immediately thrust out of the windows their bloated and
-beardless faces. "Fling her down!" Jehu shouted. Down they flung the
-wretched queen (has any queen ever died a death so shamelessly
-ignominious?), and her blood spirted upon the wall, and on the horses.
-Jehu, who had only stopped for an instant in his headlong rush, drove
-his horses over her corpse,[190] and entered the gate of her capital
-with his wheels crimson with her blood. History records scarcely
-another instance of such a scene, except when Tullia, a century later,
-drove her chariot over the dead body of her father Servius Tullius in
-the _Vicus Sceleratus_ of ancient Rome.[191]
-
-But what cared Jehu? Many a conqueror ere now has sat down to the
-dinner prepared for his enemy; and the obsequious household of the
-dead tyrants, ready to do the bidding of their new lord, ushered the
-hungry man to the banquet provided for the kings whom he had slain. No
-man dreamt of uttering a wail; no man thought of raising a finger for
-dead Jehoram or for dead Jezebel, though they had all been under _her_
-sway for at least five-and-thirty years. "The wicked perish, and no
-man regardeth." "When the wicked perish, there is shouting."[192]
-
-We may be startled at a revolution so sudden and so complete; yet it
-is true to history. A tyrant or a cabal may oppress a nation for long
-years. Their word may be thought absolute, their power irresistible.
-Tyranny seems to paralyse the courage of resistance, like the fabled
-head of Medusa. Remove its fascination of corruption, and men become
-men, and not machines, once more. Jehu's daring woke Israel from the
-lethargy which had made her tolerate the murders and enchantments of
-this Baal-worshipping alien. In the same way in one week Robespierre
-seemed to be an invincible autocrat; the next week his power had
-crumbled into dust and ashes at a touch.
-
-It was not until Jehu had sated his thirst and hunger after that wild
-drive, which had ended in the murder of two kings and a queen and in
-his sudden elevation to a throne, that it even occurred to this new
-tiger-king to ask what had become of Jezebel. But when he had eaten
-and drunk, he said, "Go, see now to this cursed woman, and bury her:
-for she is a king's daughter." That she had been first Princess, then
-Queen, then Gebîrah in Israel for nearly a full lifetime was nothing:
-it was nothing to Jehu that she was a wife, and mother, and
-grandmother of kings and queens both of Israel and Judah;--but she was
-also the daughter of Ethbaal, the priest-king of Tyre and Sidon, and
-therefore any shameful treatment of her remains might kindle trouble
-from the region of Phoenicia.[193]
-
-But no one had taken the trouble so much as to look after the corpse
-of Jezebel. The populace of Jezreel were occupied with their new king.
-Where Jezebel fell, there she had been suffered to lie; and no one,
-apparently, cared even to despoil her of the royal robes, now
-saturated with bloodshed. Flung from the palace-tower, her body had
-fallen in the open space just outside the walls--what is called "the
-mounds" of an Eastern city. In the strange carelessness of sanitation
-which describes as "fate" even the visitation of an avoidable
-pestilence, all sorts of offal are shot into this vacant space to
-fester in the tropic heat. I myself have seen the pariah dogs and the
-vultures feeding on a ghastly dead horse in a ruined space within the
-street of Beit-Dejun; and the dogs and the vultures--"those national
-undertakers"--had done their work unbidden on the corpse of the Tyrian
-queen. When men went to bury her, they only found a few dog-mumbled
-bones--the skull, and the feet, and the palms of the hands.[194] They
-brought the news to Jehu as he rested after his feast. It did not by
-any means discompose him. He at once recognised that another
-levin-bolt had fallen from the thunder-crash of Elijah's prophecy, and
-he troubled himself about the matter no further. Her carcase, as the
-man of God had prophesied, had become as dung upon the face of the
-field, so that none could say, "This is Jezebel."[195]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[149] 1 Kings xix. 15, 16.
-
-[150] 2 Kings viii. 12, 13.
-
-[151] The name was not uncommon, 1 Chron. ii. 38, iv. 35, xii. 3.
-
-[152] 2 Kings xiii. 20, xxiv. 2; Jer. xlviii.
-
-[153] 2 Kings vi. 8-23.
-
-[154] 2 Kings vii. 6.
-
-[155] Jehoram = Jehovah is exalted. Ahaziah = Jehovah holds.
-
-[156] Vial (_pak_) only here and in 1 Sam. x. 1. "_The_ oil" (LXX.,
-[Greek: ton phakon tou elaiou]).
-
-[157] "His habit fit for speed _succinct_" (Milton).
-
-[158] Inner chamber, 1 Kings xx. 30.
-
-[159] Perhaps, if Elisha had gone in person, suspicion might have been
-aroused. He was not more than fifty at this time, and lived
-forty-three years more.
-
-[160] _Seder Olam_, c. 18.
-
-[161] It seems as though they were _inside_ the town to defend it, not
-a beleaguring host outside.
-
-[162] The expression is remarkable, as showing how completely the
-prerogative of the Chosen People was supposed to rest with the Ten
-Tribes, as the most important representatives of the seed of Abraham.
-
-[163] "Him that is shut up, and him that is left at large in Israel"
-(2 Kings ix. 8; 1 Kings xiv. 10, xvi. 3, 4).
-
-[164] The A.V. has, less accurately, "in the _portion_ of Jezreel."
-See 1 Kings xxi. 23. Heb., [Hebrew: chelek]. The [Hebrew: cheil] of an
-Eastern town is the ditch and empty space--a sort of external
-_pomoerium_ around it. It is the place of offal, and the haunt of
-vultures and pariah dogs.
-
-[165] 1 Sam. xvi. 4: "Comest thou peaceably?"
-
-[166] 2 Kings ix. 11, [Hebrew: hammoshunnatz] LXX., [Greek: ho
-hepilêptos]. Comp. ver. 20, "he driveth _furiously_" ([Hebrew:
-veshinnatzvn]).
-
-[167] Ver. 12, a lie! ([Hebrew: sheker]).
-
-[168] What is meant by the _gerem_ of the staircase is uncertain. The
-word means "a bone" (Aquila, [Greek: ostôdes]), and is, in this
-connection, an [Greek: hapax legomenon]. The Targum explains it as the
-top vane of a stair-dial. The margin of the R.V. renders it "on the bare
-steps." The Vulgate renders it _in similitudinem tribunalis_, as though
-_gerem_ meant _tselem_. The LXX. conceal their perplexity by simply
-translating the word [Greek: epi to garem]. Grotius and Clericus, _in
-fastigio graduum_. Symmachus, [Greek: epi mian tôn anabathmidôn].
-
-[169] 2 Kings ix. 14: "So Jehu _conspired_ against Joram." The same
-word is used in 2 Chron. xxiv. 25, 26.
-
-[170] 2 Kings ix. 15, R.V.: "If this be your mind."
-
-[171] So far as we know, he never returned to Ramoth-Gilead, of which
-indeed we hear no more.
-
-[172] Tristram, _Land of Moab_.
-
-[173] Heb., _Shiph'hath_, "a dust-storm" (LXX., [Greek: koniorton, ai.
-ochlon]; Vulg., _globum_), not as in A.V. and R.V., "a company." Comp.
-Isa. lx. 6; Ezek. xxvi. 10.
-
-[174] Clearly the rendering "he driveth furiously" is right. The word
-"furiously" is _beshigga'ôn_ (Vulg., _præceps_), and is connected with
-"mad," ver. 11. LXX., [Greek: en parallagê]. Arab. Chald., "quietly."
-Josephus, "leisurely, and in good order." Such an approach would not,
-however, have been at all in accordance with the perilous urgency of
-his intent.
-
-[175] Jehu, the son of Jehoshaphat, is named from his grandfather
-Nimshi, who seems to have been the founder of the greatness of his
-house.
-
-[176] 2 Kings ix. 23: "Turned his hands." Comp. 1 Kings xxii. 34.
-
-[177] Ver. 24. Vulg., _inter scapulas_.
-
-[178] LXX., reading [Hebrew: brkav tzal].
-
-[179] Bidkar, perhaps Bar-dekar, "Son of stabbing." Comp. 1 Kings iv. 9.
-
-[180] Heb., _ts'madim_, "in pairs"; LXX., [Greek: epibebêkotes epi
-zeugê]. It is uncertain whether Jehu and Bidkar were in the same
-chariot as Ahab, as Josephus says ([Greek: kathezomenous opisthen tou
-harmatos]), or in a separate chariot.
-
-[181] 2 Kings ix. 26: "Saith the Lord." Ephraem Syrus omits these
-words. He says that the night before Jehu had seen the blood of Naboth
-and his sons in a dream. Comp. Hom., _Od._, iii. 258: [Greek: Tô ke
-hoi oude thanonti chytên epi gaian echeuan 'All' ara tonge kynes te
-kai oiônoi katedapsan Keimenon en pediô].
-
-[182] A.V., "By the way of the garden-house." LXX., [Greek: Baithgan].
-
-[183] The text is a little uncertain.
-
-[184] Thenius supposes "Gur" to mean "a caravanserai." Comp. 2 Chron.
-xxvi. 7, _Gur-Baal_; Vulg., _Hospitium Baalis_.
-
-[185] The account of the Chronicler (2 Chron. xxii. 9) differs from
-that of the earlier historian. It may, however, be (uncertainly)
-reconciled with it as in the text, if we suppose the words "he was hid
-in Samaria" to mean in Megiddo, in the territory of Samaria.
-Obviously, however, the traditions varied. There are difficulties
-about the story, for Ibleam is on the west towards Megiddo, and not
-between Jezreel and Samaria.
-
-[186] [Hebrew: puch], "Lead-glance." A mixture of pulverised antimony
-(_stibium_) and zinc is still used by women in the East for this
-purpose. _In calliblepharis dilatat oculos_ (Plin., _H. N._, xxxiii.).
-Keren-Happuk, the name given by Job to one of his daughters, means
-"horn of stibium." The object could hardly have been to _attract_ Jehu
-(as Ephraem Syrus thinks), for Jezebel had already a _grandson_
-twenty-three years old (viii. 26).
-
-[187] A.V., "_Tired_ her head." Comp. _tiara_. Lit., "made good";
-LXX., [Greek: êgathune].
-
-[188] Josephus gives the sense very well: [Greek: Kalos doulos ho
-apokteinas ton despotên] (_Antt._, IX. vi. 4). The same question might
-have been addressed to Baasha, Shallum, Menahem, Pekah, and Hoshea;
-but at least Jehu might plead a prophet's call.
-
-[189] "Two or three." Lit., "two three," like the old English "two
-three" for "several."
-
-[190] Ver. 33. Heb., "He trod her underfoot." LXX., [Greek:
-Synepatêsan autên]; Vulg., _Conculcaverunt eam_.
-
-[191] Liv., i. 46-48.
-
-[192] Prov. xi. 10. Compare the remark of Voltaire, who saw "le peuple
-ivré de vin et de joie de la mort de Louis XIV."
-
-[193] 1 Kings xvi. 31. At this time Ethbaal was dead. He reigned
-probably from B.C. 940-908, and died at the age of sixty-eight (Jos.,
-_Antt._, VIII. xiii. 1, IX. vi. 6; _c. Ap._, i. 18).
-
-[194] 1 Kings xxi. 23.
-
-[195] Comp. Psalm lxxxiii. 10. Her name remained a by-word till the
-latest days (Rev. ii. 20), and the Spanish Jews called their
-persecutress Isabella the Catholic "Jezebel."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XII
-
- _JEHU ESTABLISHED ON THE THRONE_
-
- B.C. 842-814
-
- 2 KINGS x. 1-17
-
- "The devil can quote Scripture for his purpose."
- SHAKESPEARE.
-
-
-But the work of Jehu was not yet over. He was established at Jezreel;
-he was lord of the palace and seraglio of his master; the army of
-Israel was with him. But who could be sure that no civil war would
-arise, as between the partisans of Zimri and Omri, as between Omri and
-Tibni? Ahab, first of the kings of Israel, had left many sons. There
-were no less than seventy of these princes at Samaria. Might there not
-be among them some youth of greater courage and capacity than the
-murdered Jehoram? And could it be anticipated that the late dynasty
-was so utterly unfortunate and execrated as to have none left to do
-them reverence, or to strike one blow on their behalf, after more than
-half a century of undisputed sway?[196] Jehu's _coup de main_ had been
-brilliantly successful. In one day he had leapt into the throne. But
-Samaria was strong upon its watch-tower hill. It was full of Ahab's
-sons, and had not yet declared on Jehu's side. It might be expected
-to feel some gratitude to the dynasty which Jehu had supplanted,
-seeing that it owed to the grandfather of the king whom he had just
-slain its very existence as the capital of Israel.
-
-He would put a bold face on his usurpation, and strike while the iron
-was hot. He would not rouse opposition by seeming to assume that
-Samaria would accept his rebellion. He therefore wrote a letter to the
-rulers of Samaria[197]--which was but a journey of nine hours'
-distance from Jezreel--and to the guardians of the young princes,
-reminding them that they were masters in a strong city, protected with
-its own contingent of chariots and horses, and well supplied with
-armour. He suggested that they should select the most promising of
-Ahab's sons, make him king, and begin a civil war on his behalf.
-
-The event showed how prudent was this line of conduct. As yet Jehu had
-not transferred the army from Ramoth-Gilead. He had doubtless taken
-good care to prevent intelligence of his plans from reaching the
-adherents of Jehoram in Samaria. To them the unknown was the terrible.
-All they knew was that "Behold, two kings stood not before him!" The
-army must have sanctioned his revolt: what chance had they? As for
-loyalty and affection, if ever they had existed towards this hapless
-dynasty, they had vanished like a dream. The people of Samaria and
-Jezreel had once been obedient as sheep to the iron dominance of
-Jezebel. They had tolerated her idol-abominations, and the insolence
-of her army of dark-browed priests. They had not risen to defend the
-prophets of Jehovah, and had suffered even Elijah, twice over, to be
-forced to flee for his life. They had borne, hitherto without a
-murmur, the tragedies, the sieges, the famines, the humiliations, with
-which during these reigns they had been familiar. And was not Jehovah
-against the waning fortunes of the Beni-Omri? Elijah had undoubtedly
-cursed them, and now the curse was falling. Jehu must doubtless have
-let it be known that he was only carrying out the behest of their own
-citizen the great Elisha, who had sent to him the anointing oil. They
-could find abundant excuses to justify their defection from the old
-house, and they sent to the terrible man a message of almost abject
-submission:--Let him do as he would; they would make no king: they
-were his servants, and would do his bidding.
-
-Jehu was not likely to be content with verbal or even written
-promises. He determined, with cynical subtlety, to make them put a
-very bloody sign-manual to their treaty, by implicating them
-irrevocably in his rebellion. He wrote them a second mandate.
-
-"If," he said, "ye accept my rule, prove it by your obedience. Cut off
-the heads of your master's sons, and see that they are brought to me
-here to-morrow by yourselves before the evening."
-
-The ruthless order was fulfilled to the letter by the terrified
-traitors. The king's sons were with their tutors, the lords of the city.
-On the very morning that Jehu's second missive arrived, every one of
-these poor guiltless youths was unceremoniously beheaded. The hideous,
-bleeding trophies were packed in fig-baskets and sent to Jezreel.[198]
-
-When Jehu was informed of this revolting present it was evening, and he
-was sitting at a meal with his friends.[199] He did not trouble himself
-to rise from his feast or to look at "death made proud by pure and
-princely beauty." He knew that those seventy heads could only be the
-heads of the royal youths. He issued a cool and brutal order that they
-should be piled in two heaps[200] until the morning on either side the
-entrance of the city gates. Were they watched? or were the dogs and
-vultures and hyænas again left to do their work upon them? We do not
-know. In any case it was a scene of brutal barbarism such as might have
-been witnessed in living memory in Khiva or Bokhara;[201] nor must we
-forget that even in the last century the heads of the brave and the
-noble rotted on Westminster Hall and Temple Bar, and over the Gate of
-York, and over the Tolbooth at Edinburgh, and on Wexford Bridge.
-
-The day dawned, and all the people were gathered at the gate, which
-was the scene of justice. With the calmest air imaginable the warrior
-came out to them, and stood between the mangled heads of those who but
-yesterday had been the pampered minions of fortune and luxury. His
-speech was short and politic in its brutality. "Be yourselves the
-judges," he said. "Ye are righteous. Jezebel called me a Zimri. Yes! I
-conspired against my master and slew him: but"--and here he casually
-pointed to the horrible, bleeding heaps--"who smote all these?" The
-people of Jezreel and the lords of Samaria were not only passive
-witnesses of his rebellion; they were active sharers in it. They had
-dabbled their hands in the same blood. Now they could not choose but
-accept his dynasty: for who was there besides himself? And then,
-changing his tone, he does not offer "the tyrant's devilish plea,
-necessity," to cloak his atrocities, but--like a Romish inquisitor of
-Seville or Granada--claims Divine sanction for his sanguinary
-violence. This was not _his_ doing. He was but an instrument in the
-hands of fate. Jehovah is alone responsible. He is doing what He spake
-by His servant Elijah. Yes! and there was yet more to do; for no word
-of Jehovah's shall fall to the ground.
-
-With the same cynical ruthlessness, and cold indifference to smearing
-his robes in the blood of the slain, he carried out to the bitter end
-his task of policy which he gilded with the name of Divine justice.
-Not content with slaying Ahab's sons, he set himself to extirpate his
-race, and slew all who remained to him in Jezreel, not only his kith
-and kin, but every lord and every Baal-priest who favoured his house,
-until he left him none remaining.
-
-But what a frightful picture do these scenes furnish us of the state
-of religion and even of civilisation in Jezreel! There was this
-man-eating tiger of a king wallowing in the blood of princes, and
-enacting scenes which remind us of Dahomey and Ashantee, or of some
-Tartary khanate where human hands are told out in the market-place
-after some avenging raid. And amid all this savagery, squalor, and
-Turkish atrocity, the man pleads the sanction of Jehovah, and claims,
-unrebuked, that he is only carrying out the behests of Jehovah's
-prophets! It is not until long afterwards that the voice of a prophet
-is heard repudiating his plea and denouncing his bloodthirstiness.
-
- "An evil soul producing holy witness
- Is like a villain with a smiling cheek--
- A goodly apple rotten at the core."
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[196] Omri, 12 years; Ahab, 22; Ahaziah, 18; Jehoram, 12.
-
-[197] The reading of 2 Kings x. 1, "Unto the rulers of _Jezreel_," is
-clearly wrong. The LXX. reads, "Unto the rulers of Samaria." Unless
-"Jezreel" be a clerical error for Israel, we must read, "He sent
-letters from Jezreel unto the rulers of Samaria."
-
-[198] Fig-baskets, Jer. xxiv. 2. The word _dudim_ is rendered "pots"
-in 1 Sam. ii. 14. LXX., [Greek: en kartallois]; Vulg., _in cophinis_.
-In Psalm lxxxi. 6 the LXX. has [Greek: en tô kophinô].
-
-[199] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vi. 5.
-
-[200] Heb., _Tsibourîm_; LXX., [Greek: bounous].
-
-[201] Comp. 1 Sam. xvii. 54; 2 Macc. xv. 30.
-
-[202] Hos. i. 4.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIII
-
- _FRESH MURDERS--THE EXTIRPATION OF BAAL-WORSHIP_
- (B.C. 842)
-
- 2 KINGS x. 12-28
-
- "Jéhu, sur les hauts lieux, enfin osant offrir
- Un téméraire encens que Dieu ne peut souffrir,
- N'a pour servir sa cause et venger ses injures
- Ni le coeur assez droit, ni les mains assez pures."
- RACINE.
-
-
-After such abject subservience had been shown him by the lords of
-Samaria and Jezreel, Jehu evidently had no further shadow of
-apprehension. He seems to have loved blood for its own sake--to have
-been seized by a vertigo of blood-poisoning. Having waded through
-slaughter to a throne, he loved to wash his footsteps in the blood of
-the slain, and to stretch to the very uttermost--to stretch until it
-cracked all its ravelled threads--the Divine sanction claimed by his
-fanaticism or his hypocrisy.
-
-When he had finished his massacres at Jezreel, he went to Samaria. It
-was only a journey of a few hours. On the high road he met a company
-of travellers, whose escort and rich apparel showed that they were
-persons of importance. They were about to halt, perhaps for
-refreshment, at the shearing-house of the shepherds--the place in
-which the sheep were gathered before they were shorn.[203]
-
-"Who are ye?" he asked.
-
-They answered that they were princes of the house of Judah, the brethren
-of Ahaziah,[204] on their way to see the two kings at Jezreel, and to
-salute their cousins, the children of Jehoram, and their kinsfolk the
-children of Jezebel the Gebîrah.[205] The answer sealed their fate. Jehu
-ordered his followers to take them alive. At first he had not decided
-what he would do with them. But half measures had now become impossible.
-This cavalcade of princes little knew that they were on their way to
-greet the dead children of a dead king and a dead queen. Jehu felt that
-the possibilities of an endless _vendetta_ must be quenched in blood. He
-gave orders to slay them, and there in one hour forty-two more scions of
-the royal houses of Judah and Israel were done to death.[206] With the
-usual reckless insouciance of the East, where any tank or well is made
-the natural receptacle for corpses regardless of ultimate consequences,
-their bodies were flung into the cistern of the shearing-house, in which
-the sheep were washed before shearing, just as the bodies of Gedaliah's
-followers were flung by Ishmael into the well at Mizpah, and the bodies
-of our own murdered countrymen were flung into the well of Cawnpore. He
-did not leave one of them alive.
-
-Thus Jehu "murdered two kings, and one hundred and twelve princes, and
-gave Queen Jezebel to dogs to eat; and if priests had but noticed how
-even Hosea condemns and denounces his savagery, they would have
-abstained from some of their glorifications of assassins and butchers,
-nor would they have appealed to this man's hideous example, as they
-have done, to excuse some of their own revolting atrocities."[207] But
-
- "Crime was ne'er so black
- As ghostly cheer and pious thanks to lack.
- Satan is modest. At heaven's door he lays
- His evil offspring, and in Scriptural phrase
- And saintly posture gives to God the praise
- And honour of his monstrous progeny."[208]
-
-One cruel deed more or less was nothing to Jehu. Leaving this tank
-choked with death and incarnadined with royal blood, he went on his way
-as if nothing particular had happened. He had not proceeded far when he
-saw a man well known to him, and of a spirit kindred to his own. It was
-the Arab ascetic and Nazarite Jehonadab, the son of Rechab (or "The
-Rider"), the chief of the tribe of Kenites who had flung in their lot
-with the children of Israel since the days of Moses.[209] It was the
-tribe which had produced a Jael; and Jehonadab had something of the
-fierce, fanatical spirit of the ancient chieftainess, who, in her own
-tent, had dashed out with the tent-peg the brains of Sisera. His very
-name, "The Lord is noble," indicated that he was a worshipper of
-Jehovah, and his fierce zeal showed him to be a genuine Kenite.
-Disgusted with the wickedness of cities, disgusted above all with the
-loathly vice of drunkenness, which, as we see from the contemporary
-prophets, had begun in this age to acquire fresh prominence in luxurious
-and wealthy communities, he exacted of his sons a solemn oath that
-neither they nor their successors would drink wine nor strong drink, and
-that, shunning the squalor and corruption of cities, they would live in
-tents, as their nomad ancestors had done in the days when Jethro and
-Hobab were princes of pastoral Midian. We learn from Jeremiah, nearly
-two and a half centuries later, how faithfully that oath had been
-observed; and how, in spite of all temptation, the vow of abstinence was
-maintained, even when the strain of foreign invasion had driven the
-Rechabites into Jerusalem from their desolated pastures.[210]
-
-Jehu knew that the stern fanaticism of the Kenite Emîr would rejoice
-in his exterminating zeal, and he recognised that the friendship and
-countenance of this "good man and just," as Josephus calls him, would
-add strength to his cause, and enable him to carry out his dark
-design. He therefore blessed him.[211]
-
-"Is thine heart right with my heart, as my heart is with thy heart?"
-he asked, after he had returned the greeting of Jehonadab.
-
-"It is, it is!" answered the vehement Rechabite.[212]
-
-"Then give me thy hand," he said; and grasping the Arab by the
-hand,[213] he pulled him up into his chariot--the highest distinction
-he could bestow upon him--and bade him come and witness his zeal for
-Jehovah.
-
-His first task on arriving at Samaria was to tear up the last fibres of
-Ahab's kith and destroy all his partisans. This was indeed to push to a
-self-interested extreme the denunciation which had been pronounced upon
-Ahab; but the crime helped to secure his fiercely founded throne.
-
-One deep-seated plot was yet unaccomplished. It was the total
-extermination of Baal-worship. To drive out for ever this orgiastic,
-corrupt, and alien idolatry was right; but there is nothing to show
-that Jehu would have been unable to effect this purpose by one stern
-decree, together with the destruction of Baal's images and temple. A
-method so simply righteous did not suit this Nero-Torquemada, who
-seemed to be never happy unless he united Jesuitical cunning with the
-pouring out of rivers of massacre.
-
-He summoned the people together; and as though he now threw off all
-pretence of zeal for orthodoxy, he proclaimed that Ahab had served
-Baal a little, but Jehu would serve him much. The Samaritans must have
-been endowed with infinite gullibility if they could suppose that the
-king who had ridden into the city side by side with such a man as
-Jehonadab--"the warrior in his coat of mail, the ascetic in his shirt
-of hair"--who had already exhibited an unfathomable cunning, and had
-swept away the Baal-priests of Jezreel, was indeed sincere in this new
-conversion.[214] Perhaps they felt it dangerous to question the
-sincerity of kings. The Baal-worshippers of former days were known,
-and Jehu proclaimed that if any one of them was missing at the great
-sacrifice which he intended to offer to Baal he should be put to
-death. A solemn assembly to Baal was proclaimed, and every apostate
-from God to nature-worship from all Israel was present, till the
-idol's temple was thronged from end to end.[215] To add splendour to
-the solemnity, Jehu bade the wardrobe-keeper to bring out all the rich
-vestments of Tyrian dye and Sidonian broidery, and clothe the
-worshippers.[216] Solemnly advancing to the altar with the Rechabite
-by his side, he warned the assembly to see that their gathering was
-not polluted by the presence of a single known worshipper of Jehovah.
-Then, apparently, he still further disarmed suspicion by taking a
-personal part in offering the burnt-offering. Meanwhile, he had
-surrounded the temple and blocked every exit with eighty armed
-warriors, and had threatened that any one of them should be put to
-death if he let a single Baal-worshipper escape. When he had finished
-the offering,[217] he went forth, and bade his soldiers enter, and
-slay, and slay, and slay till none were left. Then flinging the
-corpses in a heap, they made their way to the fortress of the Temple,
-where some of the priests may have taken refuge. They dragged out and
-burnt the _matstseboth_ of Baal,[218] broke down the great central
-idol, and utterly dismantled the whole building. To complete the
-pollution of the dishallowed shrine, he made it a common midden for
-Samaria, which it continued to be for centuries afterwards.[219] It
-was his last voluntary massacre. The House of Ahab was no more.
-Baal-worship in Israel never survived that exterminating blow.
-
-Happily for the human race, such atrocities committed in the name of
-religion have not been common. In Pagan history we have but few
-instances, except the slaughter of the Magians at the beginning of the
-reign of Darius, son of Hystaspes. Alas that other parallels should be
-furnished by the abominable tyranny of a false Christianity, blessed
-and incited by popes and priests! The persecutions and massacres of
-the Albigenses, preached by Arnold of Citeaux, and instigated by Pope
-Innocent III.; the expulsion of the Jews from Spain; the deadly work
-of Torquemada; the murderous furies of Alva among the hapless
-Netherlanders, urged and approved by Pope Pius V.; the massacre of
-St. Bartholomew, for which Pope Gregory and his cardinals sang their
-horrible Te Deum in their desecrated shrines,--these are the parallels
-to the deeds of Jehu. He has found his chief imitators among the
-votaries of a blood-stained and usurping sacerdotalism, which has
-committed so many crimes and inflicted so many horrors on mankind.
-
-And did God approve all this detestable mixture of zealous enthusiasm
-with lying deceit and the insatiate thirst of blood?
-
-If right be right, and wrong be wrong, the answer must not be an
-elaborate subterfuge, but an uncompromising "No!" We need be under no
-doubt on that subject. Christ Himself reproved His Apostles for savage
-zealotry, and taught them that the Elijah-spirit was not the
-Christ-spirit. Nor is the Elisha-spirit the Christian spirit any the
-more if these deeds of hypocrisy and blood were in any sense approved
-by him who is sometimes regarded as the mild and gentle Elisha. Where
-was he? Why was he silent? Could he possibly approve of this
-murderer's fury? We do not, indeed, know how far Elisha lent his
-sanction to anything more than the general end. Ahab's house had been
-doomed to vengeance by the voice which gave utterance to the verdict
-of the national conscience. The doom was just; Jehu was ordained to be
-the executioner. In no other way could the judgment be carried out.
-The times were not sentimental. The murder of Jehoram was not regarded
-as an act of tyrannicide, but of divinely commissioned justice. Elisha
-_may_ have shrunk from the unreined furies of the man whom he had sent
-his emissary to anoint. On the other hand, we have not the least proof
-that he did so. He partook, probably, of the wild spirit of the
-times, when such deeds were regarded with feelings very different from
-the abhorrence with which we, better taught by the spirit of love, and
-more enlightened by the widening dawn of history, now justly regard
-them. No remonstrance of _contemporary_ prophecy, however faint, is
-recorded as having been uttered against the doings of Jehu. The fact
-that, several centuries later, they could be recorded by the historian
-without a syllable of reprobation shows that the education of nations
-in the lessons of righteousness is slow, and that we are still amid
-the annals of the deep night of moral imperfection. But the nation was
-on the eve of purer teaching, and in the prophets Amos and Hosea we
-read the clear condemnation of deeds of cruelty in general, and
-specially of the king who felt no pity. Amos condemns even the
-idolatrous King of Edom, "because he did pursue his brother with the
-sword, and did cast off all pity, and his anger did tear perpetually,
-and he kept his wrath for ever."[220] He condemns no less severely the
-Chemosh-worshipping King of Moab even for an insult done to the dead:
-"Because he burned the bones of the King of Edom into lime."[221] Jehu
-had warred pitilessly upon the living, and had shamelessly insulted
-the dead. He had flung the heads of seventy princes in two bleeding
-heaps on the common road for all eyes to stare upon, and he had
-polluted the cistern of Beth-equed-haroim with the dead bodies of
-forty-two youths of the royal house of Judah. He might plead that he
-was but carrying out to the full the commission of Jehovah, imposed
-upon him by Elisha; but Hosea, a century later, gives God's message
-against his house: "Yet a little while, and I will avenge the blood
-of Jezreel upon the house of Jehu, and will cause to cease the kingdom
-of the house of Israel."[222]
-
-Nay, more! If, as is possible, the ghastly story of the siege of
-Samaria, narrated in the memoirs of Elisha, is displaced, and if it
-really belongs to the reign of Jehoahaz ben-Jehu, then Elisha himself
-brands the cruelty of the rushing thunderbolt of vengeance which his
-own hand had launched. For he calls the unnamed "King of Israel" "the
-son of a murderer."
-
-Men who are swords of God, and human executioners of Divine justice,
-may easily deceive themselves. God works the ends of His own
-providence, and He uses their ministry. "The fierceness of man shall
-turn to Thy praise, and the fierceness of them shalt Thou
-refrain."[223] But they can never make their plea of prophetic
-sanction a cloak of maliciousness. Cromwell had stern work to do.
-Rightly or wrongly, he deemed it inevitable, and did not shrink from
-it. But he hated it. Over and over again, he tells us, he had prayed
-to God that He would not put him to this work. To the best of his
-power he avoided, he minimised, every act of vengeance, even when the
-sternness of his Puritan sense of righteousness made him look on it as
-duty. Far different was the case of Jehu. He loved murder and cunning
-for their own sakes, and, like Joab, he dyed the garments of peace
-with the blood of war.
-
-How little was his gain! It had been happier for him if he had never
-mounted higher than the captaincy of the host, or even so high. He
-reigned for twenty-eight years (842-814)--longer than any king except
-his great-grandson Jeroboam II.; and in recognition of any element of
-righteousness which had actuated his revolt, his children, even to the
-fourth generation, were suffered to sit upon the throne. His dynasty
-lasted for one hundred and thirteen years.[224] But his own reign was
-only memorable for defeat, trouble, and irreparable disaster.
-
-For Hazael, who had seized the throne of his murdered lord Benhadad,
-was a fierce and able warrior. He held his own against the overweening
-might of his northern neighbour Assyria; and whenever he obtained a
-respite from this desperate warfare, he indemnified himself for all
-losses by enlarging his dominion out of the territories of the Ten
-Tribes. "In those days the Lord began to cut Israel short, and Hazael
-smote them in all the borders of Israel." Jehu had the mortification
-of seeing the fairest and most fruitful regions of his dominion, those
-which had belonged to Israel from the most ancient times, wrenched out
-of his grasp. From this time forwards Israel lost half the fair
-Promised Land which God had given to their fathers. It was the
-beginning of the end. Henceforth the tribal inheritance of Reuben,
-Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh was an oppressed dependency of
-Aram. Hazael overran and annexed the land of Bashan from the spurs of
-Mount Hermon to the Lake of Gennezareth; Gaulan, and volcanic Argob,
-and Hauran the entire ancient kingdom of Og, King of Bashan, with all
-the herds and pasture-lands. Southward of this he seized the whole
-forest-clad plateau of Gilead, with its lovely ravines, north of the
-Jabbok, the territory of Gad; and pushing still southward,
-established his sway over the district, of the Ammonites and the tribe
-of Reuben, as far as the city of Aroer, on the other side of the great
-chasm of Arnon (Wady Mojib). All the fatness of Bashan and Rabbah with
-her watery plain of the Beni-Ammon, and the grass-covered uplands
-which fed the enormous flocks of Mesha, the great Emîr and
-sheep-master of Moab, passed from Israel to Syria, never to be
-recovered. What made the humiliation more terrible was that the
-invasion and conquest were accompanied with acts of unwonted cruelty.
-Elisha had wept to think what evil Hazael would do the children of
-Israel[225]--how he would set their strongholds on fire, and slay
-their young men with the sword, and dash in pieces their little ones,
-and rip up their women with child. These atrocities were in those
-horrible days the ordinary incidents of warfare;[226] but Hazael seems
-to have been pre-eminent in brutal fierceness. It was this which
-called down on him and his people the "burdens" of Amos. "Thus saith
-the Lord; For three transgressions of Damascus, and for four, I will
-not turn away the punishment thereof; because they have threshed
-Gilead with threshing instruments of iron: but I will send a fire into
-the house of Hazael, which shall devour the palaces of Benhadad."[227]
-
-We can imagine rather than describe the anguish of Jehu when he was
-compelled to look impotently on, while his powerful Syrian neighbour
-laid waste his dominion with fire and sword, and the cry of his
-despoiled and slaughtered subjects was uplifted to him in vain. Nor
-was this all. Emboldened by these reverses, a host of other enemies,
-once subjugated and despised, began to wreak their revenge and
-insolence on humbled Israel. The Philistines eagerly undertook the
-sale of the wretched captives who were brought to them in gangs from
-the burnt Trans-Jordanic towns.[228] The old "brotherly covenant" with
-the Tyrian, which had once been formed by Solomon, and had been
-cemented by the marriage of Jezebel with Ahab, was cancelled by Jehu's
-insults, and the Tyrians emulously outbad the Philistines in the
-purchase of Israelitish slaves. The Edomites and the Ammonites also
-helped Hazael in his marauding raids, and enlarged their own domains
-at the expense of Samaria. Such insults and humiliations might well go
-far to break the heart of an impetuous and warrior-king.
-
-Of Jehu the Books of Kings and Chronicles have no more to tell us, but
-we gain fresh insight into his degradation from the Black Obelisk of
-Shalmaneser II. (860-824), now in the British Museum. From the
-inscription we find that, in 842, Jehu--"the son of Omri," as he is
-erroneously called--was one of the vassal kings who subjected
-themselves to the Assyrian conqueror,[229] and sent him tribute, which
-may have euphemistically passed under the name of presents. The
-despot of Nineveh twice speaks of it as a tribute. On this obelisk we
-see a picture of Jehu's ambassadors--perhaps of Jehu himself. On the
-left stands the Assyrian King with the winged circle over his head. He
-holds a beaker of wine in his hand, and two eunuchs stand behind him,
-one of whom covers him with a sunshade. Before him kneels and grovels
-in adoration the Jewish King, with his beard sweeping the ground. In
-long array behind him come his servants--first two eunuchs, then a
-number of bearded figures, who carry the tribute. They are dressed in
-long richly fringed robes, exactly resembling those of the Assyrians
-themselves, and they wear shoes which turn up at the toes. They are
-carrying figures of gold and silver, goblets, golden vessels, ingots
-of precious metals, spear-shafts, a kingly sceptre, baskets, bags, and
-trays of treasure, the contribution of which must have fallen with
-crushing weight on the impoverished kingdom.[230]
-
-This tribute must have been sent in 842, the eighteenth year of
-Shalmaneser II.'s reign. Doubtless Jehu thought he might be delivered
-from his furious neighbour Hazael by propitiating the Northern tyrant,
-who at the same time received the submission of the Tyrians and
-Sidonians. But if so, Jehu's hopes were dashed to the ground.
-Shalmaneser was the enemy of Hazael (Ha-sa-ilu), who had gone out to
-meet him at Antilibanus, and there had fought a desperate battle. The
-Syrian King was routed, and driven back, and Shalmaneser had besieged
-Damascus. But he had failed to take it, and indeed had not troubled
-Syria again till 832, when he made an excursion of minor importance.
-His troubles on the north and east of Assyria had diverted his
-attention from Damascus; and this, together with the inferiority of
-his son Samsiniras (_d._ 811), had given Hazael a free hand to avenge
-himself on Israel as the ally of Assyria. Of Jehu we hear no more.
-After his long reign of twenty-eight years he slept with his fathers,
-and was buried in Samaria, and Jehoahaz his son reigned in his stead.
-Savage as had been his measures, his victory over alien idolatries was
-by no means complete. What Micah calls "the statutes of Omri, and the
-works of the House of Ahab,"[231] were still kept; and men, both in
-Israel and Judah, walked in their old sins. Even in the reign of
-Jehu's own son Jehoahaz there still remained in Samaria the Asherah,
-or tree consecrated to the nature-goddess, which Jehu seems to have
-put away, but not to have destroyed.[232] As he grovelled in the dust
-before Shalmaneser, did no memory of his own ferocities darken his
-humiliated soul? Must not he, like our Henry II., have been inclined
-to utter the wailing cry, "Shame, shame on a conquered king!"
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[203] 2 Kings x. 12. The shepherds House of Meeting
-(_Beth-equed-haroim_). LXX., [Greek: en Baithakath]; Vulg., _ad
-cameram pastorum_; Aquila, [Greek: oikos kampseôs]. It has been
-conjectured by Klostermann that it belonged to the Rechabites, that
-they had been persecuted by Jezebel, and that they were glad to help
-in taking vengeance on her descendants.
-
-[204] The Chronicler (2 Chron. xxii. 8) says "_sons_ of the brethren
-of Ahaziah."
-
-[205] LXX., [Greek: hê dynasteuousa].
-
-[206] 2 Kings x. 14, A.V., "at the pit." Lit., "in" or "into the
-cistern."
-
-[207] See Martin, _Hist. de France_, ix. 114.
-
-[208] Whittier.
-
-[209] Jer. xxxv. 1-19. Josephus (_Antt._, IX. vi. 6) calls him "a good
-man and a just, who had long been a friend of Jehu." "He was," says
-Ewald (_Gesch._, iii. 543), "of a society of those who despaired of
-being able to observe true religion undisturbedly in the midst of the
-nation with the stringency with which they understood it, and
-therefore withdrew into the desert."
-
-[210] Jer. xxxv. (written about B.C. 604). Communities of Nazarites
-seem to have sprung up at this epoch, perhaps as a protest against the
-prevailing luxury (Amos ii. 11).
-
-[211] In Josephus it is Jehonadab who blesses the king.
-
-[212] Heb., [Hebrew: yesh vayesh].
-
-[213] Striking hands was a sign of good faith (Job xvii. 3; Prov.
-xxii. 26).
-
-[214] He did it "in subtilty" ([Hebrew: vetzakevah]). This substantive
-occurs nowhere else, but is connected with the name Jacob. LXX.,
-[Greek: en pternismô], "in taking by the heel," with reference to the
-name Jacob, "supplanter."
-
-[215] Lit., "mouth to mouth." LXX., [Greek: stoma eis stoma].
-
-[216] Ver. 22, [Hebrew: melhahah], _Vestiarum_, occurs here only. The
-LXX. omits it or puts it in Greek letters. Targum, [Greek: kamptrai],
-"chests" Sil. Italicus (iii. 23) describes the robes of the priests of
-the Gaditanian Hercules,--
-
- "_Nec discolor ulli,
- Ante aras cultus; velantur corpora lino
- Et Pelusiaco præfulget stamine vertex._"
- KEIL, _ad loc._
-
-It was a mixture of "the rich dye of Tyre and the rich web of Nile."
-
-[217] The phrase may be impersonal, "when one [_i.e._, they] had
-finished the sacrifice"; but the narrative seems to imply that Jehu
-offered it himself (LXX., [Greek: hôs synetelesan poiountes tên
-holokautôsin] Vulg., _cum completum esset holocaustum_).
-
-[218] A.V., images; R.V., pillars.
-
-[219] Comp. Ezra vi. 11; Dan. ii. 5.
-
-[220] Amos i. 11.
-
-[221] Amos ii. 1.
-
-[222] Hos. i. 4.
-
-[223] Psalm lxxvi. 10.
-
-[224]
-
- Jehu 842-814.
- Jehoahaz 814-797.
- Joash 797-781.
- Jeroboam II. 781-740.
- Zechariah 740.
-
-[225] 2 Kings viii. 12.
-
-[226] Isa. xiii. 11-16; Hos. x. 14, xiii. 16; Nah. iii. 10.
-
-[227] Amos i. 3, 4.
-
-[228] Amos i. 6-15.
-
-[229] See Appendix I., Schrader, _Keilinschriften u. das Alte Test._,
-208 ff.; Sayce, _Records of the Past_, v. 41; Layard, _Nineveh_, p.
-613; Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, i. 469. He is twice mentioned in
-inscriptions of Shalmaneser II. (861-825). He is called Ja-hu-a, son
-of Omri. The name of Omri was familiar in Nineveh; for Ahab had fought
-as a vassal of Assyria at the battle of Karkar, and Samaria was called
-Beth-Khumri. Shalmaneser would not trouble himself with the fact that
-Jehu had extirpated the old dynasty. His black stêlè was found by
-Layard, and is figured in _Monuments of Nineveh_, i., pl. 53. The name
-of Jehu was first deciphered by Dr. Hincks in 1851.
-
-[230] Schrader (E. T.), ii. 199.
-
-[231] Mic. vi. 16.
-
-[232] 2 Kings xiii. 6.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIV
-
- _ATHALIAH_ (B.C. 842-836)--_JOASH BEN-AHAZIAH OF
- JUDAH_ (B.C. 836-796)
-
- 2 KINGS xi. 1-xii. 21
-
- "Par cette fin terrible, et due à ses forfaits,
- Apprenez, Roi des Juifs, et n'oubliez jamais,
- Que les rois dans le ciel ont un juge sevère,
- L'innocence un vengeur, et les orphelins un père!"
- RACINE, _Athalie_.
-
- "Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind's sway,
- That, hushed in grim repose, expects its evening prey."
- GRAY.
-
-
-Before we follow the destinies of the House of Jehu we must revert to
-Judah, and watch the final consequences of ruin which came in the
-train of Ahab's Tyrian marriage, and brought murder and idolatry into
-Judah, as well as into Israel.
-
-Athaliah, who, as queen-mother, was more powerful than the queen-consort
-(_malekkah_), was the true daughter of Jezebel. She exhibits the same
-undaunted fierceness, the same idolatrous fanaticism, the same swift
-resolution, the same cruel and unscrupulous wickedness.
-
-It might have been supposed that the miserable disease of her husband
-Jehoram, followed so speedily by the murder, after one year's reign,
-of her son Ahaziah, might have exercised over her character the
-softening influence of misfortune. On the contrary, she only saw in
-these events a short path to the consummation of her ambition.
-
-Under Jehoram she had been queen: under Ahaziah she had exercised
-still more powerful influence as Gebîrah, and had asserted her sway
-alike over her husband and over her son, whose counsellor she was to
-do wickedly. It was far from her intention tamely to sink from her
-commanding position into the abject nullity of an aged and despised
-dowager in a dull provincial seraglio. She even thought that
-
- "To reign is worth ambition, though in hell;
- Better to reign in hell than serve in heaven."
-
-The royal family of the House of David, numerous and flourishing as it
-once was, had recently been decimated by cruel catastrophes. Jehoram,
-instigated probably by his heathen wife, had killed his six younger
-brothers.[233] Later on, the Arabs and Philistines, in their insulting
-invasion, had not only plundered his palace, but had carried away his
-sons; so that, according to the Chronicler, "there was never a son
-left him, save Jehoahaz [_i.e._, Ahaziah], the youngest of his
-sons."[234] He may have had other sons after that invasion; and
-Ahaziah had left children, who must all, however, have been very
-young, since he was only twenty-two or twenty-three when Jehu's
-servants murdered him. Athaliah might naturally have hoped for the
-regency; but this did not content her. When she saw that her son
-Ahaziah was dead, "she arose and destroyed all the seed royal." In
-those days the life of a child was but little thought of; and it
-weighed less than nothing with Athaliah that these innocents were her
-grandchildren. She killed all of whose existence she was aware, and
-boldly seized the crown. No queen had ever reigned alone either in
-Israel or in Judah. Judah must have sunk very low, and the talents of
-Athaliah must have been commanding, or she could never have
-established a precedent hitherto undreamed of, by imposing on the
-people of David for six years the yoke of a woman, and that woman a
-half-Phoenician idolatress. Yet so it was! Athaliah, like her cousin
-Dido, felt herself strong enough to rule.
-
-But a woman's ruthlessness was outwitted by a woman's cunning. Ahaziah
-had a half-sister on the father's side,[235] the princess Jehosheba,
-or Jehoshabeath, who was then or afterwards (we are told) married to
-Jehoiada, the high priest.[236] The secrets of harems are hidden deep,
-and Athaliah may have been purposely kept in ignorance of the birth to
-Ahaziah of a little babe whose mother was Zibiah of Beersheba, and who
-had received the name of Joash. If she knew of his existence, some
-ruse must have been palmed off upon her, and she must have been led to
-believe that he too had been killed. But he had not been killed.
-Jehosheba "stole him from among the king's sons that were slain," and,
-with the connivance of his nurse, hid him from the murderers sent by
-Athaliah in the palace store-room in which beds and couches were
-kept.[237] Thence, at the first favourable moment, she transferred the
-child and nurse to one of the chambers in the three storeys of
-chambers which ran round the Temple, and were variously used as
-wardrobes or as dwelling-rooms.
-
-The hiding-place was safe; for under Athaliah the Temple of Jehovah
-fell into neglect and disrepute, and its resident ministers would not
-be numerous. It would not have been difficult, in the seclusion of
-Eastern life, for Jehosheba to pass off the babe as her own child to
-all but the handful who knew the secret.
-
-Six years passed away, and the iron hand of Athaliah still kept the
-people in subjection. She had boldly set up in Judah her mother's
-Baal-worship. Baal had his temple not far from that of Jehovah; and
-though Athaliah did not imitate Jezebel in persecuting the worshippers
-of Jehovah, she made her own high priest, Mattan, a much more
-important person than Jehoiada for all who desired to propitiate the
-favours of the Court.
-
-Joash had now reached his seventh year, and a Jewish prince in his
-seventh year is regarded as something more than a mere child. Jehoiada
-thought that it was time to strike a blow in his favour, and to
-deliver him from the dreadful confinement which made it impossible for
-him to leave the Temple precincts.
-
-He began secretly to tamper with the guards both of the Temple and of
-the palace. Upon the Levitic guards, indignant at the intrusion of
-Baal-worship, he might securely count, and the Carites and queen's
-runners were not likely to be very much devoted to the rule of the
-manlike and idolatrous alien-queen. Taking an oath of them in secrecy,
-he bound them to allegiance to the little boy whom he produced from the
-Temple chamber as their lawful lord, and the son of their late king.
-
-The plot was well laid. There were five captains of the five hundred
-royal body-guards, and the priest secretly enlisted them all in the
-service.[238] The Chronicler says that he also sent round to all the
-chief Levites, and collected them in Jerusalem for the emergency. The
-arrangements of the Sabbath gave special facility to his plans; for on
-that day only one of the five divisions of guards mounted watch at the
-palace, and the others were set free for the service of the Temple.[239]
-It had evidently been announced that some great ceremony would be held
-in the shrine of Jehovah; for all the people, we are told, were
-assembled in the courts of the house of the Lord. Jehoiada ordered one
-of the companies to guard the palace; another to be at the "gate Sur,"
-or the gate "of the Foundation";[240] another at the gate behind the
-barracks(?) of the palace-runners, to be a barrier[241] against any
-incursion from the palace. Two more were to ensure the safety of the
-little king by watching the precincts of the Temple. The Levitic
-officers were to protect the king's person with serried ranks. Jehoiada
-armed them with spears and shields, which David had placed as trophies
-in the porch; and if any one tried to force his way within their lines
-he was to be slain. The only danger to be apprehended was from any
-Carite mercenaries, or palace-servants of the queen: among all others
-Jehoiada found a widespread defection. The people, the Levites, even the
-soldiers, all hated the Baal-worshipping usurper.[242]
-
-At the fateful moment the guards were arranged in two dense lines,
-beginning from either side of the porch, till their ranks met beyond the
-altar, so as to form a hedge round the royal boy. Into this triangular
-space the young prince was led by the high priest, and placed beside the
-_Matstsebah_--some prominent pillar in the Temple court, either one of
-Solomon's pillars Jachin and Boaz, or some special erection of later
-days.[243] Round him stood the princes of Judah, and there, in the midst
-of them, Jehoiada placed the crown upon his head, and in significant
-symbol also laid lightly upon it for a moment "The Testimony"--perhaps
-the Ten Commandments and the Book of the Covenant--the most ancient
-fragment of the Pentateuch[244]--which was treasured up with the pot of
-manna inside or in front of the Ark. Then he poured on the child's head
-the consecrated oil, and said, "Let the king live!"
-
-The completion of the ceremony was marked by the blare of the rams'
-horns, the softer blast of the silver trumpets, and the answering shouts
-of the soldiers and the people. The tumult, or the news of it, reached
-the ears of Athaliah in the neighbouring palace, and, with all the
-undaunted courage of her mother, she instantly summoned her escort, and
-went into the Temple to see for herself what was taking place.[245] She
-probably mounted the ascent which Solomon had made from the palace to
-the Temple court, though it had long been robbed of its precious metals
-and scented woods. She led the way, and thought to overawe by her
-personal ascendency any irregularity which might be going on; for in the
-deathful hush to which she had reduced her subjects she does not seem to
-have dreamt of rebellion. No sooner had she entered than the guards
-closed behind her, excluding and menacing her escort.[246]
-
-A glance was sufficient to reveal to her the significance of the whole
-scene. There, in royal robes, and crowned with the royal crown, stood
-her little unknown grandson beside the _Matstsebah_,[247] while round
-him were the leaders of the people and the trumpeters, and the
-multitudes were still rolling their tumult of acclamation from the court
-below. In that sight she read her doom. Rending her clothes, she turned
-to fly, shrieking, "Treason! treason!" Then the commands of the priest
-rang out: "Keep her between the ranks,[248] till you have got her
-outside the area of the Temple; and if any of her guards follow or try
-to rescue her, kill him with the sword. But let not the sacred courts be
-polluted with her blood." So they made way for her,[249] and as she
-could not escape she passed between the rows of Levites and soldiers
-till she had reached the private chariot-road by which the kings drove
-to the precincts.[250] There the sword of vengeance fell. Athaliah
-disappears from history, and with her the dark race of Jezebel. But her
-story lives in the music of Handel and the verse of Racine.
-
-This is the only recorded revolution in the history of Judah. In two
-later cases a king of Judah was murdered, but in both instances "the
-people of the land" restored the Davidic heir. Life in Judah was less
-dramatic and exciting than in Israel, but far more stable;[251] and
-this, together with comparative immunity from foreign invasions,
-constituted an immense advantage.
-
-Jehoiada, of course, became regent for the young king, and continued
-to be his guide for many years, so that even the king's two wives were
-selected by his advice. As the nation had been distracted with
-idolatries, he made the covenant between the king and the people that
-they should be loyal to each other, and between Jehoiada and the king
-and the people that they should be Jehovah's people. Such covenants
-were not infrequent in Jewish history. Such a covenant had been made
-by Asa[252] after Abijam's apostasy, as it was afterwards made by
-Hezekiah[253] and by Josiah.[254] The new covenant, and the sense of
-awakenment from the dream of guilty apostasy, evoked an outburst of
-spontaneous enthusiasm in the hearts of the populace. Of their own
-impulse they rushed to the temple of Baal which Athaliah had reared,
-dismantled it, and smashed to pieces his altars and images. The riot
-was only stained by a single murder. They slew Mattan, Athaliah's
-Baal-priest, before the altars of his god.[255]
-
-With Jehoiada begins the title of "high priest." Hitherto no higher
-name than "the priest" had been given even to Aaron, or Eli, or Zadok;
-but thenceforth the title of "chief priest" is given to his
-successors, among whom he inaugurated a new epoch.[256]
-
-It was now Jehoiada's object to restore such splendour and solemnity
-as he could to the neglected worship of the Temple, which had suffered
-in every way from Baal's encroachments. He did this before the king's
-second solemn inauguration. Even the porters had been done away with,
-so that the Temple could at any time be polluted by the presence of
-the unclean, and the whole service of priests and Levites had fallen
-into desuetude.
-
-Then he took the captains, and the Carians, and the princes, and
-conducted the boy-king, amid throngs of his shouting and rejoicing
-people, from the Temple to his own palace. There he seated him on the
-lion-throne of Solomon his father, in the great hall of justice, and
-the city was quiet and the land had rest. According to the historian,
-"Joash did right _all his days_, because Jehoiada the priest
-instructed him."[257] The stock addition that "howbeit the _bamoth_
-were not removed, and the people still sacrificed and offered incense
-there," is no derogation from the merits of Joash, and perhaps not
-even of Jehoiada, since if the law against the _bamoth_ then existed,
-it had become absolutely unknown, and these local sanctuaries were
-held to be conducive to true religion.[258]
-
-It was natural that the child of the Temple should have at heart the
-interests of the Temple in which he had spent his early days, and to
-the shelter of which he owed his life and throne. The sacred house had
-been insulted and plundered by persons whom the Chronicler calls "the
-sons of Athaliah, that wicked woman,"[259] meaning, probably, her
-adherents. Not only had its treasures been robbed to enrich the house
-of Baal, but it had been suffered to fall into complete disrepair.
-Breaches gaped in the outer walls, and the very foundations were
-insecure. The necessity for restoring it occurred, not, as we should
-have expected, to the priests who lived at its altar, but to the
-boy-king. He issued an order to the priests that they should take
-charge of all the money presented to the Temple for the hallowed
-things, all the money paid in current coin, and all the assessments
-for various fines and vows,[260] together with every freewill
-contribution. They were to have this revenue entirely at their
-disposal, and to make themselves responsible for the necessary
-repairs. According to the Chronicler, they were further to raise a
-subscription throughout the country from all their personal friends.
-
-The king's command had been urgent. Money had at first come in, but
-nothing was done. Joash had reached the twenty-third year of his
-reign, and was thirty years old; but the Temple remained in its old
-sordid condition. The matter is passed over by the king as lightly,
-courteously, and considerately as he could; but if he does not charge
-the priests with downright embezzlement, he does reproach them for
-most reprehensible neglect. They were the appointed guardians of the
-house: why did they suffer its dilapidations to remain untouched year
-after year, while they continued to receive the golden stream which
-poured--but now, owing to the disgust of the people, in diminished
-volume--into their coffers? "Take no more money, therefore," he said,
-"from your acquaintances, but deliver it for the breaches of the
-house." For what they had already received he does not call them to
-account, but henceforth takes the whole matter into his own hands. The
-neglectful priests were to receive no more contributions, and not to
-be responsible for the repairs. Joash, however, ordered Jehoiada to
-take a chest and put it beside the altar on the right.[261] All
-contributions were to be dropped into this chest. When it was full, it
-was carried by the Levites unopened into the palace,[262] and there
-the king's chancellor and the high priest had the ingots weighed and
-the money counted; its value was added up, and it was handed over
-immediately to the architects, who paid it to the carpenters and
-masons. The priests were left in possession of the money for the
-guilt-offerings[263] and for the sin-offerings, but with the rest of
-the funds they had nothing to do. In this way was restored the
-confidence which the management of the hierarchy had evidently
-forfeited, and with renewed confidence in the administration fresh
-gifts poured in. Even in the cautious narrative of the Chronicler it
-is clear that the priests hardly came out of these transactions with
-flying colours. If their honesty is not formally impugned, at least
-their torpor is obvious, as is the fact that they had wholly failed to
-inspire the zeal of the people till the young king took the affair
-into his own hands.[264]
-
-The long reign of Joash ended in eclipse and murder. If the later
-tradition be correct, it was also darkened with atrocious ingratitude
-and crime.
-
-For, according to the Chronicler, Jehoiada died at the advanced age of
-one hundred and thirty, and was buried, as an unwonted honour, in the
-sepulchres of the kings.[265] When he was dead, the princes of Judah
-came to Joash, who had now been king for many years, and with a
-strange suddenness tempted the zealous repairer of the Temple of
-Jehovah into idolatrous apostasy. With soft speech they seduced him
-into the worship of Asherim. It was marvellous indeed if the child of
-the Temple became its foe, and he who had made a covenant with Jehovah
-fell away to Baalim. But worse followed. Prophets reproved him, and he
-paid them no heed, in spite of "the greatness of the burdens"--_i.e._,
-the multitude of the menaces--laid upon him.[266] The stern,
-denunciative harangues were despised. At last Zechariah, the son of
-his benefactor Jehoiada, rebuked king and people. He cried aloud from
-some eminence in the court of the Temple, that "since they had
-transgressed the commandments of Jehovah they could not prosper: they
-had forsaken Him, and He would forsake them." Infuriated by this
-prophecy of woe, the guilty people, at the command of their guiltier
-king, stoned him to death.[267] As he lay dying, he exclaimed, "The
-Lord look upon it, and require it!"[268]
-
-The entire silence of the elder and better authority might lead us to
-hope that there may be room for doubt as to the accuracy of the much
-later tradition. Yet there certainly was a persistent belief that
-Zechariah had been thus martyred. A wild legend, related in the
-Talmud,[269] tells us that when Nebuzaradan conquered Jerusalem and
-entered the Temple he saw blood bubbling up from the floor of the
-court, and slaughtered ninety-four myriads, so that the blood flowed
-till it touched the blood of Zechariah, that it might be fulfilled
-which is said (Hos. iv. 2), "Blood toucheth blood." When he saw the
-blood of Zechariah, and noticed that it was boiling and agitated, he
-asked, "What is this?" and was told that it was the spilled blood of
-the sacrifices. Finding this to be false, he threatened to comb the
-flesh of the priests with iron curry-combs if they did not tell the
-truth. Then they confessed that it was the blood of the murdered
-Zechariah. "Well," he said, "I will pacify him." First he slaughtered
-the greater and lesser Sanhedrin: but the blood did not rest. Then he
-sacrificed young men and maidens: but the blood still bubbled. At
-last he cried, "Zechariah, Zechariah, must I then slay them all?" Then
-the blood was still, and Nebuzaradan, thinking how much blood he had
-shed, fled, repented, and became a Jewish proselyte!
-
-Perhaps the worst feature of the story against Joash might have been
-susceptible of a less shocking colouring. He had naturally all his life
-been under the influence of priestly domination. The ascendency which
-Jehoiada had acquired as priest-regent had been maintained till long
-after the young king had arrived at full manhood. At last, however, he
-had come into collision with the priestly body. He was in the right;
-they were transparently in the wrong. The Chronicler, and even the older
-historian, soften the story against the priests as much as they can; but
-in both their narratives it is plain that Jehoiada and the whole
-hierarchy had been more careful of their own interests than of those of
-the Temple, of which they were the appointed guardians. Even if they can
-be acquitted of potential malfeasance, they had been guilty of
-reprehensible carelessness. It is clear that in this matter they did not
-command the confidence of the people; for so long as they had the
-management of affairs the sources of munificence were either dried up or
-only flowed in scanty streams, whereas they were poured forth with glad
-abundance when the administration of the funds was placed mainly in the
-hands of laymen under the king's chancellor. It is probable that when
-Jehoiada was dead Joash thought it right to assert his royal authority
-in greater independence of the priestly party; and that party was headed
-by Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. The Chronicler says that he
-prophesied: that, however, would not necessarily constitute him a
-prophet, any more than it constituted Caiaphas. If he was a prophet, and
-was yet at the head of the priests, he furnishes an all-but solitary
-instance of such a position. The position of a prophet, occupied in the
-great work of moral reformation, was so essentially antithetic to that
-of priests, absorbed in ritual ceremonies, that there is no body of men
-in Scripture of whom, as a whole, we have a more pitiful record than of
-the Jewish priests. From Aaron, who made the golden calf, to Urijah, who
-sanctioned the idolatrous altar of Ahaz, and so down to Annas and
-Caiaphas, who crucified the Lord of glory, they rendered few signal
-services to true religion. They opposed Uzziah when he invaded their
-functions, but they acquiesced in all the idolatries and abominations of
-Rehoboam, Abijah, Ahaziah, Ahaz, and many other kings, without a
-syllable of recorded protest. When a prophet did spring from their
-ranks, they set their faces with one consent, and were confederate
-against him. They mocked and ridiculed Isaiah. When Jeremiah rose among
-them, the priest Pashur smote him on the cheek, and the whole body
-persecuted him to death, leaving him to be protected only by the pity of
-eunuchs and courtiers. Ezekiel was the priestliest of the prophets, and
-yet he was forced to denounce the apostasies which they permitted in the
-very Temple. The pages of the prophets ring with denunciations of their
-priestly contemporaries.[270]
-
-We do not know enough of Zechariah to say much about his character;
-but priests in every age have shown themselves the most unscrupulous
-and the most implacable of enemies. Joash probably stood to him in
-the same relation that Henry II. stood to Thomas à Becket. The
-priest's murder may have been due to an outburst of passion on the
-part of the king's friends, or of the king himself--gentle as his
-character seems to have been--without being the act of black
-ingratitude which late traditions represented it to be. The legend
-about Zechariah's blood represents the priest's spirit as so
-ruthlessly unforgiving as to awaken the astonishment and even the
-rebukes of the Babylonian idolater. Such a legend could hardly have
-arisen in the case of a man who was other than a most formidable
-opponent. The murder of Joash may have been, in its turn, a final
-outcome of the revenge of the priestly party. The details of the story
-must be left to inference and conjecture, especially as they are not
-even mentioned in the earlier and more impartial annalists.
-
-It is at least singular that while Joash, the king, is blamed for
-continuing the worship at the _bamoth_, Jehoiada, the high priest, is
-_not_ blamed, though they continued throughout his long and powerful
-regency. Further, we have an instance of the priest-regent's autocracy
-which can hardly be regarded as redounding to his credit. It is
-preserved in an accidental allusion on the page of Jeremiah. In Jer.
-xxix. 26 we read his reproof and doom of the lying prophecy of the
-priest Shemaiah the Nehelamite, because as a priest he had sent a
-letter to the chief priest Zephaniah and all the priests, urging them
-as the successors of Jehoiada to follow the ruling of Jehoiada, which
-was to put Jeremiah in a collar. For Jehoiada, he said, "had ordered
-the priests, as officers [_pakidim_] in the house of Jehovah, to put
-in the stocks every one that is mad and maketh himself a
-prophet."[271] If, then, the Jehoiada referred to is the
-priest-regent, as seems undoubtedly to be the case, we see that he
-hated all interference of Jehovah's prophets with his rule. That the
-prophets were usually regarded by the world and by priests as "mad,"
-we see from the fact that the title is given by Jehu's captains to
-Elisha's emissary;[272] and that this continued to be the case we see
-from the fact that the priests and Pharisees of Jerusalem said of John
-the Baptist that he had a devil, and of Christ that He was a
-Samaritan, and that He, too, had a devil. If Joash was in opposition
-to the priestly party, he was in the same position as all God's
-greatest saints and reformers have ever been from the days of Moses to
-the days of John Wesley. The dominance of priestcraft is the
-invariable and inevitable death of true, as apart from functional,
-religion. Priests are always apt to concentrate their attention upon
-their temples, altars, religious practices and rites--in a word, upon
-the externals of religion. If they gain a complete ascendency over
-their fellow-believers, the faithful become their absolute slaves,
-religion degenerates into formalism, "and the life of the soul is
-choked by the observance of the ceremonial law." It was a misfortune
-for the Chosen People that, except among the prophets and the wise
-men, the external worship was thought much more of than the moral law.
-"To the ordinary man," says Wellhausen, "it was not moral but
-liturgical acts which seemed to be religious." This accounts for the
-monotonous iteration of judgments on the character of kings, based
-primarily, not upon their essential character, but on their relation
-to the _bamoth_ and the calves.
-
-Although the historian of the Kings gives no hint of this dark story of
-Zechariah's murder, or of the apostasy of Joash, and indeed narrates no
-other event of the long reign of forty years, he tells us of the
-deplorable close. Hazael's ambition had been fatal to Israel; and now,
-in the cessation of Assyrian inroads upon Aram, he extended his arms
-towards Judah. He went up against Gath and took it, and cherished
-designs against Jerusalem. Apparently he did not head the expedition in
-person, and the historian implies that Joash bought off the attack of
-his "general." But the Chronicler makes things far worse. He says that
-the Syrian host marched to Jerusalem, destroyed all the princes of the
-people, plundered the city, and sent the spoil to Hazael, who was at
-Damascus. Judah, he says, had assembled a vast army to resist the small
-force of the Syrian raid; but Joash was ignominiously defeated, and was
-driven to pay blackmail to the invader. As to this defeat in battle the
-historian is silent; but he mentions what the Chronicler omits--namely,
-that the only way in which Joash could raise the requisite bribe was by
-once more stripping the Temple and the palace, and sending to Damascus
-all the treasures which his three predecessors had consecrated,--though
-we are surprised to learn that after so many strippings and plunderings
-any of them could still be left.
-
-The anguish and mortification of mind caused by these disasters, and
-perhaps the wounds he had received in the defeat of his army, threw
-Joash into "great diseases." But he was not suffered to die of
-these.[273] His servants--perhaps, if that story be authentic, to
-avenge the slain son of Jehoiada, but doubtless also in disgust at
-the national humiliation--rose in conspiracy against him, and smote
-him at Beth-Millo,[274] where he was lying sick. The Septuagint, in 2
-Chron. xxiv. 27, adds the dark fact that _all his sons_ joined in the
-conspiracy.[275] This cannot be true of Amaziah, who put the murderer
-to death. Such, however, was the deplorable end of the king who had
-stood by the Temple pillar in his fair childhood, amid the shouts and
-trumpet-blasts of a rejoicing people. At that time all things seemed
-full of promise and of hope. Who could have anticipated that the boy
-whose head had been touched with the sacred oil and over-shadowed with
-the Testimony--the young king who had made a covenant with Jehovah,
-and had initiated the task of restoring the ruined Temple to its
-pristine beauty--would end his reign in earthquake and eclipse? If
-indeed he had been guilty of the black ingratitude and murderous
-apostasy which tradition laid to his charge, we see in his end the
-Nemesis of his ill-doing; yet we cannot but pity one who, after so
-long a reign, perished amid the spoliation of his people, and was not
-even allowed to end his days by the sore sickness into which he had
-fallen, but was hurried into the next world by the assassin's knife.
-
-It is impossible not to hope that his deeds were less black than the
-Chronicler painted. He had made the priests feel his power and
-resentment, and their Levitic recorder was not likely to take a
-lenient view of his offences. He says that though Joash was buried in
-the City of David, he was not buried in the sepulchres of his fathers.
-The historian of the Kings, however, expressly says that "they buried
-him with his fathers in the City of David," and he was peaceably
-succeeded by Amaziah his son.
-
-There is a curious, though it may be an accidental, circumstance about
-the name of the two conspirators who slew him. They are called
-"Jozacar, the son of Shimeath, and Jehozabad, the son of Shomer, his
-servants." The names mean "Jehovah remembers," the son of "Hearer,"
-and "Jehovah awards," the son of "Watcher"; and this strangely recalls
-the last words attributed in the Book of Chronicles to the martyred
-Zechariah. "Jehovah look upon it, and require it!" The Chronicler
-turns the names into "Zabad, the son of Shimeath, an Ammonitess, and
-Jehozabad, the son of Shimrith, a Moabitess." Does he record this to
-account for their murderous deed by the blood of hated nations which
-ran in their veins?
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[233] 2 Chron. xxi. 2-4.
-
-[234] 2 Chron. xxi. 17.
-
-[235] [Greek: homopatrios adelphê] (Jos.).
-
-[236] 2 Chron. xxii. 11. There are undoubted difficulties about the
-statement (see _infra_). There is no other instance of the marriage of
-a princess with a priest.
-
-[237] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vii. 1: [Greek: to tamieion tôn klinôn]. The
-chamber of beds was a sort of unoccupied wardrobe-room.
-
-[238] 2 Kings xi. 4: "The centurions of the Carians and of the runners."
-
-[239] This is the second time that the word "Sabbath" occurs, or that
-the institution is alluded to, in the history of either monarchy.
-
-[240] Nothing is known of [Hebrew: sur], Sur, or [Hebrew: yesod]
-_y'sôd_, the Foundation (2 Chron. xxiii. 5). They are not mentioned
-elsewhere. LXX., [Greek: en tê pulê tôn hodôn], and (in Chronicles)
-[Greek: en tê pylê tê mesê].
-
-[241] Not as in A.V., "that it be not broken down."
-
-[242] In reading side by side the narratives in the Books of Kings and
-Chronicles (2 Chron. xxiii.), it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
-that the main anxiety of the Chronicler is to leave the impression
-that the work in the Temple was chiefly done by the Levites, and that
-the sacred precincts were not polluted by the presence of alien
-troops. He evidently stumbled at the notion, conveyed by the older
-narrative, that Carians and suchlike semi-heathen mercenaries should
-have stood by the altar at a high priest's command; so he substitutes
-Levites for guardsmen, and the profane laymen are relegated outside.
-In details the two accounts are only reconcilable by a special
-pleading which would reconcile _any_ discrepancy.
-
-[243] 1 Kings vii. 21. Comp., however, 2 Kings xxiii. 3.
-
-[244] See Exod. xxv. 16, 21, xvi. 34. [Hebrew: hatzedut] (see 2 Chron.
-xxiii. 11). Kimchi takes it to mean "a royal robe," and other Rabbis a
-phylactery on the coronet (Deut. vi. 8). In the Targum to Chronicles
-it is explained to mean the costly jewel (2 Sam. xii. 30), of which
-none but a descendant of David could bear the weight. For _ha'edôth_
-Klostermann therefore suggests _hats'adôth_, "the royal bracelets."
-
-[245] So says Josephus ([Greek: meta tês idias stratias]), and it is
-certain that she would hardly go unattended.
-
-[246] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vii. 3: [Greek: Tous de hepomenous hoplitas
-eirxan eiselthein].
-
-[247] The meaning of _al-ha'amôd_ is uncertain (A.V., "by a pillar";
-Vulg., "on the tribunal"). Comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 3; 2 Chron. xxiii. 13;
-1 Kings viii. 22; 2 Chron. vi. 13.
-
-[248] 2 Kings xi. 15. Not as in A.V., "without the ranges." Heb.,
-_lash'dêrôth_; LXX., [Greek: esôthen tôn sadêrôth].
-
-[249] A.V., "And they laid hands on her"; LXX., [Greek: epebalon autê
-cheiras]; Vulg., _imposuerunt ci manus_. But R.V. as in the text,
-following the Targum, and the Jewish commentators, "They made for her
-two sides."
-
-[250] This is usually understood to be the "horse gate" of the city
-(Neh. iii. 28), and so Josephus seems to have taken it, for he says
-that Athaliah was killed in "the Kedron Valley." Canon Rawlinson says
-that it was more probably in the Tyropoeon Valley. But there could
-have been no object in dragging the wretched queen all this way.
-Jehoiada was only anxious that she should not stain the Temple with
-her blood, and "the way by which the horses came into the king's
-house" seems to be some private palace-gate. We are expressly told
-(ver. 16) that Athaliah was slain "at the king's house," probably in
-"the king's garden" (2 Kings xxv. 4).
-
-[251] Wellhausen, _Isr. and Jud._, p. 96.
-
-[252] 2 Chron. xv. 9-15.
-
-[253] 2 Chron. xxix. 10.
-
-[254] 2 Chron. xxxiv. 31.
-
-[255] The name is perhaps an abbreviation from Mattan-Baal, "gift of
-Baal." Comp. "Methumballes" (Plaut.). The names of Tyrian kings,
-Mitinna, Mattun, occur in inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser II. See
-Herod., vii. 98 (Bahr, _ad loc._). "Methumbaal of Arvad" is mentioned
-on a monument of Tiglath-Pileser II. (Schrader, ii. 249).
-
-[256] 2 Kings xii. 10; Jer. xxix. 26; 2 Chron. xxiv. 6. Stanley,
-_Lectures_, ii. 399.
-
-[257] 2 Kings xii. 2. After "all his days," the R.V. and A.V. add
-"_wherein_ Jehoiada instructed him." This, however, is not accurate.
-There is a stop at days, and "wherein" should be "_because_." There
-seems, however, from the LXX., to be some variation in the text, and
-according to the Chronicler Joash became an apostate. LXX., [Greek:
-Pasas tas hêmeras has ephôtizen auton ho hiereus]; Vulg., _Cunctis
-diebus quibus docuit eum Jojadas sacerdos_.
-
-[258] The Chronicler (2 Chron. xxiv. 1, 2) _more suo_ copies 2 Kings
-xii. 1, 2, but omits 3, because he dislikes the fact that not even his
-hero Jehoiada had anything to say against the _bamoth_. But it appears
-from 2 Kings xxiii. 9 that the _bamoth_ had regular priests of their
-own, who "eat the priestly portions" (according to an old MS.) among
-their brethren.
-
-[259] 2 Chron. xxiv. 7.
-
-[260] 2 Kings xii. 4: "The money that every man is set at." Lit.,
-"Each the money of the souls of his valuation." Comp. Numb. xviii. 16;
-Lev. xxvii. 2.
-
-[261] The Chronicler says "at the gate."
-
-[262] 2 Chron. xxiv. 11.
-
-[263] Lev. v. 1-6, xiv. 13. "Trespass-money" is here first mentioned.
-
-[264] 2 Chron. xxiv. 8-10. There is a difference between the historian
-and the Chronicler respecting the vessels of the house.
-
-[265] 2 Chron. xxiv. 15, 16. The statement of the Chronicler is (as so
-often) surrounded by difficulties and improbabilities. If Jehoiada was
-one hundred and thirty years old when he died, he must have been
-ninety when Ahaziah was murdered, at the age of twenty-three. But as
-Ahaziah was (apparently) born when his father Jehoram was eighteen,
-Jehosheba must have been under eighteen, and must have been married to
-a man seventy years older than herself! See Lord Arthur Hervey, _On
-the Genealogies_, p. 113.
-
-[266] 2 Chron. xxiv. 27.
-
-[267] Stanley charitably thinks that Joash may have only burst into
-hasty words like those of Henry II. against Becket.
-
-[268] The Chronicler says that "the _sons_ of Jehoiada" had helped to
-crown him, and that he put "the _sons_ of Jehoiada" to death (2 Chron.
-xxiii. 11, xxiv. 25).
-
-[269] Gittin, f. 57, 2; Sanhedrin, f. 96, 2; Hershon, _Treasures of
-the Talmud_, p. 276; Lightfoot on Matt. xxiii. 35. There can be little
-doubt that the reading "Berechiah" is a later correction of some one
-who remembered the murder narrated in Jos., _B. J._, IV. v. 4, and
-that the true reading is "son of Jehoiada." This is the last murder of
-a prophet mentioned in the Old Testament, and we learn from the Gospel
-the fact that he was slain "between the Temple and the altar."
-
-[270] Isa. xxiv. 2; Jer. v. 31, xxiii. 11; Ezek. vii. 26, xxii. 26;
-Hos. iv. 9; Mic. iii. 11, etc.
-
-[271] Jer. xxix. 24-32.
-
-[272] 2 Kings ix. 11.
-
-[273] But from the Book of Kings we should not infer that there had been
-any fighting at all. The Syrian commander had been bribed to retire.
-
-[274] We cannot understand the addition "on the way that goeth down to
-Silla." Silla is nowhere else referred to.
-
-[275] LXX., 2 Chron. xxiv. 27, [Greek: kai hoi hyioi autou pantes].
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XV
-
- _AMAZIAH OF JUDAH_
-
- B.C. 796-783 (?)
-
- 2 KINGS xiv. 1-22
-
- "All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword."--MATT.
- xxvi. 52.
-
-
-The fate of Amaziah ("Jehovah is strong"), son of Joash of Judah,
-resembles in some respects that of his father. Both began to reign
-prosperously: the happiness of both ended in disaster. Amaziah at his
-accession was twenty-five years old. He was the son of a lady of
-Jerusalem named Jehoaddin. He reigned twenty-nine years, of which the
-later ones were passed in misery, peril, and degradation, and, like
-the unhappy Joash, and at about the same age, he fell the victim of
-domestic conspiracy.
-
-The hereditary principle was too strongly established to enable the
-murderers of Joash to set it aside, but Amaziah was not at first
-strong enough to make any head against them. In time he became
-established in his kingdom, and then his earliest act was to bring the
-head conspirators, Jozacar and Jehozabad, to justice. It was noted as
-a most remarkable circumstance that he did not put to death their
-children, and extirpate their houses. In acting thus, if he were
-influenced by a spirit of mercy, he showed himself before his time;
-but such mercy was completely contrary to the universal custom, and
-was also regarded as most impolitic. Even the comparatively merciful
-Greeks had the proverb, "Fool, who has murdered the sire, and left his
-sons to avenge him!"[276]
-
-In epochs of the wild justice of revenge, when blood-feuds are an
-established and approved institution, the policy of letting vengeance
-only fall on the actual offender was regarded as fatal. Perhaps Amaziah
-felt it beyond his power to do more than bring the actual murderers to
-justice, and it is possible that their children may have been among the
-conspirators who, in his hour of shame, intimately destroyed him.
-
-The historian, it is true, attributes his conduct to magnanimity, or
-rather to his obedience to the law, "The fathers shall not be put to
-death for the children, nor the children for the fathers; but every
-man shall die for his own sin." This is a reference to Deut. xxiv. 16,
-and is probably the independent comment of the writer who recorded the
-event two centuries later. In the gradual growth of a milder
-civilisation, and the more common dominance of legal justice, such a
-law may have come into force, as expressive of that voice of
-conscience which is to sincere nations the voice of God. That the book
-of Deuteronomy, as a book, was not in existence in its present form
-till four reigns later we shall hereafter see strong reasons to
-believe. But even if any part of that book was in existence, it is not
-easy to understand how Amaziah would have been able to decide that the
-law which forbade the punishment of the children with the offending
-parents was the law which he was bound to follow, when Moses and
-Joshua and other heroes of his race had acted on the olden principle.
-The innocent families of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram were represented as
-having been swallowed up with the ambitious heads of their houses.
-Joshua and all Israel had not only stoned Achan, but with him all his
-unoffending house. What, too, was the meaning of the law which
-established the five Cities of Refuge as the best way to protect the
-accidental homicide from the recognised and unrebuked actions of the
-Goel--the avenger of blood? The vengeance of a Goel was regarded, as
-it is in the East and South to this day, not as an implacable
-fierceness, but as a sacred duty, the neglect of which would cover him
-with infamy. Judging of our documents by the impartial light of honest
-criticism, it seems impossible to deny that the law of Deuteronomy was
-the law of an advancing civilisation, which became more mild as
-justice became firmer and more available. If Deuteronomy represents
-the legislation of Moses, we can only say that in this respect Amaziah
-was the first person who paid the slightest attention to it. Such
-exceptional obedience may well excite the notice of the historian, in
-whose pages we see that prophets like Ahijah, Elijah, and Elisha had,
-again and again, in accordance with the spirit of their times,
-contemplated the total excision, not only of erring kings, but even of
-their little children and their most distant kinsfolk.
-
-Further:--We are told that Amaziah "did that which was right in the
-sight of Jehovah: he did according to all things _as Joash his father
-did_." The Chronicler also bestows his eulogy on Amaziah; but having
-told such dark stories of the apostasy of Joash to Asherah-worship
-and his murder of the prophets, he could hardly add "as Joash his
-father did"; so he omits those words. The reservation that Amaziah did
-right, "yet not like David his father" (2 Kings xiv. 3), "but not with
-a perfect heart" (2 Chron. xxv. 2), is followed by the stock abatement
-about the _bamoth_, and the sacrifices and incense burnt in them. This
-was a crime in the eyes of writers in B.C. 540, but certainly not in
-the eyes of any king before the discovery of the "Book of the Law" in
-the reign of Josiah, B.C. 621. We are compelled, therefore, by simple
-truth, to ask, How came it that Amaziah should be so scrupulous as to
-observe the Deuteronomic law by not slaying the sons of his father's
-murderers, while he does not seem to be aware, any more than the best
-of his predecessors, that while he obeyed one precept he was violating
-the essence and spirit of the entire code in which the precept occurs?
-The one main object, the constantly repeated law of Deuteronomy, is
-the centralisation of all worship, and the rigid prohibition of every
-local place of sacrifice. Strange that Amaziah should have selected
-for attention a single precept, while he is profoundly unconscious of,
-or indifferent to, the fact that he is setting aside the regulation
-with which the law, as Deuteronomy represents it, begins and ends, and
-on which it incessantly insists!
-
-Joash had been something of a weakling, as though the gloom of his
-early concealment in the Temple and the shadow of priestly dominance
-had paralysed his independence. Amaziah, on the other hand, born in
-the purple, was vigorous and restless. When he was secure upon the
-throne, and had done his duty to his father's memory, he bent his
-efforts to recover Edom. The Edomites had revolted in the days of his
-great-grandfather Jehoram,[277] and since then "did tear
-perpetually,"[278] harassing with incessant raids the miserable
-fellahîn of Southern Judah. They reaped the crops of the settled
-inhabitants, cut down their fruit-trees, burnt their farmsteads, and
-carried their children into cruel and hopeless slavery. One verse
-tells us all that the historian knew, or cared to relate, of Amaziah's
-campaign. He only says that it was eminently successful. Amaziah
-confronted the Edomites in the Valley of Salt,[279] on the border of
-Edom, to the south of the Dead Sea, and inflicted upon them a signal
-defeat. He not only slaughtered ten thousand of them, but, advancing
-southwards, he stormed and captured Selah or Petra, their rocky
-capital, two days' journey north of Ezion-Geber, on the gulf of
-Akabah.[280] Considering the natural strength of Petra, amid its
-mountain-fastnesses, this was a victory of which he might well be
-proud, and he marked his prowess by changing the name of the city to
-Joktheel, "subdued by God." The historian, copying the ancient record
-before him, says that Selah continued to be so called "to this
-day."[281] This is a curious instance of close transcription, for it
-is certain that Selah can only have retained the name of Joktheel for
-a very short period, and had lost it long before the days of the
-Exile. Even in the reign of Ahaz (B.C. 735-715) the Edomites had so
-completely recovered lost ground that they were able to make
-predatory excursions into Judah, and to threaten Hebron, which would
-have been obviously impossible if they were not masters of their own
-chief capital.[282] The district which Amaziah seems to have conquered
-was mainly west of the Arabah. He wished to restore Elath, and perhaps
-to carry out the old commerce with the Red Sea which Solomon began,
-and which had fired the ambition of Jehoshaphat. The conquest of Selah
-secured the road for his commercial caravans.
-
-So far the older and better authorities. The Chronicler expands the
-story in his usual fashion, in which historical and critical verity is
-so often compelled, if not to suspect the disease of exaggeration and
-the bias of Levitism, at least to feel uncertainty as to the details.
-He says that Amaziah collected an army of three hundred thousand men
-of Judah, trained them to a high state of discipline, and armed them
-with spear and shield. He hired in addition one hundred thousand
-Israelitish mercenaries, mighty men of valour, at the heavy cost of
-one hundred talents of silver. He was rebuked by a prophet for
-employing Israelites, "because the Lord was not with them," so that if
-he used their aid he would certainly be defeated. Amaziah asked what
-he was to do for the hundred talents, and the prophet told him that
-Jehovah could give him much more than this.[283] So he dismissed his
-Ephraimites who, returning home in great fury, "fell upon the cities
-of Judah," from Samaria even unto Beth-horon, killed three thousand of
-their inhabitants, and took much spoil. Amaziah, however, defeated the
-Edomites without their aid, and not only slew ten thousand, but took
-captive ten thousand more, all of whom he dashed to pieces by hurling
-them from the top of the rock of Petra.[284]
-
-Then, by an apostasy much more astounding than even that of his father
-Joash, he took home with him the idols of Mount Seir, worshipped them,
-and burnt incense before them. Jehovah sends a prophet to rebuke him
-for his senseless infatuation in worshipping the gods of the Edomites
-whom he had just so utterly defeated; but Amaziah returns him the
-insolent answer, "Who made thee of the king's council? Be silent, or I
-will put thee to death." The prophet met his ironical sneer with words
-of deeper meaning: "If I am not on _your_ council, I am on God's.
-Because thou hast not hearkened to my counsel, I know that God has
-counselled to destroy thee."
-
-The later writer thus accounts for the folly and overthrow of this
-valorous and hitherto eminently pious king. Certain it is, as we shall
-narrate in the next chapter, that, in spite of warning, he had the
-temerity to challenge to battle the warlike Joash ben-Jehoahaz of
-Israel, grandson of Jehu. The kings met at Beth-Shemesh, and Amaziah
-was utterly routed, with consequences so shameful to himself and to
-Jerusalem that he was never able to hold up his head again. He could
-but eat away his own heart in despair, a ruined man. After this he
-"lived" rather than reigned fifteen years longer.[285] The wall of
-Jerusalem, broken down near the Damascus Gate, on the side towards
-Israel, for a space of four hundred cubits, was a standing witness of
-the king's infatuated folly. His people were ashamed of him, and weary
-of him; and at last, seeing that nothing more could be expected of one
-whose spirit had evidently been broken from impetuosity into
-abjectness, they formed a conspiracy against him. To save his life he
-fled to the strong fort of Lachish, a royal Canaanite city, in the
-hills to the south-west of Judah.[286] But they pursued him thither,
-and even Lachish would not protect him. He was murdered. They threw
-the corpse upon a chariot, conveyed it to Jerusalem, and buried it in
-the sepulchres of his fathers. The people quietly elevated to the
-throne his son Azariah, then sixteen years old, who had been born the
-year before his father's crowning disgrace. What became of the
-conspirators we do not know. They were probably too strong to be
-brought to justice, and we are not told that Azariah even attempted to
-visit their crime upon their heads.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[276] [Greek: Nêpios hos patera kteinas hyious kataleipei]. Comp. Q.
-Curtius, vi. 11: "Lege cautum erat ut propinqui eorum qui regi
-insidiati cum ipsis necarentur." Cic., _Ad Brut._, 15.
-
-[277] 2 Kings viii. 20-22.
-
-[278] Amos i. 11.
-
-[279] The Valley (_Gê_) of Salt is "the plain of the Sabkah," about
-two miles broad, between the southern end of the Dead Sea and the
-hills which separate the Ghôr from the Arabah (Seetzen, _Reisen_, ii.
-356; Robinson, _Researches_, ii. 450, 488). David had won a great
-victory there (2 Sam. viii. 13; Psalm lx., _title_).
-
-[280] Selah, "a rock" ([Greek: Petra]). Eusebius calls it Rekem.
-
-[281] It is the name also of a city of Judah (Josh. xv. 38).
-
-[282] 2 Chron. xxviii. 17; Jos., _Antt._, XII. viii. 6.
-
-[283] 2 Chron. xxv. 5-10, 13.
-
-[284] [Greek: Katakrêmnismos]. This mode of execution prevailed till
-quite recent times in the little republic of Andorra.
-
-[285] 2 Kings xiv. 17. The phrase that "he _lived_ fifteen years" is
-unusual, and seems to imply that the historian saw,--
-
- "In more of life true life no more."
-
-
-[286] Josh. x. 6, 31, xv. 39; 2 Kings xviii. 17; 2 Chron. xi. 9.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVI
-
- _THE DYNASTY OF JEHU_
-
- B.C.
- Jehoahaz 814-797 2 Kings xiii. 1-9
- Joash 797-781 " xiii. 10-21, xiv. 8-16
- Jeroboam II. 781-740 " xiv. 23-29
- Zechariah 740 " xv. 8-12
-
- "Them that honour Me I will honour, and they that despise Me shall
- be lightly esteemed."--1 SAM. ii. 30.
-
-
-Israel had scarcely ever sunk to so low a nadir of degradation as she
-did in the reign of the son of Jehu. We have already mentioned that
-some assign to his reign the ghastly story which we have narrated in
-our sketch of the work of Elisha. It is told in the sixth chapter of
-the Second Book of Kings, and seems to belong to the reign of Jehoram
-ben-Ahab; but it may have got displaced from this epoch of yet deeper
-wretchedness. The accounts of Jehoahaz in 2 Kings xiii. are evidently
-fragmentary and abrupt.
-
-Jehoahaz reigned seventeen years.[287] Naturally, he did not disturb
-the calf-worship, which, like all his predecessors and successors, he
-regarded as a perfectly innocent symbolic adoration of Jehovah, whose
-name he bore and whose service he professed. Why should he do so? It
-had been established now for more than two centuries. His father, in
-spite of his passionate and ruthless zeal for Jehovah, had never
-attempted to disturb it. No prophet--not even Elijah nor Elisha, the
-practical establishers of his dynasty--had said one word to condemn
-it. It in no way rested on his conscience as an offence; and the
-formal condemnation of it by the historian only reflects the more
-enlightened judgment of the Southern Kingdom and of a later age. But
-according to the parenthesis which breaks the thread of this king's
-story (2 Kings xiii. 5, 6), he was guilty of a far more culpable
-defection from orthodox worship; for in his reign, the Asherah--the
-tree or pillar of the Tyrian nature-goddess--still remained in
-Samaria, and therefore must have had its worshippers. How it came
-there we cannot tell. Jezebel had set it up (1 Kings xvi. 33), with
-the connivance of Ahab. Jehu apparently had "put it away" with the
-great stêlê of Baal (2 Kings iii. 2), but, for some reason or other,
-he had not destroyed it. It now apparently occupied some public place,
-a symbol of decadence, and provocative of the wrath of Heaven.
-
-Jehoahaz sank very low. Hazael's savage sword, not content with the
-devastation of Bashan and Gilead, wasted the west of Israel also in
-all its borders. The king became a mere vassal of his brutal neighbour
-at Damascus. So little of the barest semblance of power was left him,
-that whereas, in the reign of David, Israel could muster an army of
-eight hundred thousand, and in the reign of Joash, the son and
-successor of Jehoahaz, Amaziah could hire from Israel one hundred
-thousand mighty men of valour as mercenaries, Jehoahaz was only
-allowed to maintain an army of ten chariots, fifty horsemen, and ten
-thousand infantry! In the picturesque phrase of the historian, "the
-King of Syria had threshed down Israel to the dust," in spite of all
-that Jehoahaz did, or tried to do, and "all his might." How completely
-helpless the Israelites were is shown by the fact that their armies
-could offer no opposition to the free passage of the Syrian troops
-through their land. Hazael did not regard them as threatening his
-rear; for, in the reign of Jehoahaz, he marched southwards, took the
-Philistine city of Gath, and threatened Jerusalem. Joash of Judah
-could only buy them off with the bribe of all his treasures, and
-according to the Chronicler they "destroyed all the princes of the
-people," and took great spoil to Damascus.[288]
-
-Where was Elisha? After the anointing of Jehu he vanishes from the
-scene. Unless the narrative of the siege of Samaria has been displaced,
-we do not so much as once hear of him for nearly half a century.
-
-The fearful depth of humiliation to which the king was reduced drove
-him to repentance. Wearied to death of the Syrian oppression of which
-he was the daily witness, and of the utter misery caused by prowling
-bands of Ammonites and Moabites--jackals who waited on the Syrian
-lion--Jehoahaz "besought the Lord,[289] and the Lord hearkened unto
-him, and gave Israel a saviour, so that they went out from under the
-hand of the Syrians: and the children of Israel dwelt in their tents,
-as beforetime." If this indeed refers to events which come out of
-place in the memoirs of Elisha; and if Jehoahaz ben-Jehu, not Jehoram
-ben-Ahab, was the king in whose reign the siege of Samaria was so
-marvellously raised, then Elisha may possibly be the temporary
-deliverer who is here alluded to.[290] On this supposition we may see
-a sign of the repentance of Jehoahaz in the shirt of sackcloth which
-he wore under his robes, as it became visible to his starving people
-when he rent his clothes on hearing the cannibal instincts which had
-driven mothers to devour their own children. But the respite must have
-been brief, since Hazael (ver. 22) oppressed Israel all the days of
-Jehoahaz. If this rearrangement of events be untenable, we must
-suppose that the repentance of Jehoahaz was only so far accepted, and
-his prayer so far heard, that the deliverance, which did not come in
-his own days, came in those of his son and of his grandson.
-
-Of him and of his wretched reign we hear no more; but a very different
-epoch dawned with the accession of his son Joash, named after the
-contemporary King of Judah, Joash ben-Ahaziah.
-
-In the Books of Kings and Chronicles Joash of Israel is condemned with
-the usual refrains about the sins of Jeroboam. No other sin is laid to
-his charge; and breaking the monotony of reprobation which tells us of
-every king of Israel without exception that "he did that which was
-evil in the sight of the Lord," Josephus boldly ventures to call him
-"a good man, and the antithesis to his father."
-
-He reigned sixteen years. At the beginning of his reign he found his
-country the despised prey, not only of Syria, but of the paltry
-neighbouring bandit-sheykhs who infested the east of the Jordan; he
-left it comparatively strong, prosperous, and independent.
-
-In his reign we hear again of Elisha, now a very old man of past eighty
-years. Nearly half a century had elapsed since the grandfather of Joash
-had destroyed the house of Ahab at the prophet's command. News came to
-the king that Elisha was sick of a mortal sickness, and he naturally
-went to visit the death-bed of one who had called his dynasty to the
-throne, and had in earlier years played so memorable a part in the
-history of his country. He found the old man dying, and he wept over
-him, crying, "My father, my father! the chariot of Israel, and the
-horsemen thereof."[291] The address strikes us with some surprise.
-Elisha had indeed delivered Samaria more than once when the city had
-been reduced to direst extremity; but in spite of his prayers and of his
-presence, the sins of Israel and her kings had rendered this chariot of
-Israel of very small avail. The names of Ahab, Jehu, Jehoahaz, call up
-memories of a series of miseries and humiliations which had reduced
-Israel to the very verge of extinction. For sixty-three years Elisha had
-been the prophet of Israel; and though his public interpositions had
-been signal on several occasions, they had not been availing to prevent
-Ahab from becoming the vassal of Assyria, nor Israel from becoming the
-appanage of the dominion of that Hazael whom Elisha himself had anointed
-King of Syria, and who had become of all the enemies of his country the
-most persistent and the most implacable.
-
-The narrative which follows is very singular. We must give it as it
-occurs, with but little apprehension of its exact significance.
-
-Elisha, though Joash "did that which was evil in the sight of the
-Lord," seems to have regarded him with affection. He bade the youth
-take his bow,[292] and laid his feeble, trembling hands on the strong
-hands of the king. Then he ordered an attendant to fling open the
-lattice, and told the king to shoot eastward towards Gilead, the
-region whence the bands of Syria made their way over the Jordan. The
-king shot, and the fire came back into the old prophet's eye as he
-heard the arrow whistle eastward. He cried, "The arrow of Jehovah's
-deliverance, even the arrow of victory over Syria: for thou shalt
-smite the Syrians in Aphek, till thou have consumed them."[293] Then
-he bade the young king to take the sheaf of arrows, and smite towards
-the ground, as if he was striking down an enemy. Not understanding the
-significance of the act, the king made the sign of thrice striking the
-arrows downwards, and then naturally stopped.[294] But Elisha was
-angry--or at any rate grieved.[295] "You should have smitten five or
-six times," he said, "and then you would have smitten Syria to
-destruction. Now you shall only smite Syria thrice." The king's fault
-seems to have been lack of energy and faith.
-
-There are in this story some peculiar elements which it is impossible
-to explain, but it has one beautiful and striking feature. It tells
-us of the death-bed of a prophet. Most of God's greatest prophets have
-perished amid the hatred of priests and worldlings. The progress of
-the truth they taught has been "from scaffold to scaffold, and from
-stake to stake."
-
- "Careless seems the Great Avenger. History's pages but record
- One death-grapple in the darkness 'twixt old systems and the
- Word--
- Truth for ever on the scaffold, wrong for ever on the throne;
- Yet that scaffold sways the Future, and behind the dim
- unknown
- Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above His own!"
-
-Now and then, however, as an exception, a great prophetic teacher or
-reformer escapes the hatred of the priests and of the world, and dies in
-peace. Savonarola is burnt, Huss is burnt, but Wiclif dies in his bed at
-Lutterworth, and Luther died in peace at Eisleben. Elijah passed away in
-storm, and was seen no more. A king comes to weep by the death-bed of
-the aged Elisha. "For us," it has been said, "the scene at his bedside
-contains a lesson of comfort and even encouragement. Let us try to
-realise it. A man with no material power is dying in the capital of
-Israel. He is not rich: he holds no office which gives him any immediate
-control over the actions of men; he has but one weapon--the power of his
-word. Yet Israel's king stands weeping at his bedside--weeping because
-this inspired messenger of Jehovah is to be taken from him. In him both
-king and people will lose a mighty support, for this man is a greater
-strength to Israel than chariots and horsemen are. Joash does well to
-mourn for him, for he has had courage to wake the nation's conscience;
-the might of his personality has sufficed to turn them in the true
-direction, and rouse their moral and religious life. Such men as Elisha
-everywhere and always give a strength to their people above the strength
-of armies, for the true blessings of a nation are reared on the
-foundations of its moral force."
-
-The annals are here interrupted to introduce a posthumous
-miracle--unlike any other in the whole Bible--wrought by the bones of
-Elisha. He died, and they buried him, "giving him," as Josephus says,
-"a magnificent burial." As usual, the spring brought with it the
-marauding bands of Moabites. Some Israelites who were burying a man
-caught sight of them, and, anxious to escape, thrust the man into the
-sepulchre of Elisha, which happened to be nearest at hand. But when he
-was placed in the rocky tomb, and touched the bones of Elisha, he
-revived, and stood up on his feet. Doubtless the story rests on some
-real circumstance. There is, however, something singular in the turn
-of the original, which says (literally) that the man _went and
-touched_ the bones of Elisha;[296] and there is proof that the story
-was told in varying forms, for Josephus says that it was the Moabite
-plunderers who had killed the man, and that he was thrown by them into
-Elisha's tomb.[297] It is easy to invent moral and spiritual lessons
-out of this incident, but not so easy to see what lesson is intended
-by it. Certainly there is not throughout Scripture any other passage
-which even _seems_ to sanction any suspicions of magic potency in the
-relics of the dead.[298]
-
-But Elisha's symbolic prophecy of deliverance from Syria was amply
-fulfilled. About this time Hazael had died, and had left his power in
-the feebler hands of his son Benhadad III. Jehoahaz had not been able
-to make any way against him (2 Kings xiii. 3), but Joash his son
-thrice met and thrice defeated him at Aphek. As a consequence of these
-victories, he won back all the cities which Hazael had taken from his
-father on the west of Jordan. The east of Jordan was never recovered.
-It fell under the shadow of Assyria, and was practically lost for ever
-to the tribes of Israel.
-
-Whether Assyria lent her help to Joash under certain conditions we do
-not know. Certain it is that from this time the terror of Syria
-vanishes. The Assyrian king Rammânirâri III. about this time
-subjugated all Syria and its king, whom the tablets call Mari, perhaps
-the same as Benhadad III. In the next reign Damascus itself fell into
-the power of Jeroboam II., the son of Joash.
-
-One more event, to which we have already alluded, is narrated in the
-reign of this prosperous and valiant king.
-
-Amity had reigned for a century between Judah and Israel, the result
-of the politic-impolitic alliance which Jehoshaphat had sanctioned
-between his son Jehoram and the daughter of Jezebel. It was obviously
-most desirable that the two small kingdoms should be united as closely
-as possible by an offensive and defensive alliance. But the bond
-between them was broken by the overweening vanity of Amaziah ben-Joash
-of Judah. His victory over the Edomites, and his conquest of Petra,
-had puffed him up with the mistaken notion that he was a very great
-man and an invincible warrior. He had the wicked infatuation to kindle
-an unprovoked war against the Northern Tribes. It was the most wanton
-of the many instances in which, if Ephraim did not envy Judah, at
-least Judah vexed Ephraim, Amaziah challenged Joash to come out to
-battle, that they might look one another in the face. He had not
-recognised the difference between fighting with and without the
-sanction of the God of battles.
-
-Joash had on his hands enough of necessary and internecine war to make
-him more than indifferent to that bloody game. Moreover, as the superior
-of Amaziah in every way, he saw through his inflated emptiness. He knew
-that it was the worst possible policy for Judah and Israel to weaken
-each other in fratricidal war, while Syria threatened their northern and
-eastern frontiers, and while the tread of the mighty march of Assyria
-was echoing ominously in the ears of the nations from afar. Better and
-kinder feelings may have mingled with these wise convictions. He had no
-wish to destroy the poor fool who so vaingloriously provoked his
-superior might. His answer was one of the most crushingly contemptuous
-pieces of irony which history records, and yet it was eminently kindly
-and good-humoured. It was meant to save the King of Judah from advancing
-any further on the path of certain ruin.
-
-"The thistle that was in Lebanon" (such was the apologue which he
-addressed to his would-be rival) "sent to the cedar that was in
-Lebanon, saying: Give thy daughter to my son to wife.[299] The cedar
-took no sort of notice of the thistle's ludicrous presumption, but a
-wild beast that was in Lebanon passed by, and trod down the thistle."
-
-It was the answer of a giant to a dwarf;[300] and to make it quite
-clear to the humblest comprehension, Joash good-naturedly added: "You
-are puffed up with your victory over Edom: glory in this, and stay at
-home. Why by your vain meddling should you ruin yourself and Judah with
-you? Keep quiet: I have something else to do than to attend to you."
-
-Happy had it been for Amaziah if he had taken warning! But vanity is a
-bad counsellor, and folly and self-deception--ill-matched pair--were
-whirling him to his doom. Seeing that he was bent on his own
-perdition, Joash took the initiative and marched to Beth-Shemesh, in
-the territory of Judah.[301] There the kings met, and there Amaziah
-was hopelessly defeated. His troops fled to their scattered homes, and
-he fell into the hands of his conqueror. Joash did not care to take
-any sanguinary revenge; but much as he despised his enemy, he thought
-it necessary to teach him and Judah the permanent lesson of not again
-meddling to their own hurt. He took the captive king with him to
-Jerusalem, which opened its gates without a blow.[302] We do not know
-whether, like a Roman conqueror, he entered it through the breach of
-four hundred cubits which he ordered them to make in the walls,[303]
-but otherwise he contented himself with spoil which would swell his
-treasure, and amply compensate for the expenses of the expedition
-which had been forced upon him. He ransacked Jerusalem for silver and
-gold; he made Obed-Edom, the treasurer, give up to him all the sacred
-vessels of the Temple, and all that was worth taking from the palace.
-He also took hostages--probably from among the number of the king's
-sons--to secure immunity from further intrusions. It is the first time
-in Scripture that hostages are mentioned. It is to his credit that he
-shed no blood, and was even content to leave his defeated challenger
-with the disgraced phantom of his kingly power, till, fifteen years
-later, he followed his father to the grave through the red path of
-murder at the hand of his own subjects.[304]
-
-After this we hear no further records of this vigorous and able king,
-in whom the characteristics of his grandfather Jehu are reflected in
-softer outline. He left his son Jeroboam II. to continue his career of
-prosperity, and to advance Israel to a pitch of greatness which she
-had never yet attained, in which she rivalled the grandeur of the
-united kingdom in the earlier days of Solomon's dominion.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[287] I have not thought it worth while to unravel by a series of
-uncertain conjectures the careless, and often self-contradictory,
-synchronism of the reigns of the kings in the two kingdoms. The compiler
-of these books evidently attached little or no importance to accurate
-chronology. For instance, the data of 2 Kings xiii. 1, 10, do not
-coincide; and instead of entering into tedious, doubtful, and confusing
-guesses, I have contented myself throughout with giving for the reigns
-of the kings such dates, or approximate dates, as seem to result from
-the several notices compared with the contemporary annals of Assyria.
-
-[288] 2 Chron. xxiv. 23.
-
-[289] 2 Kings xiii. 4; "besought," literally "_stroked the face of_"
-(1 Sam. xiii. 12; 1 Kings xiii. 6).
-
-[290] The reference is usually explained of Jeroboam II.
-
-[291] Comp. 2 Kings ii. 12.
-
-[292] Lit., "Make thine hand to ride upon thy bow." There is not the
-slightest taint of belomancy in the story (comp. Ezek. xxi. 21), nor
-does it allude to shooting an arrow into an enemy's country as a
-declaration of war (Virg., _Æn._, ix. 57).
-
-[293] Aphek, a name of good omen (1 Kings xx. 26-30).
-
-[294] Thrice. Comp. Num. xxii. 28; Exod. xxiii. 17, etc.
-
-[295] LXX., [Greek: elypêthê].
-
-[296] See R.V., margin.
-
-[297] _Antt._, IX. viii. 6.
-
-[298] See Ecclus. xlviii. 13: "When he was dead, he prophesied in the
-tomb." (But the clause may be spurious.)
-
-[299] Possibly some matrimonial proposal may have lain behind the
-interchange of messages.
-
-[300] Stade. For similar parables see Judg. ix. 8; Herod., i. 141;
-Rawlinson, _Anc. Mon._, iii. 226.
-
-[301] Beth-Shemesh, "the house of the sun." It is mentioned in 1 Sam.
-vi. 9, 12, and was a priestly city, and one of Solomon's store-cities
-(1 Kings iv. 9). It ultimately fell into the hands of the Philistines
-(2 Chron. xxviii. 18). It is not the Beth-Shemesh of Josh. xix. 22.
-
-[302] Josephus says that this was the fault of Amaziah, whom Joash of
-Israel threatened with death if Jerusalem resisted.
-
-[303] This implies that at least half the northern wall was
-dismantled--the wall towards Ephraim.
-
-[304] Some have conjectured that Amaziah of Judah became more or less
-the vassal of Joash of Israel, and that the vassalage continued till
-after the death of Jeroboam II. (1) For Jeroboam II. held Elath till
-his death, when Uzziah recovered it (2 Kings xiv. 22), and he
-certainly could not have held this southern Judæan port if Judah was
-entirely independent; and (2) we read that Uzziah did not become king
-at all till the _twenty-seventh_ year of Jeroboam II. But if Amaziah
-only survived Joash of Israel fifteen years (2 Kings xiv. 17), Uzziah
-must have succeeded in the _fifteenth_ year of Jeroboam. Is the
-explanation to be found in the fact that up to that time--for twelve
-years--Jeroboam did not allow the Judæans to elect a king? or are
-these among the hopeless confusion of synchronism which cannot be
-reconciled at all with our present data?
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVII
-
- _THE DYNASTY OF JEHU (continued)--JEROBOAM II_
-
- B.C. 781-740
-
- 2 KINGS xiv. 23-29
-
-
-If we had only the history of the kings to depend upon, we should
-scarcely form an adequate conception either of the greatness of
-Jeroboam II. or of the condition of society which prevailed in Israel
-during his long and most prosperous reign of forty-one years (B.C.
-781-740). In the Books of Chronicles he is merely mentioned
-accidentally in a genealogy. The Second Book of Kings only devotes one
-verse to him (xiv. 25) beyond the stock formulæ of connection so often
-repeated. That verse, however, gives us at least a glimpse of his
-great importance, for it tells us that "he restored the coast of
-Israel from the entering of Hamath unto the sea of the plain." Those
-two lines sufficiently prove to us that he was by far the greatest and
-most powerful of all the kings of Israel, as he was also the
-longest-lived and had the longest reign. His victories flung a broad
-gleam of sunset over the afflicted kingdom, and, for a time, they
-might have beguiled the Israelites into lofty hopes for the future;
-but with the death of Jeroboam the light instantly faded away, and
-there was no after-glow.
-
-And this sudden brightness, if it deceived others, did not deceive the
-prophets of the Lord. It happened in accordance with the promise of
-Jehovah given by Jonah, the son of Amittai, of Gath-Hepher;[305] but
-Amos and Hosea saw that the glory of the reign was hollow and
-delusive, and that the outward prosperity did but "skin and film the
-ulcerous place" below.
-
-In truth, the possibility of this sudden outburst of success was due to
-the very enemy who, within a few years, was to grind Israel to powder.
-God pitied the deplorable overthrow of His chosen people: He saw that
-there was neither slave nor freeman--"neither any shut up, nor any left
-at large, nor any helper for Israel"; and in Jeroboam He gave them the
-saviour who had been granted to the penitence of Jehoahaz.[306] It was,
-so to speak, a last pledge to them of the love and mercy of Jehovah,
-which gave them a respite, and would fain have saved them altogether, if
-they had turned with their whole heart to Him. And, personally, Jeroboam
-II. seems to have been one of the better kings. Not a single crime is
-laid to his charge; for under the circumstances of its deep-rooted
-continuance through the reigns of all his predecessors, it cannot be
-deemed a heinous crime that he did not put down the symbolic cult of
-Jehovah by the cherubic emblems at Dan and Bethel. The fact that he had
-been named after the founder of the kingdom of Israel shows that the
-kingdom was proud of the valiant and Heaven-commissioned rebel who had
-thrown off the yoke of the house of Solomon. The house of Jehu admired
-his policy and his institutions. The son of Nebat did not by any means
-appear in the eyes of his people as only worthy of the monotonous
-epitaph, "who made Israel to sin." It is true that now the voice of
-prophecy in Israel itself began to denounce the concomitants of the
-"calf-worship"; but the voices of the Jewish herdsman of Tekoa and of
-the Israelite Hosea probably raised but faint murmurs in the ears of the
-warrior-king, with whom they do not seem to have come into personal
-contact. In no case would he rank them as equal in importance with the
-fiery Elijah or the king-making Elisha, who had been for four
-generations the counsellor of his race. Neither of those great prophets
-had insisted on the Deuteronomic law of a centralised worship, nor had
-they denounced the revered local sanctuaries with which Israel had been
-so long familiar. Jonah, indeed--who, if legend be correct, had been the
-boy of Zarephath, and the personal attendant of Elijah--had predicted
-the king's unbroken success, and had neither made it conditional on a
-religious revolution, nor, so far as we know, had in any way censured
-the existing institutions.
-
-What rendered Jeroboam's glory possible was the immediate paralysis
-and imminent ruin of the power of Syria. The Israelitish king was
-probably on good terms with Assyria, and, during this epoch, three
-Assyrian monarchs had struck blow after blow against the house of
-Hazael. Damascus and its dependencies had received shattering defeats
-at the hands of Rammânirâri III., Shalmaneser III. (782-772), and
-Assurdan III. (772-754). Rammânirâri had made expeditions against
-Damascus (773) and Hazael (772), and Assurdan had invaded the Syrian
-domains in 767, 755, and 754. Syria had more than enough to do to hold
-her own in a struggle for life and death against her atrocious
-neighbour. With Uzziah in Judah, Jeroboam II. seems to have been on
-the friendliest terms; and probably Uzziah acted as a half-independent
-vassal, united with him by common interests. The day for Assyria to
-threaten Israel had not yet come. Syria lay in the path; and Assurdan
-III. had been succeeded by Assurnirari, who gave the world the unusual
-spectacle of a peaceful Assyrian king.
-
-Jeroboam II., therefore, was free to enlarge his domains; and unless
-there be a little patriotic exaggeration in the extent and reality of
-his prowess, he exercised at least a nominal suzerainty over a realm
-nearly as extensive as that of David. He first advanced against
-Damascus, and so far "recovered" it as to make it acknowledge his
-rule.[307] His father Joash had won back all the Israelite cities
-which Benhadad III. had taken from Jehoahaz; and Jeroboam, if he did
-not absolutely reconquer the district east of Jordan, yet kept it in
-check and repressed the predatory incursions of the Emîrs of Moab and
-Ammon.[308] He thus extended the border of Israel to the sea of the
-Arabah and "the brook of willows" which divides Edom from Moab.[309]
-But this was not all. He pushed his conquests two hundred miles
-northwards of Samaria, and became lord of Hamath the Great. Ascending
-the gorge of the Litâny between the chains of Libanus and Antilibanus,
-which formed the northern limit of Israel, and following the river to
-its source near Baalbek, he then descended the Valley of the Orontes,
-which constitutes the "pass" or "entering in" of Hamath. Hamath was a
-town of the Hittites, the most powerful race of ancient Canaan. They
-were not of Semitic origin, but spoke a separate language. They were
-the last great branch of the once famous and dominant Khetas, whose
-former importance has only recently been revealed by their deciphered
-inscriptions. A century and a half earlier the Hamathites had thrown
-off the yoke of Solomon, and they governed nearly a hundred dependent
-cities. In alliance with the Phoenicians and Syrians, they had been
-valuable members of a league, which, though defeated, had long formed
-a barrier against the southward movement of the Assyrians. How
-striking was the conquest of this city by Jeroboam is shown by the
-title of "Hamath the Great," bestowed upon it by the contemporary
-prophets,[310] with whom literary prophecy begins.
-
-The result of these conquests was unwonted peace. Agriculture once
-more became possible, when the farmers of Israel were secure that
-their crops would not be reaped by plundering Bedouîn. Intercourse
-with neighbouring nations was revived, as in the golden days of
-Solomon, though it was regarded with suspicion.[311] Civilisation
-softened something of the old brutality. Prophecy assumed a different
-type, and literature began to dawn.
-
-But to this state of things there was, as we learn from the
-contemporary prophets Amos and Hosea, a darker side. Of Jonah we know
-nothing more; for it is impossible to see in the Book of Jonah much
-more than a beautiful and edifying story, which may or may not rest on
-some surviving legends. It differs from every other prophetic book by
-beginning with the word "And," and its late origin and legendary
-character cannot any longer be reasonably disputed.[312] We may hope,
-therefore, that the Northern prophet, whose home was not far from
-Nazareth, was not quite the morose and ruthless grumbler so strikingly
-portrayed in the book which bears his name. Of any historical
-intervention of his in the affairs of Jeroboam we know nothing further
-than the recorded promise of the king's prosperity.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[305] 2 Kings xiv. 25-27. There are other allusions to the historic
-events in 2 Kings x. 32, 33, xiii. 3-7, 22-25. Hitzig conjectures that
-Isa. xv., xvi., are "a burden of Moab" quoted from Jonah.
-
-[306] 2 Kings xiii. 5, "The Lord gave Israel a saviour"; xiv. 27, "And
-He saved them by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joash." Some suppose
-the saviour to be the Assyrian King.
-
-[307] It had owned the feudal supremacy of David (2 Sam. viii. 6), and
-Ahab had extorted the privilege of having bazaars there (1 Kings xx.
-34). Considering how immense had been the resources of Damascus (2
-Kings vi. 14), which had once been able to send to battle twelve
-thousand war-chariots (_Eponym Canon_, p. 108) under Benhadad, we see
-how fearfully the Syrian capital must have been weakened.
-
-[308] If Isa. xv. 1, 2, refers to this invasion of Jeroboam II., as
-Hitzig first conjectured, we infer that he had taken both Ar of Moab
-(Rabbath) and Kir of Moab, a strong fortress on a hill, by night
-assaults; and that he had also captured Dibon, Nebo, and Medeba, and
-inflicted on them summary chastisement. It appears that the Moabites
-had advanced northwards from the Arnon, while Hazael occupied
-Ramoth-Gilead, and had seized part of the tribe of Reuben. Jeroboam
-II. first expelled them, and then invaded their own proper country.
-Hitzig conjectures that Isa. xv., xvi., are really an old
-prophecy--perhaps by Jonah, son of Amittai--which Isaiah quotes, and
-to which he adds two verses (Isa. xvi. 12, 13). In such overthrow Moab
-must have learnt to be ashamed of Chemosh (Jer. xlviii. 13).
-
-[309] Isa. xv. 7; Amos vi. 14.
-
-[310] Amos vi. 2.
-
-[311] Merchandise had hitherto been considered discreditable for a
-pure Jew, so that a trader is called a Canaanite (Hos. xii. 7, 8).
-
-[312] See the writer's _Minor Prophets_ ("Men of the Bible" Series),
-pp. 231-243.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVIII
-
- _AMOS, HOSEA, AND THE KINGDOM OF ISRAEL_
-
- 2 KINGS xiv. 23-29; xv. 8-12
-
- "In them is plainest taught and easiest learnt
- What makes a nation happy and keeps it so,
- What ruins kingdoms and lays cities flat."
- MILTON, _Paradise Regained_.
-
- "We see dimly in the Present what is small and what is great,
- Slow of faith how weak an arm may turn the iron helm of Fate:
- But the soul is still oracular: amid the market's din
- List the ominous stern whisper from the Delphic cave within,
- 'They enslave their children's children who make compromise with
- sin.'"
- LOWELL.
-
-
-Amos and Hosea are the two earliest prophets whose "burdens" have come
-down to us. From them we gain a near insight into the internal
-condition of Israel in this day of her prosperity.
-
-We see, first, that the prosperity was not unbroken. Though peace
-reigned, the people were not left to lapse unwarned into sloth and
-godlessness. The land had suffered from the horrible scourge of locusts,
-until every _carmel_--every garden of God on hill and plain--withered
-before them.[313] There had been widespread conflagrations;[314] there
-had been a visitation of pestilence; and, finally, there had been an
-earthquake so violent that it constituted an epoch from which dates
-were reckoned.[315] There were also two eclipses of the sun, which
-darkened with fear the minds of the superstitious.[316]
-
-Nor was this the worst. Civilisation and commerce had brought luxury in
-their train, and all the bonds of morality had been relaxed. The country
-began to be comparatively depleted, and the innocent regularity of
-agricultural pursuits palled upon the young, who were seduced by the
-glittering excitement of the growing towns. All zeal for religion was
-looked on as archaic, and the splendour of formal services was regarded
-as a sufficient recognition of such gods as there were. As a natural
-consequence, the nobles and the wealthy classes were more and more
-infected with a gross materialism, which displayed itself in
-ostentatious furniture, and sumptuous palaces of precious marbles inlaid
-with ivory. The desire for such vanities increased the thirst for gold,
-and avarice replenished its exhausted coffers by grinding the faces of
-the poor, by defrauding the hireling of his wages, by selling the
-righteous for silver, the needy for handfuls of barley, and the poor for
-a pair of shoes. The degrading vice of intoxication acquired fresh
-vogue, and the gorgeous gluttonies of the rich were further disgraced by
-the shameful spectacle of drunkards, who lolled for hours over the
-revelries which were inflamed by voluptuous music. Worst of all, the
-purity of family life was invaded and broken down. Throwing aside the
-old veiled seclusion of women in Oriental life, the ladies of Israel
-showed themselves in the streets in all "the bravery of their tinkling
-ornaments of gold," and sank into the adulterous courses stimulated by
-their pampered effrontery.
-
-Such is the picture which we draw from the burning denunciations of the
-peasant-prophet of Tekoa. He was no prophet nor prophet's son, but a
-humble gatherer of sycomore-fruit, a toil which only fell to the
-humblest of the people.[317] Who is not afraid, he asks, when a lion
-roars? and how can a prophet be silent when the Lord God has spoken?
-Indignation had transformed and dilated him from a labourer into a seer,
-and had summoned him from the pastoral shades of his native
-village--whether in Judah or in Israel is uncertain--to denounce the
-more flagrant iniquities of the Northern capital.[318] First he
-proclaims the vengeance of Jehovah upon the transgressions of the
-Philistines, of Tyre, of Edom, of Ammon, of Moab, and even of Judah; and
-then he turns with a crash upon apostatising Israel.[319] He speaks with
-unsparing plainness of their pitiless greed, their shameless debauchery,
-their exacting usury, their attempts to pervert even the abstinent
-Nazarites into intemperance, and to silence the prophets by opposition
-and obloquy. Jehovah was crushed under their violence.[320] And did they
-think to go unscathed after such black ingratitude? Nay! their mightiest
-should flee away naked in the day of defeat. Robbery was in their houses
-of ivory, and the few of them who should escape the spoiler should only
-be as when a shepherd tears out of the mouth of a lion two legs and a
-piece of an ear?[321] As for Bethel, their shrine--which he calls
-Bethaven, "House of Vanity," not Bethel, "House of God"--the horns of
-its altars should be cut off. Should oppression and licentiousness
-flourish? Jehovah would take them with hooks, and their children with
-fish-hooks, and their sacrifices at Bethel and Gilgal should be utterly
-unavailing. Drought, and blasting, and mildew, and wasting plague, and
-earth-convulsions like those which had swallowed Sodom and Gomorrha,
-from which they should only be plucked as a "firebrand out of the
-burning," should warn them that they must prepare to meet their
-God.[322] It was lamentable; but lamentation was vain, unless they would
-return to Jehovah, Lord of hosts,[323] and abandon the false worship of
-Bethel, Beersheba, and Gilgal, and listen to the voice of the righteous,
-whom they now abhorred for his rebukes. They talked hypocritically about
-"the day of the Lord," but to them it should be blackness. They relied
-on feast days, and services, and sacrifices; but since they would not
-give the sacrifice of judgment and righteousness, for which alone God
-cared, they should be carried into captivity beyond Damascus: yes! even
-to that terrible Assyria with whose king they now were on friendly
-terms. They lay at ease on their carved couches at their delicate
-feasts, draining the wine-bowls, and glistering with fragrant oils,
-heedless of the impending doom which would smite the great house with
-breaches and the little house with clefts, and which should bring upon
-them an avenger who should afflict them from their conquered Hamath
-southwards even to the wady of the wilderness.[324] The threatened
-judgments of locusts and fire had been mitigated at the prophet's
-prayer, but nothing could avert the plumb-line of destruction which
-Jehovah held over them, and He would rise against the House of Jeroboam
-with His sword.[325] We infer from all that Amos and Hosea say that the
-calf-worship at Bethel (for Dan is not mentioned in this connexion[326])
-had degenerated into an idolatry far more abject than it originally
-was. The familiarity of such multitudes of the people with Baal-worship
-and Asherah-worship had tended to obliterate the sense that the "calves"
-were cherubic emblems of Jehovah; and were it not for some confusions of
-this kind, it is inconceivable that Jehoram ben-Jehu should have
-restored the Asherah which his father had removed. Be that as it may,
-Bethel and Gilgal seem to have become centres of corruption. Dan is
-scarcely once alluded to as a scene of the calf-worship.
-
-Others, then, might be deceived by the surface-glitter of extended
-empire in the days of Jeroboam II. Not so the true prophets. It has
-often happened--as to Persia, when, in B.C. 388, she dictated the
-Peace of Antalcidas, and to Papal Rome in the days of the Jubilee of
-1300, and to Philip II. of Spain in the year of the Armada, and to
-Louis XIV. in 1667--that a nation has seemed to be at its zenith of
-pomp and power on the very eve of some tremendous catastrophe. Amos
-and Hosea saw that such a catastrophe was at hand for Israel, because
-they knew that Divine punishment inevitably dogs the heels of
-insolence and crime. The loftiness of Israel's privilege involved the
-utterness of her ruin. "You only have I known of all the families of
-the earth: therefore I will visit upon you all your iniquities."[327]
-
-Such prophecies, so eloquent, so uncompromising, so varied, and so
-constantly disseminated among the people, first by public harangues,
-then in writing, could no longer be neglected. Amos, with his natural
-culture, his rhythmic utterances, and his inextinguishable fire, was far
-different from the wild fanatics, with their hairy garments, and sudden
-movements, and long locks, and cries, and self-inflicted wounds, with
-whom Israel had been familiar since the days of Elijah whom they all
-imitated. So long as this inspired peasant confined himself to moral
-denunciations the aristocracy and priesthood of Samaria could afford
-comfortably to despise him. What were moral denunciations to them? What
-harm was there in ivory palaces and refined feasts? This man was a mere
-red socialist who tried to undermine the customs of society. The hold of
-the upper classes on the people, whom their exactions had burdened with
-hopeless debt, and whom they could with impunity crush into slavery, was
-too strong to be shaken by the "hysteric gush" of a philanthropic
-faddist and temperance fanatic like this. But when he had the enormous
-presumption to mention publicly the name of their victorious king, and
-to say that Jehovah would rise against him with the sword, it was time
-for the clergy to interfere, and to send the intruder back to his native
-obscurity.
-
-So Amaziah, the priest of Bethel,[328] invoked the king's authority.
-"Amos," he said to the king, "hath conspired against thee in the midst
-of the house of Israel." The charge was grossly false, but it did well
-enough to serve the priest's purpose. "The land is not able to bear
-all his words."
-
-That was true; for when nations have chosen to abide by their own
-vicious courses, and refuse to listen to the voice of warning, they
-are impatient of rebuke. They refuse to hear when God calls to them.
-
- "For when we in our viciousness grow hard,
- Oh misery on it! the wise gods seal our eyes;
- In our own filth drop our clear judgments; make us
- Adore our errors; laugh at us while we strut
- To our confusion."
-
-The priest tried further to inflame the king's anger by telling him
-two more of Amos's supposed predictions. He had prophesied (which was
-a false inference) that Israel should be led away captive out of their
-own land,[329] and had also prophesied (which was a perversion of the
-fact) "that Jeroboam _should die_ by the sword."
-
-At the first prophecy Jeroboam probably smiled. It might indeed come
-true in the long-run. If he was a man of prescience as well as of
-prowess, he probably foresaw that the elements of ruin lurked in his
-transient success, and that though, for the present, Assyria was
-occupied in other directions, it was unlikely that the weaker Israel
-would escape the fate of the far more powerful Syria. As for the
-personal prophecy, he was strong, and was honoured, and had his army
-and his guards. He would take his chance. Nor does it seem to have
-troubled any one that Amos looked for the ultimate union of Israel
-with Judah. Since the time of Joash the inheritance of David had been
-but as "a ruined booth" (ix. 11); but Amos prophesied its restoration.
-This touch may have been added later, when he wrote and published his
-"burdens"; but he did not hesitate to speak as if the two kingdoms
-were really and properly one.[330]
-
-We are not told that Jeroboam II. interfered with the prophet in any
-way.[331] Had he done so, he would have been rebuked and denounced for
-it. He probably went no further than to allow the priest and the
-prophet to settle the matter between themselves. Perhaps he gave a
-contemptuous permission that, if Amaziah thought it worth while to
-send the prophet back into Judah, he might do so.
-
-Armed with this nonchalant mandate, Amaziah, with more mildness and
-good-humour than might have been expected from one of his class, said
-to Amos, "O Seer,[332] go home, and eat thy bread, and prophesy to thy
-heart's content at home; but do not prophesy any more at Bethel, for
-it is the king's sanctuary and the king's court."
-
-Amos obeyed perforce, but stopped to say that he had not prophesied
-out of his own mouth, but by Jehovah's bidding. He then hurled at the
-priest a message of doom as frightful as that which Jeremiah
-pronounced upon Pashur, when that priest smote him on the face. His
-wife should be a harlot in the city; his sons and daughters should be
-slain; his inheritance should be divided; he should die in a polluted
-land; and Israel should go into captivity. And as for his mission, he
-justified it by the fact that he was not one of an hereditary or a
-professional community; he was no prophet or prophet's son. Such men
-might--like Zedekiah, the son of Chenaanah, and his four hundred
-abettors--be led into mere function and professionalism, into
-manufactured enthusiasm and simulated inspiration. From such
-communities freshness, unconventionality, courage, were hardly to be
-expected. They would philippise at times; they would get to love their
-order and their privileges better than their message, and themselves
-best of all. It is the tendency of organised bodies to be tempted into
-conventionality, and to sink into banded unions chiefly concerned in
-the protection of their own prestige. Not such was Amos. He was a
-peasant herdsman in whose heart had burned the inspiration of Jehovah
-and the wrath against moral misdoing till they had burst into flame.
-It was indignation against iniquity which had called Amos from the
-flocks and the sycomores to launch against an apostatising people the
-menace of doom. In that grief and indignation he heard the voice and
-received the mandate of the Lord of hosts. He heads the long line of
-literary prophets whose priceless utterances are preserved in the Old
-Testament. The inestimable value of their teaching lies most of all in
-the fact that they were--like Moses--preachers of the moral law; and
-that, like the Book of the Covenant, which is the most ancient and the
-most valuable part of the Laws of the Pentateuch, they count external
-service as no better than the small dust of the balance in comparison
-with righteousness and true holiness.
-
-The rest of the predictions of Amos were added at a later date. They
-dwelt on the certainty and the awful details of the coming overthrow;
-the doom of the idolaters of Gilgal and Beersheba; the inevitable
-swiftness of the catastrophe in which Samaria should be sifted like
-corn in a sieve in spite of her incorrigible security.[333] Yet the
-ruin should not be absolute. "Thus saith Jehovah: As the shepherd
-teareth out of the mouth of the lion two legs and the piece of an ear,
-so shall the children of Israel be rescued, that sit in Samaria on the
-corner of a couch, and on the damask of a bed."
-
-The Hebrew Prophets almost invariably weave together the triple strands
-of warning, exhortation, and hope. Hitherto Amos has not had a word of
-hope to utter. At last, however, he lets a glimpse of the rainbow
-irradiate the gloom. The overthrow of Israel should be accompanied by
-the restoration of the fallen booth of David, and, under the rule of a
-scion of that house, Israel should return from captivity to enjoy days
-of peaceful happiness, and to be rooted up no more.[334]
-
- * * * * *
-
-Hosea, the son of Beeri, was of a somewhat later date than Amos. He,
-too, "became electric," to flash into meaner and corrupted minds the
-conviction that formalism is nothing, and that moral sincerity is all
-in all. That which God requires is not ritual service, but truth in
-the inward parts. He is one of the saddest of the prophets; but
-though he mingles prophecies of mercy with his menaces of wrath, the
-general tenor of his oracles is the same. He pictures the crimes of
-Ephraim by the image of domestic unfaithfulness, and bids Judah to
-take warning from the curse involved in her apostasy.[335] Many of his
-allusions touch upon the days of that deluge of anarchy which followed
-the death of Jeroboam II. (iv.-vi. 3). That he was a Northerner
-appears from the fact that he speaks of the King of Israel as "our
-king" (vii. 5). Yet he seems to blame the revolt of Jeroboam I. (i.
-11, viii. 4), although a prophet had originated it, and he openly
-aspires after the reunion of the Twelve Tribes under a king of the
-House of David (iii. 5). He points more distinctly to Assyria, which
-he frequently names as the scourge of the Divine vengeance, and
-indicates how vain is the hope of the party which relied on the
-alliance of Egypt.[336] He speaks with far more distinct contempt of
-the cherub at Bethel and the shrine at Gilgal, and says scornfully,
-"Thy calf, O Samaria, has cast thee off."[337] Shalmaneser had taken
-Beth-Arbel, and dashed to pieces mother and children. Such would be
-the fate of the cities of Israel.[338] Yet Hosea, like Amos, cannot
-conclude with words of wrath and woe, and he ends with a lovely song
-of the days when Ephraim should be restored, after her true
-repentance, by the loving tenderness of God.
-
-Jeroboam II. must have been aware of some at least of these prophecies.
-Those of Hosea must have impressed him all the more because Hosea was a
-prophet of his own kingdom, and all of his allusions were to such
-ancient and famous shrines of Ephraim as Mizpeh, Tabor, Bethel, Gilgal,
-Shechem,[339] Jezreel, and Lebanon. He was the Jeremiah of the North,
-and a passionate patriotism breathes through his melancholy strains. Yet
-in the powerful rule of Jeroboam II. he can only see a godless
-militarism founded upon massacre (i. 4), and he felt himself to be the
-prophet of decadence. Page after page rings with wailing, and with
-denunciations of drunkenness, robbery, and whoredom--"swearing, lying,
-killing, stealing, and adultery" (iv. 2).
-
-If Jeroboam was as wise and great as he seemed to have been, he must
-have seen with his own eyes the ominous clouds on the far horizon, and
-the deep-seated corruption which was eating like a cancer into the
-heart of his people. Probably, like many another great sovereign--like
-Marcus Aurelius when he noted the worthlessness of his son Commodus,
-like Charlemagne when he burst into tears at the sight of the ships of
-the Vikings--his thoughts were like those of the ancient and modern
-proverbs--"When I am dead, let earth be mixed with fire." We have no
-trace that Jeroboam treated Hosea as did those guilty priests to whom
-he was a rebuke, and who called him "a fool" and "mad" (ix. 7, 8, iv.
-6-8, v. 2). Yet the aged king--he must have reached the unusual age
-of seventy-three at least, before he ended the longest and most
-successful reign in the annals of Israel--could hardly have
-anticipated that within half a year of his death his secure throne
-would be shaken to its foundation, his dynasty be hurled into
-oblivion, and that Israel, to whom, as long as he lived, mighty
-kingdoms had curtsied, should,
-
- "Like a forlorn and desperate castaway,
- Do shameful execution on herself."
-
-Yet so it was. Jeroboam II. was succeeded by no less than six other
-kings, but he was the last who died a natural death. Every one of his
-successors fell a victim to the assassin or the conqueror. His son
-Zachariah ("Remembered by Jehovah") succeeded him (B.C. 740), the
-fourth in descent from Jehu. Considering the long reign of his father,
-he must have ascended the throne at a mature age. But he was the child
-of evil times. That he should not interrupt the "calf"-worship was a
-matter of course; but if he be the king of whom we catch a glimpse in
-Hos. vii. 2-7, we see that he partook deeply of the depravity of his
-day. We are there presented with a deplorable picture. There was
-thievishness at home, and bands of marauding bandits began to appear
-from abroad. The king was surrounded by a desperate knot of wicked
-counsellors, who fooled him to the top of his bent, and corrupted him
-to the utmost of his capacity. They were all scorners and adulterers,
-whose furious passions the prophet compares to the glowing heat of an
-oven heated by the baker. They made the king glad with their
-wickedness, and the princes with lying flatteries. On the royal
-birthday, apparently at some public feast, this band of infamous
-revellers, who were the boon companions of Zachariah, first made him
-sick with bottles of wine, and then having set an ambush in waiting,
-murdered the effeminate and self-indulgent debauchee before all the
-people.[340] The scene reads like the assassination of a Commodus or
-an Elagabalus. No one was likely to raise a hand in his favour. Like
-our Edward II., he was a weakling who followed a great and warlike
-father. It was evident that troublous times were near at hand, and
-nothing but the worst disasters could ensue if there was no one better
-than such a drunkard as Zachariah to stand at the helm of state.
-
-So did the dynasty of the mighty Jehu expire like a torch blown out in
-stench and smoke.
-
-Its close is memorable most of all because it evoked the magnificent
-moral and spiritual teaching of Hebrew prophecy. The ideal prophet and
-the ordinary priest are as necessarily opposed to each other as the
-saint and the formalist. The glory of prophecy lies in its recognition
-that right is always right, and wrong always wrong, apart from all
-expediency and all casuistry, apart from "all prejudices, private
-interests, and partial affections." "What Jehovah demands," they
-taught, "is righteousness--neither more nor less; what He hates is
-injustice. Sin or offence to the Deity is a thing of purely moral
-character. Morality is that for the sake of which all other things
-exist; it is the most essential element of all sincere religion. It is
-no postulate, no idea, but a necessity and a fact; the most intensely
-living of human powers--Jehovah, the God of hosts. In wrath, in ruin,
-this holy reality makes its existence known; it annihilates all that
-is hollow and false."[341]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[313] Amos vii. 1. Famine (iv. 6); drought (iv. 7, 8); yellow blight and
-locusts (iv. 9); pestilence (iv. 10); earthquake and burning (iv. 11).
-
-[314] Amos vii. 4.
-
-[315] Amos i. 1, iii. 14, iv. 11, viii 8; Zech. xiv. 5: "Ye shall flee
-like as ye fled before the earthquake in the days of Uzziah." Josephus
-says that in an earthquake a little before the birth of Christ ten
-thousand were buried under the ruined houses (_Antt._, XV. v. 2), and
-he has many Rabbinic haggadoth to tell us about the earthquake, which,
-he says, happened at the moment when Uzziah burnt incense in the
-Temple (_Antt._, IX. x. 4).
-
-[316] According to Hind, they took place on June 15th, B.C. 763, and
-February 9th, B.C. 784. Amos alludes to the capture of Gath by Uzziah,
-of Calneh (_Ktesiphon_), and of Hamath (vi. 2; 2 Chron. xxvi. 6). Gath
-henceforth disappears from the Philistian Pentapolis (Amos i. 7, 8;
-Zeph. ii. 4; Zech. ix. 5).
-
-[317] Or "dresser of sycomore-trees" (R.V.). LXX., [Greek: knizôn
-sykamina]; Vulg., _vellicans sycomoros_. The sycomore-fruit (fruit of
-the _Ficus sycomorus_, or wild fig) is ripened by puncturing it
-(Theoph., _H. Plant._, iv. 2; Pliny, _H. N._, xiii. 14).
-
-[318] The well-known town of Tekoa had been Solomon's horse-fair, and
-had been fortified by Rehoboam (2 Chron. xi. 6). It lay in a wild
-country six miles south of Bethlehem (2 Chron. xx. 20; 1 Macc. ix. 33;
-Robinson, _Bibl. Res._, i. 486). For a fuller account of these
-prophets, I must refer to my book on _The Minor Prophets_ in the "Men
-of the Bible" Series. It has always been assumed that Amos belonged to
-the well-known Tekoa, and was therefore a subject of the Southern
-Kingdom. In recent days this has become uncertain. No sycomores grow
-or can grow on the bleak uplands of Tekoa (Tristram, _Nat. Hist. of
-the Bible_, p. 397); so that Jerome, in his preface to Amos, thinks
-that "brambles" are intended. Even Kimchi conjectured that Tekoa was
-an unknown town in the tribe of Asher. Amos's allusions to scenery are
-all applicable to the Northern landscape.
-
-[319] Amos i. 1-ii. 5.
-
-[320] Amos ii. 6-13.
-
-[321] Amos iii. 9-15.
-
-[322] Amos iv. 1-13.
-
-[323] This title, "Jehovah-Tsebaoth," now begins to occur. It is not
-found in the Hexateuch. It probably means "Lord of the _starry hosts_."
-Contact with Assyria first made the Israelites acquainted with
-star-worship. Amos alludes to the Pleiades and Orion (v. 8: comp. Job
-ix. 9, xxxviii. 31). Star-worship is forbidden in Deuteronomy. In Amos
-v. 26 the true meaning is that the Israelites _would take with them, on
-their road to exile_, Sakkuth (Moloch?) and Kewan (the god-star Saturn).
-
-[324] Amos vi. 1-14.
-
-[325] Amos vii. 1-9.
-
-[326] Strange as it may seem, the early authority for the existence of
-any calf at Dan is very slight, and the extreme uncertainty of the
-reading and interpretation in one main passage (1 Kings xii. 32) makes
-it at least possible that there were _two calves at Bethel_, and that
-at Dan there was no calf, but only the old idolatrous ephod of Micah,
-still served by the servant of Moses. See additional note at the end
-of the volume.
-
-[327] Amos iii. 2.
-
-[328] That the chief priest of Bethel bore the name "Jehovah is
-strong" shows once more that "calf-worship" was in no sense a
-_substitute_ for the worship of Jehovah.
-
-[329] This was not quite accurate; he had rather prophesied the
-devastation of the high places (vii. 9). In fact, his words had often
-been very vague. "_Thus_ will I do unto thee" (iv. 12).
-
-[330] Amos ix. 11-15. Comp. Hos. iii. 5.
-
-[331] The exaggerated haggadoth of later days say that Amaziah had
-Amos beaten with leaded thongs, and that he was carried home in a
-dying state (Epiphan., _Opp._, ii. 145), to which there is a supposed
-allusion in Heb. xi. 35: [Greek: alloi de etumpanisthêsan].
-
-[332] We cannot be sure that the term "Seer" was meant to be
-contemptuous, although from 1 Sam. ix. 9 we should infer that the
-title had become somewhat obsolete. Further, we must bear in mind that
-it may not have been always easy for worldlings to distinguish between
-true prophets and the unprincipled pretenders who, about this time,
-succeeded in making the name and aspect of a prophet so complete a
-disgrace that men had carefully to disclaim it (Zech. xiii. 2-6). It
-is true that the heading of Amos (i. 1), which may not, however, be by
-the prophet himself, tells us of "the words which he _saw_" (_i.e._,
-spoke as a seer), and he also disclaims the name of prophet (vii. 14).
-
-[333] Amos viii. 1-ix. 9, 10.
-
-[334] Amos ix. 11-15.
-
-[335] Hos. iv. 15-19.
-
-[336] Hos. v. 13, vii. 11, viii. 9, ix. 3-6, xi. 5, xii. 1, xiv. 3. It
-must be borne in mind that the cuneiform inscriptions prove that
-Assyria had burst into sight like a lurid comet on the horizon far
-earlier than we had supposed. Jehu had paid tribute to Shalmaneser as
-far back as B.C. 842, more than a century before Menahem's tribute in
-738. The destruction which Hosea prophesied took place within
-thirty-one years of his prophecies--probably in B.C. 722, when Sargon
-finished the siege of Samaria begun by Shalmaneser. The king Hoshea
-was perhaps taken captive before the siege.
-
-[337] Hos. viii. 5, ix. 15.
-
-[338] Hos. x. 13, 14.
-
-[339] Hos. vi. 9: for "by consent" read "towards Shechem."
-
-[340] Hos. vii. 3-7. The allusions are vague, but we see a drunken
-king among his drunken princes, surrounded by wicked plotters who have
-flattered his vices. He is ignorant of his peril. The subjects aid the
-rulers in these abominations. All are blazing, like an oven, with
-passion and infamy, and only rest (as the baker does) to acquire new
-strength for inflaming their burning desires. At the dawn their
-treachery blazes into the crime of murder, and in the wine-sick
-fever-heat of the banquet the king is murdered by his corrupt
-intimates (see my _Minor Prophets_, p. 78).
-
-[341] Wellhausen, _Isr. and Jud._, 85.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIX
-
- _AZARIAH-UZZIAH_ (B.C. 783(?)-737)
-
- _JOTHAM_ (B.C. 737-735)
-
- 2 KINGS xv. 1-7, 32-38
-
- "This is vanity, and it is a sore sickness."--ECCLES. vi. 2.
-
-
-Before we watch the last "glimmerings and decays" of the Northern
-Kingdom, we must once more revert to the fortunes of the House of David.
-Judah partook of the better fortunes of Israel. She, too, enjoyed the
-respite caused by the crippling of the power of Syria, and the cessation
-from aggression of the Assyrian kings, who, for a century, were either
-unambitious monarchs like Assurdan, or were engaged in fighting on their
-own northern and eastern frontiers. Judah, too, like Israel, was happy
-in the long and wise governance of a faithful king.
-
-This king was Azariah ("My strength is Jehovah"), the son of Amaziah. He
-is called Uzziah by the Chronicler, and in some verses of the brief
-references to his long reign in the Book of Kings. It is not certain
-that he was the eldest son of Amaziah;[342] but he was so distinctly the
-ablest, that, at the age of sixteen, he was chosen king by "all the
-people." His official title to the world must have been Azariah, for in
-that form his name occurs in the Assyrian records. Uzziah seems to have
-been the more familiar title which he bore among his people.[343] There
-seems to be an allusion to both names--Jehovah-his-helper, and
-Jehovah-his-strength--in the Chronicles: "God _helped him_, and made him
-to prosper; and his name spread far abroad, and he was marvellously
-helped, _till he was strong_."
-
-The Book of Kings only devotes a few verses to him; but from the
-Chronicler we learn much more about his prosperous activity. His first
-achievement was to recover and fortify the port of Elath, on the Red
-Sea,[344] and to reduce the Edomites to the position they had held in
-the earlier days of his father's reign. This gave security to his
-commerce, and at once "his name spread far abroad, even to the
-entering in of Egypt."
-
-He next subdued the Philistines; took Gath, Jabneh, and Ashdod;
-dismantled their fortifications, filled them with Hebrew colonists,
-and "smote all Palestine with a rod."[345]
-
-He then chastised the roving Arabs of the Negeb or south country in
-Gur-Baal and Maon, and suppressed their plundering incursions.
-
-His next achievement was to reduce the Ammonite Emîrs to the position
-of tributaries, and to enforce from them rights of pasturage for his
-large flocks, not only in the low country (_shephelah_), but in the
-southern wilderness (_midbar_), and in the _carmels_ or fertile
-grounds among the Trans-Jordanic hills.
-
-Having thus subdued his enemies on all sides, he turned his attention
-to home affairs--built towers, strengthened the walls of Jerusalem at
-its most assailable points, provided catapults and other instruments
-of war, and rendered a permanent benefit to Jerusalem by irrigation
-and the storing of rain-water in tanks.
-
-All these improvements so greatly increased his wealth and importance
-that he was able to renew David's old force of heroes (Gibborim), and to
-increase their number from six hundred to two thousand six hundred, whom
-he carefully enrolled, equipped with armour, and trained in the use of
-engines of war. And he not only extended his boundaries southwards and
-eastwards, but appears to have been strong enough, after the death of
-Jeroboam II., to make an expedition northwards, and to have headed a
-Syrian coalition against Tiglath-Pileser III., in B.C. 738. He is
-mentioned in two notable fragments of the annals of the eighth year of
-this Assyrian king. He is there called Azrijahu, and both his forces and
-those of Hamath seem to have suffered a defeat.[346]
-
-It is distressing to find that a king so good and so great ended his
-days in overwhelming and irretrievable misfortune. The glorious reign
-had a ghastly conclusion. All that the historian tells us is that "the
-Lord smote the king, so that he was a leper, and dwelt in a several
-[_i.e._, a separate] house." The word rendered "a several house" may
-perhaps mean (as in the margin of the A.V.) "a lazar house," like the
-_Beit el Massakîn_ or "house of the unfortunate," the hospital or
-abode of lepers, outside the walls of Jerusalem.[347] The rendering is
-uncertain, but it is by no means impossible that the prevalence of the
-affliction had, even in those early days, created a retreat for those
-thus smitten, especially as they formed a numerous class. Obviously
-the king could no more fulfil his royal duties. A leper becomes a
-horrible object, and no one would have been more anxious than the
-unhappy Azariah himself to conceal his aspect from the eyes of his
-people.[348] His son Jotham was set over the household; and though he
-is not called a regent or joint-king--for this institution does not
-seem to have existed among the ancient Hebrews--he acted as judge over
-the people of the land.
-
-We are told that Isaiah wrote the annals of this king's reign, but we
-do not know whether it was from Isaiah's biography that the Chronicler
-took the story of the manner in which Uzziah was smitten with leprosy.
-The Chronicler says that his heart was puffed up with his successes
-and his prosperity, and that he was consequently led to thrust himself
-into the priest's office by burning incense in the Temple.[349]
-Solomon appears to have done the same without the least question of
-opposition; but now the times were changed, and Azariah, the high
-priest,[350] and eighty of his colleagues went in a body to prevent
-Uzziah, to rebuke him, and to order him out of the Holy Place.[351]
-The opposition kindled him into the fiercest anger, and at this moment
-of hot altercation the red spot of leprosy suddenly rose and burned
-upon his forehead. The priests looked with horror on the fatal sign;
-and the stricken king, himself horrified at this awful visitation of
-God, ceased to resist the priests, and rushed forth to relieve the
-Temple of his unclean presence, and to linger out the sad remnant of
-his days in the living death of that most dishonouring disease. Surely
-no man was ever smitten down from the summits of splendour to a lower
-abyss of unspeakable calamity! We can but trust that the misery only
-laid waste the few last years of his reign; for Jotham was twenty-five
-when he began to reign, and he must have been more than a mere boy
-when he was set to perform his father's duties.
-
-So the glory of Uzziah faded into dust and darkness. At the age of
-sixty-eight death came as the welcome release from his miseries, and
-"they buried him with his fathers in the City of David." The
-Levitically scrupulous Chronicler adds that he was not laid in the
-actual sepulchre of his fathers, but in a field of burial which
-belonged to them--"for they said, He is a leper." The general outline
-of his reign resembled that of his father's. It began well; it fell by
-pride; it closed in misery.
-
-The annals of his son Jotham were not eventful, and he died at the age
-of forty-one or earlier. He is said to have reigned sixteen years, but
-there are insuperable difficulties about the chronology of his reign,
-which can only be solved by hazardous conjectures.[352] He was a good
-king, "howbeit the high places were not removed." The Chronicler
-speaks of him chiefly as a builder. He built or restored the northern
-gate of the Temple, and defended Judah with fortresses and towns. But
-the glory and strength of his father's reign faded away under his
-rule. He did indeed suppress a revolt of the Ammonites, and exacted
-from them a heavy indemnity; but shortly afterwards the inaction of
-Assyria led to an alliance between Pekah, King of Israel, and Rezin,
-King of Damascus; and these kings harassed Jotham--perhaps because he
-refused to become a member of their coalition. The good king must also
-have been pained by the signs of moral degeneracy all around him in
-the customs of his own people. It was "in the year that King Uzziah
-died" that Isaiah saw his first vision, and he gives us a deplorable
-picture of contemporary laxity. Whatever the king may have been, the
-princes were no better than "rulers of Sodom," and the people were
-"people of Gomorrha." There was abundance of lip-worship, but little
-sincerity; plentiful religionism, but no godliness. Superstition went
-hand in hand with formalism, and the scrupulosity of outward service
-was made a substitute for righteousness and true holiness. This was
-the deadliest characteristic of this epoch, as we find it portrayed in
-the first chapter of Isaiah. The faithful city had become a
-harlot--but not in outward semblance. She "reflected heaven on her
-surface, and hid Gomorrha in her heart." Righteousness had dwelt in
-her--but now murderers; but the murderers wore phylacteries, and for a
-pretence made long prayers. It was this deep-seated hypocrisy, this
-pretence of religion without the reality, which called forth the
-loudest crashes of Isaiah's thunder. There is more hope for a country
-avowedly guilty and irreligious than for one which makes its
-scrupulous ceremonialism a cloak of maliciousness. And thus there lay
-at the heart of Isaiah's message that protest for bare morality, as
-constituting the end and the essence of religion, which we find in all
-the earliest and greatest prophets:--
-
- "Hear the word of the Lord, ye rulers of Sodom;
- Give ear unto the Law of our God, ye people of Gomorrha!
- To what purpose is the multitude of your sacrifices unto me? saith
- the Lord.
- I am full of the burnt-offerings of rams, and the fat of fed beasts;
- And I delight not in the blood of bullocks, or of lambs, or of
- he-goats.
- When ye come to see My face, who hath required this at your hands, to
- trample My courts?
- Bring no more vain oblations!
- Incense is an abomination unto Me:
- New moon and sabbath, the calling of assemblies--
- I cannot away with iniquity and the solemn meeting...
- Wash you! make you clean!"[353]
-
-Of Jotham we hear nothing more. He died a natural death at an early
-age. If the years of his reign are counted from the time when his
-father's affliction devolved on him the responsibilities of office, it
-is probable that he did not long survive the illustrious leper, but
-was buried soon after him in the City of David his father.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[342] Hence, perhaps, the expression that the people "took him." If
-Amaziah died at fifty-nine, he probably had other sons.
-
-[343] Compare the interchange of the names Azariel and Uzziel (Exod.
-vi. 18) in 1 Chron. vi. 2, 18. Azariah means "Jehovah hath helped,"
-and Uzziah "Strength of Jehovah." It is just possible that his name
-was changed at his accession, as the chief priest also was named
-Azariah, and confusion might otherwise have arisen.
-
-[344] 2 Chron. xxvi. 2-15.
-
-[345] Isa. xiv. 29. A mixed language arose in this district in
-consequence (Neh. xiii. 24; Zech. ix. 6). The word Palestine only
-applies strictly to the district of Philistia. Milton uses it, with
-his usual accuracy, in the description of Dagon as
-
- "That twice-battered god of Palestine."
-
-[346] Uzziah's opposition to Assyria--of which there seems to be no
-doubt, for he must be the Azrijahu of the _Eponym Canon_--took place
-about 738, and was a coalition movement. But it gives rise to great
-chronological and other difficulties. As the solution of these is at
-present only conjectural, I refer to Schrader (E. Tr.), ii. 211-219.
-He is called Azrijahu Jahudai.
-
-[347] 2 Kings xv. 5 (2 Chron. xxvi. 21, "a house of sickness"). LXX.,
-[Greek: en oikô aphphousôth]; Vulg., _in domo libera seorsim_. Comp
-Lev. xiii. 46. Theodoret understands it that he was shut up privately
-in his own palace: [Greek: endon en thalamô hyp' oudenos horômenos].
-Symmachus, [Greek: egkekleismenos].
-
-[348] His misfortune must have made a deep impression, and is possibly
-alluded to in Hos. iv. 4: "For thy people are as they that strive with
-the priest."
-
-[349] The Chronicler attributes the good part of his reign to the
-influence of an unknown Zechariah, "who had understanding in the visions
-of God"; and says that when Zechariah died Uzziah altered for the worse.
-
-[350] This high priest, Azariah, is only mentioned elsewhere in 2
-Chron. xxvi. 17, 20.
-
-[351] Josephus says that he had put on a priestly robe, and that a
-great feast was going on, and that the earthquake (Amos i. 1; Zech.
-xiv. 5) happened at the moment, which broke the Temple roof, so that a
-sunbeam smote his head and produced the leprosy. We here see the
-growth of the Haggadah.
-
-[352] For instance, two verses earlier (2 Kings xv. 30) we read of the
-twentieth year of Jotham.
-
-[353] Isa. i. 10-17.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XX.
-
- _THE AGONY OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOM._
-
- B.C.
- Shallum 740
- Menahem 740-737
- Pekahiah 737-735
- Pekah 735-734
-
- 2 KINGS xv. 8-31
-
- "Blood toucheth blood."--HOS. iv. 2.
-
- "The revolters are profuse in murders."--HOS. v. 2.
-
- "They have set up kings, but not by Me: they have made princes,
- and I knew it not."--HOS. viii. 4.
-
- "Non tam reges fuere quam fures, latrones, et tyranni."--WITSIUS,
- _Decaph._, 326.
-
-
-With the death of Zachariah begins the acute agony of Israel's
-dissolution. Four kings were murdered in forty years. Indeed, within
-two centuries, at least nine kings--Nadab, Elah, Zimri, Tibni,
-Jehoram, Zachariah, Shallum, Pekahiah, Pekah--had made the steps of
-the throne slippery with blood. Except in the house of Omri, all the
-kings of Israel either left no sons or left them to be slain. Amos, by
-his vision of the basket of summer fruit, had intimated that the sins
-of Israel were ripe for punishment, and the lesson had been emphasised
-by the paronomasia of _quîts_, "summer," and _queets_, "end."[354] The
-prophet had singled four out of many crimes as the cause of her ruin.
-They were (1) greedy oppression of the poor; (2) land-grabbing; (3)
-licentious and idolatrous revelries; (4) cruelty to poor debtors, and
-rioting on the proceeds of unjust gains. In their drunkenness they
-even tempted God's Nazarites to break their vows. "Behold," saith
-Jehovah, "I am pressed under you, as a cart is pressed that is full of
-sheaves." Even women shared in the common intoxication, and showed
-themselves utterly shameless, so that Amos contemptuously calls them
-"fat cows of Bashan upon the mountain of Samaria," whom in punishment
-the brutal conqueror should drag by the hair out of their ivory
-palaces, as a fisherman drags his prey out of the water by hooks.[355]
-
-Shallum, son of Jabesh, the unknown murderer of Zachariah and the
-usurper of his throne, suffered the fate of Zimri, and only reigned for
-one month. If his conspiracy was marked by the odious circumstances of
-treachery and corruption, which we infer from the allusions of Hosea,
-Shallum richly deserved the swift retribution which fell upon him. He
-seems to have destroyed Zachariah by means of his best affections--under
-the guise of friendship, in the midst of boon companionship. But the
-slayer of his master had no peace, and from the moment of his fruitless
-crime the unhappy country seems to have been plunged in the horrors of
-civil war. Some dim glimpses of the evils of the day are gained from the
-earlier Zechariah,[356] just as some dim glimpses of the horrors of Rome
-in the days of the later Cæsars may be seen in the Apocalypse. The
-prophet speaks of three shepherds cut off in one month, who abhorred
-God, and His soul was impatient at them.[357]
-
-Just as Galba, Otho, and Vitellius flit across the stage of the Empire
-amid war and assassinations, so Zachariah and Shallum are swept away by
-"dagger-thrusts through the purple." Was there a third? Ewald and others
-think that they detect a shadowy outline of him and of his name in 2
-Kings xv. 10. If so, his name was Kobolam, but we know no more of him
-beyond the fact that "he was, and is not." For the sacred annals are but
-little concerned with this bloody phantasmagoria of feeble kings, who
-ruled amid usurpation, anarchy, hostile attacks from without, and civil
-war within. "Israel," said Hosea, "hath cast off the thing that is good:
-the enemy shall pursue him. They have set up kings, but not by Me: they
-have made princes, and I knew it not." "They are all as hot as an oven,
-and have devoured their judges; all their kings have fallen; there is
-none among them that calleth upon Me."[358]
-
-It was perhaps during this distracted epoch that for one moment there
-was an attempt to place the ruling authority of the nation in the
-hands of the prophet himself. So it would appear from Zech. xi. 7-14.
-Of course these chapters may be allegorical throughout, as, in any
-case, they are in great part. But if so, it becomes more difficult to
-understand the meaning. What the prophet says is as follows:--
-
-First, as though he saw the terrible conflagration of the Assyrian
-tyranny rolling southwards, and felt it to be irresistible, he bids
-Lebanon open her doors, that the fire may devour her cedars. There is
-perhaps an allusion to the death of Jeroboam II. in the words, "Howl
-fir tree, for the cedar is fallen." He sees in vision the forces of
-devastation raging among the oaks of Bashan, the forest and the
-vintage, while the shepherds cry, and the ousted lions roar in vain.
-Then Jehovah bids him feed "the flock of the slaughter"--the flock
-sold remorselessly by its rich possessors, and slain, and left
-unpitied, as the people were despoiled by its nobles and its kings.
-The prophet undertakes the charge of the miserable flock, and takes
-two staves, one of which he calls "Prosperity," and the other "Union."
-While he was thus engaged three shepherds were cut off in one
-month,[359] whom he loathed, and who abhorred him. But he finds his
-task hopeless, and flings it up; and in sign that his covenant with
-the people is broken, he breaks his staff "Prosperity." The nation
-refused to pay him anything for his services, except a paltry sum of
-thirty pieces of silver, and these he disdainfully flung into the
-sacred treasury.[360] Then seeing that all hope of union between
-Israel and Judah was at an end, he broke his staff "Union." Lastly,
-Jehovah says He will raise up a foolish, neglectful, cruel shepherd
-who would care for nothing but to eat the flesh of the fat and break
-the hoofs of the flock. And as for this worthless shepherd, the sword
-should be upon his arm and in his right eye; his arm shall be dried
-up, and his right eye utterly darkened.
-
-By this cruel and self-seeking shepherd is probably meant Menahem. He
-had been, according to Josephus, the captain of the guard, and was
-living at Tirzah, the old beautiful capital of the land. From Tirzah,
-where he occupied the position of the captain of the chariots, he
-marched on the ill-supported Shallum. Samaria apparently offered no
-protection to the usurper. Menahem defeated him and put him to death.
-Then he proceeded to enforce the allegiance of the rest of the
-country. An otherwise unknown town of the name of Tiphsach[361]
-ventured to resist him. Menahem conquered it, and perhaps thinking, as
-Machiavelli thought, that princes had better exhibit their utmost
-cruelty at first, to deter any further opposition, he let loose his
-ferocity on the town in a way which created a shuddering remembrance.
-As though he had been one of the ferocious heathen, who had never been
-restrained by the knowledge of God, he exhibited the extreme of
-callous brutality by ripping up all the women that were with
-child.[362] In this he followed the remorseless example of Hazael.
-Hosea had prophesied that this should be the fate of Samaria;[363]
-Amos had denounced the Ammonites for acting thus in the cities of
-Gilead;[364] Shalmaneser III. had, in B.C. 732, thus avenged himself
-on the resistance of Beth-Arbel,[365] and Assyria was ultimately to
-meet an analogous retribution,[366] as also was Babylon.[367] But that
-a king of Ephraim, of God's chosen people, should act thus to his own
-brethren was a horrible portent, ominous of swift destruction.
-
-And the vengeance came. Menahem reigned, at least in name, for ten
-years; for the sword which had slain mothers with their unborn infants
-reduced the stricken people to terrified silence. But at this epoch
-Assyria woke once more from her lethargy, and became the scourge of God
-to the guilty people and their guiltier kings. For a whole century the
-Assyrians had either been governed by kings who had abjured the lust of
-blood and conquest, or had been too seriously occupied on their own
-eastern and northern frontiers to intermeddle with the southern
-kingdoms, or break down the barriers erected by the confederacy of
-Hamath and Damascus between Nineveh and the weaker principalities of
-Palestine. But now (B.C. 745) there came to the throne a king who, in
-Chaldæa, was known by the name of Pul, and in Assyria by the name of
-Tiglath-Pileser;[368] and being too formidable for any power to stay his
-path, he marched against Menahem. Already he was lord of the world from
-the Caspian to the Gulf of Persia; already he had subdued Babylonia,
-Elam, Media, Armenia, eastward--Mesopotamia and Syria westward. Who was
-Menahem, the petty usurper of a tenth-rate kingdom, that he should
-withstand his power or even retard his advance?
-
-The cruel usurper was in no condition to resist him. The brand of Cain
-was on him and his kingdom. How could the weak, impoverished, harassed
-troops of Israel stand up in battle against those numberless serried
-ranks, or withstand their tremendous discipline? If the very name of
-Persia once struck terror into the brave Greeks before the spell of
-Persian ascendency was broken at Marathon, Thermopylæ, and Salamis,
-much more did the name of Assyria make the hearts of the wretched
-Israelites melt like water. They now for the first time saw those
-bearded warriors with their broad swords, their tremendous bows, their
-fierce, sensual faces, their thickset figures. In the language of the
-prophets we still hear the echo of the fears which they excited by
-their swift, unfaltering marches, their sleepless vigilance, their
-girded loins, stout sandals, and barbed arrows.[369]
-
-"Their horses' hoofs," says Isaiah, "shall be like flint, and their
-wheels like a whirlwind: their roaring shall be like a lion, they
-shall roar like young lions; yea, they shall roar, and lay hold of the
-prey, and carry it away safe, and there shall be none to deliver. And
-they shall roar against them in that day like the roaring of the sea;
-and if one look unto the land, behold darkness and distress, and the
-light is darkened in the clouds thereof."
-
-Ancient Assyria lay beneath the Snowy Mountains of Kurdistan; and its
-capital, Nineveh--near Mosul, Kouyunjik, and Neby-Junus--lay six
-hundred miles from the Gulf of Persia. The people spoke, as their
-descendants still speak, a dialect of Syriac, akin both grammatically
-and structurally to Hebrew. Assyria was constantly at war with
-Babylonia; but for the most part the kings of Assyria held Babylon in
-subjection, and Tiglath-Pileser was a king of the Chaldæans under the
-name Pul, as well as a king of Nineveh.
-
-Menahem was warrior enough to know how hopeless it was to struggle
-against these trained forces. He was not even secure on his own
-throne. He thought it best to offer himself without resistance as a
-feudatory, if the Assyrian King would confirm his sovereignty.
-Tiglath-Pileser did not think Menahem worth more trouble, and was
-graciously pleased to accept by way of bribe a tribute of a thousand
-talents of silver, or about £125,000. This, however, as we learn from
-the _Eponym Canon_, was not all. Menahem had to pay a further tribute
-year by year. Later on, in 738, Shalmaneser mentions Minik-himmi
-(Menahem), as well as Rasunnu (Rezin), among his tributaries.
-
-The Assyrian withdrew, and Menahem had to exact this vast sum of money
-from his miserable subjects. To tax the poor was hopeless. He found that
-there were some sixty thousand persons who might be reckoned among the
-wealthier farmers and proprietors,[370] and from them he at once exacted
-fifty shekels of silver (more than £3) apiece. Probably they thought
-that to pay the sum demanded was not too heavy a price for the
-retirement of these frightful Assyrians, whose forces Tiglath-Pileser
-did not withdraw until he had the money in hand. The event took place in
-738, and Tiglath-Pileser continued to reign till 727. How bitterly the
-burden of foreign tribute was felt appears from Hos. viii. 9, 10, which
-should perhaps be rendered, "They are gone up to Assyria like a wild ass
-alone by himself. Ephraim hath hired lovers. And they begin to be
-minished by reason of the burden of the king of princes." "The king of
-princes" was the haughty title usurped by Tiglath-Pileser, who said,
-"Are not my princes all of them kings?" (Isa. x. 8).
-
-All this was a fulfilment of what Hosea had foreseen:--
-
-"Ephraim is oppressed, he is crushed in judgment, because he was content
-to walk after vanity. Therefore am I unto Ephraim as a moth, and to the
-house of Judah as rottenness. When Ephraim saw his sickness, and the
-house of Judah his wound, then went Ephraim to Assyria, and sent unto an
-avenging king:[371] yet could he not heal you, nor cure you of your
-wound. For I will be unto Ephraim as a lion, and as a young lion to the
-House of Judah: I, even I, will tear and go away; I will take away, and
-none shall rescue him." The Assyrian was irresistible, because he was
-the destined instrument of the wrath of God. The "mixing with the
-heathens" was a sin, and Israel in cooing to Assyria was like a foolish
-dove; but the day sometimes comes to doomed nations when no course can
-save them from the fate which they have provoked.[372]
-
-Not long afterwards Menahem died, and he had sufficiently established
-his rule to be succeeded as a matter of course by his son Pekahiah. But
-
- "Revenge and wrong bring forth their kind;
- The foul cubs like their parents are."
-
-Samaria had fearful object-lessons in the apparently immediate success
-of murder and rebellion. The prize looked near and splendid: the
-vengeance might be belated or might not come. Of Pekahiah we are told
-absolutely nothing but that he reigned two years, with this
-stereotyped addition, that "he did that which was evil in the sight of
-Jehovah" by continuing the calf-worship.[373] After this brief and
-uneventful reign, his captain Pekah got together fifty fierce
-Gileadites, and with the aid of two otherwise unknown friends, Argob
-and Arieh, murdered Pekahiah in his own harem.[374] Argob was probably
-so named from the district in Bashan, and Arieh was a fit name for a
-lion-faced Gadite (1 Chron. xii. 8).
-
-The sacred historian troubles himself but little about these kings.
-His annals of them are brief to extreme meagreness. Like the prophet,
-he viewed them as God-abandoned phantoms of guilty royalty.
-
- "They that cry unto me, My God, we, Israel, know thee.
- Israel hath cast off that which is good:
- The enemy shall pursue him.
- They have set up kings, but not by Me;
- They have removed them, and I knew it not:
- Of their silver and their gold have they made them idols,
- That they may be cut off.
- He hath cast on thy calf, O Samaria."
-
-Probably Pekahiah was, as so often happens, the weak son of a
-vigorous father. The times could not tolerate incapable sovereigns;
-and the fact that Pekah not only maintained himself on the throne for
-twenty years,[375] but was able to take active steps of aggression
-against Jerusalem, seems to show that he was a man of some
-administrative capacity. If he had not achieved political and military
-importance, it would hardly have been worth while for a fierce and
-powerful king like Rezin, the last king of Syria, to form so close an
-alliance with him. Probably Rezin saw that his throne and his very
-existence were in danger, and Pekah wished with Rezin's aid to resist
-to the uttermost the encroachments of Assyria, and escape the
-burdensome tribute which Menahem had paid. Indeed, it may well be that
-Pekahiah's passive continuance of this tribute may have been
-distasteful to the people of the land, and that they condoned or even
-tacitly aided Pekah's rebellion in order to get rid of it, and to find
-protection in an abler monarch. It was the last, perhaps the only,
-chance for the kings of Syria and of Israel. As we hear no more of
-Hamath as a member of the alliance, we must suppose that it had now
-been reduced to impotence and vassalage by the all-powerful Assyrian.
-If, however, there was to be any overbalance to the colossal menace
-of Nineveh, it could only be by a large confederacy; and it may have
-been the refusal of Jotham to join that confederacy, on the death of
-his father Uzziah, which caused the joint invasion of Rezin and Pekah
-to force him to accept their alliance or to suppress him altogether.
-In that case they might have formed a close alliance with Egypt, and
-the forces of the united South might, they fancied, prove to be a
-match for the forces of the North.[376]
-
-Whatever designs they may have formed against Jotham, or to whatever
-extent they may have annoyed him, it was not till the reign of his son
-Ahaz that they became formidable and ruinous. Of this we shall say
-more in recounting the reign of Ahaz. All that we need now remark is
-that their bold aggression on Judah became the cause of utter
-destruction to them both. They advanced against Ahaz, and overran his
-helpless country. It was their object to depose the descendant of
-David, and to crown in his place a certain unnamed "son of _Tabeal_,"
-whom Ewald supposed to have been a Syrian, but whose name may possibly
-furnish a specimen of the later Jewish device of Gematria.[377]
-
-It is not impossible that behind these events we may find the efforts
-and yearnings of a party which cared more for Israel's unity than for
-David's throne. Such a party may easily have sprung up during the
-splendid, prosperous reign of Jeroboam II. It has been conjectured by
-some that the election of Uzziah by the people--delayed, according to
-one reckoning, for twelve years--was in reality the triumph of the party
-which felt an unquenchable allegiance to David's house. In Deut.
-xxxiii. Reuben is put before Judah; Jeshurun (_i.e._, Israel) is
-magnified far more than Judah; and some Northern shrine in Zebulon, as
-well as the Temple, is celebrated as a sanctuary.[378] That there were
-men in Jerusalem who preferred Rezin and Pekahiah to their own king is
-clearly stated in Isaiah. He compares them to those who prefer a turbid
-torrent to a soft, sweet stream. "Because," he says, "this people
-despise the waters of Shiloah that flow softly, and take delight in
-Rezin and Remaliah's son; now, therefore, the Lord bringeth upon them
-the waters of the river, strong and many, even the King of Assyria, and
-all his glory."[379] Isaiah seems to have had a contempt for the whole
-attack. He told Ahaz not to fear for the stumps of those two smoking
-firebrands Rezin, King of Syria, and the Israelitish usurper, whom he
-only condescends to call "Remaliah's son." He promises the trembling
-Ahaz that, since he had faithlessly _refused_ a sign, God would give him
-a sign. The sign was that the young woman who accompanied
-Isaiah--perhaps his youthful wife--should bear a son, whose name should
-be called Immanuel; and that before the child Immanuel--whose
-designation, "God with us," was an omen of the loftiest hope--should be
-of an age to distinguish evil from good, the Northern land, which Ahaz
-abhorred, should be forsaken of both her kings.
-
-The prophecy came true in every particular. Rezin and Pekah swept all
-before them, and besieged Jerusalem; but they wasted their time in
-vain before the fortifications which Jotham had strengthened and
-repaired. Obliged to raise the siege, Rezin carried his army
-southward, and indemnified himself by seizing Elath, by driving out
-the Judæan garrison, and replacing them with Syrians.[380] It was the
-last gleam of Syrian success, before the final overthrow of Damascus
-which prophecy had often and emphatically foretold.
-
-Pekah also withdrew his forces--no doubt compelled to do so by the
-step which Ahaz took in his desperation. For now the King of Judah
-invoked the protection and invited the active interference of
-Tiglath-Pileser against his enemies--"to save him out of the hand of
-the King of Syria, and out of the hand of the King of Israel, who were
-risen up against him."
-
-Rezin and Damascus first felt the might of the Assyrian's conquering
-arm. The account of his decisive conquest is preserved in the _Eponym
-Canon_, and the passages which refer to the defeat of the Syrians will
-be found in the First Appendix at the end of the volume. It appears
-from the monuments that Rezin (Rasannu) lost not only his kingdom, but
-his life.
-
-It is the death-knell of Aramæan greatness, as Amos had foretold.
-
- "Thus saith Jehovah:
- For three transgressions of Damascus, and for four,
- I will not turn away the punishment thereof;
- Because they have threshed Gilead with threshing instruments of iron:
- But I will send a fire into the house of Hazael,
- Which shall devour the palaces of Benhadad.
- And I will break the bar of Damascus,[381]
- And cut off him that sitteth [on the throne] in the Valley of
- Aven,[382]
- And him that holdeth the sceptre from Beth-Eden:[383]
- And the people of Syria shall go into captivity unto Kir,[384]
- Saith Jehovah."
-
-Rezin was slain--how we know not; very probably by one of the horrible
-methods of torture--by being flayed alive, or decapitated, or having
-his lips and nose cut off--which were practised by these demon-kings
-of Nineveh.
-
-Nor did Pekah escape. Tiglath-Pileser advanced against the northern part
-of his dominions, and afflicted the land of Zebulon and Naphtali. Ijon;
-Abel-beth-Maachah, the city of Elisha; Zanoah, the ancient sanctuary of
-Kedesh-Naphtali, the home of the hero Barak; Hazor, the former capital
-of the Canaanitish king Jabin; Gilead; Galilee,--all submitted to him,
-apparently without striking a serious blow. He dealt with the miserable
-inhabitants in the way familiar to kings of Assyria. He deported them
-_en masse_ into a strange country of which they did not understand the
-language, and in which they were reduced to hopeless subjection, while
-he supplied their places by aliens from various parts of his own
-dominions. There could be no securer method of reducing to paralysis all
-their national aspirations. Strangers in a strange land, they forgot
-their nationality, forgot their religion, forgot their language, forgot
-their traditions. Their sole resource was to plunge into material
-pursuits, and to melt away into indistinguishable obliteration among
-the neighbouring heathen. It was the beginning of the Northern
-Captivity--of the loss of the Ten Tribes.
-
-As Tiglath-Pileser thus permanently subdued and depopulated the land
-of the Northern Tribes, it is a Jewish tradition that at this time he
-carried away the golden "calf" from Dan among his spoils.[385]
-Scripture does not record the fact, though in Hosea (viii. 5) there
-may be an allusion to the fate of that at Bethel, whether the right
-version be "He hath cast off thy calf, O Samaria," or "Thy calf, O
-Samaria, hath cast thee off."[386] "The workman made it," he
-continues; "therefore it is not God: for the calf of Samaria shall be
-broken in pieces." And again (x. 5): "The people of Samaria shall fear
-because of the heifer of the House of Vanity: for the people thereof
-shall mourn over it, and the _chemarim_ [_i.e._, the black-robed false
-priests thereof] shall tremble for it, for the glory thereof, because
-it is departed. It [the idol] shall also be carried to Assyria for a
-present to King Combat."
-
-For a time Pekah escaped; but unsuccess is fatal to a murderous usurper,
-weakened by the loss and plunder of dominions which he is unable to
-defend. Instead of wasting time in the siege of a strong city like
-Samaria, Tiglath-Pileser in all probability stirred up Hoshea, the son
-of Elah, to rise in conspiracy against his master and slay him. For
-Pekah and Israel seem to have made light of the Northern raid. They said
-in their pride and stoutness of heart, "The bricks are fallen down, but
-we will build with new stones: the sycomores are cut down, but we will
-change them into cedars." Such pretence of security was ill-timed and
-senseless, and Isaiah denounced it. "Therefore," he said, "Jehovah hath
-set up against Israel the adversaries of Rezin [_i.e._, the Assyrians],
-and hath stirred up his enemies; the Syrians on the east, and the
-Philistines on the west; and they have devoured Israel with open mouth.
-For all this His anger is not turned away, but His hand is stretched out
-still. Yet the people have not turned unto Him that smote them, neither
-have they sought the Lord of hosts. Therefore Jehovah hath cut off from
-Israel palm-branch and rush in one day. The elder and the honourable
-man, he is the head; and the prophet that speaketh lies, he is the tail.
-For they that lead this people cause them to err, and they that are led
-of them are swallowed up."[387]
-
-The following verses furnish one of the numerous pictures of the anarchy
-and abounding misery of these evil days. "For wickedness burneth as the
-fire: it devoureth the briers and thorns; yea, it kindleth in the
-thickets of the forest, and they roll upwards in thick clouds of smoke.
-Through the wrath of the Lord of hosts is the land burnt up; the people
-also are the fuel of fire: _no man spareth his brother_. And one shall
-snatch on the right, and be hungry; and he shall eat on the left hand,
-and they shall not be satisfied: they shall _eat every man the flesh of
-his own arm_: Manasseh, Ephraim; and Ephraim, Manasseh: and they
-together shall be against Judah. For all this His anger is not turned
-away, but His hand is stretched out still."
-
-We are told in the Book of Kings that Pekah reigned for twenty years;
-but some of these later reigns must be shortened to suit the
-exigencies of known chronological data. It seems probable that he
-occupied the throne for a much shorter time.[388]
-
-Such was the weakened, harassed, vassal kingdom--the gaunt spectre of
-itself--to the throne of which, after a period of anarchy and chaos,
-Hoshea, by conspiracy and murder, succeeded as the miserable feudatory
-of Assyria.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[354] Amos viii. 2.
-
-[355] Amos iv. 1-3.
-
-[356] It is probable that our present Book of Zechariah is composed of
-the works of three prophets of different dates, each of whom may have
-borne that name. See my _Minor Prophets_ ("Men of the Bible" Series).
-
-[357] Zech. xi. 8. In 2 Kings xv. 10 the LXX. read [Greek: kai
-epataxen auton en keblaam]; and Ewald thinks that "before the people"
-([Hebrew: kavol-tzam]) is really a proper name of the third king in
-one month--"and _Kobolam_ slew him." There is insufficient ground for
-this; though a similar name is found in Assyrian records.
-
-[358] Hos. viii. 3, vii. 7.
-
-[359] Zachariah, Shallum, Kobolam (?).
-
-[360] Zech. xi. 1-17 (Heb. 13).
-
-[361] That this was Thapsacus on the Euphrates (1 Kings iv. 24), and
-that Menahem was in a position to march northward three hundred miles,
-and offer so deadly and wanton an insult to the might of Assyria, is
-out of the question. The name means "a ford," and might apply to any
-town on a river. Thenius thinks the name is a clerical error for
-_Tappuach_, between Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. xvii. 7, 8).
-
-[362] Josephus says, [Greek: ômotêtos hyperbolên ou katalipôn oude
-agriotêtos]. It is said that the same crime was committed in 1861 by a
-Mexican bandit. Machiavelli says, "He who violently and without just
-right usurps a crown must use cruelty, if cruelty becomes necessary,
-once for all" (_De princ._, 8).
-
-[363] 2 Kings viii. 12; Hos. xiii. 16.
-
-[364] Amos i. 13.
-
-[365] Hos. x. 14. This allusion is, however, uncertain. Shalmaneser III.
-is not elsewhere found abbreviated into Shalman. Some suppose him to be
-a Moabitish king, Salamannu, who was a vassal of Tiglath-Pileser. The
-LXX., Vulg., etc., identify him with the Zalmunna of Judg. viii. 18.
-Psalm lxxxiii. 11 renders the word _ex domo ejus qui judicavit Baal_
-(_i.e._, Gideon). Beth-Arbel is either Arbela in Galilee, or Irbid,
-north-east of Pella.
-
-[366] Nah. iii. 10.
-
-[367] Isa. xiii. 16.
-
-[368] The two predecessors of Tiglath-Pileser (_Tuklat-abal-isarra_)
-were Assurdayan and Assurnirari.
-
-[369] Isa. v. 26-29.
-
-[370] Comp. Job xx. 15; Ruth ii. 1.
-
-[371] Hos. v. 11-13. Comp. x. 6: "It [Samaria] shall be carried to
-Assyria for a present unto King Jareb." Sayce (_Bab. and Orient.
-Records_, December 1887) thinks that Jareb may have been the original
-name of Sargon, and so too Neubauer, _Zeitschr. für Assyr._, 1886. The
-Vulg. renders King Jareb _ad regem ultorem_, and so too Symmachus.
-Aquila and Theodotion have [Greek: dikazomenon]. It may be the name of
-an unknown king of Assyria, or of Pul, or of Sargon--R.V., margin, "a
-king that should contend."
-
-[372] Hos. vii. 8-12.
-
-[373] Josephus says, [Greek: tê tou patros akolouthêsas ômotêti].
-
-[374] 2 Kings xv. 25, A.V., "in the palace of the king's house"
-(_armon_), rather "fortress." For the character of the Gileadites see
-1 Chron. xii. 8, xxvi. 31.
-
-[375] The length of Pekah's reign is most doubtful. If the periods
-assigned to the reigns in the Northern and Southern Kingdoms be added
-together up to the Fall of Samaria in the sixth year of Hezekiah (2
-Kings xviii. 9, 10), it will be found that the Southern chronology is
-twenty years longer than the Northern. G. Smith would alter the text,
-and make Jeroboam II. reign fifty-one years and Pekah thirty years;
-others invent an interregnum of eleven years between Jeroboam II. and
-Zachariah, and an anarchy of nine years before Hoshea's accession;
-others shorten Pekah's reign to _one_ year.
-
-[376] 2 Kings xv. 37.
-
-[377] Vide _infra_.
-
-[378] Deut. xxxiii. 19: "They [Zebulon] shall call the peoples unto
-the mountain: there shall they offer the sacrifices of righteousness."
-
-[379] Isa. viii. 6, 7.
-
-[380] Perhaps we should read Edomites (2 Kings xvi. 6).
-
-[381] The bar of its city gate.
-
-[382] Bikath-Aven--"The cleft of Aven"--Coele Syria, or Hollow Syria,
-still called by the Arabs El-Bukaa. Comp. Josh. xi. 17, xii. 7. Aven--or
-"Vanity"--is perhaps Heliopolis or Baalbek. Comp. Ezek. xxx. 17.
-
-[383] Perhaps Beit el Jame, "House of Paradise"--about eight hours
-from Damascus (Porter, _Five Years in Syria_, i. 313).
-
-[384] Kir, in Armenia--the land of their origin (Amos ix. 7).
-
-[385] But, after all, was there a golden calf at Dan? It is scarcely
-ever alluded to, and the notion that there was one may have arisen (1)
-from a corruption or mistaken rendering of the text in 1 Kings xii.
-29, and (2) from the existence there of the idolatrous ephod. See
-Klostermann, _ad loc._; Isa. ix. 8-17.
-
-[386] LXX., [Greek: Apotripsai ton moschon sou, Samareia]; Vulg.,
-_Projectus est vitulus tuus, Samaria_. Orelli renders it, "Abscheulich
-ist dein Kalb, O Samaria." In Jer. xlvi. 15 we read (of Egypt), "Why is
-thy strong one swept away?" where the true reading may be, "Hath Khaph
-[_i.e._, Apis], thy chosen one, fled?" LXX., [Greek: Apis ho moschos
-sou, ho eklektos]. So Amos had prophesied that the "god of Dan" and the
-"way of Beersheba" should fall for evermore (Amos viii. 14).
-
-[387] Isa. ix. 11-16. With this passage comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 5; Zeph.
-i. 4; Hos. vii. 9, 10.
-
-[388] Tiglath-Pileser says: "Pakaha, their king, I killed: Ausi
-[Hoshea] I placed over them. The distant land of Bit-Khumri [the
-"house of Omri"]--_the whole of its inhabitants_, with their goods--I
-carried away to Asshur" (B.C. 734). In this year he mentions Ahaz
-among his tributaries.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXI
-
- _HOSHEA, AND THE FALL OF THE NORTHERN KINGDOM_
-
- B.C. 734-725
-
- 2 KINGS xvii. 1-41
-
- "As for Samaria, her king is cut off as the foam upon the
- water."--HOS. x. 7.
-
-
-As a matter of convenience, we follow our English Bible in calling the
-prophet by the name Ho_sea_, and the nineteenth, last, and best king of
-Israel Ho_shea_. The names, however, are identical ([Hebrew:
-hovoshetza]), and mean "Salvation"--the name borne by Joshua also in his
-earlier days. In the irony of history the name of the last king of
-Ephraim was thus identical with that of her earliest and greatest hero,
-just as the last of Roman emperors bore the double name of the Founder
-of Rome and the Founder of the Empire--Romulus Augustulus. By a yet
-deeper irony of events the king in whose reign came the final
-precipitation of ruin wore the name which signified deliverance from it.
-
-And more and more, as time went on, the prophet Hosea felt that he had
-no word of present hope or comfort for the king his namesake. It was
-the more brilliant lot of Isaiah, in the Southern Kingdom, to kindle
-the ardour of a generous courage. Like Tyrtæus, who roused the
-Spartans to feel their own greatness--like Demosthenes, who hurled
-the might of Athens against Philip of Macedon--like Chatham, "bidding
-England be of good cheer, and hurl defiance at her foes"--like Pitt,
-pouring forth, in the days of the Napoleonic terror, "the indomitable
-language of courage and of hope,"--Isaiah was missioned to encourage
-Judah to despise first the mighty Syrian, and then the mightier
-Assyrian. Far different was the lot of Hosea, who could only be the
-denouncer of an inevitable doom. His sad function was like that of
-Phocion after Chæroneia, of Hannibal after Zama, of Thiers after
-Sedan: he had to utter the Cassandra-voices of prophecy, which his
-besotted and demented contemporaries--among whom the priests were the
-worst of all[389]--despised and flouted until the time for repentance
-had gone by for ever.
-
-True it is that Hosea could not be content--what true heart could?--to
-breathe nothing but the language of reprobation and despair. Israel
-had been "yoked to his two transgressions,"[390] but Jehovah could not
-give up His love for His chosen people:--
-
- "How shall I give thee up, Ephraim?
- How shall I surrender thee, Israel?
- How shall I make thee as Admah?
- How shall I treat thee as Zeboim?
- Mine heart is turned within Me;
- I am wholly filled with compassion!
- I will not execute the fierceness of Mine anger;
- I will not again destroy Ephraim:
- For I am God, and not man.
- The Holy One in the midst of thee!
- I will not come to exterminate!
- They shall come after Jehovah as after a lion that roars!
- For he shall roar, and his sons shall come hurrying from the
- west,
- They shall come hurrying as a bird out of Egypt,
- And as a dove out of the land of Assyria;
- And I will cause them to dwell in their houses, Saith
- Jehovah."[391]
-
-Alas! the gleam of alleviation was imaginary rather than actual. The
-prophet's wish was father to his thought. He had prophesied that
-Israel should be scattered in all lands (ix. 3, 12, 17, xiii. 3-16).
-This was true; and it did not prove true, except in some higher ideal
-sense, that "Israel shall again dwell in his own land" (xiv. 4-7) in
-prosperity and joy.
-
-The date of Hoshea's accession is uncertain, and we cannot tell in
-what sense we are to understand his reign as having lasted "nine
-years."[392] We have no grounds for accepting the statement of
-Josephus (_Antt._, IX. xiii. 1), that Hoshea had been a friend of
-Pekah and plotted against him. Tiglath-Pileser expressly says that he
-himself slew Pekah and appointed Hoshea.[393] His must have been, at
-the best, a pitiful and humiliating reign. He owed his purely vassal
-sovereignty to Assyrian patronage. He probably did as well for Israel
-as was in his power. Singular to relate, he is the only one of all the
-kings of Israel of whom the historian has a word of commendation; for
-while we are told that "he did that which was evil in the sight of
-the Lord," it is added that it was "not as the kings of Israel that
-were before him." But we do not know wherein either his evil-doing or
-his superiority consisted. The Rabbis guess that he did not replace
-the golden calf at Dan which Tiglath-Pileser had taken away (Hos. x.
-6); or that he did not prevent his subjects from going to Hezekiah's
-passover.[394] "It seems like a harsh jest," says Ewald, "that this
-Hoshea, who was better than all his predecessors, was to be the last
-king." But so it has often been in history. The vengeance of the
-French Revolution smote the innocent and harmless Louis XVI. and Marie
-Antoinette--not Louis XIV., or Louis XV. and Madame du Pompadour.
-
-His patron Tiglath-Pileser ended his magnificent reign of conquest in
-727, soon after he had seated Hoshea on the throne. The removal of his
-strong grasp on the helm caused immediate revolt. Phoenicia especially
-asserted her independence against Shalmaneser IV. He seems to have
-spent five years in an unavailing attempt to capture Island-Tyre.
-Meanwhile, the internal troubles which had harassed and weakened Egypt
-ceased, and a strong Ethiopian king named Sabaco established his rule
-over the whole country.[395] It was perhaps the hope that Phoenicia
-might hold out against the Assyrian, and that the Egyptian might
-protect Samaria, which kindled in the mind of Hoshea the delusive plan
-of freeing himself and his impoverished land from the grinding tribute
-imposed by Nineveh. While Shalmaneser[396] was trying to quell Tyre,
-Hoshea, having received promises of assistance from Sabaco, withheld
-the "presents"--the _minchah_, as the tribute is euphemistically
-called--which he had hitherto paid. Seeing the danger of a powerful
-coalition, Shalmaneser swept down on Samaria in 724. Possibly he
-defeated the army of Israel in the plain of Jezreel (Hos. i. 5), and
-got hold of the person of Hoshea. Josephus says that he "besieged
-him"; but the sacred historian only tells us that "he shut him up, and
-bound him in prison." Whether Hoshea was taken in battle, or betrayed
-by the Assyrian party in Samaria, or whether he went in person to see
-if he could pacify the ruthless conqueror, he henceforth disappears
-from history "like foam"--or like a chip or a bubble--"upon the
-water." We do not know whether he was put to death, but we infer from
-an allusion in Micah that he was subjected to the cruel indignities in
-which the Assyrians delighted; for the prophet says, "They shall smite
-the Judge of Israel with a rod upon the cheek."[397] Perhaps in the
-title "Judge" (Shophet, _suffes_) we may see a sign that Hoshea's
-royalty was little more than the shadow of a name.
-
-Having thus got rid of the king, Shalmaneser proceeded to invest the
-capital. But Samaria was strongly fortified upon its hill, and the
-Jewish race has again and again shown--as it showed so conspicuously
-in the final crisis of its destiny, when Jerusalem defied the terrible
-armies of Rome--that with walls to protect them they could pluck up a
-terrible courage and endurance from despair. Strong as Assyria was,
-the capital of Ephraim for three years resisted her beleaguering host
-and her crashing battering-rams. About all the anguish which prevailed
-within the city, and the wild vicissitudes of orgy and starvation,
-history is silent. But prophecy tells us that the sorrows of a
-travailing woman came upon the now kingless city. They drank to the
-dregs the cup of fury.[398] The saddest Northern prophet, "the
-Jeremiah of Israel," sings the dirge of Israel's saddest king.[399]
-
- "I am become to them as a lion;
- As a leopard will I watch by the way;
- I will meet them as a bear bereaved of her whelps,
- And rend the caul of their heart,
- And there will I devour them like a lioness:
- The beast of the field shall tear them....
- Where now is thy king, that he may save thee in all thy cities
- And thy judges, of whom thou saidst, 'Give me a king and
- prince'?
- I give thee a king in Mine anger,
- And take him away in My wrath."
-
-For three years Samaria held out. During the siege Shalmaneser died,
-and was succeeded by Sargon, who--though he vaguely talks of "the
-kings his ancestors," and says that he had been preceded by three
-hundred and thirty Assyrian dynasts--never names his father, and seems
-to have been a usurping general.[400]
-
-Sabaco remained inactive, and basely deserted the miserable people
-which had relied on his protection. In this conduct Egypt was true to
-its historic character of untrustworthiness and inertness. Both in
-Israel and in Judah there were two political parties. One relied on
-the strength of Egypt; the other counselled submission to Assyria,
-or--in the hour when it became necessary to defy Assyria--confidence
-in God. Egypt was as frail a support as one of her own paper-reeds,
-which bent under the weight, and broke and ran into the hand of every
-one who leaned on it.
-
-Sargon did not raze the city, and we see from the _Eponym Canon_ that
-its inhabitants were still strong enough some years later to take part
-in a futile revolt. But we have one dreadful glimpse of the horrors
-which he inflicted upon it. They were the inevitable punishment of
-every conquered city which had dared to resist the Assyrian arm.
-
- "Samaria shall bear her guilt,
- For she hath rebelled against her God.
- They shall fall by the sword:
- Their infants shall be dashed in pieces,
- And their women in child shall be ripped up."[401]
-
-Sargon's own record of the matter on the tablets at Khorsabad is: "I
-besieged, took, and occupied the city of Samaria, and carried into
-captivity twenty-seven thousand two hundred and eighty of its
-inhabitants. I changed the former government of this country, and
-placed over it lieutenants of my own. And Sebeh, Sultan of Egypt, came
-to Raphia to fight against me. They met me, and I routed them. Sebeh
-fled."[402] The Assyrians were occupied in the unsuccessful siege of
-Tyre between 720-715, during which years Sargon put down Yahubid of
-Hamath, whose revolt had been aided by Damascus and Samaria. In 710 he
-marched against Ashdod (Isa. xx. 1). In 709 he defeated
-Merodach-Baladan at Dur-Yakin, and reconquered Chaldæa, deporting some
-of the population into Samaria. In 704, in the fifteenth year of his
-reign, he was assassinated, after a career of victory. He inscribes on
-his palace at Khorsabad a prayer to his god Assur, that, after his
-toils and conquests, "I may be preserved for the long years of a long
-life, for the happiness of my body, for the satisfaction of my heart.
-May I accumulate in this palace immense treasures, the booties of all
-countries, the products of mountains and valleys." Assur and the gods
-of Chaldæa were invoked in vain; the prayer was scattered to the
-winds, and the murderer's dagger was the comment on Sargon's happy
-anticipations of peace and splendour.
-
-Israel fell unpitied by her southern neighbour, for Judah was still
-smarting under memories of the old contempt and injury of Joash
-ben-Jehoahaz, and the more recent wrongs inflicted by Pekah and Rezin.
-Isaiah exults over the fate of Samaria, while he points the moral of her
-fall to the drunken priests and prophets of Jerusalem. "Woe," he says,
-"to the crown of pride of the drunkards of Ephraim, and to the fading
-flower of his glorious beauty, which is on the head of the fat valley of
-them that are smitten down with wine! Behold, the Lord hath a mighty and
-strong one [_i.e._, the Assyrian]; as a tempest of hail, a destroying
-storm, as a tempest of mighty water overflowing, shall he cast down to
-the earth with violence. The crown of pride, the drunkards of Ephraim,
-shall be trodden underfoot: and the fading flower of his glorious
-beauty, which is on the head of the fat valley, shall be as the first
-ripe fig before the summer; which when he that looketh upon it seeth,
-while it is yet in his hand he eateth it up."[403] Israel had begun in
-hostility to Judah, and perished by it at last.
-
-Such, then, was the end of the once brilliant kingdom of Israel--the
-kingdom which, even so late as the reign of Jeroboam II., seemed to
-have a great future before it. No one could have foreseen beforehand
-that, when, with the prophetic encouragement of Ahijah, Jeroboam I.
-established his sovereignty over the greater, richer, and more
-flourishing part of the land assigned to the sons of Jacob, the new
-kingdom should fall into utter ruin and destruction after only two and
-a half centuries of existence, and its tribes melt away amid the
-surrounding nations, and sink into a mixed and semi-heathen race
-without any further nationality or distinctive history. It seemed far
-less probable that the mere fragment of the Southern Kingdom, after
-retaining its separate existence for more than one hundred and sixty
-years longer than its more powerful brother, should continue to endure
-as a nation till the end of time. Such was the design of God's
-providence, and we know no more. The Northern Kingdom had, up to this
-time, produced the greatest and most numerous prophets--Ahijah,
-Elijah, Elisha, Micaiah, Jonah, Amos, Hosea, Nahum, and many
-more.[404] It had also produced the loveliest and most enduring poetry
-in the Song of Songs, the Song of Deborah, and other contributions to
-the Books of Jashar, and of the Wars of Jehovah. It had also brought
-into vigour the earliest and best historic literature, the narratives
-of the Elohist and the Jehovist. These immortal legacies of the
-religious spirit of the Northern Kingdom were incomparably superior in
-moral and enduring value to the Levitic jejuneness of the Priestly
-Code, with its hierarchic interests and ineffectual rules, which, in
-the exaggerated supremacy attached to rites, proved to be the final
-blight of an unspiritual Judaism. Israel had also been superior in
-prowess and in deeds of war, and in the days of Joash ben-Jehoahaz
-ben-Jehu had barely conceded to Judah a right to separate existence.
-More than all this, the apostasies of Judah, from the days of Solomon
-downwards, were quite as heinous as Jezebel's Baal-worship, and far
-more deadly than the irregular but not at first idolatrous cultus of
-Bethel. The prophets are careful to teach Judah that if she was
-spared it was not because of any good deservings.[405] Yet now the
-cedar was scathed and smitten down, and its boughs were rent and
-scattered; and the thistle had escaped the wild beast's tread!
-
-In the former volume we glanced at some of the causes of this, and the
-blessings which resulted from it. The central and chiefest blessing
-was, first, the preservation of a purer form of monotheism, and a
-loftier ideal of religion--though only realised by a few in
-Judah--than had ever prevailed in the Northern Tribes; secondly, and
-above all, the development of that inspiring Messianic prophecy which
-was to be fulfilled seven centuries later, when He who was David's Son
-and David's Lord came to our lost race from the bosom of the Father,
-and brought life and immortality to light.
-
-And it was the work purely of "God's unseen providence, by men nicknamed
-'Chance,'" which, dealing with nations as the potter with his clay,
-chooses some to honour and some to dishonour. For, as all the prophets
-are anxious to remind the Judæan Kingdom, their success, the
-procrastination of their downfall, their restoration from captivity,
-were not due to any merits of their own. The Jews were and ever had been
-a stiff-necked nation; and though some of their kings had been faithful
-servants of Jehovah, yet many of them--like Rehoboam, and Ahaz, and
-Manasseh--exceeded in wickedness and inexcusable apostasy the least
-faithful of the worshippers at Gilgal and Bethel. They were plainly
-reminded of their nothingness: "And thou shalt speak and say before the
-Lord thy God, A Syrian ready to perish was my father, and he went down
-into Egypt, and sojourned there with a few, and became there a
-nation."[406] "Fear not, thou worm Jacob: I will help thee."[407]
-
-But this was the end of the Ten Tribes. Nor must we say that Hosea's
-prediction of mercy was laughed to scorn by the irony of events, when
-he had given it as God's promise that--
-
- "I will not execute the fierceness of Mine anger,
- I will not again destroy Israel;
- For I am God, and not man."[408]
-
-The words mean that mercy is God's chiefest and most essential
-attribute; and, after all, a nation is composed of families and
-individuals, and in political extinction there may have been many
-families and individuals in Israel, like that of Tobias, and like that
-of Anna, the prophetess of the tribe of Asher, who found, either in
-their far exile, or among the scattered Jews who still peopled the old
-territories, a peace which was impossible during the distracted
-anarchy and deepening corruption of the whole period which had elapsed
-since the founding of the house of Omri. In any case God knows and
-loves His own. The words,
-
- "I will not execute the fierceness of Mine anger;
- For I am God, and not man,"
-
-might stand for an epitome of much that is most precious in Holy Writ.
-God's orthodoxy is the truth; and the truth remaineth, though man's
-orthodoxy exercises all its fury and all its baseness to overwhelm it.
-What hope has any man, even a St. Paul--what hope had even the Lord
-Himself--before the harsh, self-interested tribunals of human
-judgment, or of that purely external religionism which has always
-shown itself more brutal and more blundering than secular cruelty?
-What chance has there been, humanly speaking, for God's best saints,
-prophets, and reformers, when priests, popes, or inquisitors have been
-their judges? If God resembled those generations of unresisted
-ecclesiastics, whose chief resort has been the syllogism of violence,
-and whose main arguments have been the torture-chamber and the stake,
-what hope could there possibly be for the vast majority of mankind but
-those endless torments by the terrors of which corrupt Churches have
-forced their tyranny upon the crushed liberties and the paralysed
-conscience of mankind? The Indian sage was right who said that "God
-can only be truly described by the words No! No!"--that is, by
-repudiating multitudes of the ignoble and cruel basenesses which
-religious teachers have imagined or invented respecting Him. Because
-God is God, and not man--God, not a tyrant or an inquisitor--God, with
-the great compassionate heart of unfathomable tenderness,--therefore,
-in all who truly love Him, perfect love casteth out fear, because fear
-hath torment. Sin means ruin; yet God is love.[409]
-
- * * * * *
-
-The historian of the Kings here digresses, in a manner unusual to the
-Old Testament, to give us a most interesting glimpse of the fate of
-the conquered people, and the origin of the race which was known to
-after-ages by the name "Samaritan."
-
-Sargon, when he had sacked the capital, carried out the policy of
-deportation which had now been established by the Assyrian kings. He
-achieved the double purpose of populating the capital and province of
-Nineveh, while he reduced subject nations to inanition, by sweeping
-away all the chief of the inhabitants from conquered states, and
-settling them in his own more immediate dominions. There they would be
-reduced to impotence, and mingle with the races among whom their lot
-would henceforth be cast. He therefore "carried Israel away" into
-Assyria, and placed them in Halah, north of Thapsacus, on the
-Euphrates, and in Habor, the river of Gozan[410]--_i.e._, on the river
-in Northern Assyria which still bears the name of Khabour, and flows
-into the Euphrates--and in the cities of the Medes.[411] He replaced
-the old population by Dinaites, Tarplites, Apharsathchites,
-Susanchites, Elamites, Dehavites, and Babylonians, after carrying away
-the great bulk of the better-class population.[412]
-
-After this the historian pauses to sum up and emphasise once more the
-main lesson of his narrative. It is that "righteousness exalteth a
-nation, and sin is the reproach of any people." God had called His son
-Israel out of Egypt, delivered His chosen from Pharaoh, given them a
-pleasant land; but "Israel had sinned against Jehovah their God, and
-had feared other gods, and walked in the statutes of the heathen."
-They had failed therefore in fulfilling the very purpose for which
-they had been set apart. They had been intended "to uplift among the
-nations the banner of righteousness" and the banner of the One True
-God. Instead of this, they were seduced by the heathen ritual of
-
- "Gay religions full of pomp and gold."
-
-They decked out alien institutions,[413] and alike in frequented and
-populous places--"from the tower of the watchmen to the fenced
-city"--set up _matstseboth_ (A.V., "pillars") and _Asherim_ on every
-high hill. The green trees became _obumbratrices scelerum_, the secret
-bowers of their iniquities. They burnt incense on the _bamoth_, and
-served idols, and wrought wickedness. Useless had been the voices of
-all the prophets and the seers. They went after vain things, and
-became vain. Beginning with the two "calves," they proceeded to lewd
-and orgiastic idolatries. Ahab and Jezebel seduced them into Tyrian
-Baal-worship. From the Assyrians they learnt and practised the
-adoration of the host of heaven.[414] From Moab and Ammon they
-borrowed the abominable rites of Moloch, and used divination and
-enchantments by means of belomancy (Ezek. xxi. 21, 22) and necromancy,
-and sold themselves to do wickedness.
-
-Nor was this all. These idolatries, with their guilty ritualism, were
-not confined to Israel, but also
-
- "Infected Zion's daughters with like heat,
- Whose wanton passions in the sacred porch
- Ezekiel saw, when, by the vision led,
- His eye surveyed the dark idolatries
- Of alienated Judah."
-
-And thus, when Jehovah afflicted the seed of Israel and cast them out
-of His sight, Judah also had to feel the stroke of retribution.[415]
-
-And it is idle to object that even if Israel had been faithful she must
-have inevitably perished before the superior might of Damascus, or
-Nineveh, or Babylon. How can we tell? It is not possible for us thus to
-write unwritten history, and there is absolutely nothing to show that
-the surmise is correct. In the days of David, of Uzziah, of Jeroboam
-II., Judah and Israel had shown what they could achieve. Had they been
-strong in faithfulness to Jehovah, and in the righteousness which that
-faith required, they would have shown an invincible strength amid the
-moral enervation of the surrounding people. They might have held their
-own by welding into one strong kingdom the whole of Palestine, including
-Philistia, Phoenicia, the Negeb, and the Trans-Jordanic region. They
-might have consolidated the sway which they at various times attained
-southwards, as far as the Red Sea port of Elath; northwards over Aram
-and Damascus, as far as the Hamath on the Orontes; eastwards to
-Thapsacus on the Euphrates; westward to the Isles of the Gentiles.
-There is nothing improbable, still less impossible, in the view that, if
-the Israelites had truly served Jehovah and obeyed His laws, they might
-then have permanently established the monarchy which was ideally
-regarded as their inheritance, and which for brief and fitful periods
-they partially maintained. And such a monarchy, held together by warrior
-statesmen, strong and righteous, and above all secure in the blessing of
-God, would have been a thoroughly adequate counterpoise, not only to
-dilatory and distracted Egypt, which had long ceased to be aggressive,
-but even to brutal Assyria, which prevailed in no small measure because
-of the isolation and mutual dissension of these southern principalities.
-
-But, as it was, "Assyria and Egypt--the two world-powers in the dawn
-of history, the two chief sources of ancient civilisation, the twin
-giant-empires which bounded the Israelite people on the right hand and
-on the left--were cruel neighbours, between whom the ill-fated nation
-was tossed to and fro in wanton sport like a shuttlecock. They were
-cruel friends before whom it must cringe in turns, praying sometimes
-for help, suing sometimes for very life--alternate scourges in the
-hand of the Divine wrath. Now it is the fly of Egypt, and now it is
-the bee of Assyria, whose ruthless swarms issue forth at the word of
-Jehovah, settling in the holes of the rocks, and upon all thorns, and
-upon all bushes, with deadly sting, fatal to man and beast,
-devastating the land far and wide. Holding the poor Israelite in their
-relentless embrace, they threatened ever and again to crush him by
-their grip. Like the fabled rocks which frowned over the narrow
-straits of the Bosporus, they would crash together and annihilate the
-helpless craft which the storms of destiny had placed at their mercy.
-Israel reeled under their successive blows. As was the beginning, so
-was the end. As the captivity of Egypt had been the cradle of the
-nation, so was the captivity of Assyria to be its tomb."[416]
-
-In any case the principle of the historian remains unshaken. Sin is
-weakness; idolatry is folly and rebellion; uncleanness is decrepitude.
-St. Paul was not thinking of this ancient Philosophy of History when
-he wrote his Epistle to the Romans; yet the intense and masterly
-sketch which he gives of that moral corruption which brought about the
-long, slow, agonising dissolution of the beauty that was Greece, and
-the grandeur that was Rome, is one of its strongest justifications.
-His view only differs from the summary before us in the power of its
-eloquence and the profoundness of its psychologic insight. He says the
-same thing as the historian of the Kings, only in words of greater
-power and wider reach, when he writes: "For the wrath of God is
-revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of
-men, who hold down the truth in unrighteousness. Knowing God, they
-glorified Him not as God, neither gave thanks; but became vain in
-their reasonings" ([Greek: emataiôthêsan], the very word used in the
-LXX. in 2 Kings xvii. 15), "and their senseless heart was darkened.
-Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools" (words which
-might describe the expediency-policy of Jeroboam I., and its fatal
-consequences), "and changed the glory of the incorruptible God for the
-likeness of an image of corruptible man, and of birds, and four-footed
-beasts, and creeping things. For this cause God gave them up to
-passions of dishonour, and unto a reprobate mind, to do those things
-which are not fitting, being filled with all unrighteousness,
-wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness, full of envy, murder, strife,
-deceit, malignity,"--and so on, through a long catalogue of iniquities
-which are identical with those which we find so burningly denounced on
-the pages of the prophets of Israel and Judah.
-
-Even a Machiavelli, cool and cynical and audacious as was his
-scepticism, could see and admit that faithfulness to religion is the
-secret of the happiness and prosperity of states.[417] An irreligious
-society tends inevitably and always to be a dissolute society; and a
-"dissolute society is the most tragic spectacle which history has ever
-to present--a nest of disease, of jealousy, of dissensions, of ruin,
-and despair, whose last hope is to be washed off the world and
-disappear. Such societies must die sooner or later of their own
-gangrene, of their own corruption, because the infection of evil,
-spreading into unbounded selfishness, ever intensifying and
-reproducing passions which defeat their own aim, can never end in
-anything but moral dissolution." We need not look further than the
-collapse of France after the battle of Sedan, and the cause to which
-that collapse was attributed, not only by Christians, but by her own
-most worldly and sceptical writers, to see that the same causes ever
-issue and will issue in the same ruinous effects.
-
- * * * * *
-
-In order to complete the history of the Northern Kingdom, the
-historian here anticipates the order of time by telling us what
-happened to the mongrel population whom Sargon transplanted into
-central Ephraim in place of the old inhabitants.
-
-The king, we are told, brought them from Babylon--which was at this
-time under the rule of Assyria; from Cuthah--by which seems to be
-meant some part of Mesopotamia near Babylon;[418] from Avva, or
-Ivah--probably the same as Ahavah or Hit, on the Euphrates, north-west
-of Babylon; from Sepharvaim, or Sippara, also on the Euphrates;[419]
-and from Hamath, on the Orontes, which had not long remained under
-Jeroboam II.[420] It must not be supposed that the whole population of
-Ephraim was deported; that was a physical impossibility. Although we
-are told in Assyrian annals that Sargon carried away with him so vast
-a number of captives, it is, of course, clear that the lowest and
-poorest part of the population was left.[421] We can imagine the wild
-confusion which arose when they found themselves compelled to share
-the dismantled palaces and abandoned estates of the wealthy with the
-horde of new colonists, whose language, in all probability, they but
-imperfectly understood. There must have been many a tumult, many a
-scene of horror, such as took place in the long antagonism of Normans
-and Saxons in England, before the immigrants and the relics of the
-former populace settled down to amalgamation and mutual tolerance.
-
-Sargon is said to have carried away with him the golden calf or calves
-of Bethel, as Tiglath-Pileser is said by the Rabbis to have carried away
-that of Dan.[422] He also took away with him all the educated classes,
-and all the teachers of religion.[423] No one was left to instruct the
-ignorant inhabitants; and, as Hosea had prophesied, there was neither a
-sacrifice, nor a pillar, nor an ephod, and not even teraphim to which
-they could resort.[424] Naturally enough, the disunited dregs of an old
-and of a new population had no clear knowledge of religion. They "feared
-not Jehovah." The sparseness of inhabitants, with its consequent neglect
-of agriculture, caused the increase of wild beasts among them. There had
-always been lions and bears in "the swellings of Jordan,"[425] and in
-all the lonelier parts of the land; and to this day there are leopards
-in the woods of Carmel, and hyænas and jackals in many regions.
-Conscious of their miserable and godless condition, and afflicted by the
-lions, which they regarded as a sign of Jehovah's anger, the Ephraimites
-sent a message to the King of Assyria. They only claimed Jehovah as
-their local god, and complained that the new colonists had provoked the
-wrath of "the God of the land" by not knowing His "manner"--that is,
-the way in which He should be worshipped. The consequence was that they
-were in danger of being exterminated by lions. The kings of Assyria were
-devoted worshippers of Assur and Merodach, but they held the common
-belief of ancient polytheists that each country had its own potent
-divinities. Sargon, therefore, gave orders that one of the priests of
-his captivity should be sent back to Samaria, "to teach them the manner
-of the god of the land." The priest selected for the purpose returned,
-took up his residence at the old shrine of Bethel, and "taught them how
-they should fear Jehovah." His success was, however, extremely limited,
-except among the former followers of Jeroboam's dishonoured cult. The
-old religious shrines still continued, and the immigrants used them for
-the glorification of their former deities. Samaria, therefore, witnessed
-the establishment of a singularly hybrid form of religionism. The
-Babylonians worshipped Succoth-Benoth,[426] perhaps Zirbanit, wife of
-Merodach or Bel; the Cuthites worshipped Nergal, the Assyrian war-god,
-the lion-god;[427] the Hittites, from Hamath, worshipped Ashima or
-Esmûn, the god of air and thunder, under the form of a goat;[428] the
-Avites preferred Nibhaz and Tartak, perhaps Saturn--unless these names
-be Jewish jeers, implying that one of these deities had the head of a
-dog, and the other of an ass.[429] More dreadful, if less ridiculous,
-was the worship of the Sepharvites, who adored Adrammelech and
-Anammelech, the sun-god under male and female forms, to whom, as to
-Moloch, they burnt their children in the fire. As for ministers, "they
-made unto them priests from among themselves,[430] who offered
-sacrifices for them in the shrines of the bamoth." Thus the whole
-mongrel population "feared the Lord, and served their own gods," as they
-continued to do in the days of the annalist whose record the historian
-quotes. He ends his interesting sketch with the words, that, in spite of
-the Divine teaching, "these nations"--so he calls them, and so
-completely does he refuse to them the dignity of being Israel's
-children--feared the Lord, and served their graven images, their
-children likewise, and their children's children,--"as did their
-fathers, so do they unto this day."[431]
-
-The "unto this day" refers, no doubt, to the document from which the
-historian of the Kings was quoting--perhaps about B.C. 560, in the
-third generation after the fall of Samaria. A very brief glance will
-suffice to indicate the future history of the Samaritans. We hear but
-little of them between the present reference and the days of Ezra and
-Nehemiah. By that time they had purged themselves of these grosser
-idolatries, and held themselves fit in all respects to co-operate
-with the returned exiles in the work of building the Temple. Such was
-not the opinion of the Jews. Ezra regarded them as "the adversaries of
-Judah and Israel."[432] The exiles rejected their overtures. In B.C.
-409 Manasseh, a grandson of the high priest expelled by Nehemiah for
-an unlawful marriage with a daughter of Sanballat, of the Samaritan
-city of Beth-horon, built the schismatic temple on Mount Gerizim.[433]
-The relations of the Samaritans to the Jews became thenceforth deadly.
-In B.C. 175 they seconded the profane attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes
-to paganise the Jews, and in B.C. 130 John Hyrcanus, the Maccabee,
-destroyed their temple. They were accused of waylaying Jews on their
-way to the Feasts, and of polluting the Temple with dead bones.[434]
-They claimed Jewish descent (John iv. 12), but our Lord called them
-"aliens" ([Greek: allogenês], Luke xvii. 18), and Josephus describes
-them as "residents from other nations" ([Greek: metoikoi,
-alloethneis]). They are now a rapidly dwindling community of fewer
-than a hundred souls--"the oldest and smallest sect in the
-world"--equally despised by Jews and Mohammedans. The Jews, as in the
-days of Christ, have no dealings with them. When Dr. Frankl, on his
-philanthropic visit to the Jews of the East, went to see their
-celebrated Pentateuch, and mentioned the fact to a Jewish
-lady--"What!" she exclaimed: "have you been among the worshippers of
-the pigeon? Take a purifying bath!" Regarding Gerizim as the place
-which God had chosen (John iv. 20), they alone can keep up the old
-tradition of the _sacrificial_ passover. For long centuries, since the
-Fall of Jerusalem, it is only on Gerizim that the Paschal lambs and
-kids have been actually slain and eaten, as they are to this day, and
-will be, till, not long hence, the whole tribe disappears.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[389] Hos. iv. 4; v. 1, "Hear ye this, O priests ... ye have been a
-snare on Mizpah," etc.; vi. 9, "The company of the priests murder by
-the way to Shechem."
-
-[390] Hos. x. 10 (so R.V., and in the main the versions after the Hebrew
-margin). LXX., [Greek: en tô paideuesthai autous en tais dysin adikiais
-autôn]; Vulg., "_cum corripientur propter duas iniquitates suas_"; A.V.,
-"When they shall bind themselves in their two furrows." I believe that
-the "_two_ iniquities" may mean _two_ cherubs at Bethel. See x. 15: "So
-shall Bethel do unto you because of the evil of your evil."
-
-[391] Hos. xi. 8-11.
-
-[392] 2 Kings xvii. 1 is inconsistent with xv. 30, 33, and it is
-wholly useless for our purpose to enter into complicated chronological
-hypotheses, every one of which may be erroneous.
-
-[393] Schrader, _K. A. T._, p. 255.
-
-[394] _Seder Olam_, xxii. 2; 2 Chron. xxx. 6-11.
-
-[395] See Herod., ii. 137; called So (Heb., Sô or Seve) in 2 Kings
-xvii. 4. Perhaps Shebek, the founder of the twenty-fifth dynasty.
-LXX., [Greek: Sêgôr]; Vulg., _Sua_; Manetho, _Sabachon_. In the
-_Eponym Canon_ he is called an Egyptian general, _Sibakhi_, who helped
-Gaza against Assyria, and was defeated. The _ka_ appended at the end
-of his name (Egyptian Shaba-ka) is thought by some to be the Cushite
-article. The race of the priest Hirhor died out with Piankhi, and the
-Ethiopians elected a noble named Kashta. Shabak was his son. He
-conquered Sais, and burnt his rival Bek-en-raut alive (B.C. 724). His
-dynasty ruled for fifty years; he was succeeded by Sevechus
-(Shabatok), and he by Tehrak (Tirhakah).
-
-[396] His name means "Salmân, pardon." We have no monuments or
-inscriptions of this king; only an imperial weight.
-
-[397] Mic. v. 1.
-
-[398] Hos. xiii. 13.
-
-[399] Hos. xiii. 7-11. The prophecy is rhythmic, though not written in
-actual poetry.
-
-[400] Till the discovery of the Assyrian records, Sargon (Sharru-kênu,
-'the faithful king') was but a name. The Jews knew but little of him. He
-is but once mentioned in Scripture (Isa. xx. 1), and was probably
-confused by some Jews with other kings. Yet he reigned sixteen years
-(722-705), and his records give the annals of fifteen campaigns. In 720
-he crushed a confederacy headed by Yahubid of Hamath, and reduced that
-city to a "heap of ruins." He then advanced against Hanno, King of Gaza,
-who was in alliance with Sabaco, and defeated the combined forces of the
-Philistines and Egyptians at Raphia, half-way between Gaza and the
-Wady-el-Arîsh, "the torrent [_nachal_] of Egypt." Sargon was at the time
-too much occupied with other enemies to pursue his advantage over Egypt;
-for Armenia, Media, and other countries needed his attention. This
-encouraged Ashdod to rebel, and its king, Azuri, refused his tribute
-(see Isa. xx. 1). Sargon deposed him, and put his brother Ahimit in his
-place. Relying on Egyptian promises, Philistia joined Judah, Edom, and
-Moab in defying Assyria. They deposed Ahimit as an Assyrian nominee, and
-put Yaman in his place. Egypt, as usual, failed to help, and in 711 the
-Assyrian Turtan, or Commander-in-chief, took Ashdod after three years'
-resistance, and carried its people into captivity. The punishment of
-Egypt was reserved for the subsequent reigns of Esarhaddon (681-668) and
-Assurbanipal. See Driver's _Isaiah xlv._ (Isa. xx.). Isa. xiv. 29-32 is
-an ode of triumph for the Fall of Philistia.
-
-[401] Hos. xiii. 16.
-
-[402] See De Hincks in _Journ. of Sacr. Lit._, October 1858; Layard,
-_Nin. and Bab._, i. 148.
-
-[403] Isa. xxviii. 1-4.
-
-[404] 2 Kings xvii. 13, "by all the prophets, and all the _seers_,"
-(_chôseh_). Havernick thinks that the _nebi'îm_ were such _officially_.
-
-[405] See Amos ii. 4, 5; Isa. xxviii. 15; Jer. xvi. 19, 20; Ezek. xx.
-13-30, etc.
-
-[406] Deut. xxvi. 5.
-
-[407] Isa. xli. 14.
-
-[408] Hos. xi. 9.
-
-[409] See my _Minor Prophets_, 6-97.
-
-[410] Not as in A.V., "Habor, _by_ the river of Gozan."
-
-[411] 2 Kings xvii. 6. The LXX. has "rivers" and "mountains": [Greek:
-en Alae kai en Abôr potamois Gôzan kai horê Mêdôn]. The river is not
-Ezekiel's Chebar. These deportations _en masse_ of a whole population,
-with their women and children, their waggons and flocks, are depicted
-on Sargon's series of tablets in his splendid palace at Khorsabad.
-
-[412] Ezra iv. 10. "The great and noble Asnapper" of the passage is
-either some Assyrian general, or a confusion of the name Assurbanipal.
-
-[413] 2 Kings xvii. 9. Heb., "covered"; A.V. and R.V., "did secretly,"
-rather "perfidiously"; LXX., [Greek: êmphiesanto logous adikous kata
-kyrion]; Vulg., _Et offenderunt verbis non rectis dominum suum_.
-
-[414] Star-worship is not mentioned in the Book of the Covenant (Exod.
-xx.-xxiii.) or the oldest sections of the Mosaic Law. It is first
-forbidden in Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3, when contact with Syrians and
-Assyrians made it known (comp. Job xxxi. 26-28; Jer. viii. 2, xix. 13;
-Zeph. i. 5). The language of 2 Kings vii.-xxiii. frequently reflects
-the prohibitions of Deuteronomy (see Deut. xii. 2, 30, 31, iv. 19, v.
-7, 8, xvi. 21, xviii. 10, xxxi. 16, etc.)
-
-[415] In 2 Kings xvii. 11, for "they did wicked things," the LXX. has
-[Greek: koinônous] (_i.e._, _qedeshîm_) [Greek: echaraxan kai
-hetairidas] (_qedeshôth_); _i.e._, they had depraved _hieroduli_ of
-both sexes. Comp. Hos. iv. 14; Gen. xxxviii. 21 (where the allusion is
-to one of the votaries of Asherah).
-
-[416] Bishop Lightfoot, _Sermons_, p. 267.
-
-[417] "La quale Religione se ne Principi della Republica Christiana si
-fusse mantenuta, secondo che dal dottore d'essa ne fu ordinato,
-sarebbero gli State e le Republiche Christiane più unite e più felici
-assai ch' elle non sono" (_Discorsi_, i. 12).
-
-[418] 2 Kings xvii. 24. Comp. xviii. 34. Hence the later Jews
-comprehensively called the Samaritans Cuthites. Comp. 2 Kings xix. 13;
-Isa. xxxvii. 13.
-
-[419] Heliopolis, Ptolemy, v. 18, § 7; Isa. xxxvi. 19. Here, according
-to the Chaldæan legends, Xisuthrus buried his tablets about the
-Creation, etc.
-
-[420] From Ezra iv. 2 some infer that the main immigrants were
-introduced by Esarhaddon, who did not succeed till B.C. 681. He claims
-to have colonised Syria.
-
-[421] So we see from 2 Kings xix. 13, which applies to the reign of
-Hezekiah.
-
-[422] See Appendix, "The Golden Calves."
-
-[423] He uses the agency of "the great and noble Asnapper" (Ezra iv.
-10) for the deportation (see Botta, 145; Layard, _Nin. and Bab._, i.
-148; Dr. Hincks, _Jour. of Sacr. Lit._, October 1858), unless Asnapper
-be a confusion for Assurbanipal (Sardanapalus).
-
-[424] Hos. iii. 4.
-
-[425] See Jer. xlix. 19, l. 44; Prov. xxii. 13, etc.
-
-[426] Lit., "Daughter-huts" (Selden, _De Dis Syr._, ii. 7), but probably
-a transliteration. Zarpanit--"She who gives seed"--was Aphrodite
-Pandemos (Mylitta--Herod., i. 199). The Rabbis--who only guess--say she
-represented "the Clucking Hen"--_i.e._, the Pleiades. There does not
-seem to be any connection between Succoth and "Sakkuth," the various
-reading in Amos v. 26, which seems to be the Assyrian Moloch.
-
-[427] Said to be worshipped under the form of a cock.
-
-[428] LXX., [Greek: Eblazer]. Jarchi says these deities were
-worshipped under base animal forms--but it is more than doubtful.
-
-[429] The Rabbis, from Exod. xxiii. 13; Josh. xxiii. 7, thought they
-were bound to give scornful nicknames to heathen deities. Hence such
-changes as Kir-Heres for Kir-Cheres, Beelzebub for Beelzebul, Bethaven
-for Bethel, Bosheth for Baal, etc.
-
-[430] Not as in A.V., "of the lowest of them," but "of all classes."
-Comp. 1 Kings xii. 31.
-
-[431] In 2 Kings xvii. 31-38 we again find repeated references to
-Deuteronomy (iv. 23, v. 32, x. 20, etc.).
-
-[432] Ezra iv. 1. The actual word "Samaritans" occurs only once in the
-Old Testament, in 2 Kings xvii. 29.
-
-[433] See Neh. xiii. 4-9, 28, 29; Jos., _Antt._, XI. vii. 2. Josephus
-makes Manasseh a brother of the high priest Jaddua (B.C. 333).
-
-[434] Jos., _Antt._, IX. xiv. 3, XII. v. 5, XIII. ix. 1, XX. vi.,
-XVIII. ii. 2. The bitterly hostile relations between Jews and
-Samaritans in the time of Christ are illustrated by Luke ix. 52-54.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXII
-
- _THE REIGN OF AHAZ_
-
- B.C. 735-715
-
- 2 KINGS xvi. 1-20
-
- "Rimmon, whose delightful seat
- Was fair Damascus, on the fertile banks
- Of Abbana and Pharphar, lucid streams.
- He also against the House of God was bold:
- A leper once he lost, and gained a king--
- Ahaz, his sottish conqueror, whom he drew
- God's altar to disparage and displace
- For one of Syrian mode, whereon to burn
- His odious offerings, and adore the gods
- Whom he had vanquished."
- _Paradise Lost_, i. 467-476.
-
-
-According to our authorities, Ahaz ("Possessor")[435] began his reign
-of sixteen years at the age of twenty. Of the exactitude of these
-references we cannot be certain, because they also state (2 Kings
-xviii. 2) that Hezekiah was twenty-five years old when he began to
-reign, and this reduces us to the absurdity of supposing that Hezekiah
-was born when his father was only eleven years old.[436] We might
-infer from Isa. iii. 4 that Ahaz was not so old as twenty when he
-succeeded Jotham; for there--in a terrible prophecy which can only
-refer to the beginning of this reign--we read, "And I will give
-children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them"; or, as
-it should be perhaps rendered, "And with childishness, or wilfulness,
-shall they rule over them."
-
-Whatever may have been the king's age, surely never king succeeded to
-a more distracted kingdom, or reigned over a more terrified people! If
-he could have had any choice in the matter, he might well have
-declined the fearful burden. Describing the state of things, the great
-prophet Isaiah, who now began his career, exclaims,--
-
-"For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Jerusalem
-and from Judah stay and staff, the whole stay of bread, and the whole
-stay of water; the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge, and the
-prophet, and the diviner, and the elder; the captain of fifty, and the
-honourable man, and the counsellor, and the cunning charmer, and the
-skilful enchanter. And the people shall be oppressed every one by
-another, and every one by his neighbour: the child shall behave himself
-proudly against the elder, and the base against the honourable. Then a
-man shall take hold of his brother in the house of his father, saying,
-'Thou hast clothing, be _thou our judge, and let this ruin be under thy
-hand_': in that day shall he lift his voice, saying, 'I will not be a
-builder-up; for in my house is neither bread nor clothing: ye shall not
-make me a ruler of the people.' For Jerusalem is ruined and Judah is
-fallen. The show of their countenance is against them; and they declare
-their sin as Sodom, and hide it not. As for My people, children are
-their oppressors, and women rule over them."[437]
-
-This is a frightful picture of famine--the dearth of intellect, the
-dearth of statesmen, of all genius, of all insight. It describes the
-prevalence of oppression and of ghastly destitution, accompanied by
-such utter despair that no one cared to exert himself for the arrest
-of the ruin which seemed imminent over that which was already no
-better than itself a ruin.
-
-The Book of Isaiah is arranged in a most confused and unchronological
-manner, and it is probable that the first five chapters should be
-placed after the sixth, which describes the prophet's call in the year
-that King Uzziah died. They paint a picture of moral collapse. His
-first chapter is called by Ewald "the great arraignment," and by its
-references describes the awful period of alarm during the war of Syria
-and Ephraim against Judah. It might seem as if the combined host was
-even then in the country, or had only just retired from it; for we
-read,--
-
-"Your country is desolate, your cities are burned with fire: your land,
-strangers devour it in your presence, and it is desolate, as overthrown
-by strangers. And the daughter of Zion is left as a booth in a
-wilderness, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers, as a besieged city."
-
-But even in the midst of this afflictive dispensation there were no
-signs of repentance. The children of Israel were rebels who despised
-the Holy One of Israel,--"Ah, sinful nation, a people laden with
-iniquity, a seed of evil-doers, children that deal corruptly!" (i.
-7-9). They had all the externals of religion: they offered vain
-sacrifices, and kept a multitude of idle feasts, and offered many
-formal prayers; but all this was but a cumbrance to Him who desired
-clean hands and a pure heart as conditions of forgiveness (10-20).
-What hope could there be for a city of murderers, who loved bribes
-and perverted judgment (21-24)? The land was full of pride, full of
-idols, full of the luxury of the rich amid the starvation of the poor
-(ii. 1-22).[438] Women partook of the general corruption. They walked
-mincingly with stretched-forth necks and wanton eyes,[439] thinking of
-nothing but their anklets, and crescents, and bracelets, and mufflers,
-ear-drops, head-tires, perfumes, mirrors, armlets, and nose-jewels:
-therefore they should have sackcloth for stomachers, ropes for
-girdles, and burning instead of beauty, and only a remnant should
-escape (iii. 16-iv. 1). Judah was like a vineyard,--rich in
-advantages, blessed with fondest care; but when God looked for grapes,
-it only brought forth wild grapes--a semblance, but only a poisoned
-semblance, of the true vintage: therefore it should be left neglected
-and rainless. Woe to the greedy land-grabbing, and drunkenness, and
-revelry of the rich! Woe to their mockery of God and their devotion to
-vanity! Woe to their insane pride and wanton injustice! Could they
-escape vengeance? No! Jehovah had looked for judgment (_mishpat_), but
-behold oppression (_mishpach_); for righteousness (_tse'dakah_), but
-behold a cry (_tse'akah_) (v. 1-24).[440] They might escape--they
-would escape--the Syrian and the Ephraimite; but behind these lay a
-more terrible and a more portentous foe, even the Assyrian, the
-scourge of God's wrath (25-30).
-
-"It was told the house of David, saying, Syria is confederate with
-Ephraim." Is it strange that in such a condition of things the heart
-of Ahaz and of his people "was moved as the trees of the wood are
-moved with the wind"?
-
-Such was the terrible crisis at which Isaiah began his ministry. He
-was the son of Amoz,[441] who has been (much too precariously)
-identified with a brother of Amaziah. It is probable that he was a man
-of distinguished, if not princely, birth, and he exercised a more
-powerful influence over the politics of his country than any other
-prophet--not even excepting Jeremiah.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[435] Probably a shortened form for Jehoahaz ("The Lord taketh hold").
-He is called Jahuhazi in Tiglath-Pileser's inscription (Schrader,
-_Keilinschr._, p. 163).
-
-[436] For twenty-five it is not improbable that we should read fifteen.
-
-[437] Isa. iii. 1-12.
-
-[438] In Isa. ii. 2-4 we find, as so often in the prophetic books in
-their present too-often-haphazard arrangement, a glowing promise of
-universal peace placed before unsparing denunciations. The verses are
-also found in Micah (iv. 1, 2), and it has been conjectured that in
-both prophets they are a quotation from some older source--perhaps
-from Jonah, son of Amittai.
-
-[439] Heb., "deceiving with their eyes."
-
-[440] Isa. v. 7. The paronomasia of the original is striking. Van Oort
-renders it, "He looked for _reason_, but behold _treason_; and for
-_right_, but behold _affright_."
-
-[441] His name means "Jehovah saves," and is perhaps alluded to in Isa.
-viii. 18. Amos ("One who bears a burden"), needless to say, is a totally
-different name from that of Amoz ("Vigorous"), the father of Isaiah.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXIII
-
- _ISAIAH AND AHAZ_
-
- 2 KINGS xvi
-
- "Expediency is man's wisdom; doing right is God's."
- GEORGE MEREDITH.
-
-
-Isaiah was one of those men whom God provides for the need of
-kingdoms. He was not only a prophet, but a statesman, a reformer, a
-poet, a man of invincible faith and unequalled insight. If Ahaz had
-accepted his counsels and followed his moral guidance, the whole
-history of Judah might have been different.
-
-But the position of things was indeed disastrous. Judah was attacked
-from every side. On the south-east the Edomites renewed their
-devastating raids, and swept off multitudes of captives, who were sold
-as slaves in the Western slave-markets. On the south-west the
-Philistines once more rose in revolt, and acquired permanent
-repossession of many parts of the Shephelah, mastering Beth-Shemesh,
-Ajalon, Gederoth, Shocho, Timnath, Gimzo, and all the adjacent
-districts. But this was nothing compared with the humiliation and
-destruction inflicted by Rezin and Pekah. They shut up Ahaz in
-Jerusalem; and though they could not storm its almost impregnable
-defences, which had recently been fortified by Uzziah and Jotham, they
-were undisputed masters of the rest of the land, so that Judah was
-"brought low and made naked."[442] Rezin, indeed, weary of a tedious
-siege, swept southwards to Elath, on the gulf of Akabah, seized it, and
-peopled it with an Edomite garrison, thereby destroying the commerce in
-which Solomon and Jehoshaphat had taken pride, and which Uzziah had
-recently re-established. Having thus left an effectual annoyance to
-Judah in his rear, he gave up the design of dethroning Ahaz and
-substituting in his place "_the son of Tabeal_," who would have been a
-tool in the hands of the confederate kings. He seized, however, a
-multitude of captives, and with them and with much booty he returned to
-Damascus. "The son of Tabeal"--a name which occurs nowhere else--has
-been found very puzzling.[443] I believe it to be simply an instance of
-the Rabbinic process of transposition, called _Themourah_. Some identify
-it with Itibi'alu of an inscription of Tiglath-Pileser. Others suppose
-that he was a Syrian, and that Tabeal stands for Tabrimnon. But by the
-application of Themourah (called the _Albam_) Tabeal simply gives us
-"Remaliah," and is either a scornful variation of the name of Pekah's
-father, or has arisen from the watchword of a secret conspiracy. Since
-in the text of Jeremiah (li. 41, xxv. 26) (by _Atbash_, another form of
-the secret transposition of letters of which the generic name was
-_Gematria_) we read _Sheshach_ for Babel, the name Tabeal may have been
-dealt with in a similar method.[444] Pekah, according to the Chronicler,
-inflicted far deadlier injuries than Rezin. In one day he slew one
-hundred and twenty thousand "sons of valour," because they had forsaken
-Jehovah, God of their fathers. His general Zichri, a mighty Ephraimite,
-slew Maaseiah, the king's son;[445] and Azrikam, the chancellor; and
-Elkanah, "the second to the king." The army carried away two hundred
-thousand captives and much spoil to Samaria. But on their arrival, a
-prophet named Oded[446] reproved the Israelites for having massacred the
-Judæans "in a rage that reacheth to heaven." Aided by various princes,
-he succeeded in inducing the people to refuse to harbour the captives,
-and clothed, fed, and sent them back unharmed to Jericho, mounting the
-feeble on horses and asses. The story bears on the face of it the signs
-of enormous exaggeration.
-
-In the crisis of their miseries, but just before the siege, Ahaz had
-gone outside the city walls "at the end of the conduit of the upper
-pool, in the causeway of the fuller's field," probably to look after
-the water-supply, which had always been a difficulty for Jerusalem,
-and on which depended her capacity to withstand a siege. Here he was
-met by the prophet Isaiah, who was leading by the hand the little son
-to whom he had given the name of "Shear-jashub" ("A remnant shall
-return"),[447] as a witness to the truth of the prophecy which he had
-heard on the occasion of his call,--
-
-"And if there should yet be a tenth in it, this shall be again consumed;
-yet as the terebinth and the oak, though cut down, have their stock
-remaining, even so a sacred seed shall be the stock thereof."[448]
-
-The object of the prophet was to cheer up the fainting heart of the
-king, and to say to him first,--
-
-"Take heed, and be quiet."
-
-This mandate probably refers to rumours--which Isaiah must have
-heard--of the king's intention to follow the counsels of the party which
-urged him to seek foreign assistance. One of these parties advised him
-to throw himself into the arms of Egypt, and rely on her protection; the
-other gave the more perilous counsel of invoking the aid of Assyria.
-Isaiah's mandate to the king and to the nation was to take neither step,
-but to trust in the Lord, and to repent of individual and national
-misdoing. He summed up his message in the rule,--
-
-"In returning and rest shall ye be saved; in quietness and confidence
-shall be your strength."
-
-The advice was emphasised by a promise of the most decisive and
-encouraging kind. When all looked so helpless, the prophet was bidden
-to say,--
-
-"Fear not, neither be faint-hearted, for these two stumps of smoking
-torches, for the fierce anger of Rezin with Syria, and of Remaliah's
-son. They have taken evil counsel against thee. But thus saith the
-Lord God, 'It shall not stand, neither shall it come to pass. For the
-head of Syria is only Rezin, and the head of Samaria is a mere
-Remaliah's son.'"[449]
-
-And then, to confirm the lesson of confidence in God, the brief
-assurance,--
-
- "If ye will not confide,
- Surely ye shall not abide."
-
-Convinced of the certainty of this immediate deliverance, Isaiah bade
-the king to ask for a sign from Jehovah, either in the height above,
-or in the depth beneath.
-
-But the timid and hypocritical king was not so to be influenced. He
-had on his side "the scornful men, who ruled Judah"; the mocking
-priests, who sneered and jeered at Isaiah's teaching as repetitive and
-commonplace, and only fit for children; and the princes and nobles,
-who formed the Court party, headed by Shebna the scribe. He probably
-looked on Isaiah as a mere unpractical faddist, an excited
-fanatic--all very well as a prophet, but not a man who ought to thrust
-himself into the plans of politicians. Ahaz had his own plans, and he
-had not the smallest intention of altering them in consequence of
-anything which Isaiah might say. He was far too timid and unfaithful
-to rely on anything so vague as Divine assurance. He was convinced
-that his only chance lay in the horses of Egypt or the fierce infantry
-of Assyria. So he said with sham piety, merely intended to put the
-prophet off, "I will not ask, neither will I tempt Jehovah."
-
-That moment marks what may be called the birth-throe of Messianic
-prophecy in its most specific character. For then the prophet, after
-reproving the king for wearying Jehovah as well as His servants, adds,
-in words of far wider and deeper significance than their immediate
-bearing, that Jehovah Himself should give a sign; for the maiden
-should conceive and bear a Son, and call His name Immanuel ("God with
-us"). The child should grow up in a time of scarcity; for owing to the
-devastation of the land, he would only be able to be nurtured on
-curdled milk and honey. But before he had reached years of
-discretion--before he had arrived at the power of moral choice--the
-land whose two kings Ahaz abhorred should be a desert. Yet let not
-Ahaz exult too much in the immediate deliverance! Days of unexampled
-misery were at hand. Jehovah should hiss for the fly from the farthest
-canals of Egypt, and for the bee of Assyria, and they should settle in
-swarms in the valleys and pastures. Ahaz--he had not alluded to the
-design, but Isaiah knew it well--was about to hire a razor from beyond
-the Euphrates, but that razor should sweep away the hair and beard of
-Judah. Agriculture should languish, and the people should only be able
-to live in privation on whey and honey; and the vineyards should be
-full of briers and thorns, and should be mere places for hunting.[450]
-
-This event, therefore, as Caspari says, stands at the turning-point of
-Old Testament History. It marks the beginning of that second period of
-the History of the Chosen People in which their hopes were granted as
-a counterpoise to their anguish and their humiliation. "It stood,
-therefore, at the point where a prospect offered itself to the eye of
-the prophet which reached out over the whole development of the people
-of God."
-
-To all such prophecies Ahaz was utterly deaf: they did not for a
-moment induce him to swerve from his purpose. But to call still
-further attention to his promise as the Syrian Ephraimitish host
-pressed forward, Isaiah took a great piece of vellum, and inscribed on
-it, in the ordinary characters,--
-
- "SPEED-PLUNDER-HASTE-SPOIL."
-
-He put it up in some conspicuous place, before his own house or in the
-Temple, and took the priest Urijah and Zechariah, the son of
-Jeberechiah, into his confidence as faithful witnesses. He told them the
-explanation of his sign, and they would satisfy the curiosity of the
-people on the subject. It meant that in nine months' time his wife
-should bear a son, and that he and his wife, the prophetess, would call
-the boy's name "Speed-plunder-haste-spoil," as a sign that before the
-child was able to say "Father" or "Mother" Rezin and Pekah should be
-extinguished. For the Assyrian should speed to the plunder and haste to
-the spoil, and the riches of Damascus and the spoil of Samaria should be
-carried away by the King of Assyria. Since Judah despised "the soft
-flowing waters of Shiloah,"[451] and preferred Rezin and Pekah,[452]
-they should be deluged by the Euphrates of Assyria, and Assyria's
-outspread wings should overshadow thy land, O Immanuel (viii. 1-8). How
-vain, then, of the people to try and meet the confederacy of Syria and
-Ephraim by new confederacy of Judah with Assyria! This, after all, is
-Immanuel's land. God is with us. We have but to fear God, we have but to
-be faithful to duty, and Jehovah shall be our sanctuary, though He be a
-stumbling-block to many in Israel, and a snare to many in
-Jerusalem.[453] This is God's teaching and God's testimony, and Isaiah
-and his children are signs of it. For does not Isaiah mean "Salvation of
-Jehovah"; and Shear-jashub, "A remnant shall return"; and
-Maher-shalal-hash-baz, "Swift-spoil-speedy-prey"; and Immanuel, "God is
-with us"? What need, then, to seek wizards and necromancers? Seek God;
-confide, abide![454] Trouble and darkness there should be; but all was
-not utterly hopeless. Northern Israel had been bedimmed and afflicted;
-but soon they should be exalted, and see light, and their yoke be broken
-as in the day of Midian, and the trampling boot and blood-stained mantle
-of the warrior shall be burned in the fire: for a Child is born, a Son
-is given unto us of David's line, who shall be a Mighty Deliverer, a
-Prince of Peace,--and Israel shall perish.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[442] 2 Chron. xxviii. 19.
-
-[443] It may mean "God is good" (Tabeel).
-
-[444] For further explanations I must refer to my paper on Rabbinic
-Exegesis (_Expositor_, First Series, v. 373).
-
-[445] 2 Chron. xxviii. 7.
-
-[446] Of Oded nothing else is known.
-
-[447] Some, however, interpret the name "A remnant repents" (LXX.,
-[Greek: ho kataleiphtheis Iasoub]; Vulg., _Qui derelictus est Jaseb_).
-
-[448] Isa. vi. 13.
-
-[449] The words "And within threescore and five years shall Ephraim be
-broken, that it be not a people" (Isa. vii. 8), are almost certainly
-an interpolation: for (1) the overthrow came within far less than
-sixty years; (2) the clause awkwardly breaks the context; (3) the
-"sixty years" is inconsistent with the promise (vii. 16) that it
-should be within very few years.
-
-[450] Isa. vii. 1-25.
-
-[451] Not improbably the water which afterwards flowed through
-Hezekiah's new tunnel between the Virgin's Tomb and the Pool of
-Siloam. It is referred to in 2 Chron. xxxii. 3, 30 (Isa. xxii. 9-11).
-See Appendix II.
-
-[452] This, if it be correct, can only mean that the son of Tabeal had
-a party in Jerusalem; but Hitzig renders it "_dreadeth_," not
-"rejoiceth in."
-
-[453] The meaning is by no means clear.
-
-[454] See Driver, _Isaiah_, p. 34.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXIV
-
- _THE APOSTASIES OF AHAZ_
-
- 2 KINGS xvi. 1-18
-
- "For when we in our wickedness grow hard,
- Oh misery on't! the wise gods seal our eyes;
- In our own filth drop our clear judgments; make us
- Adore our errors; laugh at us while we strut
- To our confusion."
-
-
-Ahaz was indifferent to these prophecies because his heart was
-otherwhere. It is clear from our authorities that this king had excited
-an unusually deep antipathy in the hearts of those later writers who
-judged religion not only from the earlier standpoint, but from the stern
-and inexorable requirements of the Deuteronomic and the Priestly Codes.
-The historian, adopting an unusual phrase, says that "he did not that
-which was right in the sight of the Lord, but he walked in the ways of
-the kings of Israel." He not only continued the high places, as the best
-of his predecessors had done, but he increased their popularity and
-importance by personally offering sacrifices and burning incense "on the
-hills and under every green tree." It is probable, too, that he
-introduced into Judah horses and chariots dedicated to the sun.[455] "He
-made molten images for the Baalim," says the Chronicler, "and burnt
-incense in the valley of the son of Himmon."
-
-This last was his crowning atrocity: he actually sanctioned the
-revolting worship of the abomination of the children of Ammon, which
-Solomon had tolerated on the mount of offence. "He made his son to
-pass through the fire." The Chronicler expresses it still more
-dreadfully by saying that "he _burnt his children_ in the fire."[456]
-
-In the Valley of Ben-Hinnom, or of the Benî-Hinnom, of which the name
-is perpetuated in Gehenna, the place of torture for lost souls, there
-stood a frightful image of the king--Moloch, Melek, Malcham. It
-represented the sun-god, worshipped, not only as Baal under the
-emblems of prolific nature, but, like the Egyptian Typhon, as the
-emblem of the sun's scorching and blighting force. It was perhaps a
-human figure with the head of an ox. The arms of the brazen image
-sloped downwards over a cistern, which was filled with fuel; and when
-a human sacrifice was to be offered to him, the child was probably
-first killed, and then placed on these brazen arms as a gift to the
-idol. It rolled down into the flaming tank, and was consumed amid the
-strains of music. Recourse was only had to the most frightful form of
-human sacrifice--the burning of grown-up victims--in extremities of
-disaster, as when Mesha of Moab offered up his eldest son to Chemosh
-on the wall of Kir-Hareseth in the sight of his people and of the
-three invading armies. But the sacrifice of children was public, and
-perhaps annual. Hence Milton, following the learned researches of
-Selden in his Syntagma _De Dis Syriis_, writes:--
-
- "First, Moloch, horrid king, besmeared with blood
- Of human sacrifice, and parents' tears;
- Though, for the noise of drums and timbrels loud,
- Their children's cries unheard that pass'd through fire
- To his grim idol. Him the Ammonite
- Worshipp'd in Rabba and her watery plain,
- In Argob and in Basan, to the stream
- Of utmost Arnon. Nor content with such
- Audacious neighbourhood, the wisest heart
- Of Solomon he led by fraud to build
- His temple right against the Temple of God
- On that opprobrious hill, and made his grove
- The pleasant Valley of Hinnom, Tophet thence
- And black Gehenna call'd, the type of hell."[457]
-
-But it may be doubted whether Ahaz, in spite of his frightful
-position, or, in later days, the less excusable Manasseh, really
-destroyed the lives of their young sons.[458] The ancients had a
-notion that they could easily cheat their devil-deities. If a white ox
-of Clitumnus became unfitted for a victim to Jupiter of the Capitol by
-having on its body a few black spots, it was quite sufficient to make
-it pass with the _Dî faciles_ by chalking the black spots over
-it.[459] If human victims had to be thrown into the Tiber to Hercules,
-Numa taught the people that little wickerwork images (_scirpea_) would
-suit the purpose just as well.[460] Figures of dough were sometimes
-offered instead of human beings on the altar of Artemis of Tauris.
-Thus it became the custom, it is believed, merely to throw or to pass
-children through or over the flames, and conventionally to _regard
-them_ as having been sacrificed, though they might escape the ordeal
-with little or no hurt. This was called _februatio_, or "lustration by
-fire."[461] We may hope that this device was adopted by the two Judæan
-kings, and, if so, they did not add to their horrible apostasy the
-crime of infanticide. If, however, Ahaz was even to the smallest
-extent implicated in such foul idolatries, it is not surprising that
-he was in no mood to listen to Isaiah. What is profoundly surprising,
-and is indeed a circumstance for which we cannot account, is that no
-word of fierce indignation was addressed to him on this account by
-Urijah, the high priest, whom Isaiah seems to describe as faithful, or
-by Zechariah, the son of Jeberechiah, or by Micah, or by Isaiah, who
-feared man so little and God so much.
-
-The Assyrian party at the Court of Ahaz prevailed over the Egyptian.
-Until the accession of the Ethiopian Sabaco[462] in 725, Egypt was
-indeed in so weak, harassed, and divided a condition under feeble
-native Pharaohs, that her help was obviously unavailable. The King of
-Judah, seeing no extrication from his calamities except in the way of
-worldly expediency, appealed to Tiglath-Pileser. In this he followed
-the precedent of his ancestor Asa, who had diverted the attack of
-Baasha by invoking the assistance of Syria. Ahaz sent to the Assyrian
-potentate the humble message, "I am thy servant and thy son: come up
-and save me from the Kings of Syria and Israel." If he had not faith
-to accept Isaiah's promises, what else could he do, when Syria,
-Israel, the Philistines, Edom, and Moab were all arrayed against him?
-The ambassadors probably made their way, not without peril, along the
-east of Jordan, or else by sea from Joppa, and so inland. Whether they
-took with them the enormous bribe without which the appeal of the
-helpless king might have been in vain, or whether this was sent
-subsequently under Assyrian escort, we do not know. It was
-euphemistically described as "a present" or "a blessing," but must be
-regarded either as a tribute or a bribe.
-
-Tiglath-Pileser II. saw his opportunity, and at once invaded Damascus.
-In B.C. 733 he failed, but the next year he entirely subjugated the
-kingdom, and put an end to the dynasty. Rezin was probably put to death
-with the horrible barbarities which were normal among the brutal
-Ninevites; and as the Assyrians had no conception of colonisation or the
-wise government of dependencies, the Syrian population was deported _en
-masse_ to Elam and an unknown Kir.[463] For a time Damascus was made "a
-ruinous heap," and the cities of Aroer were the desolated lairs of
-pasturing flocks. Israel, as we have seen, was next overwhelmed by the
-same irremediable catastrophe, none of her people being left except such
-as might be compared to the mere gleanings of a vintage, and the few
-berries on the topmost boughs of the olive tree.[464]
-
-Tiglath-Pileser meant to make Ahaz feel his yoke. He summoned him to
-do homage at Damascus, and there Ahaz once more displayed his
-cosmopolitan æstheticism at the expense of every pure tradition of the
-religion of his fathers.
-
-His visit to Damascus was no doubt compulsory. His worldly policy,
-which looked so expedient, and which--apart from the defiance which it
-involved to the voice of God by His prophets--seemed to be so
-pardonable, had for the time succeeded. Isaiah's promises had been
-fulfilled to the letter. There was nothing more to fear either from
-Rezin or from Remaliah's son. Their kingdoms were a desolation. In his
-own annals Tiglath-Pileser[465] does not exaggerate his
-achievements.[466] He wrote as follows:--
-
- "Rezin's warriors I captured, and with the sword I destroyed.
- Of his charioteers and [his horsemen] the arms I broke:
- Their bow-bearing warriors, [their footmen] armed with spear and
- shield,
- With my hand I captured them, and those that fought in their
- battle-line.
- He to save his life fled away alone;
- Like a deer [he ran], and entered into the great gate of his city.
- His generals, whom I had taken alive, on crosses I hung;
- His country I subdued;
- Damascus, his city, I subdued, and like a caged bird I shut him in.
- I cut down the unnumbered trees of his forest; I left not one.
- Hadara, the palace of the father of Rezin of Syria, [I burnt].
- The city of Samaria I besieged, I captured; eight hundred of its
- people and children I took;
- Their oxen and their sheep I carried away.
- I took five hundred and ninety-one cities;
- Over sixteen districts of Syria like a flood I swept."
-
-But the more complete destruction of Israel was due to Shalmaneser
-IV., who says,--
-
- "The city of Samaria I besieged, I took,
- I carried away twenty-seven thousand two hundred of its inhabitants;
- I seized fifty of their chariots.
- I gave up to plunder the rest of their possessions.
- I appointed officers over them;
- I laid on them the tribute of the former king.
- In their place I settled the men of conquered countries."
-
-The immediate service to Judah looked immense. The Assyrian might safely
-claim, and Ahaz might truthfully confess, that the intervention of
-Tiglath-Pileser had rescued him from the apparent imminence of
-destruction. But the Assyrian kings served no one for nothing. The price
-which had to be paid for Tiglath-Pileser's intervention was vassalage
-and tribute. Ahaz, or, as the Assyrians call him, Jehoahaz,[467] had
-styled himself Tiglath-Pileser's "servant and his son," and the Assyrian
-chose to have substantial proof of this parental suzerainty. The great
-king therefore summoned the poor subject-potentate to Damascus, where he
-was holding his victorious court.
-
-So far Ahaz had no reason to complain of his "dreadful patron"; and if
-he had returned when he paid his homage, no immediate harm would have
-happened. But during his visit he saw "the altar" (_Heb._) at the
-conquered city. Was it the altar of the defeated Syrian god Rimmon? or
-did the Assyrian persuade his willing vassal to sacrifice at the
-portable altar of his god Assur? We may, perhaps, infer the former
-from 2 Chron. xxviii. 23, where Ahaz says: "Because the gods of the
-kings of Syria help them, therefore will I sacrifice to them, that
-they may help me." There is room to suspect some error here, because
-Rezin had fallen, and Damascus was in ruins, and Rimmon had
-conspicuously failed to help or to avenge his votaries.[468] Ahaz
-admired the altar, to whatever god it had been erected; and unmindful,
-or perhaps unconscious, that the altar of the Temple of Jerusalem was
-declared in the Pentateuch to have been divinely ordained--a fact to
-which the historian does not himself refer--he sent to the head priest
-Urijah a pattern of the altar which had struck his fancy at Damascus.
-The subservient priest, without a murmur or a remonstrance, undertook
-to have a similar altar ready for Ahaz in the Temple by the time of
-his return--a crime, if crime it were, which the Chronicler conceals.
-"Never any prince was so foully idolatrous," says Bishop Hall, "as
-that he wanted a priest to second him. A Urijah is fit to humour an
-Ahaz.[469] Greatness could never command anything which some servile
-wits were not ready both to applaud and justify." Certainly we should
-have hoped for more fidelity to ancient tradition from a man who
-earned the approving word of Isaiah; but it is only fair and just to
-admit that Urijah, in the universal ignorance which prevailed about
-the codes which were afterwards collected and published as the total
-legislation of the wilderness, may have viewed his obedience to the
-king's commands with very different eyes from those by which it was
-regarded in the sixth and fifth centuries before Christ. He may have
-been frankly unaware that he was guilty of an act which would
-afterwards be denounced as an apostatising enormity.[470]
-
-When Ahaz returned, he was so much pleased with his new plaything that
-he at once acted as priest at his own new altar. Without the least
-opposition from the priests--who had so sternly resisted Uzziah--he
-offered burnt-offerings and meat-offerings and drink-offerings, and
-sprinkled the blood of peace-offerings on his altar.[471] Not content
-with this, he did not hesitate to order the removal of the huge brazen
-altar from the position, in front of the Temple porch, which it had
-held since the days of Solomon. He did this in order that his own
-favourite altar might be in the line of vision from the court, and not
-be overshadowed by the old one, which he shifted from the place of
-honour to the north side. He proceeded to call his own altar "the
-great altar," and ordered that the morning burnt-offering, and the
-evening _minchah_, and all the principal sacrifices should henceforth
-be offered upon it.[472] He did not wholly supersede the old brazen
-altar, which, he said, "shall be for me to inquire by," or, as the
-Hebrew may perhaps mean, "it should await"--_i.e._, "I will hereafter
-consider what to do with it."
-
-Ahaz is charged with the additional crime of removing the ornamental
-festoons of bronze pomegranates from the lavers, and the brazen oxen
-from under the molten sea, which henceforth lay dishonoured, without its
-proper and splendid supports, on the pavement of the court.[473] He
-also took away the balustrade of the royal "ascent" from the palace to
-the Temple, and made a new entrance of a less gorgeous character than
-that which, in the days of Solomon, the Queen of Sheba had admired.[474]
-
-No doubt these proceedings helped to heighten the unpopularity of
-Ahaz. But what could he do? He could, indeed, if he had had sufficient
-faith, have "trusted in Jehovah," as Isaiah bade him do. But he was
-under the terrific pressure of hostile circumstances, and, being a
-weak and timid man, felt himself unable to resist the influence of the
-haughty politicians and worldly priests by whom he was surrounded--men
-who openly made Isaiah their scoff. When he invited the interposition
-of Tiglath-Pileser,[475] all the other consequences of humiliation
-would naturally follow. He probably disliked as much as any one to see
-the great molten laver taken off the backs of the oxen which showed
-the skill of the ancient Hiram, and did not admire the despoiled
-aspect of the shrine of his capital. But if the King of Assyria or his
-emissaries had (as the historian implies) cast greedy eyes on these
-splendid objects of antiquity, the poor vassal could not refuse them.
-Better, he may have thought, that these material ornaments should go
-to Nineveh than that he should be forced to exact yet heavier burdens
-from an impoverished people. His expedient is mentioned among his
-crimes, yet no one blamed the pious Hezekiah when, under similar
-circumstances, he acted in precisely the same manner.[476]
-
-The Chronicler gives a darker aspect to his misdoings by saying that
-he cut to pieces the vessels of the house of God, and made him altars
-in every corner of Jerusalem, and _bamoth_ to burn incense unto other
-gods in every several city of Judah. He says, further, that he closed
-the great gates of the Temple; put an end to the kindling of the
-lamps, the burning of incense, and the daily offerings; and left the
-whole Temple to fall into ruin and neglect.[477] We know no more of
-him. He lived through an epoch marked by the final crisis in the
-existence of the kingdom of Israel. Dark omens of every kind were
-around him, and he seems to have been too frivolous to see them. If he
-plumed himself on the removal of the two relentless invaders Rezin and
-Pekah, he must have lived to feel that the terror of Assyria had come
-appreciably nearer. Tiglath-Pileser had only helped Judah in
-furtherance of his own designs, and his exactions came like a chronic
-distress after the acuter crisis. Nor was there any improvement when
-he died in 727. He was succeeded by Shalmaneser IV., and Shalmaneser
-IV. by Sargon in 722, the year of the fall of Samaria. We know no more
-of Ahaz. The historian says that he was buried with his fathers, and
-the Chronicler adds, as in the case of Uzziah and other kings, that
-he was not permitted to rest in the sepulchres of the kings.[478] He
-had sown the wind; his son Hezekiah had to reap the whirlwind.[479]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[455] See 2 Kings xxiii. 11, which shows that this was not an innovation
-of Manasseh's. They were common in Persia. See Q. Curtius, iii. 3.
-
-[456] 2 Kings xvii. 31; Ezek. xvi. 21, xxiii. 37, xxxiii. 6; Deut.
-xii. 31; Jer. xix. 5. See 2 Chron. xxviii. 3; for "his son," [Hebrew:
-beno], it uses [Hebrew: banav] "his sons," but perhaps generically.
-Moloch-worship may have been stimulated by accounts of the Assyrian
-fire-god Adrammelech (Movers, _Phöniz._, ii. 101). On this sacrifice
-of children to Moloch, which the Phoenicians referred back to the god
-El or Il, once King of Byblos, who in a crisis of danger sacrificed
-his eldest son Icond, see Plut., _De Superst._, § 13; Diod. Sic., xx.
-12-14; 2 Kings iii. 27, xvi. 3, xxi. 6; Mic. vi. 7; Döllinger,
-_Judenthum u. Heidenthum_ (E. T.), i. 427-429.
-
-[457] This worship was to be punished by stoning (Lev. xviii. 21, xx.
-2-5; Deut. xviii. 10). On the whole subject see Movers, _Phöniz._, 64;
-Jarchi _on Jer. vii._ 31; Euseb., _Præp. Ev._, iv. 16.
-
-[458] Josephus says that Ahaz made "a whole burnt-offering" of his
-son; but his authority is very small ([Greek: kai idion hôlokautôsen
-paida]). Comp. Psalm cvi. 37.
-
-[459] Ignorant Romanists have often cherished the same notions about
-the saints. For centuries in Spain the people bought the old gowns and
-cowls of the monks, and buried their dead in them, to deceive St.
-Peter into the notion that they were Dominicans or Franciscans!
-
-[460] See Ovid, _Fasti_, v. 659: "Scripea pro domino Tiberi jactatur
-imago." They were also called _Argei_, _id._ 621; Varro, _L. L._, vi. 3.
-
-[461] Varro, _L. L._, v. 3.
-
-[462] Herod., ii. 137. Egypt., _Sebek_; Heb., _So_ (2 Kings xvii. 4),
-or perhaps _Seve_; Arab., _Shab'i_. Rawlinson, _Hist. of Anct. Egypt_,
-ii. 433-450.
-
-[463] Kir (see Amos ix. 7) is omitted in the LXX. Elam is added in Isa.
-xxii. 6. Tiglath-Pileser calls the king Rasunnu Sarimirisu--_i.e._, of
-Aram. See Smith, _Assyr. Discoveries_, p. 274; _Eponym Canon_, 68;
-Schrader, _K. A. T._, 152 ff.
-
-[464] Isa. xvii. 1-11.
-
-[465] The name seems to be Tuklat-abal-isarra,--according to Oppert
-worshipper of the son of the Zodiac--_i.e._, of Nin or Hercules.
-According to Polyhistor, he was a usurper who had been a vine-dresser
-in the royal gardens. He never mentions his ancestry. But see
-Schrader, _K. A. T._, 217 ff., 240 ff., and in Riehm.
-
-[466] _Eponym Canon_, p. 121, lines 1-15. On this fall of Damascus and
-Samaria, see Isa. xvii.
-
-[467] Jahuhazi (Schrader, _Keilinschr._, p. 263). He probably bore
-both names; but, as in the case of Jeconiah, who is called Coniah, the
-omission of the element "Jehovah" from his name may have been intended
-as a mark of reprobation.
-
-[468] The remark may refer to some earlier period in the reign of
-Ahaz, before the capture of Damascus. It is more probable that the
-altar was used for some Assyrian deity, and the adoption of it may
-have flattered Tiglath-Pileser.
-
-[469] 2 Kings xvi. 11, which records the zealous subservience of Urijah,
-is wanting in some MSS. of the LXX. But that the altar was made, and
-without his opposition, is clear from the narrative. Asa (2 Chron. xv.
-8) had repaired Solomon's great altar; Hezekiah subsequently cleansed it
-(_id._ xxix. 18); Manasseh rebuilt it (_Q'ri_). The brass of it
-ultimately went to Babylon (Jer. lii. 17-20).
-
-[470] Bähr says: "It seems that Urijah, like his companion, was only
-anxious for his revenues. At any rate, his conduct is a sign of the
-character and standing of the priests of that time. They were 'dumb
-dogs who could not bark.' They all followed their own ways, every one
-for his own gain" (Isa. lvi. 10, 11). "We have in this high priest,"
-says the _Würtemberg Summary_, "a specimen of those hypocrites and
-belly-servants who say, 'Whose bread I eat, his song I sing'; who veer
-about with the wind, and seek to be pleasant to all men; who wish to
-hurt no one's feelings, but teach just what any one wants to hear."
-
-[471] 1 Kings viii. 64; 2 Chron. iv. 1. In this and similar instances
-commentators, biassed by _a priori_ considerations, have imagined that
-Ahaz did not in person offer sacrifices. But this is what the text says,
-and it was the custom of kings to regard themselves as invested with
-Divine attributes. Ahaz may have had this lesson impressed on his mind
-by his visit to Tiglath-Pileser. See Grätz, _Gesch. der Juden._, ii.
-150. Layard, _Nin. and Bab._, 472 ff., gives us pictures of Assyrian
-kings ministering at their altars, which are of various shapes.
-
-[472] 2 Kings xvi. 15. Vulg., _paratum erit ad voluntatem meam_. The
-LXX. followed another reading: [Greek: estai moi eis to prôi]. Grätz
-(ii. 150), for [Hebrew: lchkr], "to inquire," reads [Hebrew: lkrv] "to
-draw near to."
-
-[473] 1 Kings vii. 23-39.
-
-[474] 2 Kings xvi. 18. The allusions are obscure. R.V., "the covered
-way"; A.V., "the covert for the Sabbath." See 2 Chron. ix. 4. Here the
-Hebr. _Q'ri_ has _Mûsak_, and the Vulg. _Musach Sabbati_. The LXX.
-evidently did not understand it ([Greek: kai ton themelion tês
-kathedras ôkodomêsen]). For "covert for the Sabbath," Geiger suggests
-"molten images for the Shame" (Bosheth-Baal, by transposition of
-_Shabbath_). Comp. 2 Chron. xxviii. 2.
-
-[475] 2 Chron. xxviii. 20: "Tiglath-Pileser came unto him, and
-distressed him, but helped him not."
-
-[476] 2 Kings xviii. 15, 16.
-
-[477] In justice to Ahaz, we should observe that (1) in every instance
-the later account multiplies and magnifies and gives a darker
-colouring to his offences; (2) that neither Isaiah, Micah, nor any
-other prophet has a word of reproach for such enormities in Ahaz.
-
-[478] It is a Jewish tradition that Hezekiah would not bury his father
-Ahaz in a sarcophagus, but on a bier (_Pesachin_, f. 56, 1;
-_Sanhedrin_, f. 47, 1; Grätz, _Gesch. d. Juden._, ii, 224).
-
-[479] His name, _Chizquîyyah_, is shortened from _Yechizquîyyahoo_
-(Isa. i. 1; 2 Kings xx. 10; Hos. i. 1). It means "Jehovah's strength"
-(_Gesen._), or "Yah is might" (_Fûrst_).
-
-
-
-
- PROBABLE DATES.
-
-
- B.C.
-
- 745. Accession of Tiglath-Pileser.
-
- 746. Death of Uzziah. Accession of Jotham. First vision of Isaiah
- (Isa. vi.).
-
- 735. Accession of Ahaz. Syro-Ephraimitish war.
-
- 734-732. Siege and capture of Damascus, and ravage of Northern
- Israel by Tiglath-Pileser. Visit of Ahaz to Damascus.
-
- 727. Accession of Shalmaneser IV.
-
- 722. Accession of Sargon. Capture of Samaria, and captivity of the
- Ten Tribes.
-
- 720. Defeat of Sabaco by Sargon at Raphia.
-
- 715(?). Accession of Hezekiah.
-
- 711. Sargon captures Ashdod.
-
- 707. Sargon defeats Merodach-Baladan, and captures Babylon.
-
- 705. Murder of Sargon. Accession of Sennacherib.
-
- 701. Sennacherib besieges Ekron. Defeats Egypt at Altaqu. Invades
- Judah, and spares Hezekiah. Invades Egypt, and sends the Rabshakeh
- to Jerusalem. Disaster of Assyrians at Pelusium, and disappearance
- from before Jerusalem.
-
- 697. Death of Hezekiah. Accession of Manasseh.
-
- 681. Death of Sennacherib.
-
- 608. Battle of Megiddo. Death of Josiah.
-
- 607. Fall of Nineveh and Assyria. Triumph of Babylon.
-
- 605. Battle of Carchemish. Defeat of Pharaoh Necho by
- Nebuchadrezzar.
-
- 599. First deportation of Jews to Babylon by Nebuchadrezzar.
-
- 588. Destruction of Jerusalem. Second deportation.
-
- 538. Cyrus captures Babylon.
-
- 536. Decree of Cyrus. Return of Zerubbabel and the first Jewish
- exiles.
-
- 458. Return of Ezra.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXV
-
- _HEZEKIAH_
-
- B.C. 715-686[480]
-
- 2 KINGS xviii
-
- "For Ezekias had done the thing that pleased the Lord, and was
- strong in the ways of David his father, as Esay the prophet, who
- was great and faithful in his vision, had commanded him,"--ECCLUS.
- xlviii. 22.
-
-
-The reign of Hezekiah was epoch-making in many respects, but especially
-for its religious reformation, and the relations of Judah with Assyria
-and with Babylon. It is also most closely interwoven with the annals of
-Hebrew prophecy, and acquires unwonted lustre from the magnificent
-activity and impassioned eloquence of the great prophet Isaiah, who
-merits in many ways the title of "the Evangelical Prophet," and who was
-the greatest of the prophets of the Old Dispensation.
-
-According to the notice in 2 Kings xviii. 2, Hezekiah was twenty-five
-years old when he began to reign in the third year of Hoshea of
-Israel. This, however, is practically impossible consistently with the
-dates that Ahaz reigned sixteen years and became king at the age of
-twenty, for it would then follow that Hezekiah was born when his
-father was a mere boy--and this, although Hezekiah does not seem to
-have been the eldest son; for Ahaz had burnt "his son," and, according
-to the Chronicler, more than one son, to propitiate Moloch. Probably
-Hezekiah was a boy of fifteen when he began to reign. The chronology
-of his reign of twenty-nine years is, unhappily, much confused.
-
-The historian of the Kings agrees with the Chronicler, and the son of
-Sirach, in pronouncing upon him a high eulogy, and making him equal
-even to David in faithfulness. There is, however, much difference in
-the method of their descriptions of his doings. The historian devotes
-but one verse to his reformation--which probably began early in his
-reign, though it occupied many years. The Chronicler, on the other
-hand, in his three chapters manages to overlook, if not to suppress,
-the one incident of the reformation which is of the deepest interest.
-It is exactly one of those suppressions which help to create the deep
-misgiving as to the historic exactness of this biassed and late
-historian. It must be regarded as doubtful whether many of the Levitic
-details in which he revels are or are not intended to be literally
-historic. Imaginative additions to literal history became common among
-the Jews after the Exile, and leaders of that day instinctively drew
-the line between moral homiletics and literal history. It may be
-perfectly historical that, as the Chronicler says, Hezekiah opened and
-repaired the Temple; gathered the priests and the Levites together,
-and made them cleanse themselves; offered a solemn sacrifice;
-reappointed the musical services; and--though this can hardly have
-been till after the Fall of Samaria in 722--invited all the Israelites
-to a solemn, but in some respects irregular, passover of fourteen
-days. It may be true also that he broke up the idolatrous altars in
-Jerusalem, and tossed their _débris_ into the Kidron; and (again after
-the deportation of Israel) destroyed some of the _bamoth_ in Israel as
-well as in Judah. If he reinstituted the courses of the priests, the
-collection of tithes, and all else that he is said to have done,[481]
-he accomplished quite as much as was effected in the reign of his
-great-grandson Josiah. But while the Chronicler dwells on all this at
-such length, what induces him to omit the most significant fact of
-all--the destruction of the brazen serpent?
-
-The historian tells us that Hezekiah "removed the _bamoth_"--the
-chapels on the high places, with their ephods and teraphim--whether
-dedicated to the worship of Jehovah or profaned by alien idolatry.
-That he did, or attempted, something of this kind seems certain; for
-the Rabshakeh, if we regard his speech as historical in its details,
-actually taunted him with impiety, and threatened him with the wrath
-of Jehovah on this very account. Yet here we are at once met with the
-many difficulties with which the history of Israel abounds, and which
-remind us at every turn that we know much less about the inner life
-and religious conditions of the Hebrews than we might infer from a
-superficial study of the historians who wrote so many centuries after
-the events which they describe. Over and over again their incidental
-notices reveal a condition of society and worship which violently
-collides with what seems to be their general estimate. Who, for
-instance, would not infer from this notice that in Judah, at any rate,
-the king's suppression of the "high places," and above all of those
-which were idolatrous, had been tolerably thorough? How much, then,
-are we amazed to find that Hezekiah had not effectually desecrated
-even the old shrines which Solomon had erected to Ashtoreth, Chemosh,
-and Milcom[482] "at the right hand of the mount of corruption"--in
-other words, on one of the peaks of the Mount of Olives, in full view
-of the walls of Jerusalem and of the Temple Hill!
-
-"And he brake the images," or, as the R.V. more correctly renders it,
-"the pillars," the _matstseboth_. Originally--that is, before the
-appearance of the Deuteronomic and the Priestly Codes--no objection
-seems to have been felt to the erection of a _matstsebah_. Jacob erected
-one of these _baitulia_ or anointed stones at Bethel, with every sign of
-Divine approval.[483] Moses erected twelve round his altar at
-Sinai.[484] Joshua erected them in Shechem and on Mount Ebal. Hosea, in
-one passage (iii. 4), seems to mention pillars, ephods, and teraphim as
-legitimate objects of desire. Whether they have any relation to
-obelisks, and what is their exact significance, is uncertain; but they
-had become objects of just suspicion in the universal tendency to
-idolatry, and in the deepening conviction that the second commandment
-required a far more rigid adherence than it had hitherto received.
-
-"And cut down the groves"--or rather the Asherim, the wooden, and
-probably in some instances phallic, emblems of the nature-goddess
-Asherah, the goddess of fertility.[485] She is sometimes identified with
-Astarte, the goddess of the moon and of love; but there is no
-sufficient ground for the identification. Some, indeed, doubt whether
-Asherah is the name of a goddess at all. They suppose that the word only
-means a consecrated pole or pillar, emblematic of the sacred tree.[486]
-
-Then comes the startling addition, "And brake in pieces the brazen
-serpent that Moses had made: _for unto those days the children of
-Israel did burn incense to it_." This addition is all the more
-singular because the Hebrew tense implies habitual worship. The story
-of the brazen serpent of the wilderness is told in Num. xxi. 9; but
-not an allusion to it occurs anywhere, till now--some eight centuries
-later--we are told that up to this time the children of Israel had
-been in the habit of burning incense to it! Comparing Num. xxi. 4,
-with xxxiii. 42, we find that the scene of the serpent-plague of the
-Exodus was either Zalmonah ("the place of the image") or Punon, which
-Bochart connects with Phainoi, a place mentioned as famous for
-copper-mines.[487] Moses, for unknown reasons, chose it as an innocent
-and potent symbol; but obviously in later days it subserved, or was
-mingled with, the tendency to ophiolatry, which has been fatally
-common in all ages in many heathen lands. It is indeed most difficult
-to understand a state of things in which the children of Israel
-habitually _burned incense_ to this venerable relic, nor can we
-imagine that this was done without the cognisance and connivance of
-the priests. Ewald makes the conjecture that the brazen _Saraph_ had
-been left at Zalmonah, and was an occasional object of Israelite
-adoration in pilgrimage for the purpose. There is, however, nothing
-more extraordinary in the prevalence of serpent-worship among the Jews
-than in the fact that, "in the cities of Judah and the streets of
-Jerusalem, we" (the Jews), "and our fathers, our kings, and our
-princes, burnt incense unto the Queen of Heaven."[488] If this were
-the case, the serpent may have been brought to Jerusalem in the
-idolatrous reign of Ahaz. It shows an intensity of reforming zeal, and
-an inspired insight into the reality of things, that Hezekiah should
-not have hesitated to smash to pieces so interesting a relic of the
-oldest history of his people, rather than see it abused to idolatrous
-purposes.[489] Certainly, in conduct so heroic, and hatred of idolatry
-so strong, the Puritans might well find sufficient authority for
-removing from Westminster Abbey the images of the Virgin, which, in
-their opinion, had been worshipped, and before which lamps had been
-perpetually burned. If we can imagine an English king breaking to
-pieces the shrine of the Confessor in the Abbey, or a French king
-destroying the sacred ampulla of Rheims or the _goupillon_ of St.
-Eligius, on the ground that many regarded them with superstitious
-reverence, we may measure the effect produced by this startling act of
-Puritan zeal on the part of Hezekiah.
-
-"And he called it _Nehushtan_." If this rendering--in which our A.V. and
-R.V. follow the LXX. and the Vulgate--be correct, Hezekiah justified the
-iconoclasm by a brilliant play of words.[490] The Hebrew words for "a
-serpent" (_nachash_) and for brass (_nechosheth_) are closely akin to
-each other; and the king showed his just estimate of the relic which had
-been so shamefully abused by contemptuously designating it--as it was in
-itself and apart from its sacred historic associations--"nehushtan," a
-thing of brass. The rendering, however, is uncertain, for the phrase may
-be impersonal--"one" or "they" called it Nehushtan[491]--in which case
-the assonance had lost any ironic connotation.[492]
-
-For this act of purity of worship, and for other reasons, the
-historian calls Hezekiah the best of all the kings of Judah, superior
-alike to all his predecessors and all his successors. He regarded him
-as coming up to the Deuteronomic ideal, and says that therefore "the
-Lord was with him, and he prospered whithersoever he went forth."
-
-The date of this great reformation is rendered uncertain by the
-impossibility of ascertaining the exact order of Isaiah's prophecies.
-The most probable view is that it was gradual, and some of the king's
-most effective measures may not have been carried out till after the
-deliverance from Assyria. It is clear, however, that the wisdom of
-Hezekiah and his counsellors began from the first to uplift Judah from
-the degradation and decrepitude to which it had sunk under the reign of
-Ahaz. The boy-king found a wretched state of affairs at his accession.
-His father had bequeathed to him "an empty treasury, a ruined peasantry,
-an unprotected frontier, and a shattered army";[493] but although he was
-still the vassal of Assyria, he reverted to the ideas of his
-great-grandfather Uzziah. He strengthened the city, and enabled it to
-stand a siege by improving the water-supply. Of these labours we have,
-in all probability, a most interesting confirmation in the inscription
-by Hezekiah's engineers, discovered in 1880, on the rocky walls of the
-subterranean tunnel (_siloh_) between the spring of Gihon and the Pool
-of Siloam.[494] He encouraged agriculture, the storage of produce, and
-the proper tendance of flocks and herds, so that he acquired wealth
-which dimly reminded men of the days of Solomon.
-
-There is little doubt that he early meditated revolt from Assyria; for
-renewed faithfulness to Jehovah had elevated the moral tone, and
-therefore the courage and hopefulness, of the whole people. The
-Forty-Sixth Psalm, whatever may be its date, expresses the invincible
-spirit of a nation which in its penitence and self-purification began
-to feel itself irresistible, and could sing:--
-
- "God is our hope and strength,
- A very present help in trouble.
- Therefore will we not fear, though the earth be moved,
- Though the hills be carried into the midst of the sea.
- There is a river, the streams whereof make glad the city of
- God,
- The Holy City where dwells the Most High.
- God is in the midst of her; therefore shall she not be
- shaken:
- God shall help her, and that right early.
- Heathens raged and kingdoms trembled:
- He lifted His voice--the earth melted away.
- Jehovah of Hosts is with us;
- Elohim of Jacob is our refuge."[495]
-
-It was no doubt the spirit of renewed confidence which led Hezekiah to
-undertake his one military enterprise--the chastisement of the
-long-troublesome Philistines. He was entirely successful. He not only
-won back the cities which his father had lost,[496] but he also
-dispossessed them of their own cities, even unto Gaza, which was their
-southernmost possession--"from the tower of the watchman to the fenced
-city."[497] There can be no doubt that this act involved an almost open
-defiance of the Assyrian King; but if Hezekiah dreamed of independence,
-it was essential for him to be free from the raids and the menace of a
-neighbour so dangerous as Philistia, and so inveterately hostile. It is
-not improbable that he may have devoted to this war the money which
-would otherwise have gone to pay the tribute to Shalmaneser or Sargon,
-which had been continued since the date of the appeal of Ahaz to
-Tiglath-Pileser II. When Sargon applied for the tribute Hezekiah refused
-it, and even omitted to send the customary present.
-
-It is clear that in this line of conduct the king was following the
-exhortations of Isaiah. It showed no small firmness of character that
-he was able to choose a decided course amid the chaos of contending
-counsels. Nothing but a most heroic courage could have enabled him, at
-any period of his reign, to defy that dark cloud of Assyrian war which
-ever loomed on the horizon, and from which but little sufficed to
-elicit the destructive lightning-flash.
-
-There were three permanent parties in the Court of Hezekiah, each
-incessantly trying to sway the king to its own counsels, and each
-representing those counsels as indispensable to the happiness, and
-even to the existence, of the State.
-
-I. There was the Assyrian party, urging with natural vehemence that
-the fierce northern king was as irresistible in power as he was
-terrible in vengeance. The fearful cruelties which had been committed
-at Beth-Arbel, the devastation and misery of the Trans-Jordanic
-tribes, the obliteration and deportation of the heavily afflicted
-districts of Zebulon, Naphtali, and the way of the sea in Galilee of
-the nations, the already inevitable and imminent destruction of
-Samaria and her king and the whole Northern Kingdom, together with
-that certain deportation of its inhabitants of which the fatal policy
-had been established by Tiglath-Pileser, would constitute weighty
-arguments against resistance. Such considerations would appeal
-powerfully to the panic of the despondent section of the community,
-which was only actuated, as most men are, by considerations of
-ordinary political expediency. The foul apparition of the Ninevites,
-which for five centuries afflicted the nations, is now only visible to
-us in the bas-reliefs and inscriptions unearthed from their burnt
-palaces. There they live before us in their own sculptures, with their
-"thickset, sensual figures," and the expression of calm and settled
-ferocity on their faces, exhibiting a frightful nonchalance as they
-look on at the infliction of diabolical atrocities upon their
-vanquished enemies. But in the eighth century before Christ they were
-visible to all the eastern world in the exuberance of the most brutal
-parts of the nature of man. Men had heard how, a century earlier,
-Assurnazipal boasted that he had "dyed the mountains of the Nairi with
-blood like wool"; how he had flayed captive kings alive, and dressed
-pillars with their skins; how he had walled up others alive, or
-impaled them on stakes; how he had burnt boys and girls alive, put out
-eyes, cut off hands, feet, ears, and noses, pulled out the tongues of
-his enemies, and "at the command of Assur his god" had flung their
-limbs to vultures and eagles, to dogs and bears. The Jews, too, must
-have realised with a vividness which is to us impossible the cruel
-nature of the usurper Sargon. He is represented on his monuments as
-putting out with his own hands the eyes of his miserable captives;
-while, to prevent them from flinching when the spear which he holds in
-his hand is plunged into their eye-sockets, a hook is inserted
-through their nose and lips and held fast with a bridle. Can we not
-imagine the pathos with which this party would depict such horrors to
-the tremblers of Judah? Would they not bewail the fanaticism which led
-the prophets to seduce their king into the suicidal policy of defying
-such a power? To these men the sole path of national safety lay in
-continuing to be quiet vassals and faithful tributaries of these
-destroyers of cities and treaders-down of foes.
-
-II. Then there was the Egyptian party, headed probably by the powerful
-Shebna, the chancellor.[498] His foreign name, the fact that his
-father is not mentioned, and the question of Isaiah--"What hast thou
-here? and whom hast thou here, that thou hast hewed thee out a
-sepulchre here?"--seem to indicate that he was by birth a foreigner,
-perhaps a Syrian.[499] The prophet, indignant at his powerful
-interference with domestic politics, threatens him, in words of
-tremendous energy, with exile and degradation.[500] He lost his place
-of chancellor, and we next find him in the inferior, though still
-honourable, office of secretary (_sopher_, 2 Kings xviii. 18), while
-Eliakim had been promoted to his vacant place (Isa. xxii. 21). Perhaps
-he may have afterwards repented, and the doom have been
-lightened.[501] Circumstances at any rate reduced him from the
-scornful spirit which seems to have marked his earlier opposition to
-the prophetic counsels, and perhaps the powerful warning and menace of
-Isaiah may have exercised an influence on his mind.
-
-III. The third party, if it could even be called a party, was that of
-Isaiah and a few of the faithful, aided no doubt by the influence of
-the prophecies of Micah. Their attitude to both the other parties was
-antagonistic.
-
-i. As regards the Assyrian, they did not attempt to minimise the
-danger. They represented the peril from the kingdom of Nineveh as
-God's appointed scourge for the transgressions of Judah, as it had
-been for the transgressions of Israel.
-
-Thus Micah sees in imagination the terrible march of the invader by
-Gath, Akko, Beth-le-Aphrah, Maroth, Lachish, and Adullam. He plays with
-bitter anguish on the name of each town as an omen of humiliation and
-ruin, and calls on Zion to make herself bald for the children of her
-delight, and to enlarge her baldness as the vultures, because they are
-gone into captivity.[502] He turns fiercely on the greedy grandees, the
-false prophets, the blood-stained princes, the hireling priests, the
-bribe-taking soothsayers, who were responsible for the guilt which
-should draw down the vengeance. He ends with the fearful prophecy--which
-struck a chill into men's hearts a century later, and had an important
-influence on Jewish history--"Therefore, because of you shall Zion be
-ploughed as a field, and Jerusalem become ruins, and the hill of the
-Temple as heights in the wood";--though there should be an ultimate
-deliverance from Migdal-Eder, and a remnant should be saved.[503]
-
-Similar to Micah's, and possibly not uninfluenced by it, is Isaiah's
-imaginary picture of the march of Assyria, which must have been full
-of terror to the poor inhabitants of Jerusalem.[504]
-
- "He is come to Aiath!
- He is passed through Migron!
- At Michmash he layeth up his baggage:
- They are gone over the pass:
- 'Geba,' they cry, 'is our lodging.'
- Ramah trembleth:
- Gibeah of Saul is fled!
- Raise thy shrill cries, O daughter of Gallim!
- Hearken, O Laishah! Answer her, O Anathoth!
- Madmenah is in wild flight (?).
- The inhabitants of Gebim gather their stuff to flee.
- This very day shall he halt at Nob.
- He shaketh his hand at the mount of the daughter of Zion,
- The hill of Jerusalem."
-
-Yet Isaiah, and the little band of prophets, in spite of their perils,
-did _not_ share the views of the Assyrian party or counsel submission.
-On the contrary, even as they contemplate in imagination this terrific
-march of Sargon, they threaten Assyria. The Assyrian might smite Judah,
-but God should smite the Assyrians. He boasts that he will rifle the
-riches of the people as one robs the eggs of a trembling bird, which
-does not dare to cheep or move the wing.[505] But Isaiah tells him that
-he is but the axe boasting against the hewer, and the wooden staff
-lifting itself up against its wielder. Burning should be scattered over
-his glory. The Lord of hosts should lop his boughs with terror, and a
-mighty one should hew down the crashing forest of his haughty Lebanon.
-
-ii. Still more indignant were the true prophets against those who
-trusted in an alliance with Egypt. From first to last Isaiah warned
-Ahaz, and warned Hezekiah, that no reliance was to be placed on
-Egyptian promises--that Egypt was but like the reed of his own Nile.
-He mocked the hopes placed on Egyptian intervention as being no less
-sure of disannulment than a covenant with death and an agreement with
-Sheol. This rebellious reliance on the shadow of Egypt was but the
-weaving of an unrighteous web, and the adding of sin to sin. It should
-lead to nothing but shame and confusion, and the Jewish ambassadors to
-Zoan and Egypt should only have to blush for a people that could
-neither help nor profit. And then branding Egypt with the old
-insulting name of Rahab, or "Blusterer," he says,--
-
- "Egypt helpeth in vain, and to no purpose.
- Therefore have I called her 'Rahab, that sitteth still.'"
-
-Indolent braggart--that was the only designation which she deserved!
-Intrigue and braggadocio--smoke and lukewarm water,--this was all
-which could be expected from _her_![506]
-
-Such teaching was eminently distasteful to the worldly politicians,
-who regarded faith in Jehovah's intervention as no better than
-ridiculous fanaticism, and forgot God's wisdom in the inflated
-self-satisfaction of their own. The priests--luxurious, drunken,
-scornful--were naturally with them. Men were fine and stylish, and in
-their religious criticisms could not express too lofty a contempt for
-any one who, like Isaiah, was too sincere to care for the mere
-polishing of phrases, and too much in earnest to shrink from
-reiteration. In their self-indulgent banquets these sleek, smug
-euphemists made themselves very merry over Isaiah's simplicity,
-reiteration, and directness of expression. With hiccoughing insolence
-they asked whether they were to be treated like weaned babes; and then
-wagging their heads, as their successors did at Christ upon the cross,
-they indulged themselves in a mimicry, which they regarded as witty,
-of Isaiah's style and manner. With him they said it is all,--
-
- "Tsav-la-tsav, tsav-la-tsav,
- Quav-la-quav, quav-la-quav,
- Z'eir sham, Z'eir sham!"--
-
-which may be imitated thus:--With him it is always "Bit and bit, bid
-and bid, for-bid and for-bid, for_bid_ and for_bid_, a lit-tle bit
-here, a lit-tle bit there."[507] Monosyllable is heaped on
-monosyllable; and no doubt the speakers tipsily adopted the tones of
-fond mothers addressing their babes and weanlings. Using the Hebrew
-words, one of these shameless roysterers would say, "_Tsav-la-tsav,
-tsav-la-tsav, quav-la-quav, quav-la-quav, Z'eir sham, Z'eir
-sham_,--that is how that simpleton Isaiah speaks." And then doubtless
-a drunken laugh would go round the table, and half a dozen of them
-would be saying thus, "_Tsav-la-tsav, tsav-la-tsav_," at once. They
-derided Isaiah just as the philosophers of Athens derided St. Paul--as
-a mere _spermologos_, "a seed-pecker!"[508] or "picker-up of
-learning's crumbs." Is all this petty monosyllabism fit teaching for
-persons like us? Are we to be taught by copybooks? Do we need the
-censorship of this Old Morality?
-
-On whom, full of the fire of God, Isaiah turned, and told these
-scornful tipsters, who lorded it over God's heritage in Jerusalem,
-that, since they disdained his stammerings, God would teach them by
-men of strange lips and alien tongue. They might mimic the style of
-the Assyrians also if they liked; but they should fall backward, and
-be broken, and snared, and taken.[509]
-
-It must not be forgotten that the struggle of the prophets against these
-parties was far more severe than we might suppose. The politicians of
-expediency had supporters among the leading princes. The priests--whom
-the prophets so constantly and sternly denounce--adhered to them; and,
-as usual, the women were all of the priestly party (comp. Isa. xxxii.
-9-20). The king, indeed, was inclined to side with his prophet, but the
-king was terribly overshadowed by a powerful and worldly aristocracy, of
-which the influence was almost always on the side of luxury, idolatry,
-and oppression.
-
-iii. But what had Isaiah to offer in the place of the policy of these
-worldly and sacerdotal advisers of the king? It was the simple command
-"Trust in the Lord." It was the threefold message "God is high; God
-is near; God is Love."[510] Had he not told Ahaz not to fear the
-"stumps of two smouldering torches," when Rezin and Pekah seemed
-awfully dangerous to Judah? So he tells them now that, though their
-sins had necessitated the rushing stroke of Assyrian judgment, Zion
-should not be utterly destroyed. In Isaiah "the calmness requisite for
-sagacity rose from faith." Mr. Bagehot might have appealed to Isaiah's
-whole policy in illustration of what he has so well described as the
-military and political benefits of religion. Monotheism is of
-advantage to men not only "by reason of the high concentration of
-steady feeling which it produces, but also for the mental calmness and
-sagacity which surely springs from a pure and vivid conviction that
-the Lord reigneth."[511] Isaiah's whole conviction might have been
-summed up in the name of the king himself: "Jehovah maketh strong."
-
-King Hezekiah, apparently not a man of much personal force, though of
-sincere piety, was naturally distracted by the counsels of these three
-parties: and who can judge him severely if, beset with such terrific
-dangers, he occasionally wavered, now to one side, now to the other?
-On the whole, it is clear that he was wise and faithful, and deserves
-the high eulogy that his faith failed not. Naturally he had not within
-his soul that burning light of inspiration which made Isaiah so sure
-that, even though clouds and darkness might lower on every side, God
-was an eternal Sun, which flamed for ever in the zenith, even when not
-visible to any eye save that of Faith.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[480] The first of these dates is highly uncertain, as is the entire
-chronology of this reign. I follow Kittel.
-
-[481] 2 Chron. xxxi. 2-21.
-
-[482] Josiah did this many years later (2 Kings xxiii. 13).
-
-[483] Gen. xxxv. 14. See Spencer, _De legg. Hebr._, i. 444; Bochart,
-_Canaan_, ii. 2.
-
-[484] Exod. xxiv. 4. Comp. Deut. vii. 5, xii. 3, xvi. 22; Lev. xxvi.
-1; 2 Chron. xiv. 3, xxxi. 1; Jer. xliii. 13; Hos. x. 2; Mic. v. 13
-(where the A.V. often has "statue" or "image"). Comp. Clem. Alex.,
-_Strom._, i. 24; Arnob., _c. Gent._, i. 39.
-
-[485] The rendering "grove" in the A.V. is borrowed from the [Greek:
-alsos] of the LXX., and the _lucus_ of the Vulgate. On the connection
-of the Asherah with the sacred tree of the Assyrian, see my article on
-"Grove" in Smith's _Dict. of the Bible_; and Fergusson, _Nineveh and
-Persepolis Restored_, 299-304. On the worship of Asherah, see 1 Kings
-xv. 13; 2 Kings xxi. 3-7, xxiii. 4; 2 Chron. xv. 16; Judg. iii. 5-7,
-vi. 25, xviii. 18. Baudissin in _Herzog Realencykl._, _s.v._ We may
-well be startled by the prevalence of idolatry in Jerusalem revealed
-in Isa. x. 11, xxvii. 9, xxix. 11, xxx. 9, 22, etc.
-
-[486] See Wellhausen, _Hist._, 235; Stade, _Gesch. d. V. I._, 460; W.
-R. Smith, _Religion of the Semites_, 171; Cheyne, _Isaiah_, ii. 303;
-Renan, _Hist. du Peuple d'Israel_, i. 230 (Prof. Driver, _Bibl.
-Dict._, i. 258, 2nd edition).
-
-[487] _Hierozoicon_, ii. 3, § 13.
-
-[488] Jer. xliv. 17. In the collection of antiquities of Baron
-Ustinoff at Jaffa are five or six dragon-headed serpents, with ears of
-copper and hollow inside. They are ancient, and were perhaps used as
-talismanic copies of Nehushtan.
-
-[489] If this was a genuine relic, it must have been nearly eight
-hundred years old. It is never mentioned elsewhere.
-
-[490] [Hebrew: nechushtan], "a brazen thing." The king certainly showed
-a horror of sacerdotal imposture and religious materialism. Yet Renan
-argues, from Isa. x. 11, xxvii. 9, xxx. 9, 22, that he must have had a
-certain amount of tolerance. See _Hist. du Peuple d'Israel_, iii. 30.
-
-[491] 2 Kings xviii. 4. _Vayyikra_ is like the English indefinite
-plural. The impersonal rendering (as in other passages) is adopted in
-the Targum of Jonathan, the Peshito, etc., and by Luther, Bunsen,
-Ewald, and most moderns.
-
-[492] This relic is still shown in the Church of St. Ambrose at Milan.
-It used to be the popular notion that it would hiss at the end of the
-world. The history of the Milan "relic" is that a Milanese envoy to
-the court of the Emperor John Zimisces at Constantinople chose it from
-the imperial treasures, being assured that it was made of the same
-metal that Hezekiah had broken up (Sigonius, _Hist. Regn. Ital._,
-vii.). It is probably a symbol used by some ophite sect. See Dean
-Plumptre, _Dict. of Bibl._, _s.v._ "Serpent."
-
-[493] 2 Kings xvi. 8; Driver, _Isaiah_, 68.
-
-[494] The diverting of the water-courses enabled him to bring the water
-into the city by a subterranean tunnel. The Saracens took a similar
-precaution (Gul. Tyr., viii. 7). See Appendix II., where the inscription
-is given; and compare 2 Chron. xxxii. 30. Apparently it carried the
-water of Gihon to the south-east gate, where were the king's gardens.
-Ecclus. xlviii. 17: "Ezekias fortified his city, and brought in water
-into the midst thereof: he digged the hard rock with iron, and made
-wells for water." For "water" the MSS. read "Gog," a corruption probably
-for [Greek: agôgon], "a conduit" (Geiger) or "Gihon" (Fritzsche).
-
-[495] Psalm xlvi. 1-11.
-
-[496] 2 Chron. xxviii. 18.
-
-[497] 2 Kings xviii. 8: comp. xvii. 9. Josephus says that he failed to
-take Gath (_Antt._, IX. xiii. 3).
-
-[498] A.V., "treasurer" (_soken_; lit., "deputy" or "associate": Isa.
-xxii. 15). He was "over the household." The Egyptian alliance had for
-Judah, as Renan points out, some of the fascination that a Russian
-alliance has often had for troubled spirits in France (_Hist. du
-Peuple d'Israel_, iii. 12).
-
-[499] Renan says that he may have been a Sebennyite, and his name
-Sebent.
-
-[500] Isa. xxii. 17, 18: "Behold, the Lord shall sling and sling, and
-pack and pack, and toss and toss thee away like a ball into a distant
-land; and there thou shalt die" (Stanley). The versions vary
-considerably.
-
-[501] Isa. xxxvii. 2. There can be little doubt that there were not
-_two_ Shebnas.
-
-[502] Mic. i. 10-16. See the writer's _Minor Prophets_ ("Men of the
-Bible" Series), pp. 130-133, for an explanation of this enigmatic
-prophecy.
-
-[503] Jer. xxvi. 8-24. He tells us that the prophecy was delivered in
-the reign of Hezekiah. See my _Minor Prophets_, pp. 123-140.
-
-[504] Isa. x. 28-32. It would involve a cross-country route over
-several deep ravines--_e.g._, the Wady Suweinit, near Michmash. In 1
-Sam. xiv. 2, Thenius, for "Migron," reads "the Precipice." Some take
-Aiath for Ai, three miles south of Bethel. Renan says (_Hist. du
-Peuple d'Israel_, iii.): "Nom d'Anathoth, arrangé symboliquement."
-
-[505] Isa. x. 14. The metaphor of a bird's nest occurs more than once
-in the boastful Assyrian records.
-
-[506] Isa. xxx. 1-7. Rahab means "fierceness," "insolence." For the
-various uses of the word, see Job xxvi. 12; Isa. li. 9, 10, 15; Psalm
-lxxxix. 9, 10, lxxxvii. 4, 5.
-
-[507] See Dr. S. Cox (_Expositor_, i. 98-104) on Isa. xxviii. 7-13.
-
-[508] Acts xvii. 18.
-
-[509] Isa. xxviii. 7-22.
-
-[510] Professor Smith, _Isaiah_, i. 12.
-
-[511] Bagehot, _Physics and Politics_, p. 73; Smith, _Isaiah_, 109.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXVI
-
- _HEZEKIAH'S SICKNESS, AND THE EMBASSY FROM
- BABYLON_
-
- 2 KINGS xx. 1-19
-
- "Thou hast loved me out of the pit of nothingness."--ISA. xxxviii.
- 17 (A.V., margin).
-
- "See the shadow of the dial
- In the lot of every one
- Marks the passing of the trial,
- Proves the presence of the Sun."
- E. B. BROWNING.
-
-
-In the chaos of uncertainties which surrounds the chronology of King
-Hezekiah's reign, it is impossible to fix a precise date to the
-sickness which almost brought him to the grave. It has, however, been
-conjectured by some Assyriologists that the story of this episode has
-been displaced, because it seemed to break the continuity of the
-narrative of the Assyrian invasion; and that, though it is placed in
-the Book of Kings after the deliverance from Sennacherib, it really
-followed the earlier incursion of Sargon. This is rendered more
-probable by Isaiah's promise (2 Kings xx. 6), "I will deliver thee and
-this city out of the hand of the King of Assyria," and by the fact
-that Hezekiah still possessed such numerous and splendid treasures to
-display to the ambassadors of Merodach-Baladan. This could hardly have
-been the case after he had been forced to pay a fine to the King of
-Assyria of all the silver that was found in the house of the Lord, and
-in the treasures of the king's house, to cut off the gold from the
-doors and pillars of the Temple, and even to send as captives to
-Nineveh some of his wives, and of the eunuchs of his palace.[512] The
-date "in those days" (2 Kings xx. 1) is vague and elastic, and may
-apply to any time before or after the great invasion.
-
-He was sick unto death. The only indication which we have of the
-nature of his illness is that it took the form of a carbuncle or
-imposthume,[513] which could be locally treated, but which, in days of
-very imperfect therapeutic knowledge, might easily end in death,
-especially if it were on the back of the neck. The conjecture of
-Witsius and others that it was a form of the plague which they suppose
-to have caused the disaster to the Assyrian army has nothing whatever
-to recommend it.
-
-Seeing the fatal character of his illness, Isaiah came to the king
-with the dark message, "Set thine house in order; for thou shalt die,
-and not live."
-
-The message is interesting as furnishing yet another proof that even
-the most positive announcements of the prophets were, and were always
-meant to be, to some extent hypothetical and dependent on unexpressed
-conditions. This was the case with the famous prophecy of Micah that
-Zion should be ploughed down into a heap of ruins. It was never
-fulfilled; yet the prophet lost none of his authority, for it was well
-understood that the doom which would otherwise have been carried out
-had been averted by timely penitence.
-
-But the message of Isaiah fell with terrible anguish on the heart of
-the suffering king. He had hoped for a better fate. He had begun a
-great religious reformation. He had uplifted his people, at least in
-part, out of the moral slough into which they had fallen in the days
-of his predecessor. He had inspired into his threatened capital
-something of his own faith and courage. Surely he, if any man, might
-claim the old promises which Jehovah in His loving-kindness and truth
-had sworn to his father David and his father Abraham, that he being
-delivered out of the hand of his enemies should serve God without
-fear, walking in holiness and righteousness before Him all the days of
-his life. He was but a young man still--perhaps not yet thirty years
-old; further, not only would he leave behind him an unfinished work,
-but he was childless,[514] and therefore it seemed as if with him
-would end the direct line of the house of David, heir to so many
-precious promises. He has left us--it is preserved in the Book of
-Isaiah--the poem which he wrote on his recovery, but which enshrines
-the emotion of his agonising anticipations[515]:--
-
- "I said, In the noontide of my days I shall go into the gates of
- Sheol.
- I am deprived of the residue of my years.
- I said, I shall not see Yah, Yah, in the land of the living,
- I shall behold no man more, when I am among them that cease to be.
- Mine habitation is removed, and is carried away from me like a
- shepherd's tent.
- Like a weaver I have rolled up my life; he will cut me from the
- thrum.
-
- * * * * *
-
- Like a swallow or a crane, so did I chatter;
- I did mourn as a dove; mine eyes fail with looking upward.
- O Lord, I am oppressed; be Thou my surety."
-
-We must remember, as we contemplate his utter prostration of soul,
-that he was not blessed, as we are, with the sure and certain hope of
-the resurrection to eternal life. All was dim and dark, to him in the
-shadowy world of _eidola_ beyond the grave, and many a century was to
-elapse before Christ brought life and immortality to light. To enter
-Sheol meant to Hezekiah to pass beyond the cheerful sunshine of earth
-and the felt presence of God. No more worship, no more gladness there!
-
- "For Sheol cannot praise Thee, Death cannot celebrate Thee;
- They that go down into the pit cannot hope for Thy truth."
-
-On every ground, therefore, the feelings of Hezekiah, had he not been a
-worshipper of God, might have been like those of Mycerinus, and, like
-that legendary Egyptian king, he might have cursed God before he died.
-
- "My father loved injustice, and lived long;
- I loved the good he scorned and hated wrong--
- The gods declare my recompense to-day.
- I looked for life more lasting, rule more high;
- And when six years are measured, lo, I die!
- Yet surely, O my people, did I ween
- Man's justice from the all-just gods was given,
- A light that from some upper point did beam,
- Some better archetype whose seat was heaven:
- A light that, shining from the blest abodes,
- Did shadow somewhat of the life of gods."
-
-The indignation of Mycerinus often finds an echo on Pagan tombstones,
-as in the famous epitaph on the grave of the girl Procope:--
-
- "I, Procope, lift up my hands against the gods,
- Who took me hence undeserving,
- Aged nineteen years."
-
-It was far otherwise with Hezekiah. There was anguish in his heart,
-but no rebellion or defiance. He wept sore; he turned his face to the
-wall and wept;[516] but as he wept he also prayed, and said,--
-
-"O Lord, remember now how I have walked before Thee in truth, and with
-a perfect heart, and have done that which is good in Thy sight."
-
-Isaiah, after delivering his dark message, and doubtless adding to it
-such words of human consolation as were possible--if under such
-circumstances any were possible--had left the king's chamber. On every
-ground his feelings must have been almost as overwhelmed with sorrow as
-those of the king. Hezekiah was personally his friend, and the hope of
-his nation. Doubtless the prophet's prayers rose as fervently and as
-effectually as those of Luther, which snatched his friend Melanchthon
-back from the very gates of death. By the time that he had reached the
-middle of the court,[517] he felt borne in upon him, by that Divine
-intuition which constituted his prophetic call, the certainty that God
-would withdraw the immediate doom which he had been commissioned to
-announce. It has been conjectured by some that the conviction was
-deepened in his mind by observing on the steps of Ahaz one of those
-remarkable but rare effects of refraction--or, as some have conjectured,
-of a solar eclipse, involving an obscuration of the upper limb of the
-sun--which had seemed to take the advancing shadow ten steps backwards;
-and that this was to him a sign from heaven of the promise of God and
-the prolongation of the king's life. Awestruck and glad, he hastened
-back into the presence of the dying king with the life-giving message
-that God had heard his prayer, and seen his tears, and would add fifteen
-years to his life, and would defend him, and deliver him and Jerusalem
-out of the hand of the King of Assyria. And this should be the sign to
-him from Jehovah--Jehovah would bring again the shadow ten steps up the
-stairs of Ahaz. To this sign--if it was visible from the
-chamber-window--he called the attention of the astonished king.[518]
-
-We here naturally follow the narrative of Isaiah himself, as more
-authoritative than that of the historian of the Kings as to details in
-which they differ.[519] Not only is it quite in accordance with all
-that we know of history that slight variations should occur in the
-traditions of long-past times, but the text of the Book of Kings
-suggests some difficulty. There we read that Hezekiah asked Isaiah
-what should be the sign of the promise--not mentioned in Isaiah--that
-he should go up to the House of the Lord the third day. Isaiah then
-asked him whether the sign should be that the shadow should advance
-ten steps, or recede ten steps. But there is no interrogation in the
-Hebrew, which rather means, "The shadow hath advanced ten steps ... if
-it shall recede ten steps?" or if we insert the interrogation in the
-first clause, "Hath the shadow advanced ten steps?"[520] The king's
-natural answer to so strange an alternative would be that for the
-shadow to advance ten steps was nothing; whereas its retrogression
-would be a sign indeed. Then Isaiah cried unto Jehovah, and the shadow
-went backward. In the obvious divergence of details we naturally
-follow Isaiah himself; and if it be a true and understood rule of all
-theology, "_Miracula non sunt multiplicanda præter necessitatem_," the
-miracle in this case--in the opportuneness of its occurrence, and the
-issues which it inspired--was none the less a miracle because it was
-carried out in direct accordance with God's unseen, perpetual,
-miraculous Providence, which none but unbelievers will nickname
-Chance. That we are here dealing with an historic incident is certain;
-and they who see and acknowledge God in all history find no difficulty
-at all in seeing His dealings with men in striking interpositions. But
-these, by the analogy of His whole Divine economy, would naturally be
-out in accordance with natural laws.
-
-The words rendered "the sun-dial of Ahaz" mean no more than "the steps
-[_ma'aloth_] of Ahaz." Ahaz evidently was a king of æsthetic tastes,
-who was fond of introducing foreign novelties and curiosities into
-Jerusalem.[521] Steps, with a staff on the top of them as a gnomon, to
-serve as sun-dials had been invented at Babylon, and Ahaz may probably
-have become acquainted with their form and use when he paid his visit to
-Tiglath-Pileser at Damascus. No one could blame him--it was indeed a
-meritorious act--to introduce to his people so useful an invention. The
-word "hour" first occurs in Dan. iii. 6, and it was doubtless from
-Babylon that the Hebrews borrowed the division of days into hours. This
-is the earliest instance in the Bible of the mention of any instrument
-to measure time. That the recession of the shadow could be caused by
-refraction is certain, for it has been observed in modern days. Thus, as
-is mentioned by Rosenmüller, on March 27th, 1703, Père Romauld, prior of
-the monastery at Metz, noticed that the shadow on his dial deviated an
-hour and a half, owing to refraction in the higher regions of the
-atmosphere.[522] Or again, according to Mr. Bosanquet, the same effect
-might have been produced by the darkening shadow of an eclipse. But
-while he appealed to Divine indications the great prophet did not
-neglect natural remedies. He ordered that a cake of figs should be laid
-on the imposthume. It was a recognised and an efficient remedy, still
-recommended, centuries later, by Dioscorides, by Pliny, and by St.
-Jerome. By God's blessing on man's therapeutic care, the king was
-speedily rescued from the gates of death. Constantly in Scripture what
-we call the miraculous and what we call the providential are mingled
-together. To those who regard the providential as a constant miracle,
-the question of the miraculous becomes subordinate.[523]
-
-With intense joy and gratitude the king hailed the respite which God
-had granted him. In fifteen years much might be done, much might be
-hoped for. All this he acknowledged with deep feeling in the song
-which he wrote on his recovery.
-
- "I shall go as in solemn procession[524] all my years because of the
- bitterness of my soul.
- O Lord, by these things men live,
- And wholly therein is the life of my spirit.
- Behold, it was for my peace that I had great bitterness;
- But Thou hast loved my soul from the pit of nothingness:
- For Thou hast cast all my sins behind Thy back.
-
- * * * * *
-
- The Lord is ready to save me;
- Therefore will we sing my songs to the stringed instruments
- All the days of our life in the house of the Lord."[525]
-
-"The wonder done in the land" was, according to the Chronicler, one of
-the grounds for the embassy which, after his recovery, Hezekiah
-received from Merodach-Baladan, the patriot prince of Babylon. The
-other ostensible object of the embassy was to send letters and a
-present in congratulation for the king's restoration to health. But
-the real object lay deeper, out of sight. It was to secure a southern
-alliance for Babylon against the incessant tyranny of Nineveh.
-
-Merodach-Baladan is mentioned in the inscriptions of Sargon.[526] He
-is described as "Merodach-Baladan, son of Baladan, King of Sumîr and
-Accad, king of the four countries, and conqueror of all his enemies."
-There had been long struggles, lasting indeed for centuries, between
-the city on the Euphrates and the city on the Tigris. Sometimes one,
-sometimes the other, had been victorious. Babylon--on the monuments
-Kur-Dunyash--had its original Accadian name of Ca-dinirra, which, like
-its Semitic equivalent Bal-el, means "Gate of God." Kalah (Larissa and
-Birs Nimroud) had been built by Shalmaneser I. before B.C. 1300. His
-son conquered Babylon, but not permanently; for in some later raid the
-Babylonians got possession of his signet-ring, with its proud
-inscription, "Conqueror of Kur-Dunyash," and it was not recovered by
-the Assyrians till six centuries later, when it fell into the hands of
-Sennacherib. About 1150 Nebuchadrezzar I. of Babylon thrice invaded
-Assyria, but there was again peace and alliance in 1100.
-Merodach-Baladan I. reigned before 900. The king who now sought the
-friendship of Hezekiah was the second of the name. He seized or
-recovered the throne of Babylon in 721, after the death of
-Shalmaneser, perhaps because Sargon was a usurper of dubious descent.
-He helped the Elamites against Assyria. Sargon was compelled to
-retreat to Assyria, but returned in 712, and drove Merodach-Baladan to
-flight. He was captured and taken to Assyria. But on the murder of
-Sargon in 705, he again managed to seize the throne of Babylon, killed
-the viceroy who had been set up, and became king for six months. After
-this, Sennacherib invaded his country, defeated him, and drove him
-once more to flight. He was perhaps killed by his successor.
-
-Whether his overtures to Hezekiah took place before his defeat by
-Sargon, or after his escape, is uncertain. In either case he doubtless
-sent a splendid embassy, for Babylon was far-famed for its golden
-magnificence as "the glory of kingdoms" and "the beauty of the
-Chaldees' excellency."[527] At that time the Jews knew but little of
-the far-off city which was destined to be so closely interwoven with
-their future fortunes, as it was mingled with their oldest and dimmest
-traditions.[528] Apart from the magnificence of the presents brought
-to him, it was not unnatural that Hezekiah should regard this embassy
-with intense satisfaction. It was flattering to the power of his
-little kingdom that its alliance should be sought by the far-off and
-powerful capital on the great river;[529] it was still more
-encouraging to know that the frightful Nineveh had a strong enemy not
-far from her own frontier. Merodach-Baladan's ambassadors would be
-sure to inform Hezekiah that their lord had flung off the authority of
-Sargon, had kept him at bay for many years, and was still the
-undisputed king of the dominions snatched from the common enemy. It
-might have seemed reasonable that Hezekiah, for his part, should
-desire to leave the most favourable impression of his wealth and power
-on the mind of his distant and magnificent ally. He "hearkened unto"
-the ambassadors, or, more properly, "he was glad of them" (R.V.),[530]
-and "showed them all the house of his spicery and other treasures, his
-precious unguents, his armoury, his bullion, plate, and the whole
-resources of his kingdom." The Chronicler regards this as ingratitude
-to God. He says that "Hezekiah rendered not again according unto the
-benefits done unto him; for his heart was lifted up: therefore there
-was wrath upon him, and upon Judah and Jerusalem." It is a severe
-judgment of later times, and the historian of the Kings pronounces no
-such censure. Nevertheless, he records the stern sentence pronounced
-by Isaiah. The prophet had seen through the secret diplomacy of the
-Babylonian ambassadors, and knew that the real object of their mission
-was to induce his king to revolt against Assyria in reliance on an arm
-of flesh. He came to ask Hezekiah whose these men were, whence they
-came, and what they had said. The king told him who they were, and how
-he had received them; but he did not think it wise to reveal their
-secret proposals. If Isaiah had so vehemently reproved all
-negotiations with Egypt, there was little probability that he would
-sanction the overtures of Babylon. He saw in Hezekiah's conduct a vein
-of ostentatious elation, a swerving from theocratic faith; and with
-remarkable prophetic insight convinced the king of the error and
-impolicy of his proceedings, by announcing that the final and, in
-fact, irrevocable captivity of Judah would ultimately come, not from
-Nineveh, the fierce enemy, whose cloud of war was lurid on the
-horizon, but from Babylon, the apparently weaker friend, who was now
-making overtures of amity. With what heartrending grief must the king
-have heard the doom that the display of his treasures would prove to
-be in the future an incentive to the cupidity of the kings of Babylon,
-and that they would sweep away all those precious things to the banks
-of the Euphrates with such final overthrow that even the descendants
-of David should be sunk to the infinite degradation of being eunuchs
-in the palace of the King of Babylon.[531] The doom seems to have been
-fulfilled in part in the reign of Hezekiah's son, and more fearfully
-in the days of his great-grandchildren.[532]
-
-The king's pride was humbled to the dust. In the spirit of Job--"The
-Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the
-Lord"[533]--he resigned himself without a murmur to the will of
-Heaven, and exclaimed that all which God did must be well done. At
-least God granted him a respite. Peace and truth would be in his own
-days; for that let him be thankful. They were words of humble
-resignation, uttered by one who had learnt to believe that whatever
-God decreed was just and right.
-
-It would be unjust to measure the feelings of those far centuries by
-those of our own day, and there was none of the gross selfishness in
-the words of Hezekiah which led Nero to quote the line--
-
- "When I am dead, let earth be mixed with fire";
-
-or which led Louis XIV. to say--
-
- "Après moi le déluge."
-
-We may perhaps trace in his exclamation something of the fatalism
-which gives a touch of apathy to the submissiveness of the Oriental.
-Some, too, have imagined that his distress was tinged by a gleam of
-happiness at the implicit promise that he should have a son. His
-wife's name was Hephzibah ("My delight is in her"), and within two
-years she brought forth the firstborn son, whose career, indeed, was
-dark and evil, but who became in due time an ancestor of the promised
-Messiah. The name "Manasseh" given him by his parents recalled the
-child born to Joseph in the land of his exile who had caused him to
-forget his sorrows.[534] Hezekiah had the spirit which says,--
-
- "That which Thou blessest is most good,
- And unblest good is ill;
- And all is right which seems most wrong,
- So it be Thy sweet will."
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[512] One of the first to point out the _necessary_ rearrangement of
-the events of Hezekiah's reign was Dr. Hincks, in his paper on "A
-Rectification of Chronology which the newly discovered Apis-stêlês
-render necessary" (_Journ. of Sacred Lit._, October 1858). See my
-article on Hezekiah, Smith, _Dict. of the Bible_, 2nd ed., ii. 1251.
-
-[513] Heb., _sh'chîn_; LXX., [Greek: helkos]; Vulg., _ulcus_.
-
-[514] The Rabbis even make his sickness the punishment for his having
-neglected to secure an heir. He pleads that he foresaw the wickedness
-of his son. Isaiah tells him not to try to forestall God (_Berachoth_,
-f. 10, 1).
-
-[515] Isa. xxxviii. 10-20.
-
-[516] Comp. 1 Kings xxi. 4 (Ahab).
-
-[517] 2 Kings xx. 4. The _Q'rî_ or "read" text is, as here rendered,
-_chatsee_ (comp. 1 Kings vii. 8), and is followed by the LXX. ([Greek:
-en tê aulê tê mesê]), by the Vulgate (_mediam partem atrii_), and by the
-A.V. The R.V., which adopts the Kethîb or written text, _ha'îr_, renders
-it "the middle part of the city." If this be the true reading, it would
-mean that Isaiah had gone some distance from the palace, and was now
-perhaps in the Valley between the Upper and the Lower City. But it seems
-not improbable that (1) "the steps of Ahaz" would be in the royal court,
-and (2) the answer of God, like the mercy of Christ to the suffering,
-may have come promptly as an echo to the appealing cry.
-
-[518] The LXX. calls "the stairs" [Greek: anabathmous tou oikou tou
-patros sou], and so, too, Josephus (_Antt._, X. ii. 1). The Targum
-calls them "an hour-stone." Symmachus has, [Greek: strepsô tên skian
-tôn grammôn hê katebê en hôrologiô Achaz].
-
-[519] It should, however, be observed that on the question of priority
-critics are divided. Grotius, Vitringa, Paulus, Drechsler, etc.,
-thought that the account in the Book of Isaiah is the original; De
-Wette, Maurer, Koster, Winer, Driver, etc., regard that account as a
-later abbreviation, perhaps from a common source.
-
-[520] See Professor Lumby, _ad loc._
-
-[521] There is an exactly similar sun-dial not far from Delhi.
-
-[522] _Journ. of Asiatic Soc._, xv. 286-293.
-
-[523] Figs have a recognised use for imposthumes. See Dioscorides and
-Pliny quoted in Celsius, _Hierobot._, ii. 373. In the passage of
-_Berachoth_ quoted above, Hezekiah in his sickness asks Isaiah to give
-him his daughter in marriage, that he may have an heir. Isaiah replies
-that the decree of his death is irrevocable. The king bids Isaiah
-depart, and says (quoting Job xiii. 15) that a man must not despair,
-even if a sword is laid on his neck.
-
-[524] Comp. Psalm xlii. 4.
-
-[525] Isa. xxxviii. 10-20.
-
-[526] The Babylonian form of his name is Marduk-habal-iddi-na--_i.e._,
-"Merodach gave a son." He is the Mardokempados of the _Ptolemaic
-Canon_, and the second fragment of his reign (six months) is mentioned
-by Polyhistor (_ap._ Euseb.). Josephus calls him Baladan (_Antt._, X.
-ii. 2). He was originally the prince of the Chaldæan _Bit Yakîm_.
-Sargon calls him "Merodach-Baladan, the foe, the perverse, who,
-contrary to the will of the great gods, ruled as king at Babylon." He
-displaced him for a time by "Belibus, the son of a wise man, whom one
-had reared like a little dog" (as we might say "like a tame cat") "in
-my palace" (Schrader, ii. 32). In the Assyrian records he is often
-called (by mistake?) "the son of Yakim." For the adventures of the
-Babylonian hero, see Schrader, _K. A. T._, 213 ff., 224 ff., 227, and
-in Riehm, _Handwörterbuch_, ii. 982.
-
-[527] Isa. xiv. 4, xiii. 19.
-
-[528] Gen. x. 10, 11, xi. 1-9.
-
-[529] Jos., _Antt._, X. ii. 2: [Greek: Symmachon te auton einai
-parekalei kai philon.]
-
-[530] 2 Kings xx. 13. LXX., [Greek: echarê].
-
-[531] See Dan. i. 6.
-
-[532] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11.
-
-[533] Job i. 21.
-
-[534] Manasseh seems to mean "one who forgets." See Gen. xli. 51. It
-was the name of the husband of Judith (Judith viii. 2), and is found
-in Ezra x. 30, 33.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXVII
-
- _HEZEKIAH AND ASSYRIA_
-
- B.C. 701
-
- 2 KINGS xviii. 13--xix. 37.
-
- [Greek: All' ho sophôtatos basileus ouch hopla tais ekeinôn
- blasphêmiais, alla proseuchên kai dakrya kai sakkon
- antetaxen.]--THEODORET.
-
- "When, sudden--how think ye the end?
- Did I say 'without friend'?
- Say rather from marge to blue marge
- The whole sky grew his targe,
- With the sun's self for visible boss,
- While an Arm ran across
- Which the earth heaved beneath like a breast,
- Where the wretch was safe pressed."
- BROWNING.
-
-
-Although during a few memorable scenes the relations of Judah with
-Assyria in the reign of Hezekiah leap into fierce light, many previous
-details are unfortunately left in the deepest obscurity--an obscurity
-all the more impenetrable from the lack of certain dates. It will
-perhaps help to simplify our conceptions if we first sketch what is
-known of Assyria from the cuneiform inscriptions, and then fill up the
-sketch of those scenes which are more minutely delineated in the Book
-of Kings and in the prophecies of Isaiah.
-
-Sargon--perhaps a successful general of royal blood, though he never
-calls himself the son of any one[535]--seems to have usurped the
-throne on the death of Shalmaneser IV., during the siege of Samaria in
-B.C. 722. He took Samaria, deported its inhabitants, and repeopled it
-from the Assyrian dominions. "In their place," he says, in his tablets
-in the halls of his palace at Khorsabad, "I settled the men of
-countries conquered [by my hand]."[536] In 720 he suppressed a futile
-attempt at revolt, headed by a pretender named Yahubid, in Hamath,
-which he reduced to "a heap of ruins." For some years after this he
-was occupied mainly on his northern frontiers, but he tells us that
-until 711 tribute continued to come in from Judah and Philistia.
-Meanwhile, these terrified and oppressed feudatories, writhing under
-the remorseless dominion of Nineveh, naturally began to listen to the
-intrigues of Egypt, whose interest it was to create a bulwark between
-herself and the invasion of the armies which were the abhorrence of
-the world. Under the influence of Sabaco, which gave new strength and
-unity to Egypt, she succeeded in seducing Ashdod from its allegiance
-to Sargon. Sargon at once deposed Azuri, King of Ashdod, and put his
-brother Ahimit in his place. The Ashdodites soon after deposed Ahimit,
-and elected in his place Jaman, who was in alliance with Sabaco.[537]
-This revolt was evidently favoured by Judah, Edom, and Moab; for
-Sargon says that they, as well as the people of Philistia, "were
-speaking treason." The rebellion was crushed by Sargon's
-promptitude.[538] He tells his own tale thus:--
-
-"In the wrath of my heart I did not divide my army, and I did not
-diminish the ranks, but I marched against Ashdod with my warriors,
-who did not separate themselves from the traces of my sandals. I
-besieged, I took Ashdod and Gunt-Asdodim. I then re-established these
-towns. I placed [in them] the people whom my arms had conquered, I put
-over them my lieutenant as governor. I regarded them as Assyrians, and
-they practised obedience."[539]
-
-Sargon does not, however, seem to have conducted this campaign in
-person; for we read in Isa. xx. 1 that he sent his Turtan--_i.e._, his
-commander-in-chief,[540] whose name seems to have been Zir-bâni--to
-Ashdod, who fought against it and took it. The wretched Philistines
-had put their trust in Sabaco. "The people," says Sargon, "and their
-evil chiefs sent their presents to Pharaoh, King of Egypt, a prince
-who could not save them, and besought his alliance." Isaiah had for
-three years been indicating how vain this policy was by one of those
-acted parables which so powerfully affect the Eastern mind. He had, by
-the word of the Lord, stripped the shoes from on his feet and the
-upper robe of sackcloth from his loins, and walked, "naked and
-barefoot, for a sign and portent against Egypt and Ethiopia," to
-indicate that even thus should the people of Egypt and Ethiopia be
-carried away as captives, naked and barefoot, by the kings of Assyria.
-Egypt was the boast of one party at Jerusalem, and Ethiopia, which had
-now become master of Egypt under Sabaco, was their expectation; but
-Isaiah's public self-humiliation showed how utterly their hopes
-should come to nought.[541] Before the outbreak at Ashdod, Sargon had
-suppressed a revolt of Hanun, or Hanno, King of Gaza, and Egypt and
-Assyria first met face to face at Raphia (about B.C. 720), where
-Sabaco fought in person with an Egyptian contingent, at a spot
-half-way between Gaza and the "river of Egypt."[542] Sabaco, whom
-Sargon calls "the Sultan of Egypt" (Siltannu Muzri), had been
-defeated, and fled precipitately, but Sargon was not then sufficiently
-free from other complications to advance to the Nile. The hoarded
-vengeance of Assyria was inflicted upon Egypt nearly a century later
-by Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal.
-
-In the two suppressions of revolt at Ashdod, Sargon or his Turtan must
-have come perilously near Jerusalem, and perhaps he may have inflicted
-sufficient damage to admit of the boast that he had "conquered" Judæa.
-If so, his military vanity made him guilty of an exaggeration.
-
-Far more serious to Sargon was the revolt of Merodach-Baladan, King of
-Chaldæa. Babylon had always been a rival of Nineveh in the competition
-for world-wide dominion, and for twelve years, as Sargon says,
-Merodach-Baladan had been "sending ambassadors"[543]--to Hezekiah among
-others--in the patient effort to consolidate a formidable league. Elam
-and Media were with him; and at a solemn banquet, for which they had
-"spread the carpets,"[544] and eaten and drank, the cry had risen,
-"Arise, ye princes! anoint the shield." Standing in ideal vision on his
-watch-tower, Isaiah saw the sweeping rush of the Assyrian troops on
-their horses and camels on their way to Babylon. What should come of it?
-The answer is in the words, "Fallen, fallen is Babylon, and all the
-images of her gods he [Sargon] hath broken to the ground." Alas! there
-is no hope from Babylon or its embassy! Would that Isaiah could have
-held out a hope! But no, "O my threshed one, son of my threshing-floor,
-that which I have heard from the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel, that
-have I declared unto you."[545] And so it came to pass. The brave
-Babylonian was defeated. In 709 Sargon occupied his palace, took
-Dur-yakin, to which he had fled for refuge, and made himself Lord
-Paramount as far as the Persian Gulf. It was his last great enterprise.
-He built and adorned his palaces, and looked forward to long years of
-peace and splendour; but in 705 the dagger-thrust of an assassin--a
-malcontent of the town of Kullum--found its way to his heart; and
-Sennacherib reigned in his stead.
-
-Sennacherib--Sin-ahi-irba ("Sin, the moon-god, has multiplied
-brothers")[546]--was one of the haughtiest, most splendid, and most
-powerful of all the kings of Assyria, though the petty state of Judah,
-relying on her God, defied and flouted him. The son of a mighty
-conqueror, at the head of a magnificent army, he regarded himself as
-the undisputed lord of the world.[547] Born in the purple, and bred up
-as crown prince, his primary characteristic was an overweening pride
-and arrogance, which shows itself in all his inscriptions. He calls
-himself "the Great King, the Powerful King, the King of the Assyrians,
-of the nations of the four regions, the diligent ruler, the favourite
-of the Great Gods, the observer of sworn faith, the guardian of law,
-the establisher of monuments, the noble hero, the strong warrior, the
-first of kings, the punisher of unbelievers, the destroyer of wicked
-men."[548] He was mighty both in war and peace. His warlike glories
-are attested by Herodotus, by Polyhistor, by Abydenus, by Demetrius,
-and by his own annals. His peaceful triumphs are attested by the great
-palace which he erected at Nineveh, and the magnificent series of
-sculptured slabs with which he adorned it; by his canals and
-aqueducts, his gateways and embankments, his Bavian sculpture, and his
-_stêlê_ at the Nahr-el-Kelb. He was a worthy successor of his father
-Sargon, and of the second Tiglath-Pileser--active in his military
-enterprises, indefatigable, persevering, full of resource.[549]
-
-On one of his bas-reliefs we see this magnificent potentate seated on
-his throne, holding two arrows in his right hand, while his left
-grasps the bow. A rich bracelet clasps each of his brawny arms. On his
-head is the jewelled pyramidal crown of Assyria, with its embroidered
-lappets. His dark locks stream down over his shoulders, and the long,
-curled beard flows over his breast. His strongly marked, sensual
-features wear an aspect of unearthly haughtiness. He is clad in
-superbly broidered robes, and his throne is covered with rich
-tapestries, and bas-reliefs of Assyrians or captives, who, like the
-Greek caryatides, uphold its divisions with their heads and arms.
-
-Yet all this glory faded into darkness, and all this colossal pride
-crumbled into dust. Sennacherib not only died, like his father, by
-murder, but by the murderous hands of his own sons, and after the
-shattering of all his immense pretensions--a defeated and dishonoured
-man.
-
-One of his invasions of Judæa occupies a large part of the Scripture
-narrative.[550] It was the fourth time of that terrible contact
-between the great world-power which symbolised all that was tyrannic
-and idolatrous, and the insignificant tribe which God had chosen for
-His own inheritance.
-
-In the reign of Ahaz, about B.C. 732, Judah had come into collision
-with Tiglath-Pileser II.
-
-Under Shalmaneser IV. and Sargon, the Northern Kingdom had ceased to
-exist in 722.
-
-Under Sargon, Judah had been harassed and humbled, and had witnessed
-the suppression of the Philistian revolt, and of the defeat of the
-powerful Sabaco at Raphia about 720.
-
-Now came the fourth and most overwhelming calamity. If the patriots of
-Jerusalem had placed any hopes in the disappearance of the ferocious
-Sargon, they must speedily have recognised that he had left behind him
-a no less terrible successor.
-
-Sennacherib reigned apparently twenty-four years (B.C. 705-681). On
-his accession he placed a brother, whose name is unknown, on the
-vice-regal throne of Babylon, and contented himself with the title of
-King of the Assyrians. This brother was speedily dethroned by a
-usurper named Hagisa, who only reigned thirty days, and was then slain
-by the indefatigable Merodach-Baladan, who held the throne for six
-months. He was driven out by Belibus, who had been trained "like a
-little dog" in the palace of Nineveh,[551] but was now made King of
-Sumîr and Accad--_i.e._, of Babylonia. Sennacherib entered the palace
-of Babylon and carried off the wife of Merodach and endless spoil in
-triumph, while Merodach fled into the land of Guzumman, and (like the
-Duke of Monmouth) hid himself "among the marshes and reeds," where the
-Assyrians searched for him for five days, but found no trace of him.
-After three years (702-699) Belibus proved faithless, and Sennacherib
-made his son Assur-nadin-sum viceroy of Babylon.
-
-His second campaign was against the Medes in Northern Elam.
-
-His third (701) was against the Khatti (the Hittites)--_i.e._, against
-Phoenicia and Palestine.[552] He drove King Luli from Sidon "by the mere
-terror of the splendour of my sovereignty," and placed Tubalu (_i.e._,
-Ithbaal) in his place, and subdued into tributary districts Arpad,
-Byblos, Ashdod, Ammon, Moab, and Edom, suppressing at the same time a
-very abortive rising in Samaria. "All these brought rich presents and
-kissed my feet." He also subdued Zidka, King of Askelon, from whom he
-took Beth-Dagon, Joppa, and other towns. Padî, the King of Ekron, was a
-faithful vassal of Assyria; he was therefore deposed by the revolting
-Ekronites, and sent in chains into the safe custody of Hezekiah, who
-"imprisoned him in darkness." The rebel states all relied on the
-Egyptians and Ethiopians. Sennacherib fought against Egyptians and
-Ethiopians, "in reliance upon Assur my God," at Altaqu (B.C. 701), and
-claims to have defeated them, and carried off the sons and charioteers
-of the King of Egypt, and the charioteers of the kings of Ethiopia.[553]
-He then tells us that he punished Altaqu and Timnath.[554] He impaled
-the rebels of Ekron on stakes all round the city. He restored Padî, and
-made him a vassal. "Hezekiah [Chazaqiahu] of Judah, who had not
-submitted to my yoke, the terror of the splendour of my sovereignty
-overwhelmed. Himself as a bird in a cage, in the midst of Jerusalem, his
-royal city, I shut up. The Arabians and his dependants, whom he had
-introduced for the defence of Jerusalem, his royal city, together with
-thirty talents of gold, eight hundred of silver, bullion, precious
-stones, ivory couches and thrones, an abundant treasure, with his
-daughters, his harem, and his attendants, I caused to be brought after
-me to Nineveh. He sent his envoy to pay tribute and render homage." At
-the same time, he overran Judæa, took forty-six fenced cities and many
-smaller towns, "with laying down of walls, hewing about, and trampling
-down," and carried off more than two hundred thousand captives with
-their spoil. Part of Hezekiah's domains was divided among three
-Philistine vassals who had remained faithful to Assyria.
-
-It was in the midst of this terrible crisis that Hezekiah had sent to
-Sennacherib at Lachish his offer of submission, saying, "I have
-offended; return from me; that which thou puttest upon me I will
-bear."[555] The spoiling of the palace and Temple was rendered necessary
-to raise the vast mulct which the Assyrian King required.[556]
-
-It is at Lachish--now Um-Lakis, a fortified hill in the Shephelah,
-south of Jerusalem, between Gaza and Eleutheropolis--that we catch
-another personal glimpse of the mighty oppressor. We see him depicted,
-on his triumphal tablets, in the palace-chambers of Kouyunjik,
-engaged in the siege; for the town offered a determined
-resistance,[557] and required all the energies and all the trained
-heroism of his forces. We see him next, carefully painted, seated on
-his royal throne in magnificent apparel, with his tiara and bracelets,
-receiving the spoils and captives of the city. The inscription says:
-"Sennacherib, the mighty king, the king of the country of Assyria,
-sitting on the throne of judgment at the entrance of the city of
-Lakisha. I give permission for its slaughter." He certainly implied
-that he took the city, but a doubt is thrown on this by 2 Chron.
-xxxii. 1, which only says that "he _thought_ to win these cities"; and
-the historian says (2 Kings xix. 8) that he "departed from Lachish."
-Lachish was evidently a very strong city, and it is so depicted in the
-palace-tablets at Kouyunjik. It had been fortified by Rehoboam, and
-had furnished a refuge to the wretched Amaziah.[558]
-
-If Judah and Jerusalem had listened to the messages of Isaiah,[559]
-they might have been saved the humiliating affliction which seemed to
-have plunged the brief sun of their prosperity into seas of blood. He
-had warned them incessantly and in vain. He had foretold their
-present desolation, in which Zion should be like a woman seated on the
-ground, wailing in her despair. He had taught them that formalism was
-no religion, and that external rites did not win Jehovah's approval.
-He had told them how foolish it was to put trust in the shadow of
-Egypt, and had not shrunk from revealing the fearful consequences
-which should follow the setting up of their own false wisdom against
-the wisdom of Jehovah. Yet, intermingled with pictures of suffering,
-and threats of a harvestless year, designed to punish the vanity and
-display of their women, and the intimation--never actually
-fulfilled--that even the palace and Temple should become "the joy of
-wild asses, a pasture of flocks," he constantly implies that the
-disaster would be followed by a mysterious, divine, complete
-deliverance, and ultimately by a Messianic reign of joy and peace.
-Night is at hand, he said, and darkness; but after the darkness will
-come a brighter dawn.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[535] One legend of his birth resembles the finding of Moses in the
-bulrushes.
-
-[536] Schrader, _K. A. T._, pp. 272-274; _Records of the Past_, vii. 28.
-
-[537] Smith, _Eponym Canon_, p. 130.
-
-[538] See Prof. Smith, _Isaiah_, p. 198.
-
-[539] _Records of the Past_, vii. 40. Sargon's words are, "The people
-of Philistia, Judah, Edom, and Moab were speaking treason. The people
-and their evil chiefs, to fight against me, unto _Pharaoh, the King of
-Egypt, a monarch who could not save them_, their presents carried, and
-besought his alliance" (G. Smith, _Assyrian Discoveries_, 290).
-
-[540] On the monuments called _Turtanu_, "Holder of power." See
-Schrader in Riehm, _s.v._
-
-[541] Raphia, or Ropeh, is on the borders of the desert. Asia beat
-Africa in every encounter--at Raphia, at Altaqu, at Carchemish. The
-impression of the seal of Shabak, attached to his capitulations with
-Sargon, was found at Nineveh by Sir A. H. Layard, and is now in the
-British Museum. Shabak died in 712. His son Shabatoh succeeded him in
-Egypt, and his nephew(?) Tirhakah in Ethiopia. Sabaco's name assumes
-many forms (LXX., [Greek: Sêgôr]; Herod., ii. 137; [Greek: Sabakôs];
-Vulg., _Sua_). The Egyptians called him Shaba(ka).
-
-[542] Isa. xx. 1-6.
-
-[543] Lenormant, _Les Premières Civilisations_, ii. 203; _Records of
-the Past_, vii. 41-46.
-
-[544] Isa. xxi. 6, A.V., "Watch in the watch-tower." Hitzig, Cheyne,
-"They spread the carpets." Much in this short oracle (xxi. 1-10) is
-obscure. Isaiah seems, in denouncing the fate of Babylon, to mourn for
-the ruin of the smaller states of which it was the prelude (G. Smith,
-_Soc. of Bibl. Arch._, ii. 320 Kleinert, _Stud. u. Krit._, 1877 W. R.
-Smith in _Enc. Brit._, _s.v._ "Isaiah").
-
-[545] Isa. xxi. 10--_i.e._, "My people threshed and trodden"; LXX.,
-[Greek: ho kataleleimmenos kai hoi odynômenoi] _Records of the Past_,
-vii. 47.
-
-[546] Herod., [Greek: Sanacharibos]; Jos., [Greek: Senachêribos]. See
-Appendix I. Sin was the moon-god; Merodach, the planet Jupiter; Adar,
-Saturn; Ishtai, Venus; Nebo, Mercury; Nergal, Mars (Schrader, ii. 117).
-
-[547] Sargon seems to have been murdered in the palace of unparalleled
-splendour which he built at Dur-Sharrukin ("The City of Sargon"). It
-took him five years to build it with armies of workmen. Its halls,
-opened by Botta, were the first Assyrian halls ever entered by a
-modern's foot. It is strange that this greatest of Assyrian kings is
-only mentioned once in the Bible (Isa. xx. 1). We owe to Assyriology
-his restoration to his proper place in the annals of mankind. See
-Ragozin, _Assyria_, 247-254.
-
-[548] Rawlinson, _Ancient Monarchies_, ii. 178.
-
-[549] Canon Rawlinson, _Kings of Israel and Judah_, 187.
-
-[550] On his own monuments this campaign, except its final catastrophe,
-is narrated in four sections: (1) The subjugation of Phoenicia, and of
-Philistine towns; (2) the conquest of King Zidka of Askelon; (3) the
-defeat of Ekron, the restoration of their vassal king Padî to his
-throne, and the defeat of Egypt at Altaqu; (4) the expedition against
-Jerusalem (Schrader, E. Tr., i. 298). See Appendix I.
-
-[551] This allusion is said to be the only instance of humour--"_grim_
-humour, or it would not be Assyrian"--which occurs in the Assyrian
-annals.
-
-[552] Schrader, pp. 234-279. The account of the memorable campaign is
-narrated in duplicate on the Taylor Cylinder in the British Museum,
-and on the Bull Inscription at Kouyunjik.
-
-[553] Sennacherib calls Tirhakah's army "a host that no man could
-number"; but it was defeated by the better discipline, the heavier
-armour, and the superior physical strength of the Assyrians.
-
-[554] See Josh. xix. 43.
-
-[555] This very phrase "I imposed on them" is found on Sennacherib's
-monument (Schrader, ii. 1). The references, when not otherwise
-specified, are to Whitehouse's English translation.
-
-[556] In 2 Kings xviii. 16 the word "pillars" or "doorposts" is
-uncertain. LXX., [Greek: estêrigmena]; Vulg., _laminas auri_.
-
-[557] 2 Chron. xxxii. 9. He had to besiege it "with all his power." He
-seems to have thought it even more important than Jerusalem, for he
-superintended the siege in person (Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, 150;
-_Monuments of Nineveh_, 2nd series, pl. 21). The ruined Tel of
-Umm-el-Lakîs lies between the Wady Simsim and the Wady-el-Ahsy (Riehm).
-
-[558] See 2 Chron. xi. 9, xxv. 27; Jer. xxxiv. 7. The allusion to this
-city in Micah (i. 13) is obscure: "O thou inhabitant of Lachish [swift
-steed], bind the chariot to the swift steed: she is the beginning of
-sin to the daughter of Zion: for the transgressions of Israel were
-found in thee." This seems to imply that some form of idolatry had
-come from Israel to Lachish, and from Lachish to Jerusalem. In
-Sennacherib's picture of the city, foreign worship is represented as
-going on in it (Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, Pls. 21 and 24;
-Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, i. 477).
-
-[559] Isa. xxix., xxx., xxxi.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXVIII
-
- _THE GREAT DELIVERANCE_
-
- B.C. 701
-
- 2 _Kings_ xix. 1-37
-
- "There brake He the lightnings of the bow, the shield, the sword,
- and the battle."--PSALM lxxvi. 3.
-
- "[Greek: ôdê pros ton Assurion.]"--LXX.
-
- "And the might of the Gentile, unsmote by the sword,
- Hath melted like snow at the glance of the Lord."
- BYRON.
-
- "Vuolsi cosi colà dove si puote
- Cio che si vuole: e più non dimandare."
- DANTE.
-
- "Through love, through hope, through faith's transcendent dower,
- We feel that we are greater than we know."
- WORDSWORTH.
-
- "God shall help her, and that when the morning dawns."--PSALM
- xlvi. 5.
-
-
-In spite of the humble submission of Hezekiah, it is a surprise to learn
-from Isaiah that Sennacherib--after he had accepted the huge fine and
-fixed the tribute, and departed to subdue Lachish--broke his
-covenant.[560] He sent his three chief officers--the Turtan, or
-commander-in-chief, whose name seems to have been Belemurani;[561] the
-Rabsaris, or chief eunuch;[562] and the Rabshakeh, or chief
-captain[563]--from Lachish to Hezekiah, with a command of absolute,
-unconditional surrender, to be followed by deportation. By this conduct
-Sennacherib violated his own boast that he was "a keeper of treaties."
-Yet it is not difficult to conjecture the reason for his change of plan.
-He had found it no easy matter to subdue even the very minor fortress of
-Lachish; how unwise, then, would it be for him to leave in his rear an
-uncaptured city so well fortified as Jerusalem! He was advancing towards
-Egypt. It was obviously a strategic error to spare on his route a
-hostile and almost impregnable stronghold as a nucleus for the plans of
-his enemies. Moreover, he had heard rumours that Tirhakah, the third and
-last Ethiopian king of Egypt, was advancing against him, and it was most
-important to prevent any junction between his forces and those of
-Hezekiah.[564] He could not come in person to Jerusalem, for the siege
-of Lachish was on his hands; but he detached from his army a large
-contingent under his Turtan, to win the Jews by seductive promises, or
-to subdue Jerusalem by force. Once more, therefore, the Holy City saw
-beneath her often-captured walls the vast beleaguering host, and
-"governors and rulers clothed most gorgeously, horsemen riding upon
-horses, all of them desirable young men." Isaiah describes to us how the
-people crowded to the house-tops, half dead with fear, weeping and
-despairing, and crying to the hills to cover them, and bereft of their
-rulers, who had been bound by the archers of the enemy in their attempt
-to escape. They gazed on the quiver-bearing warriors of Elam in their
-chariots, and the serried ranks of the shields of Kir, and the cavalry
-round the gates. And he tells us how, as so often occurs at moments of
-mad hopelessness, many who ought to have been crying to God in sackcloth
-and ashes, gave themselves up, on the contrary, to riot and revelry,
-eating flesh, and drinking wine, and saying: "Let us eat and drink; for
-to-morrow we die."[565] The king alone had shown patience, calmness, and
-active foresight; and he alone, by his energy and faith, had restored
-some confidence to the spirits of his fainting people.
-
-Although the city had been refortified by the king, and supplied with
-water, the hearts of the inhabitants must have sunk within them when
-they saw the Assyrian army investing the walls, and when the three
-commissioners--taking their station "by the conduit of the upper pool
-which is in the highway of the fuller's field"--summoned the king to
-hear the ultimatum of Sennacherib.
-
-The king did not in person obey the summons; but he, too, sent out his
-three chief officers. They were Eliakim, the son of Hilkiah, who, as
-the chamberlain (_al-hab-baîth_), was a great prince (_nagîd_);
-Shebna, who had been degraded, perhaps at the instance of Isaiah, from
-the higher post, and was now secretary (_sopher_); and Joah, son of
-Asaph, the chronicler (_mazkîr_), to whom we probably owe the minute
-report of the memorable scene. No doubt they went forth in the pomp of
-office--Eliakim with his robe, and girdle, and key.[566] The
-Rabshakeh proved himself, indeed, "an affluent orator," and evinced
-such familiarity with the religious politics of Judah and Jerusalem,
-that this, in conjunction with his perfect mastery of Hebrew, gives
-colour to the belief that he was an apostate Jew. He began by
-challenging the idle confidence of Hezekiah, and his vain words[567]
-that he had counsel and strength for the war. Upon what did he rely?
-On the broken and dangerous bulrush of Egypt?[568] It would but pierce
-his hand! On Jehovah? But Hezekiah had forfeited his protection by
-sweeping away His _bamoth_ and His altars! Why, let Hezekiah make a
-wager;[569] and if Sennacherib furnished him with two thousand horses,
-he would be unable to find riders for them! How, then, could he drive
-back even the lowest of the Assyrian captains? And was not Jehovah on
-their side? It was He who had bidden them destroy Jerusalem!
-
-That last bold assertion, appealing as it did to all that was
-erroneous and abject in the minds of the superstitious, and backed, as
-it was, by the undeniable force of the envoy's argument, smote so
-bitterly on the ear of Hezekiah's courtiers, that they feared it would
-render negotiation impossible. They humbly entreated the orator to
-speak to "his servants" in the Aramaic language of Assyria, which they
-understood,[570] and not in Hebrew, which was the language of all the
-Jews who stood in crowds on the walls. Surely this was a diplomatic
-embassy to their king, not an incitement to popular sedition?
-
-The answer of the Rabshakeh was truly Assyrian in its utterly brutal
-and ruthless coarseness. Taking up his position directly in front of
-the wall,[571] and ostentatiously addressing the multitude, he ignored
-the representatives of Hezekiah. Who were they? asked he. His master
-had not sent him to speak to them, or to their poor little puppet of a
-king, but to the people on the wall, the foul garbage of whose
-sufferings of thirst and famine they should share.[572] And to all the
-multitude the great king's[573] message was:--Do not be deceived.
-Hezekiah cannot save you. Jehovah will not save you. Come to terms
-with me, and give me hostages and pledges and a present, and then live
-in happy peace and plenty until I come and deport you to a land as
-fair and fruitful as this. How should Jehovah deliver them? Had any of
-the gods of the nations delivered them out of the hands of the King of
-Assyria? "Where are the gods of Hamath, and of Arpad? Where are the
-gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Ivvah? Have the gods of Samaria
-delivered Samaria out of my hand, that Jehovah should deliver
-Jerusalem out of my hand?"[574]
-
-It was a very powerful oration, but the orator must have been a little
-disconcerted to find that it was listened to in absolute silence. He
-had disgracefully violated the comity of international intercourse by
-appealing to subjects against their lawful king; yet from the starving
-people there came not a murmur of reply. Faithful to the behest of
-their king in the midst of their misery and terror, they answered not
-a word. Agamemnon is silent before the coarse jeers of Thersites. "The
-sulphurous flash dies in its own smoke, only leaving a hateful stench
-behind it!" And in this attitude of the people there was something
-very sublime and very instructive. Dumb, stricken, starving, the
-wretched Jews did not answer the envoy's taunts or menaces, because
-they would not. They were not even in those extremities to be seduced
-from their allegiance to the king whom they honoured, though the
-speaker had contemptuously ignored his existence. And though the
-Rabshakeh had cut them to the heart with his specious appeals and
-braggart vaunts, yet "this clever, self-confident, persuasive
-personage, with two languages on his tongue, and an army at his back,"
-could not shake the confidence in God, which, however unreasonable it
-might seem, had been elevated into a conviction by their king and
-their prophet. The Rabsak had tried to seduce the people into
-rebellion, but he had failed.[575] They were ready to die for Hezekiah
-with the fidelity of despair. The mirage of sensual comfort in exiled
-servitude should not tempt them from the scorched wilderness from
-which they could still cry out for the living God.
-
-Yet the Assyrian's words had struck home into the hearts of his
-greatest hearers, and therefore how much more into those of the
-ignorant multitudes! Eliakim and Shebna and Joah came to Hezekiah
-with their clothes rent, and told him the words of the Rabshakeh. And
-when the king heard it, when he found that even his submission had
-been utterly in vain, he too rent his clothes, and put on
-sackcloth,[576] and went into the only place where he could hope to
-find comfort, even into the house of the Lord, which he had cleansed
-and restored to beauty, although afterwards he had been driven to
-despoil it. Needing an earthly counsellor, he sent Eliakim and Shebna
-and the elders of the priests to Isaiah. They were to tell him the
-outcome of this day of trouble, rebuke, and contumely; and since the
-Rabshakeh had insulted and despised Jehovah, they were to urge the
-prophet to make his appeal to Him, and to pray for the remnant which
-the Assyrians had left.[577]
-
-The answer of Isaiah was a dauntless defiance. If others were in
-despair, he was not in the least dismayed. "Be not afraid"--such was
-his message--"of the mere words with which the boastful boys of the
-King of Assyria have blasphemed Me.[578] Behold, I will put a spirit
-in him, and he shall hear a rumour,[579] and shall return to his own
-land; and I will cause him to fall by the sword in his own land."
-
-Much crestfallen at the total and unexpected failure of the embassy, and
-of his own heart-shaking appeals, the Rabshakeh returned. But meanwhile
-Sennacherib had taken Lachish, and marched to Libnah (Tel-es-Safîa),
-which he was now besieging.[580] There it was that he heard the "rumour"
-of which Isaiah had spoken--the report, namely, that Tirhakah, the third
-king of the Ethiopian dynasty of Pharaohs,[581] was advancing in person
-to meet him. This was B.C. 701, and it is perhaps only by anticipation
-that Tirhakah is called "King" of Ethiopia. He was only the general and
-representative of his father Shabatok, if (as some think) he did not
-succeed to the throne till 698.
-
-It was impossible for Sennacherib under these circumstances to return
-northwards to Jerusalem, of which the siege would inevitably occupy
-some time. But he sent a menacing letter,[582] reminding Hezekiah that
-neither king nor god had ever yet saved any city from the hands of the
-Assyrian destroyers. Where were the kings, he asked again, of Hamath,
-Arpad, Sepharvaim, Hena, Ivvah? What had the gods of Gozan, Haran,
-Rezeph, and the children of Eden in Telassar done to save their
-countries from Sennacherib's ancestors, when they had laid them under
-the ban?[583]
-
-Again the pious king found comfort in God's Temple. Taking with him the
-scornful and blasphemous letter, he spread it out before Jehovah in the
-Temple with childlike simplicity, that Jehovah might read its insults
-and be moved by this dumb appeal.[584] Then both he and Isaiah cried
-mightily to God, "who sitteth above the cherubim," admitting the truth
-of what Sennacherib had said, and that the kings of Assyria had
-destroyed the nations, and burnt their vain gods in the fire. But of
-what significance was that? Those were but gods of wood and stone, the
-works of men's hands.[585] But Jehovah was the One, the True, the Living
-God. Would He not manifest among the nations His eternal supremacy?
-
-And as the king prayed the word of Jehovah came to Isaiah, and he sent
-to Hezekiah this glorious message about Sennacherib:--
-
-"The virgin, the daughter of Zion, hath despised thee, and laughed thee
-to scorn. The daughter of Jerusalem hath shaken her head at thee."[586]
-
-The blasphemies, the vaunts, the menacing self-confidence of
-Sennacherib, were his surest condemnation. Did he count God a cypher?
-It was to God alone that he owed the fearful power which had made the
-nations like grass upon the housetops, like blasted corn, before him.
-And because God knew his rage and tumult, God would treat him as
-Sargon his father had treated conquered kings:--
-
-"I will put My hook in thy nose, and My bridle in thy lips.[587] And I
-will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest." He had thought
-to conquer Egypt:[588] instead of that he should be driven back in
-confusion to Assyria.
-
-It was but a plainer enunciation of the truths which Isaiah had again
-and again intimated in enigma and parable. It was the fearless
-security of Judah's lion; the safety of the rock amid the deluge; the
-safety of the poor brood under the wings of the Divine protection from
-"the great Birds'-nester of the world"; the crashing downfall of the
-lopped Lebanonian cedar, while the green shoot and tender branch out
-of the withered stump of Jesse should take root downward and bear
-fruit upward.[589]
-
-And the sign was given to Hezekiah that this should be so.[590] This
-year there should be no harvest, except such as was spontaneous; for
-in the stress of Assyrian invasion sowing and reaping had been
-impossible. The next year the harvest should only be from this
-accidental produce. But in the third year, secure at last, they should
-sow and reap, and plant vineyards and eat the fruit thereof.[591] And
-though but a remnant of the people was left out of the recent
-captivity, they should grow and flourish, and Jerusalem should see the
-besieging host of Assyria no more for ever; for Jehovah would defend
-the city for His own sake, and for His servant David's sake.
-
-Thereafter occurred the great deliverance.[592] In some way--we know
-not and never shall know how--by a blast of the simoom, or sudden
-outburst of plague, or furious panic, or sudden assault, or by some
-other calamity,[593] the host of Assyria was smitten in the camp, and
-one hundred and eighty-five thousand, including their chief leaders,
-perished. The historian, in a manner habitual to pious Semitic
-writers, attributes the devastation to the direct action of the "angel
-of the Lord";[594] but as Dr. Johnson said long ago, "We are certainly
-not to suppose that the angel went about with a sword in his hand,
-striking them one by one, but that some powerful natural agent was
-employed."[595]
-
-The Forty-Sixth Psalm is generally regarded as the _Te Deum_ sung in
-the Temple over this deliverance, and its opening words, "God is our
-refuge and strength," are inscribed over the cathedral of St. Sophia
-at Constantinople.
-
-It is usually supposed that this overwhelming disaster happened to the
-host of Assyria _before Jerusalem_. This, however, is not stated; and
-as the capture of Lachish was an urgent necessity, it is probable that
-the Turtan led back the forces which had accompanied him, and took
-them afterwards to Libnah.[596] Yet, since Libnah was but ten miles
-from Jerusalem, the Jews could not feel safe for a day until the
-mighty news came that the
-
- "Angel of God spread his wings on the blast,
- And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed,
- And the eyes of the sleepers waxed heavy and chill,
- And their breasts but once heaved, and for ever grew still."
-
-When the catastrophe which had happened to the main army and the flight
-of Sennacherib became known, the scattered forces would melt away.
-
-All the Assyrians who escaped were now hurrying back[597] to Nineveh
-with their foiled king. Sennacherib seems to have occupied himself in
-the north, except so far as he was forced to fight fiercely against
-his own rebel subjects. He never recovered this complete humiliation.
-He never again came southwards. He survived the catastrophe for
-seventeen or twenty years,[598] and fought five or six campaigns; but
-at the end of that period, while he was worshipping in the house of
-Nisroch or Assarac (Assur), his god,[599] he was murdered by his two
-sons Adrammelech (Adar-malik--"Adar is king") and Sharezer
-(Nergal-sarussar--"Nergal protect the king"),[600] who envied him his
-throne. They escaped into the land of Ararat, but were defeated and
-killed by their younger brother Esarhaddon (Assur-âkh-iddin--"Assur
-bestowed a 'brother'") at the battle of Hani-Rabbat, on the Upper
-Euphrates. He succeeded Sennacherib, and ultimately avenged on Egypt
-his father's overwhelming disaster. He is perhaps the "cruel lord" of
-Isa. xix. 4, and it is not unnatural that he should have prevailed
-against his parricidal brothers, for we are told that in a previous
-battle at Melitene he had shown such prowess that the troops then and
-there proclaimed him King of Assyria with shouts of "This is our
-king."[601] He reigned from B.C. 681-668, and in his reign Assyria
-culminated before her last decline.[602] He was the builder of the
-temple at Nimrûd, and erected thirty other temples. Babylon and
-Nineveh were both his capitals,[603] and he had previously been
-viceroy of the former.
-
-The glorious deliverance in which the faith and courage of the King of
-Judah had had their share naturally increased the prosperity and
-prestige of Hezekiah, and lifted the authority of Isaiah to an
-unprecedented height. Hezekiah probably did not long survive the
-uplifting of this dark cloud, but during the remainder of his life "he
-was magnified in the sight of all nations."[604] When he died, all
-Judah and Jerusalem did him honour, and gave him a splendid burial.
-Apparently the old tombs of the kings--the catacomb constructed by
-David and Solomon--had in the course of two and a half centuries
-become full, so that he had to be buried "in the ascent of the
-sepulchres," perhaps some niche higher than the other graves of the
-catacomb, which was henceforth disused for the burial of the kings of
-Judah. We have had occasion to observe the many particulars in which
-his reign was memorable, and to his other services must be added the
-literary activity to which we owe the collection and editing, by his
-scribes, of the Proverbs of Solomon. His reign had practically
-witnessed the institution of the faithful Jewish Church under the
-influence of his great prophetic guide.[605]
-
-The question whether the portent of the destruction of the Assyrian
-was identical with that related by Herodotus has never been finally
-answered. Herodotus places the scene of the disaster at Pelusium,[606]
-and tells this story:--Sennacherib, King of the Arabs and Assyrians,
-invaded Egypt. Its king, Sethos, of the Tanite dynasty, in despair
-entered the temple of his god Pthah (or Vulcan), and wept.[607] The
-god appeared to him with promises of deliverance, and Sethos marched
-to meet Sennacherib with an army of poor artisans, since he was a
-priest, and the caste of warriors was ill-affected to him. In the
-night the god Pthah sent hosts of field-mice, which gnawed the
-quivers, bow-strings, and shield-straps of the Assyrians, who
-consequently fled, and were massacred. An image of the priest-king
-with a mouse in his hand stood in the temple of Pthah, and on its
-pedestal the inscription, which might also point the moral of the
-Biblical narrative, [Greek: Es eme tis horeôn eusebês estô] ("Let him
-who looks on me be pious"). Josephus seems so far to accept this
-version that he refers to Herodotus, and says that Sennacherib's
-failure was the result of a frustration in Egypt.[608] The _mouse_ in
-the hand of the statue probably originated the details of the legend;
-but according to Horapollion it was the hieroglyphic sign of
-destruction by plague.[609] Bähr says that it was also the symbol of
-Mars. Readers of Homer will remember the title Apollo _Smintheus_
-("the destroyer of mice"), and the story that mice were worshipped in
-the Troas because they gnawed the bow-strings of the enemy.
-
-But whatever may have been the mode of the retribution, or the scene in
-which it took place, it is certainly historical. The outlines of the
-narrative in the sacred historian are identical with those in the
-Assyrian records. The annals of Sennacherib tell us the four initial
-stages of the great campaign in the conquest of Phoenicia, of Askelon,
-and of Ekron, the defeat of the Egyptians at Altaqu, and the earlier
-hostilities against Hezekiah. The Book of Kings concentrates our
-attention on the details of the close of the invasion. On this point,
-whether from accident, or because Sennacherib did not choose to register
-his own calamity, and the frustration of the gods of whose protection he
-boasted, the Assyrian records are silent. Baffled conquerors rarely
-dwell on their own disasters. It is not in the despatches of Napoleon
-that we shall find the true story of his abandonment of Syria, of the
-defeats of his forces in Spain, or of his retreat from Moscow.[610]
-
-The great lesson of the whole story is the reward and the triumph of
-indomitable faith. Faith may still burn with a steady flame when the
-difficulties around it seem insuperable, when all refutation of the
-attacks of its enemies seems to be impossible, when Hope itself has
-sunk into white ashes in which scarcely a gleam of heat remains.
-Isaiah had nothing to rely upon; he had no argument wherewith to
-furnish Hezekiah beyond the bare and apparently unmeaning promise,
-"Jehovah is our Judge; Jehovah is our Lawgiver; Jehovah is our King.
-He will save us." It was a magnificent vindication of his inspired
-conviction, when all turned out--not indeed in minute details, but in
-every essential fact--exactly as he had prophesied from the first.
-Even in B.C. 740 he had declared that the sins of Judah deserved and
-would receive condign punishment, though a remnant should be
-saved.[611] That the retribution would come from some foreign
-enemy--Assyria or Egypt, or both--he felt sure. Jehovah would hiss for
-the fly in the uttermost canals of Egypt, and for the bee that is in
-the land of Assyria, and both should swarm in the crevices of the
-rocks, and over the pastures.[612] Later on in 732, in the reign of
-Ahaz, he pointed to Assyria,[613] as the destined scourge, and he
-realised this still more clearly in 725 and 721, when Shalmaneser and
-Sargon were tearing Samaria to pieces.[614] Contrary, indeed, to his
-expectation, the Assyrians did not then destroy Jerusalem, or even
-formally besiege it. The revolt from Assyria, the reliance on Egypt,
-did not for a moment blind his judgment or alter his conviction; and
-in 701 it came true when Sennacherib was on the march for
-Palestine.[615] Yet he never wavered in the apparently impossible
-conclusion, that, in spite of all, in spite even of his own darker
-prophecies (xxxii. 14), Jerusalem shall in some Divine manner be
-saved.[616] The deliverance would be, as he declared from first to
-last, the work of Jehovah, not the work of man,[617] and because of it
-Sennacherib would return to his own land and perish there.[618] The
-details might be dim and wavering; the result was certain. Isaiah was
-no thaumaturge, no peeping wizard, no muttering necromancer, no
-monthly prognosticator.[619] He was a prophet--that is, an inspired
-moral and spiritual teacher who was able to foresee and to foretell,
-not in their details, but in their broad outlines, the events yet
-future, because he was enabled to read them by the eye of faith ere
-they had yet occurred. His faith convinced him that predictions
-founded on eternal principles have all the certainty of a law, and
-that God's dealings with men and nations in the future can be seen in
-the light of experience derived from the history of the past. Courage,
-zeal, unquenchable hope, indomitable resolution, spring from that
-perfect confidence in God which is the natural reward of innocence and
-faithfulness. Isaiah trusted in God, and he knew that they who put
-their trust in Him can never be confounded.
-
-No event produced a deeper impression on the minds of the Jews, though
-that impression was soon afterwards, for a time, obliterated.
-Naturally, it elevated the authority of Isaiah into unquestioned
-pre-eminence during the reign of Hezekiah. It has left its echo, not
-only in his own triumphant pæans, but also in the Forty-Sixth Psalm,
-which the Septuagint calls "An ode to the Assyrian," and perhaps also
-in the Seventy-Fifth and Seventy-Sixth Psalms. In the minds of all
-faithful Israelites it established for ever the conviction that God
-had chosen Judah for Himself, and Israel for His own possession; that
-God was in the midst of Zion, and she should not be confounded: "God
-shall help her, and that right early." And it contains a noble and
-inspiring lesson for all time. "It is not without reason," says Dean
-Stanley, "that in the Churches of Moscow the exultation over the fall
-of Sennacherib is still read on the anniversary of the retreat of the
-French from Russia, or that Arnold, in his lectures on Modern History,
-in the impressive passage in which he dwells on that great
-catastrophe, declared that for the memorable night of the frost in
-which twenty thousand horses perished, and the strength of the French
-army was utterly broken, he knew of no language so well fitted to
-describe it as the words in which Isaiah described the advance and
-destruction of the hosts of Sennacherib."[620]
-
-They had been brought face to face, the two kings--Sennacherib and
-Hezekiah. One was the impious boaster who relied on his own strength,
-and on the mighty host which dried up rivers with their trampling
-march--the worldling who thought to lord it over the affrighted globe;
-the other was the poor kinglet of the Chosen People, with his one city
-and his enfeebled people, and his dominion not so large as one of the
-smallest English counties. But "one with God is irresistible," "one
-with God is always in a majority." The poor, weak prince triumphs over
-the terrific conqueror, because he trusts in Him to whom
-world-desolating tyrants are but as the small dust of the balance,
-and who "taketh up the isles as a very little thing."[621]
-
-As Assyria now vanishes almost entirely from the history of the Chosen
-People, we may here recall with delight one large and loving prophecy,
-to show that the Hebrews were sometimes uplifted by the power of
-inspiration above the narrowness of a bigoted and exclusive spirit.
-Desperately as Israel had suffered, both from Egypt and Assyria, Isaiah
-could still utter the glowing Messianic Prophecy which included the
-Gentiles in the privileges of the Golden Age to come. He foretold that--
-
-"In that day shall Israel be the third with Egypt and Assyria, as a
-blessing in the midst of the land: whom the Lord of hosts shall bless,
-saying, Blessed be Egypt My people, and Assyria the work of My hands,
-and Israel Mine inheritance."[622]
-
- "That strain I heard was of a higher mood!"
-
- * * * * *
-
-King Hezekiah can have no finer panegyric than that of the son of
-Sirach: "Even the kings of Judah failed, for they forsook the law of
-the Most High: all except David, and Ezekias, and Josias failed."[623]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[560] Isa. xxxiii. 8.
-
-[561] Isa. xx. 1.
-
-[562] Jer. xxxix. 3. The meaning of the name is not certain. _Sarîs_,
-in Hebrew, is "eunuch"; but the word is not known in Assyrian records,
-and we should expect _Rabsarîsîm_, as in Dan. i. 3.
-
-[563] Rabsak perhaps means _chief officer_ or vizier, and is Hebraised
-into Rabshakeh. Prof. G. A. Smith (_Isaiah_, p. 345) calls him
-"Sennacherib's Bismarck." Rabshakeh, usually rendered "chief cupbearer,"
-is an Aramaised form of Rabsak (great chief); but we know of no chief
-cupbearer at the Assyrian court (Schrader, _K. A. T._, 199 f.).
-
-[564] From an Apis-stêlê he seems to have reigned twenty-six years
-(B.C. 694-668?).
-
-[565] Isa. xxii. 1-13.
-
-[566] Eliakim. See Isa. xxii. 21, 22.
-
-[567] "Vain words"; lit., "a word of the lips." LXX., [Greek: logoi
-cheileôn].
-
-[568] Comp. Isa. xxx. 1-7; Ezek. xxix. 6. It seems to be an
-over-refinement to suppose that Sennacherib refers to the divisions
-between Egypt and Ethiopia.
-
-[569] 2 Kings xviii. 23, A.V.: "Let Hezekiah give pledges."
-
-[570] Heb., _Arâmîth_.
-
-[571] 2 Kings xviii. 28, where _stood_ should be rendered _came
-forward_.
-
-[572] The coarse expression is softened down by the Chronicler (2
-Chron. xxxii. 18).
-
-[573] The kings of Assyria usually called themselves "great king,
-mighty king, king of the multitude, king of the land Assur."
-
-[574] Every one must notice the glaring inconsistency between this
-_defiance_ of Jehovah and the previous claim to the possession of His
-sanction. On Hamath, Arpad, etc., see Schrader, ii. 7-10.
-
-[575] Isa. xxxiii. 8: "He hath broken the covenant, he hath despised
-the cities, he regardeth no man."
-
-[576] 1 Kings xx. 32; 2 Kings vi. 30.
-
-[577] Sennacherib had already carried off vast numbers. See Isa. xxiv.
-1-12; Demetrius _ap._ Clem. Alex., _Strom._, i. 403.
-
-[578] Isaiah's phrase, _na'arî melek_, "lads of the king," is
-contemptuous. LXX., [Greek: paidaria].
-
-[579] Heb., _ruach_; LXX., [Greek: didômi en autô pneuma]. Theodoret
-calls this "spirit" _cowardice_ ([Greek: tên deilian oimai dêloun]).
-
-[580] Libnah means "whiteness." Dean Stanley (_S. and P._, 207, 258)
-identifies it with a white-faced hill, the Blanchegarde of the
-Crusaders.
-
-[581] The dates usually given are Sabaco, B.C. 725-712; Shabatok,
-712-698; Tirhakah, 698-672. Manetho, [Greek: Tarachos]; Strabo,
-[Greek: Terakôn, ho Aithiôps]. He was third king of the twenty-fifth
-dynasty, and the greatest of the Egyptian sovereigns who came from
-Ethiopia. He reigned gloriously for many years. We see his figure at
-Medinet Abou, smiting ten captive princes with an iron mace; but he
-was finally defeated by Esarhaddon, and in 668 by Assurbanipal at
-Karbanit (Canopus). He is called by his conqueror "Tar-ku-u, King of
-Egypt and Cush" (Schrader, _K. A. T._, 336 ff.).
-
-[582] Heb., _Sepharîm_; Vulg., _litteræ_; 2 Chron. xxxii. 17. The more
-ordinary term for a letter is _iggereth_.
-
-[583] 2 Kings xix. 12 (Heb.); Ezek. xxvii. 23. On these places see
-Schrader, ii. 11, 12. It had been indeed Sennacherib's work "to reduce
-fenced cities to ruinous heaps." He boasts on the Bellino Cylinder,
-"Their smaller towns without number I overthrew, and reduced them to
-heaps of rubbish" (_Records of the Past_, i. 27).
-
-[584] "It is a prayer without words, a prayer in action, which then
-passes into a spoken prayer" (Delitzsch).
-
-[585] The Assyrians are sometimes represented in their monuments as
-hewing idols to pieces in honour of their god Assur (Botta, _Monum._,
-pl. 140).
-
-[586] LXX., [Greek: kinein tên kephalên], "a gesture of scorn" (Psalm
-xxii. 7, cix. 25; Lam. ii. 15). With the vaunts of Sennacherib compare
-Claudian, _De bell. Geth._, 526-532.
-
- "Cum cesserit omnis
- Obsequiis natura meis? Subsidere nostris
- Sub pedibus montes, _arescere vidimus amnes_ ...
- Fregi Alpes, _galeis Padum victricibus hausi_."
- KEIL, _ad loc._
-
-
-[587] Comp. 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11 (Heb.); Psalm xxxix. 1; Isa. xxx. 28;
-Ezek. xxxviii. 4, xxix. 4. The Assyrians drove a ring through the
-lower lip, the Babylonians through the nose. See Rawlinson, _Ancient
-Monarchies_, ii. 314, iii. 436.
-
-[588] 2 Kings xix. 33. "The river of Egypt" (_Nachal-ha-Mizraim_) is
-the Wady-el-Arish.
-
-[589] Isa. x. 33, 34, xi. 1, xiv. 8; Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 410.
-
-[590] [Hebrew: 'ot]. A sign "is a thing, an event, or an action
-intended as a pledge of the Divine certainty of another. Sometimes it
-is a miracle (Gen. iv. 15, Heb.), or a permanent symbol (Isa. viii.
-18, xx. 3, xxxvii. 30; Jer. xliv. 29)" (Delitzsch).
-
-[591] The first year they should eat _saphîach_ (LXX., [Greek:
-automata]; Vulg., _quæ repereris_); the second year, _sachîsh_ (LXX.,
-[Greek: ta anatellonta]; Vulg., _quæ sponte nascuntur_).
-
-[592] 2 Kings xix. 35: "It came to pass that night." Isaiah only has
-"then"; Josephus, [Greek: kata tên prôtên tês poliorkias nykta].
-Menochius understands it "_in celebri illa nocte_." The LXX. omits
-"that," and simply says "in the night" ([Greek: nyktos]). Comp. Psalm
-xlvi. 5 (Heb.); Isa. xvii. 14.
-
-[593] Josephus, followed by many moderns, and even by Keil, suggests a
-plague. The malaria of the Pelusiotic marshes easily breeds pestilence.
-The "_maleak Jehovah_" is "the destroyer" (_mashchith_) (Exod. xii. 23;
-2 Sam. xxiv. 16.) Comp. Justin., xix. 11; Diod. Sic., xix. 434.
-
-[594] Comp. 2 Sam. xxiv. 15, 16.
-
-[595] The Babyl. Talmud and some Targums, followed by Vitringa, etc.,
-attribute to it storms of lightning; Prideaux, Heine, and Faber, to
-the simoom; R. José, Ussher, etc., to a nocturnal attack of Tirhakah.
-
-[596] It is, however, perfectly possible that a contingent was left on
-guard. "Where is the [past] terror? Where is he that rated the
-tribute? Where is he that received it?" (Isa. xxxiii. 18). "At the
-noise of the tumult the people flee" (Isa. xxxiii. 3); "At Thy rebuke,
-O God of Jacob, both chariot and horse are cast into a dead sleep"
-(Psalm lxxvi. 6). Comp. Psalm xlviii. 4-6.
-
-[597] This is the meaning of "he departed, and went, and returned."
-
-[598] Not, only fifty-five days, as we read in Tobit i. 21.
-
-[599] Jos., _Antt._, X. i. 5: "In his own temple to Araskê"; LXX.,
-[Greek: Asarach]; Isa. xxxvii. 38. One guess connects the word with
-Nesher, "the eagle-god," often seen on the Assyrian bas-reliefs.
-Lenormant calls him "the god of human destiny."
-
-[600] Alex. Polyhistor _ap._ Euseb., i. 27; Kimchi _ad_ 2 Kings xix.
-37. Buxtorf (_Bibl. Rabbinic._) says that Sennacherib entered the
-temple to ask his counsellors why Jehovah favoured Israel. Being told
-that it was because of Abraham's willingness to offer Isaac, he said,
-"Then I will offer my two sons." Rashi adds that they slew him to save
-their own lives. (See Schenkel and Riehm, _s.v._ "Sanherib"--both
-articles by Schrader).
-
-[601] See Schrader in Riehm's _Handwörterbuch_, _s.vv._ "Sanherib,"
-"Asarhaddon." Esarhaddon, judging from what is called "Sennacherib's
-will," in which the king leaves him splendid presents, seems to have
-been a favourite of his father (_Records of the Past_, i. 136). He
-says that on hearing of his father's murder, "I was wrathful as a
-lion, and my soul raged within me, and I lifted my hands to the great
-gods to assume the sovereignty of my father's house." See Appendix I.
-
-[602] The Book of Tobit (i. 21) calls him Sarchedonas.
-
-[603] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11.
-
-[604] 2 Chron. xxxii. 23.
-
-[605] Wellhausen, p. 116.
-
-[606] Herod., ii. 14. "Sin" (Tanis?), Ezek. xxx. 15. It lay in the
-midst of morasses, and some attribute the catastrophe to the malaria.
-
-[607] The deliverance is really connected with Tirhakah, whose deeds
-are recorded in a temple at Medinet Habou, but the jealousy of the
-Memphites attributed it to the piety of Sethos. See G. W. Wilkinson,
-_Ancient Egyptians_, i. 141; Rawlinson, _Herodotus_, i. 394.
-
-[608] _Antt._, X. i. 1-5.
-
-[609] Comp. 1 Sam. v., vi., where, after a plague, the Philistines
-sent an expiation of five golden mice.
-
-[610] We may add that even the Chronicler drops a veil over
-Sennacherib's actual capture of fortresses in Judah ("he _thought_ to
-win them for himself," 2 Chron. xxxii. 1: comp. 2 Kings xviii. 13;
-Isa. xxxvi. 1).
-
-[611] Isa. vi. 11-13.
-
-[612] Isa. v. 26-30.
-
-[613] Isa. vii. 18.
-
-[614] Isa. viii., xxviii. 1-15, x. 28-34.
-
-[615] Isa. xiv. 29-32, xxix., xxx.
-
-[616] Isa. i. 19, 20.
-
-[617] Isa. x. 33, xxix. 5-8, xxx. 20-26, 30-33.
-
-[618] Isa. xxxviii. 6. See for this paragraph an admirable chapter in
-Prof. Smith's _Isaiah_, pp. 368-374.
-
-[619] Isa. xlvii. 13.
-
-[620] Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 531.
-
-[621] Isa. xl. 15.
-
-[622] Isa. xix. 24, 25.
-
-[623] Ecclus. xlix. 4.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXIX
-
- _MANASSEH_
-
- B.C. 686-641
-
- 2 KINGS xxi. 1-16
-
- "Shall the throne of wickedness have fellowship with Thee,
- That frameth mischief by statute?
- They gather themselves in troops against the soul of the righteous,
- And condemn the innocent blood."--PSALM xciv. 20, 21.
-
- "Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind
- exceeding small;
- Though with patience long He waiteth, with exactness grinds
- He all."
-
-
-Manasseh was born after Hezekiah's recovery from his terrible illness.
-He was but twelve years old when he began to reign. Of his mother
-Hephzibah we know nothing, nor of the Zechariah who was her father;
-but perhaps Isaiah in one passage (lxii. 4) may refer to her name, "My
-delight is in her."[624] The son of Hezekiah and Hephzibah was the
-worst of all the kings of Judah, and had the longest reign.
-
-The tender age of Manasseh when he came to the throne may perhaps
-account for the fact that the "forgetfulness" which his name
-implied[625] was not a forgetting of other sorrows, but of all that
-was noble and righteous in the attempted reformation which had been
-the main religious work of his father's life. In Judah, as in England,
-a king was not supposed to be of age until he was eighteen.[626] For
-six years Manasseh must have been to a great extent under the
-influence of his regents and counsellors.
-
-There always existed in Jerusalem, even in the best times, a
-heathenising party, and it was, unfortunately, composed of princes and
-aristocrats who could bring strong influence to bear upon the
-king.[627] They did not deny Jehovah, but they did not recognise Him
-as the sole or the supreme God of heaven and earth. To them He was the
-local deity of Israel and Judah. But there were other gods, the gods
-of the nations, and their aim always was to recognise the existence of
-these deities and to pay homage to their power. If their favour could
-not be purchased except by their immediate votaries, at least their
-anger might be averted. These politicians advocated a fatal and
-incongruous syncretism, or at least an unlimited tolerance for heathen
-idols, for which they could, unhappily, quote the precepts and example
-of the Wise King, Solomon. If any one questioned their views as a
-dangerous idolatry, and an insult to
-
- "Jehovah thundering out of Zion, throned
- Between the cherubim,"
-
-they had but to point from the walls of Jerusalem to the confronting
-summit of Olivet, where still remained the shrines which the son of
-David had erected three centuries earlier to Chemosh, and Milcom, and
-Ashtoreth, who, since his day, had always found, even in Jerusalem,
-some worshippers, open or secret, to acknowledge their divinity.
-
-And these worldlings, in their tolerance for the intolerable, could
-always appeal to two powerful instincts of man's fallen
-nature--sensuality and fear--"lust hard by hate." There was something
-in the worship of Baal-Peor and of Moloch which appealed to the
-undying ape and tiger in the unregenerate human heart.
-
-The true worship of Jehovah is exactly that form of religion which man
-finds it least easy to render to Him--the religion of pure morality.
-Services, rites, functions, look like religious diligence, and readily
-secure a reverent outward devotion. Even self-maceration, fasts, and
-flagellation are a cheap way of escaping the "endless torments" which
-always loom so hugely in terrifying superstition.
-
-Such superstitions are children of the fear and faithlessness which hath
-torment. They are the corruptions with which every form of false
-religion, and with which also a corrupt and perverted Christianity, are
-always tainted. And they demand the easy expiation of physical ritual.
-But all the best and most spiritual teachers of Scripture--alike the
-Hebrew Prophets and the Christian Apostles--are at one with the Lord
-Christ in perpetual insistence on the truth that "mercy is better than
-sacrifice," and that true religion consists in that good mind and good
-life which are the sole proof of genuine sincerity.
-
-If Jehovah would but be contented with gifts, men would gladly offer
-Him thousands of rams and tens of thousands of rivers of oil. But the
-prophets taught that He was above all mean bribes, and that such
-offerings never could be anything to One whose were all the beasts of
-the forests and the cattle upon a thousand hills. It was not easy,
-then, to bribe such a God, or to make Him a respecter of persons.
-
-How easy, again, would it be, if He would even accept human
-sacrifices! A child was but a child. How easy to kill a child, and
-place it in the brazen arms which sloped over the fiery cistern!
-Moloch and Chemosh were supremely to be won by such holocausts; and
-surely Moloch and Chemosh must be lords of power! But here again the
-prophets of Jehovah stepped in, and said that it was of no avail with
-the High, the Holy, the Merciful, to give even our firstborn for our
-transgressions, or the fruit of the body for the sin of the soul.
-
-Asceticism, then--occasional fasting, severe self-deprivations--surely
-the gods would accept these? And they were as nothing compared to the
-burden of sin and the agony of conscience! Baal and Asherah could
-command agonised devotees, and could approve of them. By Jehovah and
-His prophets such bodily service is discouraged and forbidden.
-
-Pleasure, then?--the consecration of the natural impulses, the
-devotion in religious cultus of the passions and appetites of the
-flesh--why should that be so abhorrent to Jehovah? Other deities
-exulted in licentiousness. Was not the temple of Astarte full of her
-women-worshippers and of her eunuchs? Was there no fascination in the
-voluptuous allurements, the orgiastic dances, the stolen waters, the
-bread eaten in secret, when not only was the conscience lulled by the
-removal therefrom of all sense of guilt and degradation, but such
-orgies were even crowned with merit, as part of an acceptable worship?
-After all, there was "a fascination of corruption" in these idols of
-gold and jewels, of lust and blood!
-
-How stern, how cold, how bare, by comparison, was the moral law which
-only said, "Thou shalt not," and emphasised its prohibition with the
-unalterable sanctions, "This do, and thou shalt live"; "Do it not, and
-thou shalt die"! What could they make of a religion which was so
-eloquently silent as to the meritoriousness of ritual?
-
-And how chill and simple and dreary was that which--according to
-Micah--Jehovah had shown to be good, and which He required of every
-man,--which was nothing more than to do justly, and to love mercy, and
-to walk humbly with God!
-
-And what right had the prophets--so asked these apostates--to lord it
-over God's heritage in this way? Solomon was the greatest king of
-Israel and Judah; and Solomon had never been so exclusive in his
-religionism, though he had built the Temple of the Lord; nor Rehoboam;
-nor the great Phoenician Queen Athaliah; nor the cultivated and
-æsthetic Ahaz; nor, in the kingdom of Israel, the lordly warrior Ahab;
-nor the splendid and long-lived victor Jeroboam II. Had not Manasseh
-plenty of examples of religious syncretism, to which he might appeal
-in the joy of his youthful age?
-
-Not impossibly there lay in the background another reason why the
-young king might be inclined to listen to these evil counsellors.
-Micah may still have been living; but of Isaiah we hear no more.
-Probably he was dead. It is not recorded that he delivered any
-prophecy during the reign of Manasseh, nor is it certain that he
-outlived the former king. Tradition, indeed, in later days, asserted
-that he had confronted Manasseh, and been doomed to death; that he had
-taken refuge in a cedar tree, and in that cedar had been sawn asunder;
-but the tradition is wholly without a vestige of authority. One of
-Micah's sternest oracles was perhaps uttered in the days of
-Manasseh.[628] But Micah was only a provincial prophet of
-Moresheth-Gath. He never moved in the midst of princes as Isaiah had
-done, or possessed a tithe of the authority which had rested for so
-many years on the shoulders of his mighty contemporary.
-
-Moreover--so the heathen party might suggest--had not Isaiah's
-prophecies been falsified by the result? Had he not distinctly
-promised and pledged his credit to two things? and had not both turned
-out to be unworthy of reliance?
-
-i. Surely he had prophesied the utter downfall of the Assyrians. And it
-was true that after his disaster on the confines of Egypt, Sennacherib
-had fled in haste to Nineveh, and his occupations with rebels on his own
-frontiers had left Judah unmolested, and he had been murdered by his
-sons. But, on the other hand, in no sense of the word had Assyria
-fallen. On the contrary, she had never been more powerful. Not one of
-his predecessors had seemed more irresistible than Esarhaddon. He was
-undisputed king of Babylon and of Nineveh. There would be no more
-embassies from Merodach-Baladan, or any revolted viceroy! And rumour
-would early begin to narrate that Esarhaddon had not forgotten the
-catastrophe at Pelusium, but intended to avenge it, and to teach Egypt
-the forgotten lessons of Raphia (B.C. 720) and Altaqu (B.C. 701).
-
-ii. And as for Judah, where was the golden Messianic age which Isaiah
-had promised? Where did they see the Divine Prince whom he had
-foretold, or the lion lying down with the lamb, and the child laying
-his hand on the cockatrice's den?
-
-All this, they would argue, had greatly shaken Isaiah's prophetic
-authority. Judah was a mere vassal--safe only in so far as she
-remained a vassal, and did not join Tyre or any other rebellious
-power, but abode safe under the shadow of Assyria's mighty wings.
-
-Was it not, then, as well to look facts in the face? to accept things
-as they were? And--so they would argue, with false plausibility--since
-the triumph, after all, had remained with the gods of the nations,
-might it not be as well to dethrone Jehovah from His exclusive
-dominion, and at least to propitiate the potent and less-exacting
-deities, the charming _Dî faciles_ who smiled at lewd aberrations, and
-even flung over them the glamour of devotion?
-
-With these bolder renegades would be the whole body of the priests of
-the _bamoth_. Those old sanctuaries had been repressed by Hezekiah
-without any compensation; for in those days life-interests were
-little, or not at all, regarded. Multitudes of priests and Levites
-must have been flung out of employment and reduced to poverty by the
-recent religious revolution. It is not likely that they bore without a
-murmur the obliteration of forms of worship sanctioned by immemorial
-custom, or that they made no efforts to procure the re-establishment
-of what the people loved.
-
-Thus a vast weight of evil influence was brought to bear upon the
-boy-king; and it was also the more powerful because repeated
-indications exist that, while the king was nominally a despot, and was
-surrounded with external observance, the real control of affairs was,
-to a large extent, in the hands of an aristocracy of priests and
-princes, except when the king was a man of great personal force.
-
-Manasseh went over to these retrogressionists heart and soul, and he
-contentedly remained a tributary of Assyria. Even when Esarhaddon's
-forces marched to the chastisement of Egypt, he felt secure in his
-allegiance to the dominant tyrant of Babylon and Nineveh, whose
-interest it would be not to disturb a faithful subject.
-
-There followed a reaction, an absolute rebound from the old
-monotheistic strictness and righteousness. The nation emancipated
-itself from the moral law as with a shout of relief, and plunged into
-superstition and licentiousness. The reign of Manasseh resembled at
-once the recrudescence of Popery in the reign of Mary Tudor, with its
-rekindling of the fires of Smithfield, and the foul orgies of
-debauchery at the Restoration of 1660, when human nature, loving
-degraded licence better than strenuous liberty, flung away the noble
-freedom of Puritanism for the loathly mysteries of Cotytto. The age of
-Manasseh resembled that of Charles II., in the famous description of
-Lord Macaulay. "Then came days never to be recalled without a blush,
-the days of servitude without loyalty, and sensuality without love, of
-dwarfish talents and gigantic vices, the paradise of cold hearts and
-narrow minds, the golden age of the coward, the bigot, and the slave.
-In every high place worship was paid to Belial and Moloch, and England
-propitiated these obscene and cruel idols with the blood of her best
-and bravest children." Sensuous intoxication is in all cases closely
-connected with fiendish cruelty, and the introducer of voluptuous
-idolatries naturally became the first persecutor of the true religion.
-
-1. The first step of the king, and probably the one which the people
-welcomed most, was the restoration of the chapelries under the trees
-and on the hills, which, more strenuously than any of his
-predecessors, Hezekiah had at least attempted to put down. For this
-step Manasseh might have pleaded the sanction of ages to which the
-Book of Deuteronomy had either been wholly unknown, or during which
-its laws had become as utterly forgotten as though they had never
-existed. To many worshippers these old shrines had become extremely
-precious. They felt it to be either an actual impossibility, or at the
-best intolerably burdensome, to make their way by long, dreary, and
-difficult journeys to Jerusalem, when they desired to pay the most
-ordinary rites of worship. They knew no reason, and had never known of
-any reason, why Jehovah should be worshipped in one Temple only. All
-their religious instincts led them the other way. They could point to
-the example of all the highly honoured saints who had worshipped God
-at Gilgal, Shechem, Bethel, Hebron, Beersheba, Kedesh, Gibeah, and
-many another shrine; and of all the saintly kings who had not dreamt
-of interfering with such free worship. Why should Jerusalem monopolise
-all sanctity? It might be a politic view for kings to maintain, and
-highly profitable for priests to establish; but none of their great
-prophets, not even the princely Isaiah, had said one syllable against
-the innocent high places of Jehovah. In those days there were no
-synagogues. The extinction of the high places doubtless seemed to many
-of the people an extinction of religion in daily life, and they were
-more than half disposed to agree with the Rabshakeh that Jehovah was
-offended by what they regarded as a burdensome, unwise, and sweeping
-innovation.--If it be necessary to answer arguments which might have
-seemed natural, against a custom which might have seemed innocent, it
-must suffice to say that it was the chief mission of Israel to keep
-alive among the nations of the world the knowledge of the One True
-God, and that, amid the constant temptations to accept the gods of the
-heathen as they were adored in groves and on high places, the faith of
-Israel could no longer be kept pure except by the Deuteronomic
-institution of one central and exclusive shrine.
-
-2. But Manasseh did far worse than rehabilitate the worship at the high
-places which his father had discouraged. "He reared up altars for
-Baal,[629] and made an Asherah, as did Ahab, King of Israel." This was
-the first bad element of the new cosmopolitan eclecticism. It involved
-the acceptance of the Phoenician nature-worship with its manifold
-abominations. The people had grown familiar with it under Athaliah (2
-Kings xi. 18), and under Ahaz (2 Chron. xxviii. 2); but Manasseh, as we
-infer from the account given of Josiah's reformation, had gone further
-than either. He had actually ventured to introduce the image of Baal
-into the Temple, and to set up the Asherah-pillar in front of it (2
-Kings xxiii. 4). Worse even than this, he had erected in the very
-Temple (_id._ 7) houses devoted to the execrable _Qedeshim_ (Vulg.,
-_effeminati_), in which also the women wove broidered hangings to adorn
-the shrines of the idol image, as in the worship of the Assyrian
-Mylitta.[630] He, at the same time, displaced the altar and removed the
-Ark. To the latter circumstances is perhaps due the Rabbinic legend that
-Hezekiah hid the Ark till the coming of the Messiah.
-
-3. To this Phoenician worship he added Sabaism, the worship of the
-stars, "all the host of heaven, whom he served." This was an entirely
-new phase of idolatry, unknown to the Hebrews till they came in
-contact with Assyria.[631] It came rapidly into vogue, and exercised
-over their imaginations the spell of a seductive novelty, as we see
-from the strong testimony of the prophet Jeremiah.[632] This is why it
-is so emphatically forbidden in the Book of Deuteronomy.[633] The king
-built altars to the stars of the Zodiac (_Mazzaroth_), both in the
-outer court of the Temple, and in the court of the priests, and on
-these altars incense or victims were continually burned. He also
-introduced or encouraged the introduction into the Temple precincts of
-the horses and chariots dedicated to the sun.[634]
-
-When we read of the actual invasion of the Temple-precincts in this as
-in preceding and subsequent reigns, we cannot but ask, Were these
-atrocities committed with the sanction or with the connivance of the
-priests? We are not told. Yet how can it have been otherwise? If the
-high priest Azariah could muster eighty priests to oppose King Uzziah,
-when he merely wished to burn incense in the Temple, as Solomon had
-done before him, and as Ahaz did after him--if Jehoiada could,
-according to the Chronicler, muster a perfect army of priests and
-Levites to dethrone Athaliah, and could so stir up the people that
-they rose _en masse_ to tear down the temple of Baal, and slay Mattan,
-his high priest,--how was it possible for Manasseh to perpetrate these
-flagrant acts of idolatrous apostasy, if the priests were all ranged
-in opposition to his power? Was their authority suddenly paralysed?
-Did their influence with the people shrivel into nothing when Hezekiah
-had been carried to his tomb? Or did these priests follow the easy and
-profitable course which they seem to have followed throughout the
-whole history of the kings without an exception?--did they simply
-answer the kings according to their idols?
-
-4. Another, and the most hideous, element of the new mixture of cults
-was the reintroduction of the ancient Canaanite worship of Moloch with
-its human sacrifices. Manasseh, like Ahaz, made his son or, according
-to the Chronicler and the Septuagint, "his sons"--pass through the
-fire to this grim Ammonite idol in Tophet of the Valley of Hinnom, so
-as to leave no chance untried. And herein he was far more inexcusable
-than his grandfather; for Ahaz had at least been driven by desperate
-extremity to this last expedient, but Manasseh was living, if not in
-prosperity, at least in unbroken peace. Moreover, he not only did this
-himself, but did his utmost to make a popular institution of
-children-sacrifice, so that many practised it in the dreadful valley
-and amid the rocks outside Jerusalem.[635]
-
-5. Even this did not suffice him. To these Assyrian, Phoenician, and
-Canaanite elements of idolatry he added Babylonian novelties. He
-practised augury, and used enchantments, and he dealt with familiar
-spirits and wizards, as though without Egyptian necromancy and
-Mesopotamian shamanism his eclectic worship would be incomplete.[636]
-
-6. Thus "he wrought much wickedness in the sight of the Lord to
-provoke Him to anger." He placed a graven image of his Asherah inside
-the Temple, and utterly profaned the sacred house, and seduced his
-people "to do more evil than did the nations whom the Lord destroyed
-before the children of Israel."
-
-Whatever was the conduct of the priests, the prophets were not silent.
-They denounced Manasseh for having done worse than even the ancient
-Amorites, and declared that, in consequence of his crimes, God would
-bring upon Jerusalem such evil as would cause both the ears of him
-that heard it to tingle;[637] that he would stretch over Jerusalem for
-ruin the line and the level of Ahab;[638] that He would cast off even
-the remnant, and deliver them to their enemies; that He would wipe out
-Jerusalem "as a man wipeth a dish, wiping and turning it upside
-down."[639]
-
-The finest oracles of Micah (vi. 1-vii. 7) were probably uttered in the
-reign of Manasseh, and give the simplest and purest expression to the
-supremacy of morality as the one true end and test of religion. Micah is
-as indifferent as the Decalogue to all claims of rites, ceremonies, and
-outward worship. "Jehovah demands nothing for Himself; all that He asks
-is for man: this is the fundamental law of the theocracy."
-
-The apostasies of the king and the denunciation of the prophets thus
-came into fierce collision, and led naturally to persecution and
-bloodshed. Perhaps in Mic. vii. 1-7 we catch the echoes of the Reign
-of Terror. The king resorted to violence, using, no doubt, the
-tyrant's devilish plea of necessity. He made blood run like water in
-the streets of Jerusalem from end to end,[640] and in the exaggerated
-phrase of Josephus, was _daily_ slaying the prophets.[641] It was
-during this persecution, according to Rabbinic tradition, that Isaiah
-received the martyr's crown.[642]
-
-And no miracles were wrought to save the martyrs. Elijah and Elisha
-had been surrounded with a blaze of miracles, but in Judah no prophet
-arose who could so wield the power of Heaven.
-
-At this point the narrative of the historian about Manasseh ends. If
-he shared the current opinion of his day, which connected individual
-and national prosperity with well-doing, and regarded length of days
-as a sign of the favour of Heaven, while, on the other hand,
-misfortune and misery invariably resulted from the wrath of Jehovah,
-he could not have been otherwise than surprised, and perhaps even
-pained, to have to relate that Manasseh reigned fifty-five years. Not
-only was his reign longer than that of any other king of Israel or
-Judah; not only did he attain a greater age than any of them; but,
-further, no calamity seems to have marked his rule. A contented and
-protected vassal of Esarhaddon, secure from his attacks, and also
-unmolested by the weakened and subjugated nations around him, he would
-seem, in the story of the Kings, to have enjoyed an enviable external
-lot, and to have presided over a people who were happy, in that,
-during his rule, they had no history. But whatever the writer may have
-felt, he tells us no more, and lets us see Manasseh sink peacefully
-into his grave "in the garden of his own house, in the garden of
-Uzza," and leave to his son Amon a peaceful realm and an undisputed
-crown. Such a career would undoubtedly perplex and confound all the
-preconceived opinions of Jewish orthodoxy. The prosperity of Manasseh
-would have presented as great a problem to them as the miseries of
-Job. They looked to temporal prosperity as the reward of
-righteousness, and to acute misery as the retribution of apostasy and
-sin. They had little or no conception of a future which should redress
-the balance of apparent earthly inequalities. Alike the sight of
-Manasseh's long reign and Josiah's undeserved death in battle would
-give a powerful shock to their fixed convictions.
-
-Far different is the end of the story in the Book of Chronicles. The
-records of Esarhaddon tell us that in 680 he made an expedition into
-Palestine to restore the shaken influence of his father,[643] and
-about 647 he mentions among his submissive tributaries the kings of
-Tyre, Edom, Moab, Gaza, Ekron, Askelon, Gebal, Ammon, Ashdod, and
-Manasseh, King of Judah ("Minasi-sar-Yahudi"), as well as ten princes
-of Cyprus. Whether the King of Judah rebelled later on, and intrigued
-with Tirhakah, we do not know; but in 2 Chron. xxxiii. 11 we read that
-Esarhaddon sent his generals to Jerusalem, took Manasseh by stratagem,
-drove rings through his lips, bound him in chains, and brought him to
-Babylon, where Esarhaddon was holding his court.[644] We find from the
-_Eponym Canon_ that Tyre revolted from Assyria in the tenth year of
-Esarhaddon, and Manasseh may have been drawn away to join in the
-revolt; or he may have joined Shamash-shum-ukîn, the Viceroy of
-Babylon, in his revolt against his brother Assurbanipal. As a rule,
-the lot of a conquered vassal at the Assyrian Court was horrible, and
-in his utter misery Manasseh repented, humbled himself, and
-prayed.[645] His prayer was heard. The despots of Nineveh were
-capricious alike in their insults and in their favours, and
-Esarhaddon not only pardoned Manasseh, but sent him back to
-Jerusalem,[646] thinking that he would be more useful to him there
-than in a Babylonian dungeon. After this reprieve he lived like a
-penitent and a patriot. Esarhaddon was preparing for his expedition
-against Tirhakah, and would not attack a king who was now bound to him
-by gratitude as well as fear. But the times were very troublous.
-Manasseh prepared for eventualities by building an outer wall on the
-west of the city of David, unto Gihon in the Valley, by surrounding
-Ophel with a high wall, and by garrisoning the fenced cities.[647] All
-this was necessary and patriotic work, considering that Judah might be
-attacked by other enemies as well as the Assyrians. She was like a
-grain of corn amid the grinding mills of the nations. Media and Lydia
-were rising into strong kingdoms. Babylon was becoming daily more
-formidable. Dim rumours reached the East of movements among vast hosts
-of Cimmerian and Scythian barbarians. Jerusalem had no human strength
-for war. She could only rely upon her battlements, on the natural
-strength of her position, and on the protection of her God. Almost in
-the last year of Manasseh, the powerful Psammetichus I., king of a now
-united Egypt, made an assault on Ashdod; but he did not venture on the
-difficult task of besieging Jerusalem.
-
-The religious reformation of Manasseh attested the sincerity of his
-amendment. He flung out the Asherah from the Temple, put away the
-strange gods, destroyed the altars, burnt sacrifices to God, and used
-all his power to restore the worship of Jehovah. He did not, however,
-destroy the high places. For this story the Chronicler refers to "the
-words of Chozai,"[648] according to the present text, which some
-suppose to have meant "the story of the Seers." He also refers to a
-prayer of Manasseh, which cannot of course be the Greek forgery of the
-second or third century which goes by that name in the Apocrypha.[649]
-His repentance doubtless secured his own salvation. "Whoso saith
-'Manasseh hath no part in the world to come,'" said Rabbi Johanan,
-"discourageth the penitent";--but the partial reformation was too late
-to save his land.
-
-Is this a literal history, or an edifying Haggadah? The non-historical
-character of the story is maintained by De Wette, Graf, Nöldeke, and
-many others. Both views have been taken. This we can, at any rate,
-assert--that there seems to be nothing in the story which is
-inconsistent with probability. The Chronicler may have derived it from
-genuine documents or traditions, though it is difficult to account for
-the silence of the elder and more trustworthy historian. Nor is it
-only his silence for which we have to account; it is the continuance
-of his positive statements. It would be, in any case, a strange
-conception of history which, after narrating a man's crimes, omitted
-alike the retribution which befell him on account of them, the
-heartfelt penitence for the sake of which they were forgiven, and the
-seriously earnest endeavour to undo at least something of the evil
-which he had done. Not only does the historian make these omissions,
-but in no subsequent allusion to Manasseh does he so much as indicate
-that he is aware of his amendment.[650] He says that Amon "did evil in
-the sight of the Lord, as his father Manasseh did."[651] He speaks of
-the altars to the hosts of heaven which Manasseh had made in the two
-courts of the Temple as still standing in the reign of Josiah, though
-the Chronicler tells us that Manasseh had cast them all out of the
-city.[652] He says that, notwithstanding all that Josiah did, "the
-Lord turned not from the fierceness of His great wrath, because of all
-the provocations that Manasseh had provoked Him withal,"[653] and that
-on this account God cast off Jerusalem. Never, even by the most
-distant allusions, does he refer to Manasseh's captivity, his prayer,
-his penitence, or his counter-efforts. Had he been aware of these, his
-silence would have been neither generous nor just. Nay, he even leaves
-apparent facts at conflict with the Chronicler's story, for he makes
-Josiah do all that the Chronicler tells us that Manasseh himself had
-done in the removal of his worst abominations.
-
-Even now we have not exhausted the historic difficulties which
-surround the repentance of Manasseh. During his reign Jeremiah
-received his call, and while still a young boy began his work. Neither
-he, nor Zephaniah, nor Habakkuk drop the slightest hint that the
-wicked, idolatrous king had ever turned over a new leaf. Jeremiah's
-silence is specially difficult to account for. He, too, records
-Jehovah's final and irrevocable decree, that He would give up Judah to
-death, to exile, and to famine, to the sword to slay, to the dogs to
-tear, to the fowls of the heaven and the beasts of the earth to devour
-and to destroy.[654] And the cause of the pitiless doom pronounced by
-a Judge weary of repenting is "because of Manasseh, the son of
-Hezekiah, King of Judah, for that which he did in Jerusalem."[655]
-
-The judgment was not long delayed.
-
-It was the vast movement of the Scythians in Media and Western Asia,
-and the rumours of it, which gave to Manasseh and Amon such respite as
-they had; and even this respite was full of misery and fear.[656]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[624] One legend says that Hephzibah was a daughter of Isaiah. Not so
-Josephus (_Antt._, X. iii. 1).
-
-[625] See Gen. xli. 51. His name may have referred to the new union
-between the Northern and Southern Kingdoms. Comp. 2 Chron. xxx. 6,
-xxxi. 1.
-
-[626] Chron. xxxiv. 1-3.
-
-[627] See Zeph. i. 8. Comp. 2 Chron. xxiv. 17; Isa. xxviii. 14; Jer.
-v. 5, etc.
-
-[628] Mic. vii. 1-20.
-
-[629] LXX., [Greek: tê Baal]. The feminine, however, does not imply
-that Baal was here worshipped as a female deity, but is probably due
-to the fact that later Jews always avoided using the _names_ of idols
-(from a misapprehension or too literal view of Exod. xxiii. 13), and
-therefore called Baal _Bosheth_ ("shame"), which is feminine. Hence
-the names Mephibosheth, Jerubbesheth, Ishbosheth. In Suidas (_s.v._
-[Greek: Manassês]) he is charged with having set up in the Temple "a
-four-faced image of Zeus."
-
-[630] For [Hebrew: battim], in 2 Kings xxiii. 7, the LXX. read [Greek:
-chettim] (?). Grätz, (_Gesch. d. Juden._, ii. 277) suggests [Hebrew:
-benadim], "broidered robes." Ezek. xvi. 16. See Herod., i. 199;
-Strabo, xvi. 1058; Luc., _De Deâ. Syr._, § 6; Libanius, _Opp._, xi.
-456, 557; _Ep. of Jeremy_, 43; Döllinger, _Judenthum u. Heidenthum_,
-i. 431; Rawlinson, _Phoenicia_, 431.
-
-[631] Chron. xxxiii. 3; 2 Kings xxiii. 5. Movers, _Rel. d. Phöniz._, i.
-65 "In all the books of the Old Testament written before the Assyrian
-period no trace of star-worship is to be to found." 2 Kings xvii. 16.
-
-[632] Jer. vii. 18, viii. 2, xix. 13; Zeph. i, 5.
-
-[633] See Deut. iv. 19, xvii. 3.
-
-[634] 2 Kings xxiii. 11, 12.
-
-[635] See Jer. vii, 31, 32, xix. 2-6, xxxii. 35; Psalm cvi. 37, 38.
-
-[636] Ewald infers from Isa. lvii. 5-9; Jer. ii. 5-13, that he actually
-_sought_ for all foreign kinds of worship, in order to introduce them.
-
-[637] 1 Sam. iii. 11; Jer. xix. 3.
-
-[638] Comp. Isa. xxxiv. 11; Lam. ii. 8.
-
-[639] 2 Kings xxi. 13. LXX., [Greek: alabastros], _al._ [Greek:
-pyxion]. The Vulgate also takes it to mean the obliteration of writing
-on a tablet: "Delebo Jerusalem sicut deleri solent tabulæ; et ducam
-crebrius stylum super faciem ejus."
-
-[640] 2 Kings xxi. 16; Heb., "from mouth to mouth"; LXX., [Greek:
-stoma eis stoma]; Vulg., _donec impleret Jerusalem usque ad os_. Comp.
-2 Kings x. 21.
-
-[641] _Antt._, X. iii, 1: "He butchered alike all the just among the
-Hebrews." To this reign of terror some refer Psalm xii. 1; Isa. lvii.
-1-4.
-
-[642] This (as I have said) cannot be regarded as certain. Isaiah
-began to prophesy in the year that King Uzziah died, sixty years
-before Manasseh. It is a Jewish Haggadah. See Gesen on Isa. i., p. 9,
-and the Apocryphal "Ascension of Isaiah."
-
-[643] Esarhaddon reigned only eight years, till 668, and then resigned
-in favour of his son Assurbanipal. In his reign Psammetichus recovered
-Egypt, and put an end to the Dodecarchy. In the reign of his
-successor, Assuredililani, Assyria began to decline (647-625).
-
-[644] Comp. Isa. xxxix. 6; Jos., _Antt._, X. iii. 2. The phrase "among
-the thorns" means "_with rings_" (comp. Isa. xxx. 28, xxxvii. 29;
-Ezek. xxxviii. 4; Amos iv. 2). Assurbanipal says similarly that he
-seized Necho, "bound him with bonds and iron chains, hands and feet,"
-but afterwards allowed him to return to Egypt (Schrader, ii. 59).
-
-[645] Late and worthless Haggadoth, echoed by still later writers
-(Suidas and Syncellus), say he was kept in a brazen cage, fed on bran
-bread dipped in vinegar, etc. See _Apost. Constt._, ii. 22: "And the
-Lord hearkened to his voice, and there became about him a flame of
-fire, and all the irons about him melted." John Damasc., _Parall._,
-ii. 15, quotes from Julius Africanus, that while Manasseh was saying a
-psalm his iron bonds burst, and he escaped. See _Speakers Commentary_,
-on Apocrypha, ii. 363.
-
-[646] Such pardon from a king of Assyria was rare, but not
-unparalleled. Pharaoh Necho I. was taken in chains to Nineveh, and
-afterwards set free (Schrader, _K. A. T._, p. 371).
-
-[647] See 2 Chron. xxvii. 3. The "fish gate" was, perhaps, a weak
-point (Zeph. i. 10).
-
-[648] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 19. Heb., _dibhrî Chozai_; A.V., "the story of
-the Seers"; R.V., "in the history of Hozai"; LXX., [Greek: epi tôn
-logôn tôn ouraniôn]; Vulg., _in sermonibus Hozai_. The elements of
-doubt suggested by the name "Babylon," and by the liberation of
-Manasseh, have been removed by further knowledge. See Budge, _Hist. of
-Esarhaddon_, p. 78; Schrader, _K. A. T._, 369 ff.
-
-[649] Since the Council of Trent this prayer has been relegated to the
-end of the Vulgate with 3, 4, Esdras. Verse 8 (the supposed sinlessness
-of the Patriarchs) at once shows it to be a mere composition.
-
-[650] 2 Kings xxiii. 12.
-
-[651] 2 Kings xxi. 20.
-
-[652] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 15.
-
-[653] 2 Kings xxiii. 26.
-
-[654] Jer. xv. 1-9.
-
-[655] The later Jews certainly took no account of his repentance. His
-name was execrated (see the substitution of Manasseh for Moses in
-Judg. xviii. 30), and he was denied all part in the world to come. The
-Apocryphal "Prayer of Manasses" has no authority, though it is
-interesting (Butler, _Analogy_, pt. ii., ch. v.).
-
-[656] In estimating the Chronicler's story, we cannot wholly forget the
-fact that a number of Haggadic legends clustered thickly round the name
-of Manasseh in the literature of the later Jews. He is charged with
-incest, with the murder of Isaiah, the distortion of Scripture, etc.,
-and is represented as having got to heaven, not by real repentance, but
-by challenging God on His superiority to idols. The Targum, after 2
-Chron. xxxiii. 11, adds, "And the Chaldees made a copper mule, and
-pierced it all over with little holes, and put him therein. And when he
-was in straits, he cried in vain to all his idols. Then he prayed to
-Jehovah and humbled himself; but the angels shut every window and
-lattice of heaven, that his prayer might not enter. But forthwith the
-pity of the Lord of the world rolled forth, and He made an aperture in
-heaven, and the mule burst asunder, and the Spirit breathed on him, and
-he forsook all his idols." "No books," says Dr. Neubauer, "are more
-subject to additions and various adaptations than popular histories."
-See Mr. Ball's commentary (_Speaker's Commentary_, ii. 309, and
-_Sanhedrin_, f. 99, 2; 101, 1; 103, 2).
-
-
-
-
- _AMON_[657]
-
- B.C. 641-639
-
- 2 KINGS xxi. 19-26
-
-The brief reign of Amon is only a sort of unimportant and miserable
-annex to that of his father. As he was twenty-two years old when he
-began to reign, he must have witnessed the repentance and reforming zeal
-of his father, if, in spite of all difficulties, we assume that
-narrative to be historical. In that case, however, the young man was
-wholly untouched by the latter phase of Manasseh's life, and flung
-himself headlong into the career of the king's earlier idolatries. "He
-walked in all the way that his father walked in, and served the idols
-that his father served, and worshipped them"--which was the more
-extraordinary if Manasseh's last acts had been to dethrone and destroy
-these strange gods. He even "multiplied trespass," so that in his son's
-reign we find every form of abomination as triumphant as though Manasseh
-had never attempted to check the tide of evil. We know nothing more of
-Amon. Apparently he only reigned two years.[658] He is the only Jewish
-king who bears the name of a foreign--an Egyptian--deity.
-
-For pictures of the state of things in this reign we may look to the
-prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah, and they are forced to use the
-darkest colours.
-
-This is Zephaniah's picture:--
-
- "Woe to her that is rebellious and polluted, to the oppressing city!
- She obeyed not the voice; she received not instruction;
- She trusted not in the Lord; she drew not near to her God.
- Her princes in the midst of her are roaring lions;
- Her judges are evening wolves; they gnaw not the bones on the morrow.
- Her prophets are light and treacherous persons:
- Her priests have profaned the sanctuary, they have done violence to
- the law."[659]
-
-He tells us that Baal and his black-robed _chemarim_[660] are still
-prevalent--that men worshipped on their house-tops the host of heaven,
-and swore by "Moloch their king." Therefore would God search Jerusalem
-with candles, and would visit the men who had sunk, like thick wine on
-the lees, and who said in their infidel hearts, "Jehovah will not do
-good, neither will He do evil." He is an Epicurean God, a cypher, a
-_fainéant_. "Men make all kinds of fine calculations," says Luther,
-"but the Lord God says to them, 'For whom, then, do you hold Me? For a
-cypher? Do I sit here in vain, and to no purpose? You shall know that
-I will turn their accounts about finely, and make them all false
-reckonings.'"
-
-Not less dark is the view of Jeremiah.[661] Like Diogenes in Athens,
-Jeremiah in vain searches Jerusalem for a faithful man. Among the poor
-he finds brutish obstinacy, among the rich insolent defiance. They
-were like fed horses in the morning--lecherous and unruly. They are
-slanderers, adulterers, corrupters, murderers. They worship Baal and
-strange gods. "They set a trap, they catch men. As a cage is full of
-birds, so are their houses full of deceit. They are waxen fat, they
-shine; yea, they overpass in deeds of wickedness."[662] "An
-astonishment and horror is done in the land; the prophets prophesy
-falsely, and the priests bear rule by their means; and My people love
-to have it so: and what will ye do in the end thereof?"[663]
-
-"From the least of them even unto the greatest of them every one is
-given to covetousness; and from the prophet even unto the priest every
-one dealeth falsely. They have treated also the hurt of My people
-lightly, saying, 'Peace, peace,' when there is no peace. Were they
-ashamed when they had committed abominations? Nay, they were not at
-all ashamed, neither could they blush: therefore shall they fall among
-them that fall."[664]
-
-The wretched reign ended wretchedly. Amon met the fate of Amaziah and
-of Joash. He was murdered by conspirators--by some of his own
-courtiers--in his own palace. He was not the victim of any general
-rebellion. The people of the land were apparently content with the
-existent idolatry, which left them free for lives of lust and luxury,
-of greed and gain. They resented the disorder introduced by an
-intrigue of eunuchs or court officials. They rose and slew the whole
-band of conspirators. Amon was buried with his father in the new
-burial-place of the Kings in the garden of Uzza, and the people placed
-his son Josiah--a child of eight years old--upon the throne.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[657] The name Amon is unusual. Some identify it with the name of the
-Egyptian sun-god (Nah. iii. 8). If so, we see yet another element of
-Manasseh's syncretism, and (as some fancy) an attempt to open
-relations with Psammetichus of Egypt. But perhaps the name may be
-Hebrew for "Architect" (1 Kings xxii. 26; Neh. vii. 59).
-
-[658] 2 Kings xxi. 19. The LXX. reads "twelve years," but not so
-Josephus (_Antt._, X. iv. 1), or 2 Chron. xxxiii. 21.
-
-[659] Zeph. iii. 1-11. Comp. i. 4.
-
-[660] _Chemarim_, 2 Kings xxiii. 5; Hos. x. 5. The root in Syriac
-means "to be sad," but Kimchi derives it from a root "to be black."
-The Vulgate renders it _æditui_ and _aruspices_.
-
-[661] We are told in the titles of their books that both these
-prophets prophesied in the days of Josiah; but such pictures can only
-apply to the earliest years of his reign.
-
-[662] See Jer. v., vi., vii., _passim_.
-
-[663] Jer. vi. 13-15.
-
-[664] Jer. v. 30, 31.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXX
-
- _JOSIAH_
-
- B.C. 639-608[665]
-
- 2 KINGS xii., xxiii
-
- [Greek: "Tên de physin autos aristos hypêrche kai pros aretên heu
- gegonôs."]--Jos., _Antt._, iv. 1.
-
- "In outline dim and vast
- Their fearful shadows cast
- The giant forms of Empires, on their way
- To ruin: one by one
- They tower, and they are gone."
- KEBLE.
-
-
-If we are to understand the reign of Josiah as a whole, we must preface
-it by some allusion to the great epoch-marking circumstances of his age,
-which explain the references of contemporary prophets, and which, in
-great measure, determined the foreign policy of the pious king.
-
-The three memorable events of this brief epoch were, (I.) the movement
-of the Scythians, (II.) the rise of Babylon, and (III.) the
-humiliation of Nineveh, followed by her total destruction.
-
-I. Many of Jeremiah's earlier prophecies belong to this period, and we
-see that both he and Zephaniah--who was probably a great-great-grandson
-of King Hezekiah himself,[666] and prophesied in this reign[667]--are
-greatly occupied with a danger from the North which seems to threaten
-universal ruin.
-
-So overwhelming is the peril that Zephaniah begins with the
-tremendously sweeping menace, "_I will utterly consume all things off
-the earth_, saith the Lord."
-
-Then the curse rushes down specifically upon Judah and Jerusalem; and
-the state of things which the prophet describes shows that, if Josiah
-began himself to seek the Lord at eight years old, he did not
-take--and was, perhaps, unable to take--any active steps towards the
-extinction of idolatry till he was old enough to hold in his own hand
-the reins of power.
-
-For Zephaniah denounces the wrath of Jehovah on three classes of
-idolaters--viz., (1) the remnant of Baal-worshippers with their
-_chemarim_, or unlawful priests, and the syncretising priests
-(_kohanim_) of Jehovah, who combine His worship with that of the stars,
-to whom they burn incense upon the housetops; (2) the waverers, who
-swear at once by Jehovah and by Malcham, their king; and (3) the open
-despisers and apostates. For all these the day of Jehovah is near; He
-has prepared them for sacrifice, and the sacrificers are at hand.[668]
-Gaza, Ashdod, Askelon, Ekron, the Cherethites, Canaan, Philistia, are
-all threatened by the same impending ruin, as well as Moab and Ammon,
-who shall lose their lands. Ethiopia, too, and Assyria shall be smitten,
-and Nineveh shall become so complete a desolation that "pelicans and
-hedgehogs shall bivouac upon her chapiters, the owl shall hoot in her
-windows, and the crow croak upon the threshold, 'Crushed! desolated!'
-and all that pass by shall hiss and wag their hands."[669]
-
-The pictures of the state of society drawn by Jeremiah do not, as we
-have seen, differ from those drawn by his contemporary.[670] Jeremiah,
-too, writing perhaps before Josiah's reformation, complains that God's
-people have forsaken the fountains of living water, to hew out for
-themselves broken cisterns. He complains of empty formalism in the place
-of true righteousness, and even goes so far as to say that backsliding
-Israel has shown herself more righteous than treacherous Judah (iii.
-1-11). He, too, prophesies speedy and terrific chastisement. Let Judah
-gather herself into fenced cities, and save her goods by flight, for God
-is bringing evil from the North, and a great destruction.[671]
-
-"The lion is come up from his thicket, and the destroyer of the
-nations is on his way; he is gone forth from his place to make thy
-land desolate; and thy cities shall be laid waste, without an
-inhabitant. Behold, he cometh as clouds, and his chariots shall be as
-the whirlwind." Besiegers come from a far country, and give out their
-voice against the cities of Judah. The heart of the kings shall
-perish, and the heart of the princes; and the priests shall be
-astonished, and the prophets shall wonder.
-
-"For thus hath the Lord said, The whole land shall be desolate; yet
-will I not make a full end"--and, "O Jerusalem, wash thine heart from
-wickedness, that thou mayest be saved!"[672]
-
-"I will bring a nation upon you from far, O House of Israel, saith the
-Lord: it is a mighty nation, it is an ancient nation, a nation whose
-language"--unlike that of the Assyrians--"thou knowest not, neither
-understandest what they say. Their quiver is an open sepulchre, they
-are all mighty men. They shall batter thy fenced cities, in which thou
-trustest with weapons of war."[673]
-
-"O ye children of Benjamin, save your goods by flight: for evil is
-imminent from the North, and a great destruction. Behold, a people
-cometh from the North Country, and a great nation shall be raised from
-the farthest part of the earth. They lay hold on bow and spear; they are
-cruel, and have no mercy; their voice roareth like the sea; and they
-ride upon horses, set in array as men for war against thee, O daughter
-of Zion. We have heard the fame thereof: our hands wax feeble."[674]
-
-And the judgment is close at hand. The early blossoming bud of the
-almond tree is the type of its imminence. The seething caldron, with
-its front turned from the North, typifies an invasion which shall soon
-boil over and flood the land.[675]
-
-What was the fierce people thus vaguely indicated as coming from the
-North? The foes indicated in these passages are not the long-familiar
-Assyrians, but the Scythians and Cimmerians.[676]
-
-As yet the Hebrews had only heard of them by dim and distant rumour.
-When Ezekiel prophesied they were still an object of terror, but he
-foresees their defeat and annihilation. They should be gathered into
-the confines of Israel, but only for their destruction.[677] The
-prophet is bidden to set his face towards Gog, of the land of Magog,
-the Prince of Rosh,[678] Meshech, and Tubal, and prophesy against him
-that God would turn him about, and put hooks in his jaws, and drive
-forth all his army of bucklered and sworded horsemen, the hordes of
-the uttermost part of the North. They should come like a storm upon
-the mountains of Israel, and spoil the defenceless villages; but they
-should come simply for their own destruction by blood and by
-pestilence. God should smite their bows out of their left hands, and
-their arrows out of the right, and the ravenous birds of Israel should
-feed upon the carcases of their warriors. There should be endless
-bonfires of all the instruments of war, and the place of their burial
-should be called "the valley of the multitude of Gog."
-
-Much of this is doubtless an ideal picture, and Ezekiel may be
-thinking of the fall of the Chaldæans. But the terms he uses remind us
-of the dim Northern nomads, and the names Rosh and Meshech in
-juxtaposition involuntarily recall those of Russia and Moscow.[679]
-
-Our chief historical authority respecting this influx of Northern
-barbarians is Herodotus.[680] He tells us that the nomad Scythians,
-apparently a Turanian race, who may have been subjected to the pressure
-of population, swarmed over the Caucasus, dispossessed the Cimmerians
-(Gomer), and settled themselves in Saccasene, a province of Northern
-Armenia. From this province the Scythians gained the name of the Saquî.
-The name of Gog seems to be taken from Gugu, a Scythian prince, who was
-taken captive by Assurbanipal from the land of the Saquî.[681] Magog is
-perhaps Mat-gugu, "land of Gog." These rude, coarse warriors, like the
-hordes of Attila, or Zenghis Khan, or Tamerlane--who were descended from
-them--magnetised the imagination of civilised people, as the Huns did
-in the fourth century.[682] They overthrew the kingdom of Urartis
-(Armenia), and drove the all-but exterminated remnant of the Moschi and
-Tabali to the mountain-fortresses by the Black Sea, turning them, as it
-were, into a nation of ghosts in Sheol.[683] Then they burst like a
-thunder-cloud on Mesopotamia, desolating the villages with their
-arrow-flights, but too unskilled to take fenced towns. They swept down
-the Shephelah of Palestine, and plundered the rich temple of Aphrodite
-(Astarte Ourania) at Askelon, thereby incurring the curse of the goddess
-in the form of a strange disease. But on the borders of Egypt they were
-diplomatically met by Psammetichus (_d._ 611) with gifts and prayers.
-Judah seems only to have suffered indirectly from this invasion. The
-main army of Scyths poured down the maritime plain, and there was no
-sufficient booty to tempt any but their straggling bands to the barren
-hills of Judah.[684] It was the report of this over-flooding from the
-North which probably evoked the alarming prophecies of Zephaniah and
-Jeremiah, though they found their clearer fulfilment in the invasion of
-the Chaldees.
-
-II. This rush of wild nomads averted for a time the fate of Nineveh.
-
-The Medes, an Aryan people, had settled south of the Caspian, B.C.
-790; and in the same century one of these tribes--the Persians--had
-settled south-east of Elam the northern coast of the Persian Gulf.
-Cyaxares founded the Median Empire, and attacked Nineveh. The Scythian
-invasion forced him to abandon the siege, and the Scythians burnt the
-Assyrian palace and plundered the ruins. But Cyaxares succeeded in
-intoxicating and murdering the Scythian leaders at a banquet, and
-bribed the army to withdraw. Then Cyaxares, with the aid of the
-Babylonians under Nabopolassar their rebel viceroy, besieged and took
-Nineveh--probably about B.C. 608--while its last king and his captains
-were revelling at a banquet.[685]
-
-The fall of Nineveh was not astonishing. The empire had long been
-"slowly bleeding to death" in consequence of its incessant wars. The
-city deemed itself impregnable behind walls a hundred feet high, on
-which three chariots could drive abreast, and mantled with twelve
-hundred towers; but she perished, and all the nations--whom she had
-known how to crush, but had with "her stupid and cruel tyranny" never
-known how to govern--shouted for joy. That joy finds its triumphant
-expression in more than one of the prophets, but specially in the
-vivid pæan of Nahum. His date is approximately fixed at about B.C.
-660, by his reference to the atrocities inflicted by Assurbanipal on
-the Egyptian city of No-Amon. "Art thou [Nineveh] better," he asks,
-"than No-Amon, that was situate among the canals, that had the water
-round about her, whose rampart was the Nile, and her wall was the
-waters? Yet she went into captivity! Her young children were dashed to
-pieces at the head of all the streets: they cast lots for her
-honourable men, and all her great men were bound in chains. Thou also
-shalt be drunken: thou shalt faint away, thou shalt seek a stronghold
-because of the enemy."[686]
-
-All the details of her fall are dim; but Nineveh was, in the language
-of the prophets, swept with the besom of destruction. Her ruins became
-stones of emptiness, and the line of confusion was stretched over her.
-Nahum ends with the cry,--
-
- "There is no assuaging of thy hurt; thy wound is grievous:
- All that hear the bruit of this, clap the hands over thee:
- For upon whom hath thy wickedness not passed continually?"
-
-In truth, Assyria, the ferocious foe of Israel, of Judah, and all the
-world, vanished suddenly, like a dream when one awaketh;[687] and those
-who passed over its ruins, like Xenophon and his Ten Thousand in B.C.
-401, knew not what they were.[688] Her very name had become forgotten in
-two centuries. "_Etiam periere ruinæ!_" The burnt relics and cracked
-tablets of her former splendour began to be revealed to the world once
-more in 1842, and it is only during the last quarter of a century that
-the fragments of her history have been laboriously deciphered.
-
-III. Such were the events witnessed in their germs or in their
-completion by the contemporaries of Josiah and the prophets who
-adorned his reign. It was during this period, also, that the power to
-whom the ultimate ruin and captivity of Jerusalem was due sprang into
-formidable proportions. The ultimate scourge of God to the guilty
-people and the guilty city was not to be the Assyrian, nor the
-Scythian, nor the Egyptian, nor any of the old Canaanite or Semitic
-foes of Israel, nor the Phoenician, nor the Philistine. With all these
-she had long contended, and held her own. It was before the Chaldee
-that she was doomed to fall, and the Chaldee was a new phenomenon of
-which the existence had hardly been recognised as a danger till the
-warning prophecy of Isaiah to Hezekiah after the embassy of the rebel
-viceroy Merodach-Baladan.[689]
-
-It is to Habakkuk, in prophecies written very shortly after the death
-of Josiah, that we must look for the impression of terror caused by
-the Chaldees.
-
-Nabopolassar,[690] sent by the successor of Assurbanipal to quell a
-Chaldæan revolt, seized the viceroyalty of Babylon, and joined Cyaxares
-in the overthrow of Nineveh. From that time Babylon became greater and
-more terrible than Nineveh, whose power it inherited. Habakkuk (ii.
-1-19) paints the rapacity, the selfishness, the inflated ambition, the
-cruelty, the drunkenness, the idolatry of the Chaldæans. He calls them
-(i. 5-11) a rough and restless nation, frightful and terrible, whose
-horsemen were swifter than leopards, fiercer than evening wolves, flying
-to gorge on prey like the vultures, mocking at kings and princes, and
-flinging dust over strongholds. Nor has he the least comfort in looking
-on their resistless fury, except the deeply significant oracle--an
-oracle which contains the secret of their ultimate doom--
-
- "Behold, his soul is puffed up; it is not upright in him:
- But the righteous man shall live by his fidelity."
-
-The prophet places absolute reliance on the general principle that
-"pride and violence dig their own grave."[691]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[665] Kamphausen (_Die Chronologie der hebräischer Könige_) makes
-Josiah succeed to the throne in 638.
-
-[666] Otherwise his genealogy would not be mentioned for four
-generations (Hitzig).
-
-[667] Zeph. i. 1. Jeremiah also was highly connected. He was a priest
-and his father Hilkiah may be the high priest who found the book; "for
-his uncle Shallum, father of his cousin Hanameel, was the husband of
-Huldah the prophetess" (2 Kings xxii. 14; Jer. xxxii. 7). The fact
-that Jeremiah's property was at Anathoth, where lived the descendants
-of Ithamar (1 Kings ii. 26), whereas Hilkiah was of the family of
-Eleazar (1 Chron. vi. 4-13), does not seem fatal to the view that his
-father was the high priest.
-
-[668] Zeph. ii. 4-7.
-
-[669] Zeph. ii. 12-15.
-
-[670] Jer. ii. 1-35. Considering the very great part played by
-Jeremiah for nearly half a century of the last history of Judah, the
-non-mention of his name in the Book of Kings is a circumstance far
-from easy to explain.
-
-[671] Jer. iv. 6, A. V., "retire, stay not." Comp. Isa. x. 24-31.
-
-[672] Jer. iv. 7-27.
-
-[673] Jer. v. 15-17.
-
-[674] Jer. vi. 1, 22, 23, 24.
-
-[675] The almond tree (_shâqâd_) "seems to be awake (_shâqâd_),
-whatsoever trees are still sleeping in the torpor of winter" (Tristram
-_Nat. Hist. of the Bible_, 332; Jer. i. 11-14).
-
-[676] The name Kimmerii (on the Assyrian inscriptions Gimirrai) is
-connected with Gomer. The Persians call them Sakai or Scyths. The
-nomad Scyths had driven the Kimmerii from the Dniester while
-Psammetichus was King of Egypt. For allusions to this see Jer. vi. 22
-_seq._, viii. 16, ix. 10. The first notice of them is in an
-inscription of Esarhaddon, B.C. 677, who says that he defeated
-"Tiushpa, _the Gimirrai, a roving warrior_, whose own country was
-remote." Zephaniah and Jeremiah were certainly thinking of the
-Scythians (Eichhorn, Hitzig, Ewald; and more recently Kuenen,
-_Onderzoek_, ii. 123; Wellhausen, _Skizzen_, 150). In B.C. 626 they
-could not have consciously had the Chaldæans in view, though,
-twenty-three years later, Jeremiah may have had.
-
-[677] See Ezek. xxxviii., xxxix.
-
-[678] Ezek. xxxviii. 2. So Gesenius, Hävernick, etc., and R.V.
-
-[679] The form in the Vulgate and the Alexandrian MS. of the LXX. is
-Mosech; in the Assyrian inscription, Muski. As far back as 1120
-Tiglath-Pileser I. had overrun Tubal (the Tublai, Tabareni) and
-Moschi, between the Black Sea and the Taurus. They were neither Aryans
-nor Semites. In Gen. x. 2; 1 Chron. i. 5, Gog, Magog, Meshech, and
-Gomer are sons of Japheth. They are referred to in Rev. xx. 8.
-
-[680] Herod., i. 74, 103-106, iv. 1-22, vii. 64; Pliny, _H. N._, v.
-16; Jos., _Antt._, I. vi. 1; Syncellus, _Chronogl._, i. 405.
-
-[681] Sayce, _Ethnology of the Bible; Records of the Past_, ix. 40;
-Schrader, _K. A. T._, 159. Some identify Gog with Gyges, King of
-Lydia, who was killed in battle _against_ the Scythians, but whose
-name stood for a geographical symbol of Asia Minor, sometimes called
-Lud. It is said that in 665 Gyges (Gugu) sent two Scythian chiefs as a
-present to Nineveh.
-
-[682] Hence, in 2 Macc. iv. 47, 3 Macc. vii. 5, Scythian is used with
-the modern connotation of "Barbarian."
-
-[683] Ezek. xxxii. 26, 27; Cheyne, _Jeremiah_ ("Men of the Bible") p.
-31.
-
-[684] _Expositor_, 2nd series, iv. 263; Cheyne, _Jeremiah_, 31. Hitzig
-and Ewald (erroneously?) refer Psalms lv., lix., to these events, and
-it seems also to be an error to suppose that the later name of
-Bethshan--Scythopolis--has anything to do with this incursion. Like
-the names of Pella, Philadelphia, etc., it is later than the age of
-Alexander the Great. See 2 Macc. xii. 30; Jos., _B. J._, II. xviii.,
-_Vit._ vi. Perhaps Scythopolis is a corruption of Sikytopolis, the
-city of Sikkuth; or Scythian may merely stand for "Barbarian," as in 3
-Macc. vii. 5; Col. iii. 11 (Cheyne, _l.c._).
-
-[685] Nah. i. 10, ii. 5, iii. 12; Diod. Sic., ii. 26.
-
-[686] Nah. iii. 8-11.
-
-[687] Strabo, xvi. 1, 3: [Greek: êphanisthê paoachrêma].
-
-[688] Xen., _Anab._, III. iv. 7.
-
-[689] Chaldees, Kardim, Kasdim, Kurds.
-
-[690] Nabu-pal-ussur, "Nebo protect the son" B.C. 625-7. Jos., _Antt._
-X. xi. 1: comp. _Ap._, i. 19.
-
-[691] Newman, _Hebrew Monarchy_, p. 315.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXI
-
- _JOSIAH'S REFORMATION_
-
- 2 KINGS xxii. 8-20, xxiii. 1-25
-
- "And the works of Josias were upright before his Lord with a heart
- full of godliness."--1 ESDRAS i. 23.
-
- "From Zion shall go forth the Law, and the Word of the Lord from
- Jerusalem."--ISA. ii. 3.
-
-
-It is from the Prophets--Zephaniah, Jeremiah, Nahum, Habakkuk,
-Ezekiel--that we catch almost our sole glimpses of the vast
-world-movements of the nations which must have loomed large on the
-minds of the King of Judah and of all earnest politicians in that day.
-As they did not directly affect the destiny of Judah till the end of
-the reign, they do not interest the historian of the Kings or the
-later Chronicler. The things which rendered the reign memorable in
-their eyes were chiefly two--the finding of "the Book of the Law" in
-the House of the Lord, and the consequent religious reformation.
-
-It is with the first of these two events that we must deal in the
-present chapter.
-
-Josiah began to reign as a child of eight, and it may be that the
-emphatic and honourable mention of his mother--Jedidah ("Beloved"),
-daughter of Adaiah of Boscath--may be due to the fact that he owed to
-her training that early proclivity to faithfulness which earns for him
-the unique testimony, that he not only "walked in the way of David
-his father," but that "he turned not aside to the right hand or to the
-left."
-
-At first, of course, as a mere child, he could take no very active
-steps. The Chronicler says that at sixteen he began to show his
-devotion, and at twenty set himself the task of purging Judah and
-Jerusalem from the taint of idols. Things were in a bad condition, as we
-see from the bitter complaints and denunciations of Zephaniah and
-Jeremiah. Idolatry of the worst description was still openly tolerated.
-But Josiah was supported by a band of able and faithful advisers.
-Shaphan, grandfather of the unhappy Gedaliah--afterwards the Chaldæan
-viceroy over conquered Judah--was scribe; Hilkiah, the son of Shallum
-and the ancestor of Ezra, was the high priest.[692] By them the king was
-assisted, fist in the obliteration of the prevalent emblems of idolatry,
-and then in the purification of the Temple. Two centuries and a half had
-elapsed since it had been last repaired by Joash, and it must have
-needed serious restoration during long years of neglect in the reigns of
-Ahaz, of Manasseh, and of Amon. Subscriptions were collected from the
-people by "the keepers of the door," and were freely entrusted to the
-workmen and their overseers, who employed them faithfully in the objects
-for which they were designed.[693]
-
-The repairs led to an event of momentous influence on all future time.
-During the cleansing of the Temple Hilkiah came to Shaphan, and said, "I
-have found the Book of the Law in the House of the Lord." Perhaps the
-copy of the book had been placed by some priest's hand beside the Ark,
-and had been discovered during the removal of the rubbish which neglect
-had there accumulated. Shaphan read the book; and when next he had to
-see the king to tell him about the progress of the repairs, he said to
-him, "Hilkiah the priest hath handed me a book." Josiah bade him read
-some of it aloud. It is evident that he read the curses contained in
-Deut. xxviii. They horrified the pious monarch; for all that they
-contained, and the laws to which they were appended, were wholly new to
-him. He might well be amazed that a code so solemn, and purporting to
-have emanated from Moses, should, in spite of maledictions so fearful,
-have become an absolute dead letter. In deep alarm he sent the priest,
-the scribe Shaphan, with his son Ahikam, and Abdon, the son of Micaiah,
-and Asahiah, a court official, to inquire of Jehovah, whose great anger
-could not but be kindled against king and people by the obliteration and
-nullity of His law. They consulted Huldah, the only prophetess mentioned
-in the Old Testament, except Miriam and Deborah.[694] She was the wife
-of Shallum and keeper of the priests' robes,[695] and she lived in the
-suburbs of the city.[696] Her answer was an uncompromising menace. All
-the curses which the king had heard against the place and people should
-be pitilessly fulfilled,--only, as the king had showed a tender heart,
-and had humbled himself before Jehovah, he should go to his own grave in
-peace.[697]
-
-Thereupon the king summoned to the Temple a great assembly of priests,
-prophets, and all the people, and, standing by the pillar (or "on the
-platform")[698] in the entrance of the inner court, read "all the
-words of the Book of the Covenant which had been found in the House of
-the Lord" in their ears, and joined with them in "the covenant" to
-obey the hitherto unknown or totally forgotten laws which were
-inculcated in the newly discovered volume.
-
-Immediate action followed. The priests were ordered to bring out of the
-Temple all the vessels made for Baal, for the Asherah, and for the host
-of heaven; they were burnt outside Jerusalem in the Valley of Kedron,
-and their ashes taken to Bethel.[699] The _chemarim_ of the high places
-were suppressed, as well as all other idolatrous priests who burnt
-incense to the signs of the Zodiac, the Hyades, and the heavenly
-bodies.[700] The Asherah itself was taken out of the Temple, and it is
-truly amazing that we should find it there so late in Josiah's reign. He
-burnt it in the Kedron, stamped it to powder, and scattered the powder
-"on the graves of the common people." The Chronicler says "on the graves
-of them that had sacrificed" to the idols[701];--but this is an
-inexplicable statement, since it is (as Professor Lumby says) very
-improbable that idolaters had a separate burial-place. It is equally
-shocking, and to us incomprehensible, to read that the houses of the
-degraded _Qedeshim_ still stood, not "by the Temple" (A.V.), but "_in_
-the Temple,"[702] and that in these houses, or chambers, the women still
-"wove embroideries[703] for the Asherah." What was Hilkiah doing? If the
-priests of the _high places_ were so guilty from Geba to Beersheba, did
-no responsibility attach to the high priest and other priests of the
-Temple who permitted the existence of these enormities, not only in the
-_bamoth_ at the city gates,[704] but in the very courts of the mountain
-of the Lord's House? If the priests of the immemorial shrines were
-degraded from their prerogatives, and were not allowed to come up to the
-altar of Jehovah in Jerusalem, by what law of justice were they to be
-regarded as so immeasurably inferior to the highest members of their own
-order, who, for years together, had permitted the worship of a wooden
-phallic emblem, and the existence of the worst heathen abominations
-within the very Temple of the Lord? Every honest reader must admit that
-there are inexplicable difficulties and uncertainties in these ancient
-histories, and that our knowledge of the exact circumstances--especially
-in all that regards the priests and Levites, who, in the Chronicles, are
-their own ecclesiastical historians--must remain extremely imperfect.
-
-And what can be meant by the clause that the degraded priests of the
-old high places, though they were not allowed to serve at the great
-altar, yet "did eat of the _unleavened bread_ among their brethren"?
-Unleavened bread was only eaten at the Passover; and when there _was_
-a Passover, was eaten by all alike. Perhaps the reading for
-"unleavened bread" should be (priestly) "portions"--a reading found by
-Geiger in an old manuscript.
-
-Continuing his work, Josiah defiled Tophet;[705] took away the horses
-given by the kings of Judah to the sun, which were stabled beside the
-chamber of the eunuch Nathan-Melech in the precincts;[706] and burnt
-the sun-chariots in the fire. He removed the altars to the stars on
-the roof of the upper chamber of Ahaz,[707] and ground them to powder.
-He also destroyed those of his grandfather Manasseh in the two Temple
-courts--which we supposed to have been removed by Manasseh in his
-repentance--and threw the dust into the Kedron. He defiled the
-idolatrous shrines reared by Solomon to the deities of Sidon, Ammon,
-and Moloch, broke the pillars, cut down the Asherim, and filled their
-places with dead men's bones.[708] Travelling northwards, he burnt,
-destroyed, and stamped to powder the altars and the Asherim at Bethel,
-and burnt upon the altars the remains found in the sepulchres,[709]
-only leaving undisturbed the remains of the old prophet from Judah,
-and of the prophet of Samaria.[710] He then destroyed the other
-Samaritan shrines, exercising an undisputed authority over the
-Northern Kingdom. The mixed inhabitants did not interfere with his
-proceedings; and in the declining fortunes of Nineveh, the Assyrian
-viceroy--if there was one--did not dispute his authority. Lastly, in
-accordance with the fierce injunction of Deut. xvii. 2-5, "he slew all
-the priests of the high places" on their own altars, burnt men's bones
-upon them, and returned to Jerusalem.
-
-It is very difficult, with the milder notions which we have learnt
-from the spirit of the Gospel, to look with approval on the
-recrudescence of the Elijah-spirit displayed by the last proceeding.
-But many centuries were to elapse, even under the Gospel Dispensation,
-before men learnt the sacred principle of the early Christians that
-"violence is hateful to God." Josiah must be judged by a more lenient
-judgment, and he was obeying a mandate found in the new Book of the
-Law. But the question arises whether the fierce commands of
-Deuteronomy were ever intended to be taken _au pied de la lettre_. May
-not Deut. xiii. 6-18 have been intended to express in a concrete but
-ideal form the spirit of execration to be entertained towards
-idolatry? Perhaps in thinking so we are only guilty of an anachronism,
-and are applying to the seventh century before Christ the feelings of
-the nineteenth century after Christ.
-
-After this Josiah ordered the people to keep a Deuteronomic Passover,
-such as we are told--and as all the circumstances prove--had not been
-kept from the days of the Judges. The Chronicler revels in the details
-of this Passover, and tells us that Josiah gave the people thirty
-thousand lambs and kids, and three thousand bullocks; and his priests
-gave two thousand six hundred small cattle, and three hundred oxen;
-and the chief of the Levites gave the Levites five thousand small
-cattle, and five hundred oxen. He goes on to describe the slaying,
-sprinkling of blood, flaying, roasting, boiling in pots, pans, and
-caldrons, and attention paid to the burnt-offerings and the fat;[711]
-but neither the historians nor the chroniclers, either here or
-anywhere else, say one word about the Day of Atonement, or seem aware
-of its existence. It belongs to the Post-Exilic Priestly Code, and is
-not alluded to in the Book of Deuteronomy.
-
-Continuing his task, he put away them that had familiar spirits
-(_oboth_), and the wizards, and the _teraphim_, with a zeal shown by
-no king before or after him; but Jehovah "turned not from the
-fierceness of His anger, because of all the provocations which
-Manasseh had provoked Him withal." Evil, alas! is more diffusive, and
-in some senses more permanent, than good, because of the perverted
-bias of human nature. Judah and Jerusalem had been radically
-corrupted by the apostate son of Hezekiah, and it may be that the
-sudden and high-handed reformation enforced by his grandson depended
-too exclusively on the external impulse given to it by the king to
-produce deep effects in the hearts of the people. Certain it is that
-even Jeremiah--though he was closely connected with the finders of the
-book, had perhaps been present when the solemn league and covenant was
-taken in the Temple, and lived through the reformation in which he
-probably took a considerable part--was profoundly dissatisfied with
-the results. It is sad and singular that such should have been the
-case; for in the first flush of the new enthusiasm he had written,
-"Cursed be the man that heareth not the words of this covenant, which
-I commanded your fathers in the day that I brought them forth out of
-the land of Egypt, saying, 'Obey My voice.'"[712] Nay, it has been
-inferred that he was even an itinerant preacher of the newly found
-law; for he writes: "And the Lord said unto me, 'Proclaim all these
-words in the cities of Judah, and in the streets of Jerusalem, saying,
-Hear ye the words of this covenant, and do them.'"[713]
-
-The style of Deuteronomy, as is well known, shows remarkable
-affinities with the style of Jeremiah. Yet it is clear that after the
-death of Josiah the prophet became utterly disillusioned with the
-outcome of the whole movement. It proved itself to be at once
-evanescent and unreal. The people would not give up their beloved
-local shrines.[714] The law, as Habakkuk says (i. 4), became torpid;
-judgment went not forth to victory; the wicked compassed about the
-righteous, and judgment was perverted. It was easy to obey the
-external regulations of Deuteronomy; it was far more difficult to be
-true to its noble moral precepts. The reformation of Josiah, so
-violent and radical, proved to be only skin-deep; and Jeremiah, with
-bitter disappointment, found it to be so. External decency might be
-improved, but rites and forms are nothing to Him who searcheth the
-heart.[715] There was, in fact, an inherent danger in the place
-assumed by the newly discovered book. "Since it was regarded as a
-State authority, there early arose a kind of book-science, with its
-pedantic pride and erroneous learned endeavours to interpret and apply
-the Scriptures. At the same time there arose also a new kind of
-hypocrisy and idolatry of the letter, through the new protection which
-the State gave to the religion of the book acknowledged by the law.
-Thus scholastic wisdom came into conflict with genuine prophecy."[716]
-
-How entirely the improvement of outward worship failed to improve men's
-hearts the prophet testifies.[717] "The sin of Judah," he says, "is
-written with a pen of iron, and with the point of a diamond: it is
-graven upon the tablets of their hearts, and upon the horns of their
-altars, and their Asherim by the green trees[718] upon the high hills. O
-My mountain in the field, I will cause thee to serve thine enemies in
-the land thou knowest not: for ye have kindled a fire in Mine eyes,
-which shall burn for ever." While Josiah lived this apostasy was secret;
-but as soon as he died the people "turned again to folly,"[719] and
-committed all the old idolatries except the worship of Moloch. There
-arose a danger lest even the moderate ritualism of Deuteronomy should be
-perverted and exaggerated into mere formality. In the energy of his
-indignation against this abuse, Jeremiah has to uplift his voice against
-any trust even in the most decided injunctions of this newly discovered
-law. He was "a second Amos upon a higher platform." The Deuteronomic Law
-did not as yet exhibit the concentrated sacerdotalism and ritualism
-which mark the Priestly Code, to which it is far superior in every way.
-It is still prophetic in its tone. It places social interests above
-rubrics of worship. It expresses the fundamental religious thought "that
-Jehovah is in no sense inaccessible; that He can be approached
-immediately by all, and without sacerdotal intervention; that He asks
-nothing for Himself, but asks it as a religious duty that man should
-render unto man what is right; that His Will lies not in any known
-height, but in the moral sphere which is known and understood by
-all."[720] The book ordained certain sacrifices; yet Jeremiah says with
-startling emphasis, "To what purpose cometh there to Me frankincense
-from Sheba, and the sweet calamus from a far country? Your
-burnt-offerings are not acceptable, nor your sacrifices pleasant unto
-Me."[721] Therefore He bids them, "Put your burnt-offerings to your
-sacrifices, and eat them as flesh"--_i.e._, "Throw all your offerings
-into a mass, and eat them at your pleasure (regardless of sacerdotal
-rules): they have neither any inherent sanctity nor any secondary
-importance from the characters of the offerers."[722] And in a still
-more remarkable passage, "_For I spake not unto your fathers, nor
-commanded them in the day that I brought them out of the land of Egypt,
-concerning burnt-offerings and sacrifices_: but this thing I commanded
-them, saying, 'Obey My voice.'"[723]
-
-Nay, in the most emphatic ordinances of Deuteronomy he found that the
-people had created a new peril. They were putting a particularistic
-trust in Jehovah, as though He were a respecter of persons, and they His
-favourites. They fancied, as in the days of Micah, that it was enough
-for them to claim His name, and bribe Him with sacrifices.[724] Above
-all, they boasted of and relied upon the possession of His Temple, and
-placed their trust on the punctual observance of external ceremonies.
-All these sources of vain confidence it was the duty of Jeremiah rudely
-to shatter to pieces. Standing at the gates of the Lord's House, he
-cried: "Trust ye not in lying words, saying, 'The Temple of the Lord!
-the Temple of the Lord! the Temple of the Lord, are these!' Behold, ye
-trust in lying words, that cannot profit. Will ye steal, murder, commit
-adultery, swear falsely, burn incense unto Baal, and walk after other
-gods; and come and stand before Me in this house, whereupon My name is
-called, and say, 'We are delivered,' that ye may do all these
-abominations? Is this house become a den of robbers in your eyes? But go
-ye now to My place which was in Shiloh, where I caused My name to dwell
-at the first, and see what I did to it for the wickedness of My people.
-I will do unto this house as I have done to Shiloh; and I will cast you
-out of My sight, as I have cast out the whole house of
-Ephraim."[725]--Yet all hope was not extinguished for ever. The Scythian
-might disappear; the Babylonian might come in his place; but one day
-there should be a new covenant of pardon and restitution; and as had
-been promised in Deuteronomy, "_all_ should know Jehovah, from the least
-to the greatest."
-
-At last he even prophesies the entire future annulment of the solemn
-covenant made on the basis of Deuteronomy, and says that Jehovah will
-make a new covenant with His people, not according to the covenant
-which He made with their fathers.[726] And in his final estimate of
-King Josiah after his death, he does not so much as mention his
-reformation, his iconoclasm, his sweeping zeal, or his enforcement of
-the Deuteronomic Law, but only says to Jehoiakim:--
-
-"'Did not thy father eat and drink, and do judgment and justice?--then
-it was well with him. He judged the cause of the poor and needy; then
-it was well. _Was not this to know Me?' saith the Lord_."[727]
-
-Whether because its methods were too violent, or because it only
-affected the surface of men's lives, or because the people were not
-really ripe for it, or because no reformation can ever succeed which
-is enforced by autocracy, not spread by persuasion and conviction, it
-is certain that the first glamour of Josiah's movement ended in
-disillusionment. A religion violently imposed from without as a
-state-religion naturally tends to hypocrisy and externalism. What
-Jehovah required was, not a changed method of worship, but a changed
-heart; and this the reformation of Josiah did not produce. It has
-often been so in human history. Failure seems to be written on many of
-the most laudable human efforts. Nevertheless, truth ultimately
-prevails. Isaiah was murdered, and Urijah, and Jeremiah. Savonarola
-was burnt, and Huss, and many a martyr more; but the might of
-priestcraft was at last crippled, to be revived, we hope, no more,
-either by open violence or secret apostasy.
-
- "Then to side with Truth is noble, when we share her wretched
- crust,
- Ere her cause bring fame and profit, and 'tis prosperous to
- be just;
- Then it is the brave man chooses, while the coward stands
- aside,
- Doubting in his abject spirit till his Lord is crucified,
- And the multitude make virtue of the faith they have denied."
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[692] 2 Kings xxiii. 4. We have here the first mention of "the second
-priest" (if, with Grätz, we read _Cohen mishneh_, as in 2 Kings xxv.
-18; Jer. lii. 24). In later days he was called "the Sagan." At this
-time he probably acted as "Captain of the Temple" (Grätz, ii. 319).
-
-[693] Comp. 2 Kings xii. 15, where we find the same remark.
-
-[694] Exod. xv. 20; Judg. iv. 4; Isa. viii. 3. "The prophetess" seems
-to mean "prophet's wife." Noadiah was a false prophetess.
-
-[695] Exod. xxviii. 2, etc.
-
-[696] 2 Kings xxii. 14. Heb., _mishneh_, lit. "second"; A.V., "the
-college"; R.V., "the second quarter." Perhaps it means "the lower
-city" (Neh. xi. 9; Zeph. i. 10). It puzzled the LXX.: [Greek: en tê
-masena]. Vulg., _in secunda_. Jerome says, "_Haud dubium quin urbis
-partem significet quæ interiori muro vallabatur_." Comp. Zeph. i. 10,
-"an howling from the _second_" (_i.e._, quarter of the city); Neh. xi.
-9, where, for "_second over the city_" (A. and R.V.), read "over the
-second part of the city."
-
-[697] Another reading is "in Jerusalem," which gets over an historic
-difficulty.
-
-[698] Comp. 2 Kings xi. 14; LXX., [Greek: epi tou stulou]; Heb.,
-_al-ha-ammud_; Vulg., _super gradum_.
-
-[699] 2 Kings xxiii. 4; for "in the fields of Kedron" one version has
-[Greek: en tô empurismô tou cheimarrhou], "in the burning-place of the
-wady,"--perhaps reading _bemisrephoth_ for _bishedamoth_, and alluding
-to lime-kilns in the wady. It is surprising that they should carry the
-ashes "to Bethel." Thenius suggests the reading [Hebrew: beit-'al],
-"place of execution" (lit., "house of nothingness").
-
-[700] Hos. x. 5; Zeph. i. 4 (the only other places where the word
-occurs). The _delevit_ of the Vulgate (2 Kings xxiii. 5) only means
-that he put them down, and the [Greek: katekause] of the LXX. should
-be [Greek: katepause].
-
-[701] Comp. Jer. ii. 23, where the LXX. has [Greek: en tô polyandriô].
-In 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4, perhaps the true reading is, not _Benî-ha-'âm_,
-but _Benî-hinnom_--which would mean that he scattered the dust in the
-gehenna of Jerusalem. Comp. 1 Kings xv. 13.
-
-[702] For these Galli, see Seneca, _De Vit. Beat._, 27; Pliny, _H.
-N._, xi. 49.
-
-[703] Heb., _bathîm_, lit. "tents" or "houses"; Vulg., _quasi
-domunculas_.
-
-[704] In 2 Kings xxiii. 8, Geiger would read "the high places of the
-_satyrs_" ([Hebrew: stzrm]).
-
-[705] Usually derived (as by Selden and Milton) from _toph_, "drum,"
-but perhaps from _tuph_ (to _spit_ in sign of abhorrence).
-
-[706] _Parvar_--perhaps "open portico." Renan connects the word with
-the Greek [Greek: peribolos]. On horses dedicated to the sun, see Xen.
-_Cyrop._, viii. 3, 5, 12; _Anab._, iv. 5.
-
-[707] See Zeph. i. 5; Jer. xix. 13, xxxii. 29.
-
-[708] 2 Kings xxiii. 13: "The Mount of Corruption"; Vulg., _Mons
-offensionis_; LXX., [Greek: tou orous tou Mosthath]. Some conjecture
-that _Maschith_ may be a derisive change for some word which meant
-"anointing" (from being the _Oil_ Mountain, _Har ham-mischchah_).
-
-[709] In burning the bones of the dead, he violated all Jewish
-feeling. Amos (ii. 1) had severely rebuked this form of revenge and
-insult even in the case of the heathen King of Moab. Bones defiled the
-touch (Num. xix. 16; Herod., iv. 73). Josiah's question at Bethel was,
-"What _pillar_ is that?" (_tsiyun_). LXX., [Greek: skopelon]. Comp.
-Gen. xxxv. 20.
-
-[710] 1 Kings xiii. 29-31.
-
-[711] 2 Chron. xxxv. 1-19.
-
-[712] Jer. xi. 3, 4. Since, in this part of my subject, I make
-frequent reference to the prophecies of Jeremiah which are
-indispensable to the right understanding of the history, I may here
-say that modern critics (Cheyne and others) arrange them as follows:--
-
-In the reign of _Josiah_, Jer. ii. 1-iii. 5, iii. 6-vi. 30, vii. 1-ix.
-25, xi. 1-17.
-
-In the reign of _Jehoiakim_, xxvi. 2-6, xlvi. 2-12, xxv., xxxv., and
-possibly xvi. 1, xviii. 19-27, xiv., xv., xviii., xi. 18-xii. 17.
-
-In the reign of _Jehoiachin_, x. 17-23, xiii.
-
-In the reign of _Zedekiah_, xxii.-xxiv., xxvii.-xxix. 1-11 (?), lii.
-
-In the _Exile_, xxxix.-xliv.
-
-[713] See Cheyne, _Jeremiah_, p. 56, _id._ 6.
-
-[714] Canon Cheyne shows that even Mohammed could not persuade the
-Qurashites wholly to give up their black stone at the Kaaba, and their
-dolmens and sacred trees (_id._ 103). He left the _auçab_, or
-sacrificial stones (_matstseboth_), though he warns his followers
-against them (_Quran_, v. 92).
-
-[715] Jer. xvii. 9-11.
-
-[716] Ewald, _The Prophets_, iii. 63, 64.
-
-[717] Jer. xvii. 1-4.
-
-[718] The Qurashites and other heathen Arabs accounted holy a large
-green tree, and every year had a sacrifice in its honour. "On the way to
-Hunain we called to God's Messenger (Mohammed) that he should appoint
-for us such trees. But he was terrified, and said, 'Lord God, Lord God!
-Ye speak even as the Israelites ... ye are still in ignorance,--thus are
-heathen enslaved'" (Vakïdi, _Book of the Campaigns of God's Messenger_,
-quoted by Cheyne, _Jeremiah_, p. 103, from Wellhausen).
-
-[719] Psalm lxxxv. 8.
-
-[720] Deut. xxx. 11-14. See Wellhausen, p. 165.
-
-[721] Jer. vi. 20. The passages of Jeremiah which seem of a different
-spirit may have been added by later hands--_e.g._, xxxiii. 18, which
-is not in the LXX.
-
-[722] Jer. vii. 21; Ewald; and Cheyne, _l.c._ 120. So the Jews seem to
-have understood it, for they appoint this passage to be read on the
-_Haphtara_ after the _Parashah_ about sacrifices from Leviticus.
-
-[723] Jer, vii. 22, 23. This alone would show that Jeremiah did not
-(as earlier critics thought) _write_ "Deuteronomy," in spite of the
-numerous close resemblances in phraseology. Thus, Jeremiah often
-denounces the priests (i. 18, ii. 8-26, iv. 9, v. 31, viii. 1, xiii.
-13, xxxii. 32). Cheyne, p. 82.
-
-[724] Mic. iii. 11.
-
-[725] Jer. vii. 4, 8-15.
-
-[726] Jer. xxxi. 31, 32.
-
-[727] Jer. xxii. 15, 16.
-
-
-
-
- NOTE TO CHAPTER XXXI.
-
- "Jehovah is our Lawgiver."--ISA. xxxiii. 22.
-
-
-What was the Book of the Law which Hilkiah found in the Temple?
-
-The great majority of eminent modern critics have now come to the
-conclusion that it was the kernel of the Book of Deuteronomy. Nor is
-this in any sense a mere modern notion. It occurs as far back as St.
-Jerome (_Adv. Jovin._, i. 5) and St. Chrysostom (_Hom. in Matt._, ix.,
-p. 135, B. See W. Rob. Smith, p. 258).
-
-It is no part of my immediate duty to argue this question, but I may
-state that the arguments for this conclusion are partly historical,
-partly literary, and partly depend on internal evidence.
-
-I. As regards the _literary_ argument, it is maintained that--
-
-1. The full, rounded, rhetorical style of Deuteronomy, so widely
-different from the extreme dryness of other parts of the Torah, could
-not have been as yet developed in the days of Moses, and required the
-slow training of centuries for its perfection. It is a new phenomenon,
-and differs widely from earlier prophetic writings, such as those of
-Amos and Hosea.
-
-2. The style and language of the Deuteronomist are so marked, that
-they can scarcely escape an intelligent reader of the English Version.
-Riehm enumerates sixty-four characteristic words or phrases. Their
-significance lies in the fact that they express obvious ideas, and are
-not names for special objects, which force a writer to use peculiar
-words. The style closely resembles in many phrases and particulars the
-style of Jeremiah, and of him alone among the prophets. "Even
-supposing that no historic text," it has been said, "taught us that
-the articles of Smalkald were the work of Luther, we should still have
-the right to affirm that these articles closely resemble the ideas of
-Luther, and could hardly have been published without his cognisance."
-
-II. As regards _historical_ evidence, we observe that--
-
-1. No author earlier than Josiah shows any acquaintance with
-Deuteronomy: after that date, proofs of such knowledge abound.
-
-2. The Book of Deuteronomy insisted with reiterated emphasis on the
-centralisation of worship. All its ordinances are framed with a view
-to promote this end. But we have seen that there is not a trace of
-any belief that local shrines were prohibited earlier than the reign
-of Hezekiah, who certainly would have defended his boldness by appeal
-to a written law if he had known of such as existing.
-
-III. As regards _internal_ evidence, we see that--
-
-1. Many passages and injunctions of the Book of Deuteronomy differ
-entirely from those found in the old Book of the Covenant which forms
-the most ancient nucleus of Exodus (Exod. xx. 22-xxiii. 33).
-
-2. Even the most conservative English critics--even those who, with any
-pretence to competent knowledge, argue against the more advanced
-conclusions of the Higher Criticism--cannot help admitting that at least
-three codes, which in many, and in some fundamental, respects differ
-widely from each other, and which make no reference to each other, are
-found in our present Pentateuch--viz., that of the Book of the Covenant,
-that of the Deuteronomist (D.), and that of the Priestly writer (P.).
-All three may contain elements as old as the days of Moses; but most
-critics (with scarcely an exception in Germany) now believe that the
-Deuteronomic Code, in its present form, is not earlier than the date of
-Josiah's reformation (_circ._ B.C. 621); and the Priestly Codex
-(whatever older documents may exist in it) not older, in its present
-form, than about the time of Ezra (B.C. 444). Dillmann, Kittel, and in
-his later days Delitzsch, have been of necessity compelled to give up
-the views that, in their present form, D. and P. are as ancient as the
-days of Moses. The last German critic who held that Moses wrote our
-present Pentateuch was Keil (_d._ 1888). Canon Cheyne argues for the
-late date of this misnamed "Deuteronomy," on the grounds that the
-authors (1) used documents manifestly later than Moses; (2) alluded to
-events which only occurred long after Moses; and (3) expressed ideas
-which, in the age of Moses, are not psychologically possible.
-
-The Book of Deuteronomy consists mainly of an historical introduction,
-probably added later (i. 1-5); Moses' _first_ discourse (i. 6-iv. 40);
-Moses' _second_ discourse (iv. 44-xxvi.); a section marked specially by
-blessings and curses (xxvii.-xxix.); a _third_ discourse of Moses (xxix.
-2-xxx. 20); his farewell (xxxi. 1-13); his song (xxxi. 14-xxxii. 47);
-conclusion, narrating his blessing and death (xxxii. 48-xxxiv. 12).
-
-I have no space here to enter fully into the arguments which seem
-decisive as to the date of the main part of Deuteronomy. Those who
-desire to see them must study Colenso, _The Pentateuch_, pt. iii.;
-Reuss, _Hist. Sainte et la Loi_, i. 154-211; W. Robertson Smith, _Old
-Test. in the Jewish Church_, lect. xvi.; Kuenen, _The Hexateuch_, E.
-T., 1886; Kittel, _Gesch. d. Hebräer_, pp. 43-59; Cheyne, _Jeremiah_,
-pp. 48-86; S. R. Driver, _s.v._ "Deuteronomy" (Smith's _Dict. of the
-Bible_, new ed.); W. Aldis Wright, _The Documents of the Hexateuch_,
-pp. lvii.-lxxix. The name "Deuteronomy" (or "second law") arises from
-the mistaken rendering of the LXX. and Vulgate in Deut. xvii. 18.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXII
-
- _THE DEATH OF JOSIAH_
-
- B.C. 608
-
- 2 KINGS xxiii. 29, 30
-
- "Howl, O fir tree; for the cedar is fallen."--ZECH. xi. 2.
-
-
-Josiah survived by thirteen years the reformation and covenant which
-are the chief events of his reign. He lived in prosperity and peace.
-He did justice and judgment; the poor and needy flourished under his
-royal protection; and it was well with him. It seemed as if the
-Deuteronomic blessings on faithfulness to its law were about to be
-abundantly fulfilled, when "the azure calm of heaven" was suddenly
-shattered, and "down came the thunderbolt." The great and victorious
-Assurbanipal of Assyria had died, and left his power to weaker
-successors. Meanwhile, Egypt was growing in power and splendour under
-Pharaoh Necho II. (B.C. 612-596), the sixth king of the twenty-fifth
-or Saitic dynasty. He nearly anticipated M. de Lesseps in making the
-Suez Canal,[728] and perhaps actually anticipated Vasco de Gama in
-rounding the Cabo Tormentoso, or Cape of Good Hope, in a three years'
-voyage. He was fired by the ambitious dream of succeeding the
-Assyrians as the chief power in the world, or at any rate of seizing
-part of the dominions which they had conquered.[729] Accordingly, in
-B.C. 608, he went up against the King of Assyria to the river
-Euphrates. The Chronicler says that his destination was Carchemish, on
-the Euphrates, and some have conjectured that the vague phrase
-"against the King of Assyria" is incorrect, and that, as Josephus
-states, he was really marching against the Medes and Babylonians after
-the fall of Nineveh.[730]
-
-With this expedition Josiah was not greatly concerned. He may have
-begun his reign as the vassal of Assurbanipal; but if so, it is
-probable that he had long since ceased to pay tribute to a power which
-was tottering to its fall under the attacks of Scythians and
-Babylonians. He had availed himself of the disorganisation of the
-Assyrian power to re-establish some, at least, of the old authority of
-the House of David over the Northern Kingdom, and perhaps he only
-undertook the desperate expedient of withstanding the northward march
-of the Egyptian host under the notion that either on the march or on
-his return the Pharaoh intended to subjugate Palestine to Egypt.
-
-Pharaoh Necho II., among his other achievements, had created a
-powerful fleet,[731] and it is nearly certain that he did not advance
-along the coast of Palestine, but made his way by sea to Acco or
-Dor.[732] Here he received the news that Josiah meant to block his
-path at Megiddo, on the plain of Jezreel. That plain has been the
-great and only possible battle-field of Palestine, from the revolt in
-which Barak destroyed the host of Jabin,[733] to that in which Tryphon
-met Jonathan the Maccabee,[734] and Kleber in 1799 defeated
-twenty-five thousand Turks with three thousand French.
-
-The Chronicler here adds a very remarkable incident.[735] Necho, like
-Joash of Israel in former days, did not care to fight with the poor
-little King of Judah--or at any rate did not wish to do so at present,
-when he was on his way to the greater encounter. He therefore sent an
-embassy to Josiah, saying, "What have I to do with thee, King of
-Judah? I come not against thee this day, but against the house
-wherewith I have war.[736] For God [Elohim] commanded me [in a dream]
-to make haste.[737] Forbear, then, from meddling with God, who is with
-me, that He destroy thee not."
-
-The conjecture "in a dream" is not unlikely, nor is it in disaccord
-with other events in the annals of the Pharaohs and the Sargonidæ of
-Assyria.[738] We may indeed be surprised that an Egyptian Pharaoh
-should profess to deliver to a Jewish king the messages of Elohim,
-though we have seen something like this in the case of the
-Rabshakeh.[739] The variation in 1 Esdras i. 26-28 is curious and
-interesting. We are there told that the message was sent to Josiah,
-not only by Pharaoh Necho, who had sent to say "The Lord is with me
-hastening me forward: depart from me, and be not against the Lord,"
-but also by "the prophet Jeremy." Josephus frankly ascribes the error
-of Josiah to destiny, as though he had been infatuated by the
-dementation which the Greeks attributed to Atè.[740]
-
-This, however, is not likely; for it is clear that Jeremiah, though
-not mentioned in the Book of Kings, must have had a strong influence
-over the mind of Josiah, whom he loved, whose views he shared, in
-whose religious revolution he had taken part. Further, we do not read
-of any warning recorded by the prophet himself; and had he uttered
-one, it would certainly have been mentioned, when he committed his
-prophecies to writing twenty-three years after their commencement. A
-warning of which the neglect had led to fatal issues would have been
-so decisive a confirmation of Jeremiah's prophetic insight that it
-could not have been passed over in silence.
-
-Indeed, Jeremiah may have shared the conviction which, founded on
-imperfect generalisation, perhaps dazzled the unfortunate king to his
-ruin. Josiah had accepted the Book of Deuteronomy with the whole
-strength of his belief, and the Book of Deuteronomy had proclaimed to
-Israel as the reward of faithfulness this promise: "And it shall come
-to pass that Jehovah, thy God, shall set thee on high above all the
-nations of the earth.... Jehovah shall cause thine enemies which rise
-up against thee to be smitten before thy face: they shall come out
-against thee one way, and flee before thee seven ways."[741] In the
-strength of that promise, Josiah was perhaps saying to himself, in
-the language of the Psalms, that Jehovah could not fail to save His
-anointed, and dash His enemies to pieces under His feet;[742] in the
-language, perhaps, of later days, that the sound of a shaken leaf
-should chase them, and they should flee when none pursued.[743]
-
-Alas! such passages do not apply invariably to our worldly fortunes!
-God's promises are general. The individual must be considered apart
-from the universal in the region of spiritual and eternal blessings.
-In the affairs of earth the wicked often seem to be in prosperity,
-while the righteous are overwhelmed by all God's waves and storms.
-Further, Josiah evidently received a warning--a warning which
-professed to come, and really came, from God[744]--whether uttered by
-Pharaoh or by Jeremiah. And in this instance Josiah had sought war; he
-had not been forced into it. It was not for him to go out of his way
-to champion the cause either of cruel Assyria or vaunting Babylon.
-
-The result was entire disenchantment. No more disheartening and
-disastrous calamity could have happened to the kingdom, which had just
-begun to struggle out of the slough of idolatry and humiliation.
-
-Heedless of the message he had received, strong in mistaken hopes,
-Josiah opposed his poor, weak forces to the powerful host of renovated
-Egypt. The result was instantaneous ruin.[745] Judah was defeated and
-scattered without a blow,--Necho came, saw, conquered. Josiah,
-according to the present record of the Chronicles, like Ahab,
-"disguised himself"[746] and went into the battle; and as he drove
-from rank to rank an Egyptian archer drew a bow at a venture, and
-smote him while he was putting his forces in array. The arrow-point
-brought conviction too late. Josiah saw his error; he knew that his
-own death involved the rout of his army. He sounded a retreat, and
-said to his servants, "Bear me away to my travelling chariot, for I am
-sore wounded."[747] He died at Megiddo, where his ancestor Ahaziah had
-died before him from the arrow-wounds of Jehu's pursuers. His servants
-carried him in a chariot dead from Megiddo. The famous plain of
-Esdraelon had already witnessed two great victories--that of Barak
-over Sisera, and that of Gideon over the Midianites; and one
-deplorable defeat--that of Saul by the Philistines. It was now
-darkened by a catastrophe even more sad.[748]
-
-When that chariot, accompanied by its wailing escort, entered the
-gates of Jerusalem, with the routed army of Judah behind it, the
-feeling of the people must have resembled that of the Athenians when
-the news reached them that Lysander had destroyed their whole fleet at
-Ægospotami, and the long wail went thrilling up through that sleepless
-night from the Peiræus all along the Makra Teichè to the Parthenon and
-the Acropolis. And there followed such a mourning as the land had
-never known before. It had begun at Megiddo and Hadadrimmon, leaving
-the sad memory of its hopeless intensity. It was renewed at Jerusalem
-when they buried the king in his own sepulchre. "The land mourned,
-every family apart; the family of the House of David apart, and their
-wives apart; the family of the House of Nathan apart, and their wives
-apart; the family of the House of Levi apart, and their wives apart;
-the family of Shimei apart, and their wives apart; all the families
-that remained, every family apart, and their wives apart."[749] "And
-all Judah and Jerusalem mourned for Josiah. And Jeremiah lamented for
-Josiah: and all the singing men and the singing women spake of Josiah
-in their lamentations unto this day, and they were made an institution
-in Israel: and, behold, they are written in the Lamentations."[750]
-Not even for heroic David, or royal Solomon, or pious Asa, or
-prosperous Jehoshaphat had there been so loud a dirge.
-
-But, alas! there was cause for far deeper sorrow than the loss of a
-prince, however able, however beloved. The dead was dead. Natural sorrow
-for the bereavement of the people would soon be healed by time, but
-behind the passing affliction lay a great fear and a great reaction.
-
-A great fear,--for now a southern foe was added to the northern.
-Jeremiah and other prophets had warned Israel of the peril from the
-North. When the Scythian wave "rolled shoreward, struck and was
-dissipated," when the source of Assyrian terror seemed to be drying up,
-worldlings may have felt inclined to laugh at Jeremiah. But now it was
-evident that, sooner or later, the Chaldæans would be as formidable as
-their predecessors, and out of the serpent's egg was breaking forth a
-cockatrice. The uncalled-for attempt of Josiah to bar the path of the
-new and mighty Pharaoh had also added Egypt to the list of formidable
-enemies. For the present the Pharaoh had passed on to the Euphrates; but
-whether he returned victorious or defeated, his troops could not but be
-a source of danger to the little kingdom, which would henceforth be
-helpless between the overwhelming forces of its foes.
-
-If such were the fears of the timid and the pessimistic, still deeper
-was the disheartenment of the faithful. Josiah had been the most
-obedient, the most religious, of all the kings of Judah from childhood
-upwards. Where, then, were Jehovah's old loving-kindnesses which He
-sware unto David in His truth? Had God forgotten to be gracious? Had
-He hidden away His mercy in displeasure? Where were the blessings of
-the newly discovered Book of the Law, if the curse fell on its most
-earnest votary? Where was Huldah's promise that he should be gathered
-to his fathers in peace, if he was carried back dead from the field of
-fruitless battle? There can be little doubt that the apparent blight
-which had fallen on unavailing righteousness hastened the reaction of
-the subsequent reigns. Many might be inclined to cry out with even
-Jeremiah in his moments of overwhelming despondency, "Ah, Lord God!
-surely Thou hast greatly deceived this people and Jerusalem, saying,
-'Ye shall have peace'; whereas the sword reacheth unto the soul."[751]
-"O Lord, Thou has deceived me, and I was deceived: Thou art stronger
-than I, and hast prevailed: I am a derision daily, every one mocketh
-me. Whenever I speak, I must shout, I must cry violence and spoil; for
-the word of the Lord is made a reproach unto me, and a derision,
-daily."[752]
-
-But man judges partially and judges amiss. God's ways are not as man's
-ways. God sees the whole; He sees the future; He sees things as they
-are. Through defeat, through captivity, through multiform affliction,
-lay the path to the final deliverance of the nation from the grosser
-forms of idolatry. When they wept as they remembered Zion, when they
-took down their harps from the willows by the water-courses of Babylon
-to sing the Lord's song in a strange land, they turned again--and at
-last with their whole heart--to God their Saviour, who had done so
-great things for them;--until the grey secret lingering in the East
-was brightened by the Morning Star, and there was revealed to the
-world a True Israel, and a New Jerusalem, wherein the Lord should be
-King for evermore.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[728] He was forced to desist by a fearful mortality among the
-labourers.
-
-[729] _Circ._ B.C. 611-605. Herod., ii. 158, 159, iv. 42. Psamatik,
-the father of Necho, was perhaps a Lybian. He established his sway
-over all Egypt displacing the Assyrians.
-
-[730] _Antt._, X. v. 1.
-
-[731] Herod., ii. 158. His father Psamatik had left him an adequate
-army of natives and mercenaries.
-
-[732] Herodotus says of his ships: [Greek: Hai men epi tê borêiê
-thalassê epoiêthêsan].
-
-[733] Judg. iv. 23; 1 Sam. xxix. 1-11; 1 Kings xx. 26; 2 Kings xxiii.
-29; 2 Chron. xxxv. 22; Rev. xvi. 16 (Armageddon). Herodotus confuses
-it with Migdol ([Greek: Magdolon]).
-
-[734] 1 Macc. xii. 49; Jos., _Antt._, XIII. vi. 2.
-
-[735] 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-22.
-
-[736] According to 1 Esdras i. 25-32, "for upon Euphrates is my war."
-
-[737] Klostermann, in 2 Chron. xxxv. 21, reads _bachalôm_, "in a
-dream," instead of "to make haste."
-
-[738] Gen. xli. 1; Herod., ii. 188; _Records of the Past_, ix. 52.
-
-[739] 2 Kings xviii. 25.
-
-[740] _Antt._, X. v. 1: [Greek: Tês peprômenês oimai eis tout' auton
-parormêsasês].
-
-[741] Deut. xxviii. 1-8.
-
-[742] Psalm xx. 6, xviii. 29-50.
-
-[743] Lev. xxvi. 36.
-
-[744] 2 Chron. xxxv. 22: "hearkened not _to the words of Necho from
-the mouth of God_."
-
-[745] "When he had _seen_ him." Comp. 2 Kings xiv. 8.
-
-[746] 1 Esdras i. 25; and LXX., "firmly resolved," "strengthened
-himself," as in 2 Chron. xxv. 11.
-
-[747] Jos., _Antt._, X. v. 1; and 2 Chron. xxxv. 23; 1 Esdras i. 30.
-
-[748] The fortunes of the Jews again prevailed in this plain in the
-days of Holofernes (Judith vii. 3); but they were defeated there by
-Placidus (Jos., _B. J._, IV. i. 8).
-
-[749] Zech. xii. 11-13 (comp. Jer. xxii. 10, 18). No such place as
-Hadadrimmon is known, though there is a Rummâne not far from Megiddo.
-Jerome (_Comm. in Zach._) identifies it with a place which he calls
-Maximianopolis. Wellhausen (_Skizzen_, 192) thinks that the mourning
-is compared to some wail over the god Hadadrimmon, like the wailing
-for Tammuz. Jonathan and Jarchi say that Hadadrimmon was the son of
-Tabrimmon, who opposed Ahab at Ramoth-Gilead.
-
-[750] 2 Chron. xxxv. 24, 25. Jeremiah's elegy has probably perished.
-It would have been most interesting had it been preserved. Lam. iv. is
-too vague to have been this lost poem.
-
-[751] Jer. iv. 10.
-
-[752] Jer. xx. 7, 8.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXIII
-
- _JEHOAHAZ_
-
- B.C. 608
-
- 2 KINGS xxiii. 31-33
-
- "I went by, and, lo! he was gone: I sought him, but his place
- could nowhere be found."--PSALM xxxvii. 36.
-
-It was under the disastrous circumstances which attended his father's
-death at Megiddo that Jehoahaz began to reign. There is some confusion
-about the four sons of Josiah, whom the Chronicler calls Johanan,
-Jehoiakim, Zedekiah, and Shallum.[753] From Jer. xxii. 11, it appears
-that Jehoahaz was the royal name taken on his anointing by Shallum, the
-third son.[754] If so, he cannot be identified with Johanan, the
-firstborn, as in the margin of our version. Further, it appears from our
-historians that Jehoahaz was twenty-three at his succession, and was
-therefore younger than Jehoiakim who (three months later) succeeded him
-at the age of twenty-five. Jehoahaz was the own brother of Zedekiah,
-Jehoiakim being his half-brother by another mother (Zebudah).
-
-We do not know for what reason he was preferred by "the people of the
-land" to his elder brother Eliakim or Jehoiakim. It was probably
-because they regarded him as a prince of eminent courage and ability.
-The high hopes which the nation conceived of him may be seen in the
-pathetic elegy of Ezek. xix.:--
-
- "Moreover take thou up a lamentation for the princes of Israel, and
- say,--
- What was thy mother? A lioness!
- Amidst lions she couched,
- In the midst of the young lions she nourished her whelps.
- She brought up one of her whelps: he became a young lion;
- He learned to catch the prey; he devoured men.
- The nations heard of him;
- In their pit was he taken,[755]
- And they brought him with hooks into the land of Egypt."[756]
-
-We see, too, that he was to an eminent degree the darling of the
-nation in the still more plaintive wail of Jeremiah which will be
-quoted later.
-
-The fact that Shallum solemnly changed his name to Jehoahaz ("Jehovah
-taketh hold"),[757] and that the people of the land not only "made him
-king in his father's stead," but also "anointed him," points to a
-disputed succession.[758] High hopes were conceived of him; but he
-hardly had a chance of fulfilling them, for he was only permitted to
-reign three months. What were the events of those months we do not
-know. Jehoahaz must have disappointed any hopes which may have been
-formed of him by the religious party; for dear as he was to them, the
-historians record of him that "he did that which was evil in the sight
-of the Lord, according to all that his fathers had done," although
-they specify no particular offence. The same sad verdict is passed on
-all his four successors; but Josephus says even more emphatically of
-Jehoahaz that he was impious and impure.[759]
-
-He must have shown some activity in other respects, or else Ezekiel
-would hardly have said that "the nations heard of him," and that "he
-learned to catch the prey; he devoured men." Over all his deeds,
-whatever they may have been, "the iniquity of oblivion has blindly
-scattered her poppy," and he fell a victim to the great
-world-movements of those troublous times.
-
-For Pharaoh, after his defeat of Josiah at Megiddo, proceeded to make
-himself master of Syria and Palestine. He took Cadytis, which
-Herodotus calls "a large city of Syria,"[760] and which--since it
-cannot here mean Gaza, as in Herod., iii. 5--has been identified by
-some with Kadesh. Thence he marched to Carchemish, on the right bank
-of the Euphrates,[761] none venturing to check him, till "once more,
-after the lapse of nine centuries, Egyptian garrisons looked down on
-that historic stream."[762] On his return he stopped at Riblah, on
-the Orontes,[763] to consolidate his Syrian conquests; and there he
-learnt that, without consulting him, the people of Jerusalem had made
-Jehoahaz their king. Perhaps he heard enough of the warlike prowess of
-Jehoahaz to make him resent this act of independence. After his three
-months' campaign he sent for Jehoahaz to Riblah, and the unhappy
-prince had no choice but to obey. Possibly the Egyptian party in
-Jerusalem, headed by his disappointed elder brother Eliakim, may have
-intrigued against him with Pharaoh Necho. When he reached Riblah, he
-was unceremoniously deposed; and though we may hope that the
-expression of Ezekiel, that "they brought him with _hooks_ into the
-land of Egypt," belongs to the metaphor of the captured lion's whelp,
-it is certain that he was taken to the banks of the Nile as a fettered
-captive, never to return. How long his miserable life was protracted,
-or how he was treated in Egypt, we do not know. The sun of the young
-prince went down in darkness while it was yet day. No king of Judah
-before him had died in prison and in exile, and the calamity smote
-heavily the heart of his people. Egypt was not to escape--shortly
-thereafter--the doom of violence and pride; but whether the young
-Jewish king had died meanwhile of a broken heart, or whether he
-dragged on to hoar hairs his maimed life, or whether he was murdered
-in his dungeon, no man knew. One thing only was clear to the sad
-prophet--that he would never return.
-
-"Weep ye not for the dead, neither bemoan him: but weep ye sore for
-him that is gone away: for he shall return no more, nor see his native
-country. For thus saith Jehovah concerning Shallum, the son of Josiah,
-King of Judah, which reigned instead of Josiah his father, which went
-forth out of this place: 'He shall not return thither any more: but in
-the place whither they have led him captive there shall he die, and he
-shall see this land no more.'"[764]
-
-To show his absolute power over Judah and Jerusalem, Pharaoh Necho not
-only deposed and fettered their king, but put the whole land under a
-yearly tribute of one hundred talents of silver (about £40,000) and a
-talent of gold (about £4,000).[765]
-
-Even this comparatively small sum was a heavy burden for so greatly
-afflicted and impoverished a country, and Pharaoh further imposed on
-them a vassal to see that it was duly extorted. This was Eliakim, the
-eldest living son of Josiah. There was nothing left to plunder in the
-Temple or the palace, and therefore the exaction had to be borne by
-the taxed and suffering people.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[753] Chron. iii. 15.
-
-[754] He is named "fourth," but he was older than his brothers
-Jehoiakim and Zedekiah (2 Kings xxiii. 31, xxiv. 18). The genealogy is
-as follows:--
-
- Zebudah = JOSIAH = Hamutal.
- | |
- ----- |-------------------
- | | |
- Nehushta = ELIAKIM ZEDEKIAH JEHOAHAZ
- | or Jehoiakim. or Mattaniah. or Shallum.
- |
- JEHOIACHIN.
-
-
-[755] An allusion to the Syrian mode of hunting the lion by driving it
-with cries into a concealed pit (Tristram, _Nat. Hist. of the Bible_,
-118; Cheyne, 140).
-
-[756] Ezek. xix. 1-4.
-
-[757] The name Shallum means "recompense." It may have been regarded
-as ill-omened, since the King of Israel who bore this rare name had
-only reigned a month.
-
-[758] The Talmud says that kings were only anointed in special cases
-(_Keritoth_, f. 5, 2; Grätz, ii. 328).
-
-[759] Jos., _Antt._, X. v. 2: [Greek: Asebês kai miaros ton tropon].
-
-[760] Herod., ii. 159.
-
-[761] Mr. G. Smith identifies Carchemish with Jerablûs.
-
-[762] Cheyne, _Jeremiah_, p. 127.
-
-[763] Comp. 2 Kings xxv. 20, 21. The old Hittite capital of Riblah was
-a convenient halting-place on the road between Babylon and Jerusalem.
-It was on the northernmost boundary of Palestine towards Damascus
-(Amos vi. 14).
-
-[764] Jer. xxii. 10-12.
-
-[765] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3; 1 Esdras i. 36. The smallness of the tribute
-proves the impoverishment of the land. Sennacherib demanded from
-Hezekiah three hundred talents of silver, and thirty of gold; and
-Menahem paid one thousand talents of silver to Tiglath-Pileser.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXIV
-
- _JEHOIAKIM_
-
- B.C. 608-597
-
- 2 KINGS xxiii. 36-xxiv. 7
-
- "But those things that are recorded of him, and of his uncleanness
- and impiety, are written in the Chronicles of the Kings."--1
- ESDRAS i. 42.
-
- "When Jehoiakim succeeded to the throne, he said, 'My predecessors
- knew not how to provoke God.'"--_Sanhedrin_, f. 103, 2.
-
- "There is no strange handwriting on the wall,
- Through all the midnight hum no threatening call,
- Nor on the marble floor the stealthy fall
- Of fatal footsteps. All is safe.--Thou fool,
- The avenging deities are shod with wool!"
- W. ALLEN BUTLER.
-
-
-Eliakim succeeded to the throne at the age of twenty-five under very
-unenviable circumstances--as a nominal king, a helpless nominee and
-tributary of the Pharaoh. He seems to have been thoroughly distasteful
-to the people; and if we may judge from the fact that Ezekiel frankly
-ignores him and passes from Jehoahaz to Jehoachin, he was regarded as
-a tax-gathering usurper nominated by an alien tyrant. For after
-speaking of Jehoahaz, Ezekiel says,--
-
- "Now when she [Judah] saw that she had waited [for the restoration of
- Jehoahaz], and her hope was lost,
- Then she took another of her whelps;[766]
- A young lion she made him.
- He went up and down among the lions;
- He became a young lion."[767]
-
-The historian says that Necho turned the name of Eliakim ("God will
-establish") to Jehoiakim ("Jehovah will establish"); but by this can
-hardly be meant more than that he sanctioned the change of El into
-Jehovah on Eliakim's installation upon the throne.
-
-Jehoiakim is condemned in the same terms as all the other sons of
-Josiah. His misdoings are far more definitely recorded in the
-Prophets, who furnish us with details which are passed over by the
-historians. Some of his sins may have been due to the influence of his
-wife Nehushta, who was a daughter of Elnathan of Achbor, one of the
-princes of the heathen party. It was this Elnathan whom the king chose
-as a fitting ambassador to demand the extradition of the prophet
-Urijah from Egypt. One of the crimes with which Jehoiakim is charged
-is the building for himself of a sumptuous palace, and thus vainly
-trying to emulate the splendours of Assyrian, Babylonian, and Egyptian
-kings. In itself the act would not have been more wicked than it was
-in Solomon, whose architectural parade is dwelt upon with enthusiasm.
-But the circumstances were now wholly different. Solomon was at that
-time in all his glory, the possessor of boundless wealth, the ruler of
-an immense and united territory, the head of a powerful and prosperous
-people, the successor of an unconquered hero who had gone to his grave
-in peace; Jehoiakim, on the other hand, had succeeded a father who
-had died in defeat on the field of battle, and a brother who was
-hopelessly pining in an Egyptian prison. The Tribes had been carried
-into captivity by Assyria; the nation was beaten, oppressed, and poor;
-the king himself possessed but a shadow of royalty. In such a
-condition of things it would have been his glory to maintain a
-watchful and strenuous activity, and to devote himself in simplicity
-and self-denial to the good of his people. It showed a perverted and
-sensuous mind to insult the misery of his subjects at such a time by
-feeble attempts to rival heathen potentates in costly æstheticism. But
-this was not all; he carried out his ignoble selfishness at the cost
-of oppression and wrong.[768]
-
-It is possible that the prophet Habakkuk alludes to him in the words:--
-
-"Woe to him that getteth an evil gain for his house, that he may set
-his nest on high, that he may be delivered from the hand of evil![769]
-Thou hast consulted shame to thy house by cutting off many peoples,
-and hast sinned against thy soul. For the stone shall cry out of the
-wall, and the beam out of the timber shall answer it."[770]
-
-The thought of the Jewish king's selfish expensiveness may have crossed
-the mind of Habakkuk, though the taunt is addressed directly to the
-Chaldæans, and especially to Nebuchadrezzar, who was at that time
-revelling in the beautifying of Babylon, and especially of his own
-royal palace. On the other hand, the rebuke, or rather the denunciation,
-uttered by Jeremiah against the king for this line of conduct, and for
-the forced labour which it required, is terribly direct.
-
- "'Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness,
- And his chambers by wrong;
- That useth his neighbour's service without wages,
- And giveth him not his hire;
- That saith, "I will build me a wide house and spacious chambers,"
- And cutteth out windows;
- And it is ceiled with cedar, and painted with vermilion.
- Shalt thou reign because thou viest with the cedar?[771]
- Did not thy father eat and drink, and do judgment and justice?
- Then it was well with him!
- Was not this to know Me?' saith the Lord.
- 'But thine heart is not but for thy dishonest gain,
- And for to shed innocent blood,
- And for oppression and for violence to do it.'"[772]
-
-Then follows the stern message of doom which we shall quote hereafter.
-The king's bad example stimulated or perhaps emulated similar folly
-and want of patriotism on the part of his nobles. They were shepherds
-who destroyed and scattered the sheep of Jehovah's pastures. But vain
-was their imagined security, and their ostentation. The judgment was
-imminent.[773]
-
-"O inhabitress of Lebanon, that makest thy nest in the cedars,"
-exclaims the prophet in bitter mockery, "how greatly wilt thou groan
-when pangs come upon thee, the pain as of a woman in travail!"[774]
-
-But Jehoiakim's offences were deadlier than this. The Chronicler
-speaks of "the abominations which he did"; and some have therefore
-supposed that the evil state of things described by Jeremiah (xix.)
-refers to this reign. If so, he plunged into the idolatry which caused
-Judah to be shivered like a potter's vessel. Certainly he sinned
-grievously against God in the person of His prophets.
-
-Jeremiah was not the only prophet who disdained the easy and
-traitorous popularity which was to be won by prophesying "peace,
-peace," when there was no peace. He had for his contemporary another
-messenger of God, no less boldly explicit than himself--Urijah, the
-son of Shemaiah of Kirjath-Jearim. Jeremiah had as yet only prophesied
-in his humble native village of Anathoth; he had not been called upon
-to face "the swellings" or "the pride of Jordan."[775] Urijah had been
-in the fuller glare of publicity in the capital, and his bold
-declaration that Jerusalem should fall before Nebuchadrezzar and the
-Chaldæans had excited such a fury of indignation that he escaped into
-Egypt for his life. Surely this should have appeased the rulers, even
-if they chose to pay no attention to the Divine menace. For the
-prophets were recognised deliverers of the messages of Jehovah; and
-with scarcely an exception, even in the most wicked reigns, their
-persons had been regarded as sacrosanct. But Jehoiakim would not let
-Urijah escape. He sent an embassy to Necho, headed by his
-father-in-law Elnathan, son of Achbor, requesting his extradition.
-Urijah had been dragged back from Egypt, and, to the horror of the
-people, the king had slain him with the sword, and flung his body into
-the graves of the common people.[776] What made this conduct more
-monstrous was the precedent of Micah the Morasthite. He, in the days
-of Hezekiah, had prophesied,--
-
- "Zion shall be ploughed as a field,
- And Jerusalem shall become heaps,
- And the Mountain of the House as the wooded heights."[777]
-
-Yet so far from putting him to death, or even stirring a finger
-against him, the pious king had only been moved to repentance by the
-Divine threatenings. Thus the blood of the first martyr-prophet, if we
-except the case of Zechariah, had been shed by the son of Judah's most
-pious king. Jeremiah himself only narrowly escaped martyrdom. The
-precedent of Micah helped to save him, though it had not saved Urijah.
-He was far more powerfully protected by the patronage of the princes
-and the people. Standing in the Temple court, he had declared that,
-unless the nation repented, that house should be like Shiloh, and the
-city a curse to all the nations of the earth. Maddened by such words
-of bold rebuke, the priests and the prophets and the people had
-threatened him with death. But the princes took his part, and some of
-the people came over to them. His most powerful protector was Ahikam,
-the son of Shaphan, a member of a family of the utmost distinction.
-
-Meanwhile, we must follow for a time the outward fortunes of the king
-and of the world.
-
-Necho, after his successful advance, had retired to Egypt, and
-Jehoiakim continued to be for three years his obsequious servant. An
-event of tremendous importance for the world changed the entire
-fortunes of Egypt and of Judah. Nineveh fell with a crash which
-terrified the nations. We might apply to her the language which Isaiah
-applies to her successor, Babylon:--
-
-"Sheol from beneath is moved for thee to meet thee at thy coming: it
-stirreth up the shades for thee, even the Rephaim of the earth; it
-hath raised up from their thrones all the kings of the nations. All
-they shall answer and say unto thee, 'Art thou also become weak as we?
-art thou become like unto us?' ... All the kings of the nations, all
-of them, sleep in glory, every one in his own house. But thou art cast
-forth away from thy sepulchre like an abominable branch, as the
-raiment of those that are slain, that are thrust through with the
-sword, that go down to the stones of the pit.... They that see thee
-shall narrowly look upon thee ... and say, 'Is this the man that made
-the earth to tremble? that did shake kingdoms? that made the world as
-a wilderness, and overthrew the cities thereof? that let not loose his
-prisoners to their home?'"[778]
-
-Yes, Assyria had fallen like some mighty cedar in Libanus, and the
-nations gazed without pity and with exultation on his torn and
-scattered branches.
-
-And coincident with the fate of Nineveh had been the rise of the
-Chaldæan power.
-
-Nabupalussur[779] had been a general of one of the last Assyrian kings,
-and had been sent by him with an army to quell a Babylonian revolt.
-Instead of this, he seized the city and made himself king. When the
-final overthrow and obliteration of Nineveh had secured his power, he
-sent his brave and brilliant son Nebuchadrezzar[780] (B.C. 605) to
-secure the provinces which he had wrested from Assyria, and especially
-to regain possession of Carchemish, which commanded the river.
-
-Necho marched to protect his conquests, and at Carchemish the hostile
-forces encountered each other in a tremendous battle,--immemorial
-Egypt under the representative of its age-long Pharaohs; Babylon, with
-her independence of yesterday, under a prince hitherto unknown, whose
-name was to become one of the most famous in the world. The result is
-described by Jeremiah (xlvi. 1-12). Egypt was hopelessly defeated. Her
-splendidly arrayed warriors were panic-stricken and routed; her chief
-heroes were dashed to pieces by the heavy maces of the Babylonians, or
-fled without so much as looking back. The scene was one of
-"Magor-missabib"--terror on every side.[781] Pharaoh's host came up
-like the Nile in flood with its Ethiopian hoplites and Asiatic
-archers; but they were driven back. The daughter of Egypt received a
-wound which no balm of Gilead could cure. The nations heard of her
-shame, and the prophet pronounced her further chastisement by the
-hands of Nebuchadrezzar.
-
-Then, in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, the young Babylonian conqueror
-swept down upon Syria and Palestine like a bounding leopard, like an
-avenging eagle (Hab. i. 7, 8). Jehoiakim had no choice but to change
-his vassalhood to Necho for a vassalage to Nebuchadrezzar.[782] He
-might have suffered severe consequences, but tidings came to the young
-Chaldæan that his father had ended his reign of twenty-one years and
-was dead. For fear lest disturbances might arise in his capital, he at
-once dashed home across the desert with some light troops by way of
-Tadmor, while he told his general to follow him home through Syria by
-the longer route. He seems, however, to have carried away with him
-some captives, among whom were Daniel, Ananias, Azarias, and
-Misael,[783] destined hereafter for such memorable fortunes. Jehoiakim
-himself was thrown into fetters to be carried into Babylon; but the
-conqueror changed his mind, and probably thought that it would be
-safer for the present to accept his pledges and assurances, and leave
-him as his viceroy. "He took an oath of him," says Ezekiel (xvii. 13);
-"he took also the mighty of the land."[784]
-
-For three years this frivolous egotist who occupied the throne of
-Judah remained faithful to his covenant with the King of Babylon, but
-at the end of that time he rebelled. In this rebellion he was again
-deluded by the glamour of Egypt, and reliance on the empty promise of
-"horses and much people." Ezekiel openly disapproved of this
-policy,[785] and reproached the king for his faithlessness to his
-oath. Jeremiah went further, and declared in the plainest language
-that "Nebuchadrezzar would certainly come up and destroy this land,
-and cause to cease from thence both man and beast."[786]
-
-Nearer and nearer the danger came. At first the King of Babylon was too
-busy to do more than send against the Jewish rebel marauding bands of
-Chaldæans, who acted in concert with the hereditary depredators of
-Judah--Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites. But the prophet knew that the
-danger would not end there, believing that God would yet "remove Judah
-out of His sight" for the unforgiven sins of Manasseh and the innocent
-blood with which he had filled Jerusalem.[787] At last Nebuchadrezzar
-had time to turn closer attention to the affairs of Judah, and this
-became necessary because of the revolt of Tyre under its King Ithobalus.
-In the stress of the peril Jehoiakim proclaimed a fast and a day of
-humiliation in the Temple. Jeremiah was at this time "shut up"--either
-in hiding, or in some sort of custody. As he could not go and preach in
-person, he dictated his prophecy to Baruch, who wrote it on a scroll,
-and went in the prophet's place to read it in the Lord's House to the
-people there assembled from Jerusalem and all Judah in the chamber of
-Gemariah, the son of Shaphan, in the inner court, by the new gate.[788]
-Gemariah was the brother of Ahikam, the protector of the prophet.
-
-No one was more painfully alarmed by Jeremiah's prophecy than Micaiah,
-the son of Gemariah, and he thought it his duty to go and tell his
-father and the other princes what he had heard. They were assembled in
-the scribe's chamber, and sent a courtier of Ethiopian race--Jehudi,
-the son of Cushi--bidding him to bring the scroll with him, and to
-come to them.[789]
-
-Baruch was a person of distinction. He was the brother of Seraiah, who
-is called in our A.V. "a quiet prince," and in the margin "prince of
-Menucha" or "chief chamberlain," literally "master of the
-resting-place"; and he was the grandson of Maaseiah, "the governor" of
-the city.[790] The office imposed on him by Jeremiah was so perilous
-and painful that it nearly broke his heart. He exclaimed to Jeremiah,
-"Woe is me now! the Lord hath added grief to my sorrow. I am weary
-with my sighing, and I find no rest." The answer which the prophet was
-commissioned to give him was very remarkable. It confirmed the
-terrible doom on his native land, but added, "'And seekest thou great
-things for thyself? Seek them not. For, behold, I will bring evil upon
-all flesh,' saith the Lord: 'but thy life will I give unto thee for a
-prey in all places whither thou goest.'"[791]
-
-Baruch obeyed the summons of the princes, and at their request sat
-down with them and read the scroll in their ears. When they had heard
-the portentous prophecy, they turned shuddering to one another, and
-said, "We must tell the king of all these words." They asked Baruch
-how he had written them, and he said he had taken them down at the
-prophet's dictation. Then, knowing the storm which would burst over
-the bold offenders, they said, "Go, hide thee, thou and Jeremiah, and
-let no man know where ye be."
-
-Not daring to imperil the awful document, they laid it up in the
-chamber of Elishama, the scribe, but went to the king and told him its
-contents. He sent Jehudi to fetch it, and to read it in their hearing.
-Jehoiakim and the illustrious company were seated in the
-winter-chamber; for it was October, and a fire was burning in the
-brazier, where Jehoiakim sat warming himself in the chilly weather.
-
-As he listened, he was filled not only with fury, but with contempt.
-Such a message might well have caused him and his worst counsellors to
-rend their clothes; but instead of this they adopted a tone of defiance.
-By the time that Jehudi had read three or four columns, Jehoiakim
-snatched the scribe's knife which hung at his girdle, and began to cut
-up the scroll, with the intention of burning it. Seeing his purpose,
-Gemariah, Elnathan, and Seraiah entreated him not to destroy it. But he
-would not listen. He flung the fragments into the brazier, and they were
-consumed. He ordered his son Jerahmeel,[792] with Seraiah and Shelemiah,
-to seize both Baruch and Jeremiah, and bring them before him for
-punishment. Doubtless they would have suffered the fate of Urijah, but
-"the Lord hid them." There were enough persons of power on their side to
-render their hiding-place secure.
-
-But the king's impious indifference, so far from making any difference
-in the things that were, only brought down upon his guilt a fearful
-doom. Truth cannot be cut to pieces, or burnt, or mechanically
-suppressed.
-
- "Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again;
- The eternal years of God are hers:
- But error, vanquished, writhes in pain,
- And dies amid her worshippers."
-
-All the former denunciations, and new ones added to them, were
-rewritten by Jeremiah and his faithful friend in their hiding-place,
-and among them these words[793]:--
-
-"Thus saith the Lord of Jehoiakim, King of Judah, 'He shall have none
-to sit upon the throne of David; and his dead body shall be cast out
-in the day to the heat, and in the night to the frost.'"
-
-A frightful drought added to the misery of this reign, but failed to
-bring the wretched king to his senses. Jeremiah describes it[794]:--
-
-"Judah mourneth, and the gates thereof languish; they bow down
-mourning unto the ground; and the cry of Jerusalem is gone up. And the
-nobles send their menials to the waters: they come to the pits, and
-find no water; they return with their vessels empty; they are ashamed
-and confounded, and cover their heads, because of the ground which is
-chapped, for that no rain hath been in the land.... Yea, the hind also
-in the field calveth, and forsaketh her young, because there is no
-grass. And the wild asses stand on the bare heights, they pant for
-air like jackals; their eyes fail, because there is no herbage."
-
-Even this affliction, so vividly and pathetically described, failed to
-waken any repentance. And then the doom fell. Nebuchadrezzar advanced
-in person against Jerusalem.[795] Even the hardy nomad Rechabites had
-to fly before the Chaldæans, and to take refuge in the cities which
-they hated. The sacred historian tells us nothing as to the manner of
-the death of Jehoiakim, only saying that he "slept with his fathers":
-his narrative of this period is exceedingly meagre. Josephus says that
-Nebuchadrezzar slew him and the flower of the citizens, and sent three
-thousand captives to Babylon.[796] Some imagine that he was killed by
-the Babylonians in a raid outside the walls of Jerusalem, or "murdered
-by his own people, and his body thrown for a time outside the walls."
-If so, the Babylonians did not war with the dead. His remains, after
-this "burial of an ass,"[797] may have been finally suffered to rest
-in a tomb. The Septuagint says (2 Chron. xxxvi. 8) that he was buried
-"in Ganosan," by which may be meant the sepulchre of Manasseh in the
-garden of Uzza.[798] Not for him was the wailing cry "_Hoî, adon!
-Hoî, hodo!_" ("Ah, Lord! Ah, his glory!").
-
-"The memory of the wicked shall rot." Certainly this was the case with
-Jehoiakim. The Chronicler mysteriously alludes to "his abominations
-which he did, _and that which was found in him_."[799] The Rabbis,
-interpreting this after their manner, say that "the thing found" was
-the name of the demon Codonazor, to whom he had sold himself, which
-after his death was discovered legibly written in Hebrew letters on
-his skin. "Rabbi Johanan and Rabbi Eleazar debated what was meant by
-'that which was found on him.' One said that he tattooed the name of
-an idol upon his body ([Hebrew: mtv]), and the other said that he had
-tattooed the name of the god Recreon."[800]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[766] Not Jehoiakim, but Jehoiachin, as the sequel shows.
-
-[767] Ezek. xix. 5-9. The allusions to Jehoiakim by Jeremiah are
-numerous, and all unfavourable (xxii. 13-19, xxvi. 20-23, xxxvi.
-20-31, etc.)
-
-[768] Josephus (_Antt._, X. v. 2) is very severe on this king. He says
-that "he was unjust in disposition, an evil-doer, neither pious
-towards God nor just towards men."
-
-[769] Perhaps an allusion to a sort of fortified palace on Ophel.
-
-[770] Hab. ii. 9-11.
-
-[771] The text is perhaps corrupt. Two MSS. of the LXX. read "because
-thou viest _with Ahab_," and the Vatican MSS. has "_with Ahaz_."
-Cheyne adopts the former reading.
-
-[772] Jer. xxii. 13-17.
-
-[773] Jer. xxiii. 1.
-
-[774] Jer. xxii. 23.
-
-[775] Jer. xii. 5.
-
-[776] Jer. xxvi. 20-23. So far as I am aware, Bunsen stands alone in
-identifying Urijah with the "Zechariah" who wrote Zech. xii.-xiv.
-Others refer Zech. xii. 10 to the murder of Urijah.
-
-[777] Jer. xxvi. 18.
-
-[778] Isa. xiv., _passim_.
-
-[779] Nabu-pal-ussur, "Nebo protect the son."
-
-[780] Nabu-kudur-ussur, "Nebo protect the crown" (Schrader, ii. 48), or
-"the youth" (Oppert). The portrait of Nebuchadrezzar--this is the proper
-spelling, as generally in Jeremiah--is preserved for us on a black cameo
-which he presented to the god Merodach. It is now in the Berlin Museum,
-and shows strong but not cruel or ignoble characteristics. It is copied
-in Riehm's _Handwörterbuch_, ii. 1067. The Jews, as they were fond of
-doing to their enemies, made insulting puns on his name. Thus in the
-_Vayyikra Rabba_ (Wünsche, _Bibl. Rabb._) the Three Children are
-represented as saying to him, "You are Neboo-cad-netser: bark [_nabach_]
-like a dog; swell like a water-jar [_kad_], and chirp like a cricket
-[_tsertser_],"--in allusion to his madness.
-
-[781] Jer. xlvi. 5 (vi. 25).
-
-[782] Jos., _Antt._, X. xi.; Berosus, p. 11. The Chronicler and
-Josephus show some confusion, caused by the similarity of the names
-Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin.
-
-[783] Dan. i. 6.
-
-[784] We might infer from Ezek. xvii. 12 that Nebuchadrezzar actually
-took Jehoiakim with him to Babylon.
-
-[785] Ezek. xvii. 15.
-
-[786] Jer. xxxvi. 29, xxv. 9, xxvi. 6.
-
-[787] 2 Kings xxiv. 2-4.
-
-[788] Grätz thinks that Jeremiah's roll was substantially Jer. xxv.
-
-[789] Jos., _Antt._, IX. ix. 1.
-
-[790] Jer. li. 59. Ewald, Hitzig, and others take the title to mean
-"quartermaster" (2 Chron. xxxiv. 8).
-
-[791] Jer. xlv. 1-5.
-
-[792] Zeph. i. 8; 1 Kings xxii. 26; Jer. xxxvi. 26, A.V., "The son of
-Hammelech." Comp. xxxviii. 6. _Hammelech_ may be a proper name, or a
-prince of the blood-royal may be intended.
-
-[793] "The 'Book,' now as afterwards, was to be the death-blow of the
-old regal, aristocratic, sacerdotal exclusiveness. The 'Scribe,' now
-first rising into importance in the person of Baruch to supply the
-defects of the living Prophet, was, as the printing-press in later
-ages, handing on the words of truth, which else might have
-irretrievably perished" (Stanley).
-
-[794] Cheyne, _Jeremiah_, p. 149; Jer. xiv. 1-xv. 9.
-
-[795] Nebuchadrezzar occupies a larger space in the Bible than any
-heathen king, being spoken of in 2 Kings, 2 Chronicles, Ezra,
-Nehemiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel.
-
-[796] For further details of Jehoiakim see 1 Esdras i. 38: "He bound
-Joakim and the nobles; _but Zaraces_ his brother he apprehended, and
-brought him out of Egypt." The allusion is entirely obscure, and
-probably arises from some corruption of the text. The literal
-rendering is: "And _Joakim_ bound the nobles; but Zaraces his brother
-he apprehended, and brought him out of Egypt." Zaraces might be a
-corruption for Zedekiah, who was Jehoiakim's half-brother. Some think
-that Zaraces is a corruption for Urijah, and "his brother" a clerical
-error.
-
-[797] Jer. xxxvi. 30, xxii. 19.
-
-[798] LXX., [Greek: kai ekoimêthê Iôakeim en Ganozan meta tôn paterôn
-heautou].
-
-[799] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 8.
-
-[800] _Sanhedrin_, f. 104, 2. For another allusion see _id._ 49, 1;
-Hershon, _Treasures of the Talmud_, p. 232.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXV
-
- _JEHOIACHIN_
-
- B.C. 597
-
- 2 KINGS xxiv. 8-16
-
- "There are times when ancient truths become modern falsehoods,
- when the signs of God's dispensations are made so clear by the
- course of natural events as to supersede the revelations of even
- their most sacred past."--STANLEY, _Lectures_, ii. 521.
-
-
-Jehoiachin--"Jehovah maketh steadfast"--who is also called Jeconiah,
-and--perhaps with intentional slight--Coniah, succeeded, at the age of
-eighteen, to the miserable and distracted heritage of the throne of
-Judah. The "eight years old" of the Chronicler must be a clerical
-error, for he had a harem. He only reigned for three months; and the
-historian pronounces over him, as over all the four kings of the House
-of Josiah, the stereotyped condemnation of evil-doing. Was there
-anything in the manner in which Josiah had trained his family which
-could account for their unsatisfactoriness? In Jehoiachin's case we do
-not know what his transgressions were, but perhaps his mother's
-influence rendered him as little favourable to the prophetic party as
-his brother Jehoiakim had been. For the _Gebîrah_ was Nehushta, the
-daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem. Her name means apparently "Brass,"
-and nothing can be deduced from it; but her father Elnathan was (as
-we have seen) the envoy who, by order of Jehoiakim, had dragged back
-from Egypt the martyr-prophet Urijah.[801]
-
-Brief as was his reign of three months and ten days[802]--a hundred
-days, like that of his unhappy uncle Jehoahaz--he is largely alluded
-to by the contemporary prophets.
-
-Indignant at the sins and apostasies of Judah, and convinced that her
-retribution was nigh at hand, Jeremiah took with him an earthen pot to
-the Valley of Hinnom, and there shivered it to pieces at Tophet in the
-presence of certain elders of the people and of the priests,
-explaining that his symbolic action indicated the destruction of
-Jerusalem. On hearing the tenor of these prophecies, the priest
-Pashur, who was officer of the Temple, smote Jeremiah in the face, and
-put him in the stocks in a prominent place by the Temple gate.[803]
-Jeremiah in return prophesied that Pashur and all his family should be
-carried into captivity, so that his name should be changed from Pashur
-to Magor-Missabib, "Terror on every side."
-
-Against the king himself he pronounced the doom: "'As I live,' saith the
-Lord, 'though Coniah, the son of Jehoiakim, King of Judah, were the
-signet on My right hand, yet will I pluck thee thence; and I will give
-thee into the hands of them that seek thy life, ... even into the hand
-of Nebuchadrezzar.... And I will hurl thee, and thy mother that bare
-thee, into another country;[804] ... and there shall ye die.' ... Is
-this man Coniah a despised broken piece of work? is he a vessel wherein
-is no pleasure? wherefore are they hurled, he and his seed, and cast
-into a land which they know not? O land, land, land! hear the word of
-the Lord. Thus saith the Lord, 'Write ye this man childless, a man that
-shall not prosper in his days: for no man of his seed shall prosper,
-sitting upon the throne of David, or ruling any more in Judah.'"
-
-Yet there must have been something in Jeconiah which impressed
-favourably the minds of men. Brief as was his reign, his memory was
-never forgotten. We learn from the _Mishna_ that one of the gates of
-Jerusalem--probably that by which he left the city--for ever bore his
-name.[805] Josephus says that his captivity was annually commemorated.
-Jeremiah writes in the Lamentations:--
-
-"Our pursuers are swifter than the eagles of heaven: they have pursued
-us upon the mountains, they have laid wait for us in the wilderness.
-The breath of our nostrils, the anointed of the Lord, was taken in
-their pits, of whom we said, 'Under his shadow we shall live among the
-heathen.'"
-
-Ezekiel compares him to a young lion:--
-
-"He went up and down among the lions, he became a young lion, and
-learned to catch the prey. And he knew their palaces, and laid waste
-their cities; and the land was desolate, and the fulness thereof, by
-the noise of his roaring. Then the nations set against him on every
-side from the provinces, and spread their net over him: he was taken
-in their pit. And they put him in ward in hooks, and brought him to
-the King of Babylon: they brought him into holds, that his voice
-should no more be heard upon the mountains of Israel."[806]
-
-A prince of whom a contemporary prophet could thus write was obviously
-no _fainéant_. Indeed, the energetic measures which Nebuchadrezzar
-adopted against him may have been due to the fact that he had
-endeavoured to rouse his discouraged people. But what could he do
-against such a power as that of the Chaldæans? Nebuchadrezzar sent his
-generals against Jerusalem; and when it was ripe for capture, advanced
-in person to take possession of it. Resistance had become hopeless;
-there lay no chance in anything but that complete submission which
-might possibly avert the worst effects of the destruction of the city.
-Accordingly, Jeconiah, accompanied by his mother, his court, his
-princes, and his officers, went out in procession, and threw
-themselves on the mercy of the King of Babylon. Nebuchadrezzar was far
-less brutal than the Sargons and Assurbanipals of Assyria; but Judah
-had twice revolted, and the defection of Tyre showed him that the
-affairs of Palestine could no longer be neglected. He thoroughly
-despoiled the Temple and the palace, and carried the spoils to
-Babylon, as Isaiah had forewarned Hezekiah should be the case.[807]
-That he might further weaken and humiliate the city, he stripped it
-of its king, its royal house, its court, its nobles, its soldiers,
-even its craftsmen and smiths, and carried ten thousand eight hundred
-and thirty-two captives to Babylon (Jos., _Antt._, X. vii. 1), among
-whom was the prophet Ezekiel. He naturally spared Jeremiah, who
-regarded him as "the sword of Jehovah" (Jer. xlvii. 6), and as
-"Jehovah's servant, to do His pleasure" (Jer. xxv. 9, xxvii. 6, xliii.
-10). On the whole, Nebuchadrezzar is not treated with abhorrence by
-the Jews. There was something in his character which inspired respect;
-and the Jews deal with him leniently, both in their records and
-generally in their traditions. "Nebuchadnezzar," we read in the Talmud
-(_Taanith_ f. 18, 2), "was a worthy king, and deserved that a miracle
-should be performed through him."
-
-From the allusion of Ezekiel we might infer that Jehoiachin was
-violent and self-willed; but Josephus speaks of his kindness and
-gentleness.[808] Was he, as Jeremiah had prophesied, literally
-"childless"?[809] It is true that in 1 Chron. iii. 17, 18, eight sons
-are ascribed to him, and among them Shealtiel, in whom the royal line
-was continued. But it is far from certain that these sons were not the
-sons of his brother Neri, of the House of Nathan,[810] and it seems
-that they were only adopted by the unhappy captive. The Book of Baruch
-describes him weeping by the Euphrates.[811] But if we may trust the
-story of Susannah, his outward fortunes were peaceful, and he was
-allowed to live in his own house and gardens in peace, and in a
-certain degree of splendour.[812]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[801] Jer. xxvi. 22.
-
-[802] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9.
-
-[803] Jer. xx. 2. There seem to have been special "stocks" and "collars"
-in the Temple, reserved, by order of the priest Jehoiada, for those whom
-the priests regarded as unruly prophets (Jer. xxix. 26).
-
-[804] Jer. xxii. 24-30. The captivity of the queen-mother struck men's
-imaginations (Jer. xxix. 2).
-
-[805] _Middoth_, ii. 6, quoted by Cheyne, p. 163; Jos., _B. J._, VI.
-ii. 1. Comp. Ezek. i. 2.
-
-[806] Ezek. xix. 6-9. The special allusions are no longer certain.
-
-[807] 2 Kings xx. 17. The expression "_he cut to pieces_ all the
-vessels of gold which Solomon had made" is hardly consistent with Ezra
-i. 7-11, unless we understand the word in a loose sense.
-
-[808] He says that he nobly gave himself up to save the city (_Antt._,
-X. vii. 1). His captivity was made an era from which to date Ezek. i.
-2, viii. 1, xxiv. 1, xxvi. 1, etc. Comp. Susannah 1-4.
-
-[809] Jer. xxii. 30, '_arîrî_. His "son" Assir (1 Chron. iii. 17) may
-have been made an eunuch (Isa. xxxix. 7).
-
-[810] Luke iii. 27, 31; Matt. i. 12.
-
-[811] Baruch i. 3, 4.
-
-[812] The favourable notice of Nebuchadrezzar in _Taanith_ (quoted
-above) is not found in _Berachoth_, f. 57, 2, where he is called "the
-wicked." There are many wild legends about him. In _Nedarim_ (f. 65,
-2), R. Yitzchak says: "May melted gold be poured into the mouth of the
-wicked Nebuchadrezzar! Had not an angel struck him on the mouth, he
-would have outshone all David's songs and praises." With reference to
-Isa. xxii. 1, 2, the Rabbis say that Jeconiah went to the Temple roof,
-and flung up the keys into the air, when Nebuchadrezzar required them:
-"a hand took them, and they were seen no more" (_Shekalim_, vi. 5). In
-_Nedarim_ (f. 65, 2) we are told that Zedekiah's rebellion consisted
-in divulging, contrary to his oath, that he had seen Nebuchadrezzar
-eating a live hare (Hershon, _Treasures of the Talmud_).
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXVI
-
- _ZEDEKIAH, THE LAST KING OF JUDAH_
-
- B.C. 597-586
-
- 2 KINGS xxiv. 18-xxv. 7
-
- "Quand ce grand Dieu a choisi quelqu'un pour être l'instrument de
- ses desseins rien n'arrête le cours, où il enchaine, où il
- aveugle, où il dompte tout ce qui est capable de résistance."
- BOSSUET, _Oraison funèbre de Henriette Marie_.
-
-
-When Jehoiachin was carried captive to Babylon, never to return, his
-uncle Mattaniah ("Jehovah's gift"), the third son of Josiah, was put
-by Nebuchadrezzar in his place. In solemn ratification of the new
-king's authority, the Babylonian conqueror sanctioned the change of
-his name to Zedekiah ("Jehovah's righteousness").[813] He was
-twenty-one at his accession, and he reigned eleven years.
-
-"Behold," writes Ezekiel, "the King of Babylon came to Jerusalem, and
-took the king thereof, and the princes thereof, and brought them to
-him to Babylon; and he took of the seed royal" (_i.e._, Zedekiah),
-"_and made a covenant with him; he also brought him under an oath: and
-took away the mighty of the land, that the kingdom might be base, that
-it might not lift itself up, but that by keeping of his covenant it
-might stand_."[814]
-
-Perhaps by this covenant Zechariah meant to emphasise the meaning of
-his name, and to show that he would reign in righteousness.
-
-The prophet at the beginning of the chapter describes Nebuchadrezzar
-and Jehoiachin in "a riddle."
-
-"A great eagle," he says, "with great wings and long pinions, full of
-feathers, which had divers colours, came unto Lebanon, and took the
-top of the cedar" (Jehoiachin): "he cropped off the topmost of the
-young twigs thereof, and carried it into a land of traffic; he set it
-in a city of merchants. He took also of the seed of the land"
-(Zedekiah), "and planted it in a fruitful soil; he placed it beside
-great waters, he set it as a willow tree. And it grew, and became a
-spreading vine of low stature, whose branches turned towards him, and
-the roots thereof were under him: so it became a vine, and brought
-forth branches, and shot forth sprigs."[815]
-
-The words refer to the first three years of Zedekiah's reign, and they
-imply, consistently with the views of the prophets, that, if the weak
-king had been content with the lowly eminence to which God had called
-him, and if he had kept his oath and covenant with Babylon, all might
-yet have been well with him and his land. At first it seemed likely to
-be so; for Zedekiah wished to be faithful to Jehovah. He made a
-covenant with all the people to set free their Hebrew slaves. Alas! it
-was very shortlived. Self-sacrifice cost something, and the princes
-soon took back the discarded bondservants.[816] What made this conduct
-the more shocking was that their covenant to obey the law had been
-made in the most solemn manner by "cutting a calf in twain, and
-passing between the severed halves."[817] But the weak king was
-perfectly powerless in the hands of his tyrannous aristocracy.[818]
-
-The exiles in Babylon were now the best and most important section of
-the nation. Jeremiah compares them to good figs; while the remnant at
-Jerusalem were bad and withered. He and Ezekiel raised their voices,
-as in strophe and antistrophe, for the teaching alike of the exiles
-and of the remnant left at Jerusalem, for whom the exiles were bidden
-to entreat God in prayer. Zedekiah himself made at least one journey
-northward, either voluntarily or under summons, to renew his oath and
-reassure Nebuchadrezzar of his fidelity.[819] He was accompanied by
-Seraiah, the brother of Baruch, who was privately entrusted by
-Jeremiah with a prophecy of the fall of Babylon, which he was to fling
-into the midst of the Euphrates.[820]
-
-The last King of Judah seems to have been weak rather than wicked. He
-was a reed shaken by the wind. He yielded to the influence of the last
-person who argued with him; and he seems to have dreaded above all
-things the personal ridicule, danger, and opposition which it was his
-duty to have defied. Yet we cannot withhold from him our deep
-sympathy; for he was born in terrible times--to witness the
-death-throes of his country's agony, and to share in them. It was no
-longer a question of independence, but only of the choice of
-servitudes. Judah was like a silly and trembling sheep between two
-huge beasts of prey.[821]
-
-Only thus can we account for the strange apostasies--"the abominations
-of the heathen"--with which he permitted the Temple to be polluted; and
-for the ill-treatment which he allowed to be inflicted on Jeremiah and
-other prophets, to whom in his heart he felt inclined to listen.
-
-What these abominations were we read with amazement in the eighth
-chapter of Ezekiel. The prophet is carried in vision to Jerusalem, and
-there he sees the Asherah--"the image which provoketh to
-jealousy"--which had so often been erected and destroyed and re-erected.
-Then through a secret door he sees creeping things, and abominable
-beasts, and the idol-blocks of the House of Israel portrayed upon the
-wall, while several elders of Israel stood before them and adored, with
-censers in their hands--among whom he must specially have grieved to see
-Jaazaneiah, the son of Shaphan,[822] flattering himself, as did his
-followers, that in that dark chamber Jehovah saw them not. Next at the
-northern gate he sees Zion's daughters weeping for Tammuz, or Adonis.
-Once more, in the inner court of the Temple, between the porch and the
-altar, he sees about twenty-five men with their backs to the altar, and
-their faces to the east; and they worshipped the sun towards the east;
-and, lo! they put the vine branch to their nose.[823] Were not these
-crimes sufficient to evoke the wrath of Jehovah, and to alienate His ear
-from prayers offered by such polluted worshippers? Egypt, Assyria,
-Syria, Chaldæa, all contributed their idolatrous elements to the
-detestable syncretism; and the king and the priests ignored, permitted,
-or connived at it.[824] This must surely be answered for. How could it
-have been otherwise? The king and the priests were the official
-guardians of the Temple, and these aberrations could not have gone on
-without their cognisance. There was another party of sheer formalists,
-headed by men like the priest Pashur, who thought to make talismans of
-rites and shibboleths, but had no sincerity of heart-religion.[825] To
-these, too, Jeremiah was utterly opposed. In his opinion Josiah's
-reformation had failed. Neither Ark, nor Temple, nor sacrifice were
-anything in the world to him in comparison with true religion. All the
-prophets with scarcely one exception are anti-ritualists; but none more
-decidedly so than the prophet-priest. His name is associated in
-tradition with the hiding of the Ark, and a belief in its ultimate
-restoration; yet to Jeremiah, apart from the moral and spiritual truths
-of which it was the material symbol, the Ark was no better than a wooden
-chest. His message from Jehovah is, "I will give you pastors according
-to My heart, ... and they shall say no more, 'The Ark of the Covenant of
-the Lord': neither shall it come to mind; neither shall they remember
-it; neither shall they miss it; neither shall it be made any more."[826]
-
-Doom followed the guilt and folly of king, priests, and people. If
-political wisdom were insufficient to show Zedekiah that the necessities
-of the case were an indication of God's will, he had the warnings of the
-prophets constantly ringing in his ears, and the assurance that he must
-remain faithful to Nebuchadrezzar. But he was in fear of his own princes
-and courtiers. A combined embassy reached him from the kings of Edom,
-Ammon, Moab, Tyre and Sidon, urging him to join in a league against
-Babylon.[827] This embassy was supported by a powerful party in
-Jerusalem. Their solicitations were rendered more plausible by the
-recent accession (B.C. 590) of the young and vigorous Pharaoh
-Hophrah--the Apries of Herodotus[828]--to the throne of Egypt, and by
-the recrudescence of that incurable disease of Hebrew politics, a
-confidence in the idle promises of Egypt to supply the confederacy with
-men and horses.[829] In vain did Jeremiah and Ezekiel uplift their
-warning voices. The blind confidence of the king and of the nobles was
-sustained by the flattering visions and promises of false prophets,
-prominent among whom was a certain Hananiah, the son of Azur, of Gibeon,
-"the prophet."[830] To indicate the futility of the contemplated
-rebellion, Jeremiah had made "throngs and poles" with yokes, and had
-sent them to the kings, whose embassy had reached Jerusalem, with a
-message of the most emphatic distinctness, that Nebuchadrezzar was God's
-appointed servant, and that they must serve him till God's own appointed
-time. If they obeyed this intimation, they would be left undisturbed in
-their own lands; if they disobeyed it, they would be scourged into
-absolute submission by the sword, the famine, and the pestilence.
-Jeremiah delivered the same oracle to his own king.[831]
-
-The warning was rendered unavailing by the conduct of Hananiah. He
-prophesied that within two full years God would break the yoke of the
-King of Babylon; and that the captive Jeconiah, and the nobles, and
-the vessels of the House of the Lord would be brought back. Jeremiah,
-by way of an acted parable, had worn round his neck one of his own
-yokes. Hananiah, in the Temple, snatched it off, broke it to pieces,
-and said, "So will I break the yoke of Nebuchadrezzar from the neck of
-all nations within the space of two full years."[832]
-
-We can imagine the delight, the applause, the enthusiasm with which
-the assembled people listened to these bold predictions. Hananiah
-argued with them, to speak, in shorthand, for he appealed to their
-desires and to their prejudices. It is always the tendency of nations
-to say to their prophets, "Say not unto us hard things: speak smooth
-things; prophesy deceits."
-
-Against Hananiah personally there seems to have been no charge, except
-that in listening to the lying spirit of his own desires he could not
-hear the true message of God. But he did not stand alone.[833] Among
-the children of the captivity, his promises were echoed by two
-downright false prophets, Ahab and Zedekiah, the son of Maaseiah, who
-prophesied lies in God's name. They were men of evil life, and a
-fearful fate overtook them. Their words against Babylon came to the
-ears of Nebuchadrezzar, and they were "roasted in the fire," so that
-the horror of their end passed into a proverb and a curse.[834] Truly
-God fed these false prophets with wormwood, and gave them poisonous
-water to drink.[835]
-
-After the action of Hananiah, Jeremiah went home stricken and ashamed:
-apparently he never again uttered a public discourse in the Temple. It
-took him by surprise; and he was for the moment, perhaps, daunted by
-the plausive echo of the multitude to the lying prophet. But when he
-got home the answer of Jehovah came: "Go and tell Hananiah, Thou hast
-broken the yokes of wood; but thou hast made for them yokes of iron. I
-have put a yoke of iron on the necks of all these nations, that they
-may serve Nebuchadrezzar. Hear now, Hananiah, The Lord hath not sent
-thee: thou makest this people to trust in a lie. Behold, this year
-thou shalt die, because thou hast spoken revolt against the Lord. What
-hath the chaff to do with the wheat? saith the Lord."[836]
-
-Two months after Hananiah lay dead, and men's minds were filled with
-fear. They saw that God's word was indeed as a fire to burn, and as a
-hammer to dash in pieces.[837] But meanwhile Zedekiah had been
-over-persuaded to take the course which the true prophets had
-forbidden. Misled by the false prophets and mincing prophetesses whom
-Ezekiel denounced,[838] who daubed men's walls with whitened plaster,
-he had sent an embassy to Pharaoh Hophrah, asking for an army of
-infantry and cavalry to support his rebellion from Assyria.[839] In
-the eyes of Jeremiah and Ezekiel the crime did not only consist in
-defying the exhortations of those whom Zedekiah knew to be Jehovah's
-accredited messengers. In mitigation of this offence he might have
-pleaded the extreme difficulty of discriminating the truth amid the
-ceaseless babble of false pretenders.[840] But, on the other hand, he
-had broken the solemn oath which he had taken to Nebuchadrezzar in the
-name of God, and the sacred covenant which he seems to have twice
-ratified with him.[841] This it was which raised the indignation of
-the faithful, and led Ezekiel to prophesy:--
-
- "Shall he prosper?
- Shall he escape that doeth such things?
- Or shall he break the covenant and be believed?
- 'As I live,' saith the Lord God, 'surely in the place where the king
- dwelleth that made him king,
- Whose oath he despised and whose covenant he broke,
- Even with him in the midst of Babylon, shall he die.'"[842]
-
-Sad close for a dynasty which had now lasted for nearly five centuries!
-
-As for Pharaoh, he too was an eagle, as Nebuchadrezzar was--a great
-eagle with great wings and many feathers, but not so great. The
-trailing vine of Judah bent her roots towards him, but it should
-wither in the furrows when the east wind touched it.[843]
-
-The result of Zedekiah's alliance with Egypt was the intermission of
-his yearly tribute to Assyria; and at last, in the ninth year of
-Zedekiah, Nebuchadrezzar was aroused to put down this Palestinian
-revolt, supported as it was by the vague magnificence of Egypt.
-Jeremiah had said, "Pharaoh, the King of Egypt, is but a noise [or
-desolation]: he hath passed the time appointed."[844]
-
-This was about the year 589. In 598 Nebuchadrezzar had carried
-Jehoachin into captivity, and ever since then some of his forces had
-been engaged in the vain effort to capture Tyre, which still, after a
-ten years' siege, drew its supplies from the sea, and remained
-impregnable on her island rock. He did not choose to raise this
-long-continued siege by diverting the troops to beleaguer so strong a
-fortress as Jerusalem, and therefore he came in person from Babylon.
-
-In Ezek. xxi. 20-24 we have a singular and vivid glimpse of his march.
-On his way he came to a spot where two roads branched off before him.
-One led to Rabbath, the capital of Ammon, on the east of Jordan; the
-other to Jerusalem, on the west. Which road should he take? Personally,
-it was a matter of indifference; so he threw the burden of
-responsibility upon his gods by leaving the decision to the result of
-belomancy.[845] Taking in his hand a sheaf of brightened arrows, he held
-them upright, and decided to take the route indicated by the fall of the
-greater number of arrows. He confirmed his uncertainty by consulting
-teraphim, and by hepatoscopy--_i.e._, by examining the liver of slain
-victims. Rabbath and the Ammonites were not to be spared, but it was
-upon the covenant-breaking king and city that the first vengeance was
-to fall.[846] And this is what the prophet has to say to Zedekiah:--
-
-"And thou, O deadly-wounded wicked one, the prince of Israel, whose
-day is come in the time of the iniquity of the end; thus saith the
-Lord God, 'Remove the mitre, and take off the crown. This shall be not
-thus. Exalt the low, and abase that which is high. An overthrow,
-overthrow, overthrow, will I make it: this also shall be no more,
-until He come whose right it is: and I will give it Him."[847]
-
-So (B.C. 587) Jerusalem was delivered over to siege, even as Ezekiel
-had sketched upon a tile.[848] It was to be assailed in the old
-Assyrian manner--as we see it represented in the British Museum
-bas-relief, where Sennacherib is portrayed in the act of besieging
-Lachish--with forts, mounds, and battering-rams; and Ezekiel had also
-been bidden to put up an iron plate between him and his pictured city,
-to represent the mantelet from behind which the archers shot.
-
-In this dread crisis Zedekiah sent Zephaniah, the son of Maaseiah, the
-priest, and Jehucal, to Jeremiah, entreating his prayers for the
-city,[849] for he had not yet been put in prison. Doubtless he prayed,
-and at first it looked as if deliverance would come. Pharaoh Hophrah
-put in motion the Egyptian army with its Carian mercenaries and
-Soudanese negroes, and Nebuchadrezzar was sufficiently alarmed to
-raise the siege and go to meet the Egyptians. The hopes of the people
-probably rose high, though multitudes seized the opportunity to fly
-to the mountains.[850] The circumstances closely resembled those under
-which Sennacherib had raised the siege of Jerusalem to go to meet
-Tirhakah the Ethiopian; and perhaps there were some, and the king
-among them, who looked that such a wonder might be vouchsafed to him
-through the prayers of Jeremiah as had been vouchsafed to Hezekiah
-through the prayers of Isaiah. Not for a moment did Jeremiah encourage
-these vain hopes. To Zephaniah, as to an earlier deputation from the
-king, when he sent Pashur with him to inquire of the prophet, Jeremiah
-returned a remorseless answer. It is too late. Pharaoh shall be
-defeated; even if the Chaldæan army were smitten, its wounded soldiers
-would suffice to besiege and burn Jerusalem, and take into captivity
-the miserable inhabitants after they had suffered the worst horrors of
-a besieged city.[851]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[813] Comp. Jer. xxiii. 6: Jehovah-Tsidkenu.
-
-[814] Ezek. xvii. 12-14.
-
-[815] Ezek. xvii. 1-6.
-
-[816] Jer. xxxiv. 8-11.
-
-[817] Jer. xxxiv. 19. Comp. Gen. xv. 17.
-
-[818] This is strikingly shown by his piteous remark to them in Jer.
-xxxviii. 5.
-
-[819] He first sent two of Jeremiah's friends, Elasah and Gemariah,
-the son of Shaphan.
-
-[820] Some critics have doubted the authenticity of Jer. li., lii.
-
-[821] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 14-21; Stanley, ii. 528; Milman, i. 394.
-
-[822] Shaphan's other sons, Gemariah, Ahikam, Elasah, and his grandson
-Gedaliah, were friends of Jeremiah.
-
-[823] Ezek. viii. 17. The allusion seems to be to a custom like that
-of the Parsees, who hold a branch of tamarisk or pomegranate twigs
-(called _barsom_) before their mouths when they adore the sacred fire.
-Strabo, xv. 732; Spiegel, _Zendavesta_, ii., p. lxviii; _Eran.
-Alterthumsk._, iii. 571 (Orelli, _ad loc._). Lightfoot explains it,
-"add fuel to their wrath."
-
-[824] Ezek. xvi. 15-34.
-
-[825] Jer. vii. 4, 21-28, viii. 8, xxiii. 31-33, xxxi. 33, 34.
-
-[826] Jer. iii. 15, 16.
-
-[827] Jer. xxvii. 3.
-
-[828] Herod., ii. 161.
-
-[829] Psammis, the son of Necho, only reigned six years; Hophrah (B.C.
-594) was his son.
-
-[830] The LXX. calls him "the false prophet."
-
-[831] Jer. xxvii. 1-8, 12-18. On vv. 16-22 see the LXX.
-
-[832] Here (Jer. xxviii. 11, and in xxxiv. 1, xxxix. 5) the name is
-written "Nebuchadnezzar"; everywhere else in Jeremiah it is
-"Nebuchadrezzar."
-
-[833] Part of his dispute with Jeremiah turned on the recovery or
-non-recovery of the Temple vessels. Zedekiah is said to have given a
-set of silver vessels to replace the old ones (Baruch i. 8).
-
-[834] Jer. xxix. 21-23.
-
-[835] Jer. xxiii. 9-32.
-
-[836] Jer. xxviii. 13-16, xxiii. 28.
-
-[837] Jer. xxiii. 29.
-
-[838] Ezek. xiii. 1-23.
-
-[839] Ezek. xvii. 25.
-
-[840] Josephus rightly attributes the unfortunate career of Zedekiah
-to the weakness with which he listened to evil counsellors, and to the
-insolent multitude.
-
-[841] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 13; Jer. lii. 3.
-
-[842] Ezek. xvii. 15, 16, 18, 19.
-
-[843] Ezek. xvii. 7-10.
-
-[844] Jer. xlvi. 17.
-
-[845] Another form of belomancy is still commonly practised among the
-Arabs. Three arrows are placed in a vessel: on one of them is written,
-"My God permits me"; on another, "My God forbids me"; the third is
-blank. They are then shaken, and the decision is guided by the one
-which falls out first. Comp. Homer, _Iliad_, iii. 316; _Speaker's
-Commentary_, _ad loc._
-
-[846] Ezek. xxi. 28-32.
-
-[847] An allusion to the restoration of Jeconiah or his descendants,
-and to the far-off Messiah, meek and lowly.
-
-[848] Ezek. iv. 1-3.
-
-[849] Jer. xxxvii. 3.
-
-[850] Ezek. vii. 16.
-
-[851] Jer. xxi. 1-10, xxxvii. 1-17. Josephus says that Pharaoh was
-defeated (_Antt._, X. vii. 3). Jeremiah merely says that he and his
-army returned to their own land.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXVII
-
- _JEREMIAH AND HIS PROPHECIES_
-
- JER. i. 1-v. 31
-
- "Count me o'er earth's chosen heroes--they were souls that
- stood alone,
- While the men they agonised for hurled the contumelious
- stone;
- Stood serene, and down the future saw the golden beam incline
- To the side of perfect justice, mastered by their faith
- divine,
- By one man's plain truth to manhood and to God's supreme
- design."
- LOWELL.
-
-
-Truly Jeremiah was a prophet of evil. The king might have addressed
-him in the words with which Agamemnon reproaches Kalchas.[852]
-
- "Augur accursed! denouncing mischief still:
- Prophet of plagues, for ever boding ill!
- Still must that tongue some wounding message bring,
- And still thy priestly pride provoke thy king."
-
-Never was there a sadder man.[853] Like Phocion, he believed in the
-enemies of his country more than he believed in his own people. He saw
-"Too late" written upon everything. He saw himself all but universally
-execrated as a coward, as a traitor, as one who weakened the nerves
-and damped the courage of those who were fighting against fearful
-odds for their wives and children, the ashes of their fathers, their
-altars, and their hearths. It had become his fixed conviction that any
-prophets--and there were a multitude of them--who prophesied peace
-were false prophets, and _ipso facto_ proved themselves conspirators
-against the true well-being of the land.[854] In point of fact,
-Jeremiah lived to witness the death-struggle of the idea of religion
-in its predominantly national character (vii. 8-16, vi. 8). "The
-continuity of the national faith refused to be bound up with the
-continuance of the nation. When the nation is dissolved into
-individual elements, the continuity and ultimate victory of the true
-faith depends on the relations of Jehovah to individual souls out of
-which the nation shall be bound up."[855]
-
-And now a sad misfortune happened to Jeremiah. His home was not at
-Jerusalem, but at Anathoth, though he had long been driven from his
-native village by the murderous plots of his own kindred, and of those
-who had been infuriated by his incessant prophecies of doom. When the
-Chaldæans retired from Jerusalem to encounter Pharaoh, he left the
-distressed city for the land of Benjamin, "to receive his portion from
-thence in the midst of the people"--apparently, for the sense is
-doubtful, to claim his dues of maintenance as a priest. But at the
-city gate he was arrested by Irijah, the son of Shelemiah, the captain
-of the watch, who charged him with the intention of deserting to the
-Chaldæans. Jeremiah pronounced the charge to be a lie; but Irijah took
-him before the princes, who hated him, and consigned him to dreary and
-dangerous imprisonment in the house of Jonathan the scribe. In the
-vaults of this "house of the pit" he continued many days.[856] The
-king sympathised with him: he would gladly have delivered him, if he
-could, from the rage of the princes; but he did not dare.[857]
-
-Meanwhile, the siege went on, and the people never forgot the anguish
-of despair with which they waited the reinvestiture of the city. Ever
-since that day it has been kept as a fast--the fast of Tebeth.
-Zedekiah, yearning for some advice, or comfort--if comfort were to be
-had--from the only man whom he really trusted, sent for Jeremiah to
-the palace, and asked him in despicable secrecy, "Is there any word
-from the Lord?" The answer was the old one: "Yes! Thou shalt be
-delivered into the hands of the King of Babylon." Jeremiah gave it
-without quailing, but seized the opportunity to ask on what plea he
-was imprisoned. Was he not a prophet? Had he not prophesied the return
-of the Chaldæan host? Where now were all the prophets who had
-prophesied peace? Would not the king at least save him from the
-detestable prison in which he was dying by inches?
-
-The king heard his petition, and he was removed to a better prison in
-the court of the watch, where he received his daily piece of bread out
-of the bakers' street until all the bread in the city was spent.
-
-For now utter famine came upon the wretched Jews, to add to the
-horrors and accidents of the siege. If we would know what that famine
-was in its appalling intensity, we must turn to the Book of
-Lamentations. Those elegies, so unutterably plaintive, may not be by
-the prophet himself, but only by his school; but they show us what was
-the frightful condition of the people of Jerusalem before and during
-the last six months of the siege. "The sword of the wilderness"--the
-roving and plundering Bedouin--made it impossible to get out of the
-city in any direction. Things were as dreadfully hopeless as they had
-been in Samaria when it was besieged by Benhadad.[858] Hunger and
-thirst reduce human nature to its most animal conditions. They
-obliterate the merest elements of morality. They make men like beasts,
-and reveal the ferocity which is never quite dead in any but the
-purest and loftiest souls. They arouse the least human instincts of
-the aboriginal animal. The day came when there was no more bread left
-in Jerusalem.[859] The fair and ruddy Nazarites, who had been purer
-than snow, whiter than milk, more ruddy than corals, lovely as
-sapphires, became like withered boughs,[860] and even their friends
-did not recognise them in those ghastly and emaciated figures which
-crept about the streets. The daughters of Zion, more cruel in their
-hunger than the very jackals, lost the instincts of pity and
-motherhood. Mothers and fathers devoured their own little unweaned
-children.[861] There was parricide as well as infanticide in the
-horrible houses. They seemed to plead that none could blame them,
-since the lives of many had become an intolerable anguish, and no man
-had bread for his little ones, and their tongues cleaved to the roof
-of their mouth. All that happened six centuries later, during the
-siege of Jerusalem by Titus, happened now. Then Martha the daughter of
-Nicodemus ben-Gorion, once a lady of enormous wealth, was seen picking
-the grains of corn from the offal of the streets; now the women who
-had fed delicately and been brought up in scarlet were seen sitting
-desolate on heaps of dung.[862] And Jehovah did not raise His hand to
-save His guilty and dying people. It was too late!
-
-And as is always the case in such extremities, there were men who stood
-defiant and selfish amid the universal misery. Murder, oppression, and
-luxury continued to prevail. The godless nobles did not intermit the
-building of their luxurious houses, asserting to themselves and others
-that, after all, the final catastrophe was not near at hand. The sudden
-death of one of them--Pelatiah, the son of Benaiah--while Ezekiel was
-prophesying, terrified the prophet so much that he flung himself on his
-face and cried with a loud voice, "Ah, Lord God! wilt Thou make a full
-end of the remnant of Israel?" But on the others this death by the
-visitation of God seems to have produced no effect; and the glory of God
-left the city, borne away upon its cherubim-chariot.[863]
-
-Even under the stress of these dreadful circumstances the Jews held
-out with that desperate tenacity which has often been shown by nations
-fighting behind strong walls for their very existence, but by no
-nation more decidedly than by the Jews. And if the rebel-party, and
-the lying prophets who had brought the city to this pass, still
-entertained any hopes either of a diversion caused by Pharaoh
-Hophrah, or of some miraculous deliverance such as that which had
-saved the city from Sennacherib years earlier, it is not unnatural
-that they should have regarded Jeremiah with positive fury. For he
-still continued to prophesy the captivity. What specially angered them
-was his message to the people that all who remained in Jerusalem
-should die by the sword, the famine, and the pestilence, but that
-those who deserted to the Chaldæans should live. It was on the ground
-of his having said this that they had imprisoned him as a deserter;
-and when Pashur and his son Gedaliah heard that he was still saying
-this, they and the other princes entreated Zedekiah to put him to
-death as a pernicious traitor, who weakened the hands of the patriot
-soldiers. Jeremiah was not guilty of the lack of patriotism with which
-they charged him. The day of independence had passed for ever, and
-Babylon, not Egypt, was the appointed suzerain. The counselling of
-submission--as many a victorious chieftain has been forced at last to
-counsel it, from the days of Hannibal to those of Thiers--is often the
-true and the only possible patriotism in doomed and decadent nations.
-Zedekiah timidly abandoned the prophet to the rage of his enemies; but
-being afraid to murder him openly as Urijah had been murdered, they
-flung him into a well in the dungeon of Malchiah, the king's son. Into
-the mire of this pit he sank up to the arms, and there they purposely
-left him to starve and rot.[864] But if no Israelite pitied him, his
-condition moved the compassion of Ebed-Melech, an Ethiopian, one of
-the king's eunuch-chamberlains. He hurried to the king in a storm of
-pity and indignation. He found him sitting, as a king should do, at
-the post of danger in the gate of Benjamin; for Zedekiah was not a
-physical, though he was a moral, coward. Ebed-Melech told the king
-that Jeremiah was dying of starvation, and Zedekiah bade him take
-three[865] men with him and rescue the dying man. The faithful
-Ethiopian hurried to a cellar under the treasury, took with him some
-old, worn fragments of robes, and, letting them down by cords, called
-to Jeremiah to put them under his arm-pits. He did so, and they drew
-him up into the light of day, though he still remained in prison.
-
-It seems to have been at this time that, in spite of his grim
-vaticination of immediate retribution, Jeremiah showed his serene
-confidence in the ultimate future by accepting the proposal of his
-cousin Hanameel to buy some of the paternal fields at Anathoth, though
-at that very moment they were in the hands of the Chaldæans. Such an
-act publicly performed must have caused some consolation to the
-besieged, just as did the courage of the Roman senator who gave a good
-price for the estate outside the walls of Rome on which Hannibal was
-actually encamped.
-
-Then Zedekiah once more secretly sent for him, and implored him to tell
-the unvarnished truth. "If I do," said the prophet, "will you not kill
-me? and will you in any case hearken to me?" Zedekiah swore not to
-betray him to his enemies; and Jeremiah told him that, even at that
-eleventh hour, if he would go out and make submission to the
-Babylonians, the city should not be burnt, and he should save the lives
-of himself and of his family. Zedekiah believed him, but pleaded that
-he was afraid of the mockery of the deserters to whom he might be
-delivered. Jeremiah assured him that he should not be so delivered, and
-that, if he refused to obey, nothing remained for the city, and for him
-and his wives and children, but final ruin. The king was too weak to
-follow what he must now have felt to be the last chance which God had
-opened out for him. He could only "attain to half-believe." He entrusted
-the result to chance, with miserable vacillation of purpose; and the
-door of hope was closed upon him. His one desire was to conceal the
-interview; and if it came to the ears of the princes--of whom he was
-shamefully afraid--he begged Jeremiah to say that he had only entreated
-the king not to send him back to die in Jonathan's prison.
-
-As he had suspected, it became known that Jeremiah had been summoned
-to an interview with the king. They questioned the prophet in prison.
-He told them the story which the king had suggested to him, and the
-truth remained undiscovered. For this deflection from exact truth it
-is tolerably certain that, in the state of men's consciences upon the
-subject of veracity in those days, the prophet's moral sense did not
-for a moment reproach him. He remained in his prison, guarded probably
-by the faithful Ebed-Melech, until Jerusalem was taken.
-
-Let us pity the dreadful plight of Zedekiah, aggravated as it was by
-his weak temperament. "He stands at the head of a people determined to
-defend itself, but is himself without either hope or courage."[866]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[852] Homer, _Iliad_, i. 106-109.
-
-[853] But it must not be forgotten that Jer. xxxi. 1-34 is so hopeful
-that it has been called "the Gospel before Christ."
-
-[854] Jer. vi. 14, viii. 11; Ezek. xiii. 10.
-
-[855] W. R. Smith, "Prophets" (_Enc. Brit._).
-
-[856] Jer. xxxvii, 11-15.
-
-[857] Jer xxxviii. 5. The Jewish aristocracy consisted, says Grätz, of
-three classes: the _benî hammelech_, or "king's sons"--_i.e._, princes
-of the blood-royal; the _roshî aboth_, "heads of the fathers," or
-_zekenîm_, "elders"; and the _abhodî hammelech_, "king's servants," or
-"courtiers" (ii. 446).
-
-[858] Lam. v. 4.
-
-[859] Jer. xxxvii. 21, xxxviii. 9, lii. 6.
-
-[860] Lam. iv. 7, 8.
-
-[861] Lam. iv. 10, ii. 20; Ezek. v. 10; Baruch ii. 3.
-
-[862] Lam. iv. 5. See Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 470.
-
-[863] Ezek. xi. 22.
-
-[864] This may possibly be alluded to in Psalm lxix. 2.
-
-[865] Jer. xxxviii. 10, A.V., "thirty."
-
-[866] Van Oort, iv. 52.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXVIII
-
- _THE FALL OF JERUSALEM_
-
- B.C. 586
-
- 2 KINGS xxv. 1-21
-
- "In that day will I make Jerusalem a burdensome stone for all
- nations."--ZECH. xii. 3.
-
- "An end is come, the end is come; it awaketh against thee: behold
- the end is come."--EZEK. vii. 6.
-
- "Behold yon sterile spot
- Where now the wandering Arab's tent
- Flaps in the desert blast;
- There once old Salem's haughty fane
- Reared high to heaven its thousand golden domes,
- And in the blushing face of day
- Exposed its shameful glory."
- SHELLEY.
-
-
-After the siege had lasted for a year and a half, all but one day, at
-midnight the besiegers made a breach in the northern city wall.[867]
-It was a day of terrible remembrance, and throughout the exile it was
-observed as a solemn fast.[868]
-
-Nebuchadrezzar was no longer in person before the walls. He had other
-war-like operations and other sieges on hand--the sieges of Tyre,
-Asekah, and Lachish--as well as Jerusalem. He had therefore
-established his headquarters at Lachish, and did not superintend the
-final operations against the city.[869] But now that all had become
-practically hopeless, and the capture of the rest of Jerusalem was
-only a matter of a few days more, Zedekiah and his few best surviving
-princes and soldiers fled by night through the opposite quarter of the
-city. There was a little unwatched postern between two walls near the
-king's garden, and through this he and his escort fled, hoping to
-reach the Arabah, and make good his escape, perhaps to the
-Wady-el-Arish, which he could reach in five hours, through the wilds
-beyond the Jordan.[870] The heads of the king and his followers were
-muffled, and they carried on their shoulders their choicest
-possessions.[871] But he was betrayed by some of the mean
-deserters,[872] and pursued by the Chaldæans. His movements were
-doubtless impeded by the presence of his harem and his children. His
-little band of warriors could offer no resistance, and fled in all
-directions. Zedekiah, his family, and attendants were taken prisoners,
-and carried to Riblah to appear before the mighty conqueror.[873]
-Nebuchadrezzar showed no pity towards one whom he had elevated to the
-throne, and who had violated his most solemn assurances by intriguing
-with his enemies. He brought him to trial, and doomed him to witness
-with his own eyes the massacre of his two sons and of his attendants.
-After he had endured this anguish, worse than death, his eyes were put
-out, and, bound in double fetters,[874] he was sent to Babylon, where
-he ended his miserable days. To blind a king deprived him of all hope
-of recovering the throne, and was therefore in ancient days a common
-punishment.[875] The LXX. adds that he was sent by the Babylonians to
-grind a mill--[Greek: eis oikion mylônos]. This is probably a
-reminiscence of the blinded Samson. But thus were fulfilled with
-startling literalness two prophecies which might well have seemed to
-be contradictory.[876] For Jeremiah had said (xxxiv. 3),--
-
-"Thine eyes shall behold the eyes of the King of Babylon, and he shall
-speak with thee mouth to mouth, and thou shalt go to Babylon."
-
-Whereas Ezekiel had said (xii. 13),--
-
-"I will bring him to Babylon, the land of the Chaldæans; yet shall he
-not see it, though he shall die there."
-
-Henceforth Zedekiah was forgotten, and his place knew him no more. We
-can only hope that in his blindness and solitude he was happier than
-he had been on the throne of Judah, and that before death came to end
-his miseries he found peace with God.
-
-The conqueror did not come to spoil the city. He left that task to three
-great officers,--Nebuzaradan, the captain of the guard, or chief
-executioner;[877] Nebushasban, the Rabsaris, or chief of the eunuchs;
-and Nergalshareser, the Rabmag, or chief of the magicians. They took
-their station by the Middle Gate, and first gave up the city to pillage
-and massacre. No horror was spared.[878] The sepulchres were rifled for
-treasure; the young Levites were slain in the house of their Sanctuary;
-women were violated; maidens and hoary-headed men were slain. "Princes
-were hanged up by the hand, and the faces of elders were dishonoured;
-priest and prophet were slain in the Sanctuary of the Lord,"[879] till
-the blood flowed like red wine from the winepress over the desecrated
-floor.[880] The guilty city drank at the hand of God the dregs of the
-cup of His fury.[881] It was the final vengeance. "The punishment of
-thine iniquity is accomplished, O daughter of Zion. He will no more
-carry thee away into captivity."[882] And, meanwhile, the little Bedouin
-principalities were full of savage exultation at the fate of their
-hereditary foe.[883] This was felt by the Jews as a culmination of their
-misery, that they became a derision to their enemies. The callous
-insults hurled at them by the neighbouring tribes in their hour of shame
-awoke that implacable wrath against Gebal and Ammon and Amalek which
-finds its echo in the Prophets and in the Psalms.[884]
-
-After this the devoted capital was given up to destruction. The Temple
-was plundered. All that remained of its often-rifled splendours was
-carried away, such as the ancient pillars Jachin and Boaz, the
-masterpieces of Hiram's art, the caldron, the brazen sea, and all the
-vessels of gold, of silver, and of brass. Then the walls of the city
-were dismantled and broken down. The Temple, and the palace, and all the
-houses of the princes were committed to the flames. As for the principal
-remaining inhabitants, Seraiah the chief priest, perhaps the grandson of
-Hilkiah and the grandfather of Ezra, Zephaniah the second priest, the
-three Levitic doorkeepers, the secretary of war, five of the greatest
-nobles who "saw the king's face,"[885] and sixty of the common people
-who had been marked out for special punishment, were taken to Riblah,
-and there massacred by order of Nebuchadrezzar.[886] With these
-Nebuchadrezzar took away as his prisoners a multitude of the wealthier
-inhabitants, leaving behind him but the humblest artisans. As the
-craftsmen and smiths had been deported,[887] these poor people busied
-themselves in agriculture, as vine-dressers and husbandmen. The existing
-estates were divided among them; and being few in number, they found the
-amplest sustenance in treasures of wheat and barley, and oil and honey,
-and summer fruits, which they kept concealed for safety, as the
-fellaheen of Palestine do to this day.[888]
-
-According to the historic chapters added to the prophecies of
-Jeremiah, the whole number of captives carried away from Jerusalem by
-Nebuchadrezzar in the seventh, the eighteenth, and the twenty-third
-years of his reign were 4,600.[889] The completeness of the desolation
-might well have caused the heart-rending outcry of Psalm lxxix.: "O
-God, the heathen are come into Thine inheritance; Thy holy Temple have
-they defiled; they have made Jerusalem a heap of stones. The dead
-bodies of Thy servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of
-heaven, and the flesh of Thy saints unto the beasts of the land. Their
-blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem; and there was
-no man to bury them."
-
-Among the remnant of the people was Jeremiah. Nebuzaradan had received
-from his king the strictest injunctions to treat him honourably; for he
-had heard from the deserters that he had always opposed the rebellion,
-and had prophesied the issue of the siege. He was indeed sent in
-manacles to Ramah;[890] but there Nebuchadrezzar gave him free choice to
-do exactly as he liked--either to accompany him to Babylon, where he
-should be well treated and cared for, or to return to Jerusalem, and
-live where he liked. This was his desire. Nebuchadrezzar therefore
-dismissed him with food and a present;[891] and he returned. The LXX.
-and Vulgate represent him as sitting weeping over the ruins of
-Jerusalem, and tradition says that he sought for his lamentations a cave
-still existing near the Damascus Gate. Of this Scripture knows nothing.
-But the melancholy prophet was only reserved for further tragedies. He
-had lived one of the most afflicted of human lives. A man of tender
-heart and shrinking disposition, he had been called to set his face like
-a flint against kings, and nobles, and mobs. Worse than this, being
-himself a prophet and priest, naturally led to sympathise with both, he
-was the doomed antagonist of both--victim of "one of the strongest of
-human passions, the hatred of priests against a priest who attacks his
-own order, the hatred of prophets against a prophet who ventures to have
-a voice and a will of his own." Even his own family had plotted against
-his life at humble Anathoth;[892] and when he retreated to Jerusalem, he
-found himself at the centre of the storm. Now perhaps he hoped for a
-gleam of sunset peace. But his hopes were disappointed. He had to tread
-the path of anguish and hatred to the bitter end, as he had trodden it
-for nearly fifty years of the troubled life which had followed his call
-in early boyhood.
-
-"But, in the case of Jerusalem," says Dean Stanley, "both its first
-and second destruction have the peculiar interest of involving the
-dissolution of a religious dispensation, combined with the agony of an
-expiring nation, such as no other people has survived, and, by
-surviving, carried on the living recollection, first of one, and then
-of the other, for centuries after the first shock was over."[893]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[867] Jos., _Antt._, X. viii. 2; 2 Chron. xxxii. 5, xxxiii. 14. First
-and last, the siege seems to have lasted one year, five months, and
-twenty-seven days.
-
-[868] Zech. viii. 19.
-
-[869] The inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar which have been as yet
-deciphered speak of his sumptuous buildings and of his worship of the
-gods rather than of his conquests. See _Records of the Past_, vii.
-69-78.
-
-[870] Robinson, _Bibl. Res._, ii. 536. Some suppose that "the king's
-garden" was near the mouth of the Tyropoeon Valley.
-
-[871] Ezek. xii. 12. Perhaps the gate alluded to is the fountain gate
-of Neh. iii. 15. Ezekiel seems to speak of "digging through the wall."
-Robinson says that a trace of the outermost wall still exists in the
-rude pathway which crosses the mouth of the Tyropoeon on a mound hard
-by the old mulberry tree which marks the traditional site of Isaiah's
-martyrdom.
-
-[872] Jos., _Antt._, X. viii. 2.
-
-[873] Traces of his presence are found in inscriptions in the Wady of
-the Dog near Beyrout, and in Wady Brissa. See Sayce, _Proceedings of
-the Bibl. Arch. Soc._, November 1881.
-
-[874] 2 Kings xxv. 7. See Layard, _Nineveh_, ii. 376.
-
-[875] The blinding was sometimes done by passing a red-hot rod of
-silver or brass over the open eyes; sometimes by plucking out the eyes
-(Jer. lii. 11, Vulg. _oculos eruit_; 2 Kings xxv. 7, _effodit_). See a
-hideous illustration of a yet more brutal process in Botta (_Monum. de
-Ninève_, Pl. cxviii.), where Sargon with his own hand is thrusting a
-lance into the eyes of a captive prince, whose head is kept steady by
-a bridle fastened to a hook through his lips. See also Judg. xvi. 21;
-Xen., _Anab._, i. 9, § 13; Procopius, _Bel. Pers._, i. 1; Ammianus,
-xxvii. 12; Rawlinson, _Ancient Monarchies_, i. 307.
-
-[876] Jos., _Antt._, X. viii. 2, 3.
-
-[877] Nebur-zir-iddina, "Nebo bestowed seed." Jer. xxxix. 9, 13, is in
-some way corrupt. Ezekiel (ix. 2), however, and Josephus (_Antt._, X.
-viii. 2) mention _six_ officers. Nebuzaradan was "chief of the
-executioners" (Gen. xxxvii. 36; 1 Kings ii. 25, 35, 46).
-
-[878] Psalm lxxix. 2, 3.
-
-[879] 2 Chron. xxxvi. 17; Lam. ii. 21, v. 11, 12.
-
-[880] To the reminiscences of these scenes are partly due the Talmudic
-legend about the blood of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada, bubbling up
-to demand vengeance. Nebudchadrezzar slew a holocaust of human victims
-to appease the shade of the wrathful prophet, until the king himself
-was terrified, and asked if he wished his whole people to be
-slaughtered. Then the blood ceased to bubble.
-
-[881] See Rawlinson, _Kings of Israel and Judah_, p. 236.
-
-[882] Lam. iv. 22.
-
-[883] Psalm lxxix, 1.
-
-[884] Obad. 14-16; Psalm cxxxvii. 7; 1 Esdras iv. 45.
-
-[885] Comp. Esther i. 14.
-
-[886] On these personages see 1 Chron. vi. 13, 14; 2 Kings xxii. 4;
-Ezra vii. 1; Jer. xxi. 1, xxxvii. 3, etc.
-
-[887] Nebuchadrezzar had no doubt needed them for his great buildings
-at Babylon, and their deportation would render more difficult any
-attempt to refortify Jerusalem.
-
-[888] Jer. xli. 8, xl. 12.
-
-[889] Jer. lii. 28-30. In his seventh year, 3,023; in his eighteenth,
-832 in his thirty-third, 745 = 4,600.
-
-[890] Ramah was but five miles from Jerusalem, and at first Jeremiah
-may not have been identified (Jer. xl. 1-6).
-
-[891] The present, if accepted, could only be regarded, under the
-circumstances, as part of the necessity of life. It does not fall
-under the head of the presents often offered to prophets (1 Sam. ix.
-7; 2 Kings iv. 42; Mic. iii. 5, 11; Amos vii. 12).
-
-[892] Jer. xi. 19-21, xii. 6.
-
-[893] Stanley, _Lectures_, ii. 515.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXXIX
-
- _GEDALIAH_
-
- B.C. 586
-
- 2 KINGS xxv. 22-30
-
- "Vedi che son un che piango."--DANTE, _Inferno_.
-
- "No, rather steel thy melting heart
- To act the martyr's sternest part,
- To watch with firm, unshrinking eye
- Thy darling visions as they die,
- Till all bright hopes and hues of day
- Have faded into twilight grey."
- KEBLE.
-
-
-In deciding that he would not accompany Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon,
-Jeremiah made the choice of duty. In Chaldæa he would have lived at
-ease, in plenty, in security, amid universal respect. He might have
-helped his younger contemporary Ezekiel in his struggle to keep the
-exiles in Babylon faithful to their duty and their God. He regarded the
-exiles as representing all that was best and noblest in the nation; and
-he would have been safe and honoured in the midst of them, under the
-immediate protection of the great Babylonian king. On the other hand, to
-return to Judæa was to return to a defenceless and a distracted people,
-the mere dregs of the true nation, the mere phantom of what they once
-had been. Surely his life had earned the blessing of repose? But no! The
-hopes of the Chosen People, the seed of Abraham, God's servant, could
-not be dissevered from the Holy Land. Rest was not for him on this side
-of the grave. His only prayer must be, like that which Senancour had
-inscribed over his grave, "Éternité, deviens mon asile!" The decision
-cost him a terrible struggle; but duty called him, and he obeyed. It has
-been supposed by some critics[894] that the wild cry of Jer. xv. 10-21
-expresses his anguish at the necessity of casting in his lot with the
-remnant; the sense that they needed his protecting influence and
-prophetic guidance; and the promise of God that his sacrifice should not
-be ineffectual for good to the miserable fragment of his nation, even
-though they should continue to struggle against him.
-
-So with breaking heart he saw Nebuzaradan at Ramah marshalling the
-throng of captives for their long journey to the waters of Babylon.
-Before them, and before the little band which returned with him to the
-burnt Temple, the dismantled city, the desolate house, there lay an
-unknown future; but in spite of the exiles' doom it looked brighter
-for them than for him, as with tears and sobs they parted from each
-other. Then it was that--
-
-"A voice was heard in Ramah, lamentation, and bitter weeping; Rachel
-weeping for her children refuseth to be comforted, because they are
-not. Thus saith the Lord, 'Refrain thy voice from weeping, and thine
-eyes from tears: for thy work shall be rewarded,' saith the Lord; 'and
-they shall come again from the land of the enemy. And there is hope
-for thy time to come,' saith the Lord, 'that thy children shall come
-again to their own border.'"[895]
-
-Disappointed in the fidelity of the royal house of Judah,
-Nebuchadrezzar had not attempted to place another of them on the throne.
-He appointed Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, the son of Shaphan, his satrap
-(_pakîd_) over the poor remnant who were left in the land. In this
-appointment we probably trace the influence of Jeremiah. There is no one
-whom Nebuchadrezzar would have been so likely to consult. Gedaliah was
-the son of the prophet's old protector,[896] and his grandfather Shaphan
-had been a trusted minister of Josiah. He thoroughly justified the
-confidence reposed in him, and under his wise and prosperous rule there
-seemed to be every prospect that there would be at least some pale gleam
-of returning prosperity. The Jews, who during the period of the siege
-had fled into all the neighbouring countries, no sooner heard of his
-viceroyalty than they came flocking back from Moab, and Ammon, and Edom.
-They found themselves, perhaps for the first time in their lives, in
-possession of large estates, from which the exiles of Babylon had been
-dispossessed; and favoured by an abundant harvest, "they gathered wine
-and summer fruits very much."[897]
-
-Jerusalem--dismantled, defenceless, burnt--was no longer habitable. It
-was all but deserted, so that jackals and hyænas prowled even over the
-mountain of the Lord's House. All attempt to refortify it would have
-been regarded as rebellion, and such a mere "lodge in a garden of
-cucumbers" would have been useless to repress the marauding incursions
-of the envious Moabites and Edomites, who had looked on with shouts at
-the destruction of the city, and exulted when her carved work was
-broken down with axes and hammers. Gedaliah therefore fixed his
-headquarters at Mizpah, about six miles north of Jerusalem, of which
-the lofty eminence could be easily secured.[898] It was the watchtower
-from which Titus caught his first glimpses of the Holy City, as many a
-traveller does to this day, and the point at which Richard I. averted
-his eyes with tears, saying that he was unworthy to look upon the city
-which he was unable to save. Here, then, Gedaliah lived, urging upon
-his subjects the policy which his friend and adviser Jeremiah had
-always supported, and promising them quietness and peace if they would
-but accept the logic of circumstances--if they would bow to the
-inevitable, and frankly acknowledge the suzerainty of Nebuchadrezzar.
-It was perhaps as a pledge of more independence in better days to come
-that Nebuzaradan had left Gedaliah in charge of the young daughters of
-King Zedekiah, who had with them some of their eunuch-attendants. As
-that unfortunate monarch was only thirty-two years old when he was
-blinded and carried away, the princesses were probably young girls;
-and it has been conjectured that it was part of the Chaldæan king's
-plan for the future that in time Gedaliah should be permitted to marry
-one of them, and re-establish at least a collateral branch of the old
-royal house of David.
-
-How long this respite continued we do not know. The language of
-Jeremiah xxxix 2, xli. 1, compared with 2 Kings xxv. 8, might seem to
-imply that it only lasted two months. But since Jeremiah does not
-mention the year in xli. 1, and as there seems to have been yet
-another deportation of Jews by Nebuchadrezzar five years latter (Jer.
-lii. 30), which may have been in revenge for the murder of his satrap,
-some have supposed that Gedaliah's rule lasted four years. All is
-uncertain, and the latter passage is of doubtful authenticity; but it
-is at least possible that the vengeful atrocity committed by Ishmael
-followed almost immediately after the Chaldæan forces were well out of
-sight. Respecting these last days of Jewish independence, "History,
-leaning semisomnous on her pyramid, muttereth something, but we know
-not what it is."
-
-However this may be, there seem to have been guerilla bands wandering
-through the country, partly to get what they could, and partly to
-watch against Bedouin marauders. Johanan, the son of Kareah, who was
-one of the chief captains among them,[899] came with others to
-Gedaliah, and warned him that Baalis, King of Ammon, was intriguing
-against him, and trying to induce a certain Ishmael, the son of
-Nethaniah, the son of Elishama--who, in some way unknown to us,
-represented, perhaps on the female side, the seed royal[900]--to come
-and murder him. Gedaliah was of a fine, unsuspicious temperament, and
-with rash generosity he refused to believe in the existence of a plot
-so ruinous and so useless. Astonished at his noble incredulity,
-Johanan then had a secret interview with him, and offered to murder
-Ishmael so secretly that no one should know of it. "Why," he asked,
-"should this man be suffered to ruin everything, and cause the final
-scattering of even the struggling handful of colonists at Mizpah and
-in Judah?" Gedaliah forbad his intervention. "Thou shalt not do this,"
-he said: "thou speakest falsely of Ishmael."
-
-But Johanan's story was only too true. Shortly afterwards, Ishmael,
-with ten confederates,[901] came to visit Gedaliah at Mizpah, perhaps
-on the pretext of seeing his kinswomen, the daughters of Zedekiah.
-Gedaliah welcomed this ambitious villain and his murderous accomplices
-with open-handed hospitality. He invited them all to a banquet in the
-fort of Mizpah; and after eating salt with him, Ishmael and his
-bravoes first murdered him, and then put promiscuously to the sword
-his soldiers, and the Chaldæans who had been left to look after
-him.[902] The gates of the fort were closed, and the bodies were flung
-into a deep well or tank,[903] which had been constructed by Asa in
-the middle of the courtyard, when he was fortifying Mizpah against the
-attacks of Baasha, King of Israel.
-
-For two days there was an unbroken silence, and the peasants at Mizpah
-remained unaware of the dreadful tragedy. On the third day a sad
-procession was seen wending its way up the heights. There were scattered
-Jews in Shiloh and Samaria who still remembered Zion; and eighty
-pilgrims, weeping as they went, came with shaven beards and rent
-garments to bring a _minchah_ and incense to the ruined shrine at
-Jerusalem. In the depth of their woe they had even violated a law (Lev.
-xix. 28, xxi. 5), of which they were perhaps unaware, by cutting
-themselves in sign of their misery. Mizpah would be their last
-halting-place on the way to Jerusalem; and the hypocrite Ishmael came
-out to them with an invitation to share the hospitality of the murdered
-satrap. No sooner had the gate of the charnel-house closed upon
-them,[904] than Ishmael and his ten ruffians began to murder this
-unoffending company. Crimes more aimless and more brutal than those
-committed by this infinitely degenerate scion of the royal house it is
-impossible to conceive. The place swam with blood. The story "reads
-almost like a page from the annals of the Indian Mutiny." Seventy of the
-wretched pilgrims had been butchered and flung into the tank, which must
-have been choked with corpses, like the fatal well at Cawnpore,[905]
-when the ten survivors pleaded for their lives by telling Ishmael that
-they had large treasures of country produce stored in hidden places,
-which should be at his disposal if he would spare them.[906]
-
-As it was useless to make any further attempt to conceal his
-atrocities, Ishmael now took the young princesses and the inhabitants
-of Mizpah with him, and tried to make good his escape to his patron
-the King of Ammon. But the watchful eye of Johanan, the son of Kareah,
-had been upon him, and assembling his band he went in swift pursuit.
-Ishmael had got no farther than the Pool of Gibeon, when Johanan
-overtook him, to the intense joy of the prisoners. A scuffle ensued;
-but Ishmael and eight of his blood-stained desperadoes unhappily
-managed to make good their escape to the Ammonites. The wretch
-vanishes into the darkness, and we hear of him no more.
-
-Even now the circumstances were desperate. Nebuchadrezzar could not in
-honour overlook the frustration of all his plans, and the murder, not
-only of his viceroy, but even of his Chaldæan commissioners. He would
-not be likely to accept any excuses. No course seemed open but that of
-flight. There was no temptation to return to Mizpah with its frightful
-memories and its corpse-choked tank. From Gibeon the survivors made
-their way to Bethlehem, which lay on the road to Egypt, and where they
-could be sheltered in the caravanserai of Chimham. Many Jews had
-already taken refuge in Egypt. Colonies of them were living in
-Pathros, and at Migdol and Noph, under the kindly protection of
-Pharaoh Hophrah. Would it not be well to join them?
-
-In utter perplexity Johanan and the other captains and all the people
-came to Jeremiah. How he had escaped the massacre at Mizpah we do not
-know; but now he seemed to be the only man left in whose prophetic
-guidance they could confide. They entreated him with pathetic
-earnestness to show them the will of Jehovah; and he promised to pray
-for insight, while they pledged themselves to obey implicitly his
-directions.
-
-The anguish and vacillation of the prophet's mind is shown by the fact
-that for ten whole days no light came to him. It seemed as if Judah
-was under an irrevocable curse. Whither could they return? What
-temptation was there to return? Did not return mean fresh intolerable
-miseries? Would they not be torn to pieces by the robber bands from
-across the Jordan? And what could be the end of it but another
-deportation to Babylon, with perhaps further massacre and starvation?
-
-All the arguments seemed against this course; and he could see very
-clearly that it would be against all the wishes of the down-trodden
-fugitives who longed for Egypt, "where we shall see no war, nor hear
-the sound of the trumpet, nor have hunger of bread."
-
-Yet Jeremiah could only give them the message which he believed to
-represent the will of God. He bade them return. He assured them that
-they need have no fear of the King of Babylon, and that God would
-bless them; whereas if they went to Egypt, they would die by the
-sword, the famine, and the pestilence. At the same time--doomed always
-to thwart the hopes of the multitude--he reproved the hypocrisy which
-had sent them to ask God's will when they never intended to do
-anything but follow their own.
-
-Then their anger broke out against him. He was, as always, the prophet
-of evil, and they held him more than half responsible for being the
-_cause_ of the ruin which he invariably predicted. Johanan and "all
-the proud men" (_zedim_) gave him the lie. They told him that the
-source of his prophesy was not Jehovah, but the meddling and
-pernicious Baruch. Perhaps some of them may have remembered the words
-of Isaiah, that a day should come when five cities, of which one
-should be called Kir-Cheres ("the City of Destruction")--a play on the
-name Kir-Heres, "the City of the Sun," On or Heliopolis should--speak
-the language of Canaan and swear by the Lord of hosts, and there
-should be an altar in the land of Egypt and a _matstsebah_ at its
-border in witness to Jehovah, and that though Egypt should be smitten
-she should also be healed.[907]
-
-So they settled to go to Egypt; and taking with them Jeremiah, and
-Baruch, and the king's daughters, and all the remnant, they made their
-way to Tahpanhes or Daphne,[908] an advanced post to guard the road to
-Syria. Mr. Flinders Petrie in 1886 discovered the site of the city at
-Tel Defenneh, and the ruins of the very palace which Pharaoh Hophrah
-placed at the disposal of the daughters of his ally Zedekiah. It is
-still known by the name of "The Castle of the Jew's Daughters"--_El
-Kasr el Bint el Jehudi_.[909]
-
-In front of this palace was an elevated platform (_mastaba_) of brick,
-which still remains. In this brickwork Jeremiah was bidden by the word
-of Jehovah to place great stones, and to declare that on that very
-platform, over those very stones, Nebuchadrezzar should pitch his
-royal tent, when he came to wrap himself in the land of Egypt, as a
-shepherd wraps himself in his garment, and to burn the pillars of
-Heliopolis with fire.[910]
-
-Jeremiah still had to face stormy times. At some great festival
-assembly at Tahpanhes he bitterly reproached the exiled Jews for their
-idolatries. He was extremely indignant with the women who burned
-incense to the Queen of Heaven. The multitude, and especially the
-women, openly defied him. "We will not hearken to thee," they said.
-"We will continue to burn incense, and offer offerings to the Queen of
-Heaven, _as we have done, we, and our fathers, our kings, and our
-princes, in the cities of Judah, and in the streets of Jerusalem_; for
-then had we plenty of victuals, and were well, and saw no evil. It is
-only since we have left off making cakes for her and honouring her
-that we have suffered hunger and desolation; and our husbands were
-always well aware of our proceedings."
-
-Never was there a more defiantly ostentatious revolt against God and
-against His prophet! Remonstrance seemed hopeless. What could Jeremiah
-do but menace them with the wrath of Heaven, and tell them that in
-sign of the truth of his words the fate of Pharaoh Hophrah should be
-the same as the fate of Zedekiah, King of Judah, and should be
-inflicted by the hand of Nebuchadrezzar.[911]
-
-So on the colony of fugitives the curtain of revelation rushes down in
-storm. The prophet went on the troubled path which, if tradition be
-true, led him at last to martyrdom. He is said to have been stoned by
-his infuriated fellow-exiles. But his name lived in the memory of his
-people. It was he (they believed) who had hidden from the Chaldæans
-the Ark and the sacred fire, and some day he should return to reveal
-the place of their concealment.[912] When Christ asked His disciples
-six hundred years later, "Whom say the people that I am?" one of the
-answers was, "Some say Jeremiah or one of the prophets." He became,
-so to speak, the guardian saint of the land in which he had suffered
-such cruel persecutions.
-
-But the historian of the Kings does not like to leave the close of his
-story in unbroken gloom. He wrote during the Exile. He has narrated
-with tears the sad fate of Jehoiachin; and though he does not care to
-dwell on the Exile itself, he is glad to narrate one touch of kindness
-on the part of the King of Babylon, which he doubtless regarded as a
-pledge of mercies yet to come. Twenty-six years had elapsed since the
-capture of Jerusalem, and thirty-seven since the captivity of the
-exiled king, when Evil-Merodach, the son and successor of
-Nebuchadrezzar, took pity on the imprisoned heir of the House of
-David.[913] He took Jehoiachin from his dungeon, changed his garments,
-spoke words of encouragement to him, gave him a place at his own
-table,[914] assigned to him a regular allowance from his own
-banquet,[915] and set his throne above the throne of all the other
-captive kings who were with him in Babylon. It might seem a trivial
-act of mercy, yet the Jews remembered in their records the very day of
-the month on which it had taken place, because they regarded it as a
-break in the clouds which overshadowed them--as "the first gleam of
-heaven's amber in the Eastern grey."
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[894] So Grätz and Cheyne.
-
-[895] Jer. xxxi. 15-17.
-
-[896] Jer. xxvi. 24.
-
-[897] Jer. xl. 12.
-
-[898] Some identify it with _Shaphat_, a mile from Jerusalem.
-
-[899] They are called _sarî_ ("princes").
-
-[900] There is no Elishama in the royal genealogy, except a son of
-David. Ishmael may have been the son or grandson of some Ammonite
-princess. An Elishama was scribe of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxxvi. 12).
-
-[901] The Hebrew text calls these ten ruffians _rabbî hammelech_,
-"chief officers of the king" of Ammon.
-
-[902] Josephus records or conjectures that the governor was
-overpowered by wine, and had sunk into slumber (_Antt._, X. ix. 2).
-
-[903] In Jer. xli. 9, for "because of Gedaliah," the better reading is
-"was a great pit" (LXX., [Greek: phrear mega]).
-
-[904] Ishmael--a marvel of craft and villainy--put into practice the
-same stratagem which on a larger scale was employed by Mohammed Ali in
-his massacre of the Mamelukes at Cairo in 1806 (Grove, _s.v._ _Bibl.
-Dict._). For "the midst of the city" (Jer. xli. 7), we ought to read
-"courtyard," as in Josephus.
-
-[905] Comp. Jehu's treatment of the family of Ahaziah (2 Kings x. 14).
-
-[906] The dark deed is still commemorated by a Jewish fast, as in the
-days of Zechariah (Zech. vii. 3-5, viii. 19).
-
-[907] Isa. xix. 18-22.
-
-[908] Jer. ii. 16, xliv. 1; Ezek. xxx. 18; Jer. xliii. 7, xlvi. 14;
-Herod., ii. 30.
-
-[909] Fl. Petrie, _Memoir on Tanis_ (Egypt. Explor. Fund, 4th memoir),
-1888.
-
-[910] Jer. xliii. 13, Beth-shemesh. Only one pillar of the Temple of
-the Sun is now standing. It is said to be four thousand years old. It
-is certain that Nebuchadrezzar invaded Egypt and defeated Amasis, the
-son of Hophrah, B.C. 565, reducing Egypt to "the basest of kingdoms"
-(Ezek. xxix. 14, 15). Three of Nebuchadrezzar's terra-cotta cylinders
-have been found at Tahpanhes.
-
-[911] How far the prophecy was fulfilled we do not know. Assyrian and
-Egyptian fragments of record show that in the thirty-seventh year of
-his reign Nebuchadrezzar invaded Egypt and advanced to Syene (Ezek.
-xxix. 10).
-
-[912] 2 Macc. ii. 1-8; comp. xv. 13-16. The tradition is singular when
-we recall the small store which Jeremiah set by the Ark (Jer. iii. 16).
-
-[913] Evil-Merodach (Avil-Marduk, "Man of Merodach") only reigned two
-years, and was then murdered by his brother-in-law Neriglissar
-(Berosus _ap._ Jos.: comp. _Ap._, i. 20). The Rabbis have a
-story--perhaps founded on that of Gaius and Agrippa I.--that
-Evil-Merodach had been imprisoned by his father for wishing his death,
-and in prison formed a friendship for Jehoiachin.
-
-[914] "Lifted up his head." Comp. Gen. xl. 13, 20.
-
-[915] To be thus [Greek: homotrapezos], or [Greek: syssitos], of the
-king was a high honour (Herod., iii. 13, v. 24. Comp. Judg. i. 7; 2
-Sam. ix. 13, etc.).
-
-
-
-
- EPILOGUE
-
- "On Jordan's banks the Arab's camels stray,
- On Zion's hills the False One's votaries pray,
- The Baal-adorer bows on Sinai's steep;
- Yet there--e'en there--O God, Thy thunders sleep."
- BYRON.
-
- "God, Thou art Love: I build my faith on that."
- BROWNING.
-
-
-Before concluding I should like to add a few words (1) on what some may
-regard as the too favourable attitude towards what is called the "Higher
-Criticism" adopted in this book; and (2) on the deep, essential, eternal
-lessons which we have found in chapter after chapter of it.
-
-1. As regards the first, I need only say that the one thing I seek,
-the sole thing I care for, is Truth,--truth, not tradition. Even St.
-Cyprian, devoted as he was to custom and tradition, warns us that
-"Custom without Truth is only antiquated error," and that what we
-believe must be established by reason, not prescribed by tradition.
-
-And it cannot be laid down too clearly that the old view of
-Inspiration--which defined it as consisting in verbal dictation, which
-made the sacred writers "not only the penmen but the pens of the Holy
-Spirit," and which spoke of every sentence, word, syllable, and every
-letter of Scripture as Divine and infallible--was a dangerous and
-absolute falsity, and that any attempt in these days to enforce it as
-binding on the intellect and conscience of mankind could only lead to
-the utter shipwreck of all sincere and reasonable religion. "Not
-needlessly," says the learned author of _Italy and her
-Invaders_--himself an able opponent of many modern conclusions on the
-subject--"should I wish to shake even that faith which practically
-believes that the whole Bible, exactly in its present shape, yes, almost
-the English Bible just as we have it, came straight down from heaven.
-But we do want to get away from all mere theories as to the way in which
-God _might_ have revealed Himself, and to learn as much as we can of the
-way in which He _has_ revealed Himself in actual fact, and in real human
-lives."[916]
-
-To do this has been one of my objects in this volume, and in the
-preceding volume on the First Book of Kings.
-
-2. We have now only to cast one last glance on this book, and on the
-lessons which it is meant to teach.
-
-Consider, first, its deep and varied interest. It has the combined
-value of History and of Biography; and, in dealing with both, its aim
-is to pass over all minor and earthly details, and to show the method
-of God's dealings both with nations and with the individual soul.
-
-If we look at the book only as a History, it shows us in the briefest
-possible compass a series of national events of the greatest
-importance in the annals of mankind. We become witnesses of the fierce
-occasional struggles between Israel and Judah, and of the constant
-warfare of both with those wild surrounding nations--the people of
-Moab, and of Edom, Gebal, and Ammon, and Amalek, the Philistines also,
-and them that dwell at Tyre. We watch the indomitable resistance of
-Tyre to Assyria and Babylon. We see the Northern Kingdom of Israel
-rise into wealth, power, and luxury, only to sink into deep moral
-corruption, until, at last, the patience of God is exhausted, and He
-obliterates its very existence in an apparently final and irremediable
-overthrow. We witness the rise, culmination, and fall of Syria; the
-culmination and the crashing overthrow of Nineveh; the rise and the
-splendour of Babylon. We see the surging tide of the nomad Scythians
-and Cimmerians rise into flood and ebb away with spent and shallow
-waves. We see the petty fortress of Zion triumph in its defiance of
-the mighty hosts of Sennacherib because it is strong in reliance upon
-God, and we see it grow faithless to God until it succumbs to the
-captains of Nebuchadrezzar. Again and again we observe that the
-Almighty stills the raging of the sea, the noise of his waves, and the
-madness of the people.
-
-The conviction is borne upon our soul with overwhelming power, as we
-read the pages of Amos, of Isaiah, and of Jeremiah, that, in spite of
-all their rage and tumult, and apparently irresistible dominance, God
-still sitteth above the water-floods, and God remaineth a King for ever.
-
-Side by side with this spectacle of the dealing of God with nations, in
-which we see written in large letters, in characters of blood and of
-fire, His dealing with guilty nations, we have abundantly in these
-chapters the narrower yet more intense interest which arises from the
-contemplation of human nature--one and the same in its general elements,
-but infinitely varied in its conditions--in the lives of individual men.
-It is revealed to us as in a picture--it is brought home to us, not by
-didactic inferences, but with the silent conviction which springs from
-the evidence of facts--that wealth is nothing, and rank nothing, and
-power nothing, but that the only thing of essential importance in human
-lives is whether a man does that which is good or that which is evil in
-the sight of the Lord. Good and bad kings pass before us; and though the
-best kings, like Hezekiah and Josiah, were no more free from earthly
-misfortune than are any of the saints of God--though Hezekiah had to
-suffer anguish and humiliation, and Josiah died in defeat on the
-battle-field,--yet we are irresistibly led to the belief: "Say ye of the
-righteous that it shall be well with him; for they shall eat the fruit
-of their doings. Woe unto the wicked! It shall be ill with him; for the
-work of his hands shall be done to him."
-
-We all have a guide in life. "We are not left to steer our course even
-by the stars, which the clouds of earth may dim. The ship has something
-on board which points towards the spiritual pole of the universe. I will
-not venture to call it an _infallible_ guide. It wavers with tremulous
-sensitiveness; it may be deflected by disturbing influences; but still
-in the main it points with mysterious fidelity towards the pole of our
-spirits, even God. And what is this compass which we have for our
-guidance? Some would call it Conscience; but we call it by a holier
-name, and say that even as the needle is acted on by the magnetic
-current, so our spiritual compass is the spirit of man acted on by the
-Spirit of the living and infinite God." The lesson of this book--of
-every book of biography or of history--is that men are noble and useful
-in proportion as they are true to that law of an enlightened conscience
-which represents to them the will and the voice of God.
-
-Ahaziah and Jehoram of Judah, tainted with the blood of Jezebel, and
-perverted by the example of Ahab, live wretchedly, reign contemptibly,
-and perish miserably; while good Jehoshaphat and pious Josiah are
-richly blessed. In the vaunting elation of Amaziah, in the
-blood-stained ferocity of Jehu, in the ruthless examples of usurpation
-and murder set by king after king in Israel, and in the consequences
-which befell them, we see that "fruit is seed." Shallum, Menahem,
-Pekah, Athaliah, have to pay a terrible price for brief spells of
-troubled royalty; and the slow corruption and disintegration of the
-people reflects the vile example of their rulers. Like king, like
-people; like people, like priest. We look on at a succession of
-thrilling scenes--the horrors of beleaguered cities, the raptures of
-unexpected deliverance, the insulting vanities of triumph; we hear the
-wail that rises from long lines of fettered captives as they turn
-their backs weeping upon their native land. And we are told "strange
-stories of the deaths of kings." We see the King of Moab sacrificing
-his eldest son to Chemosh upon the wall of Kir-Haraseth in the sight
-of three invading hosts. We shudder to think of Ahaz and Manasseh
-passing their children through the fire before the grim bull-headed
-monster in the valley of the children of Hinnom. We see the two
-ghastly piles of the heads of young princes on either side the gates
-of Jezreel. We see Jehu driving his fierce chariot over the body of
-the painted Tyrian Queen. We catch a glimpse of the sackcloth under
-the purple of the King of Israel as he rends his clothes at the
-horrible cry of mothers who have devoured their babes. We see the
-child Joash standing with the high priest in the Temple amid the blast
-of trumpets, while the alien murderess is pushed out and hewn to the
-ground. We see Manasseh dragged with hooks to Babylon. We watch the
-haggard face of the miserable Zedekiah as his sons are slaughtered
-before the eyes which thenceforth are blinded for evermore. We burn
-with indignation to see the villain Ishmael close with corpses the
-well of Mizpah. But even when the phantasmagoria seems most appalling
-and most bloody, we watch the Day-star from on high begin to shed its
-glory over the grey east. In due time that Day-star was to rise in
-men's hearts and on the world, with healing in His wings; and we feel
-that somehow, beyond the smoke and stir of earth's anguish,
-
- "God's in His heaven,
- All's right with the world."
-
-And like a Greek chorus amid the agonies of destiny stand the
-prophets, those clearest and greatest of moral teachers. They, in
-spite of their holiness and faithfulness, are not exempt from the
-calamities of life. Amos was insulted and expelled by the high priest
-of Bethel; Urijah was martyred; Hosea's prophecy is one long and
-almost unbroken wail; Isaiah was mocked and slandered by the priests
-of Jerusalem, and, if the tradition be true, sawn asunder; Micah,
-though spared, prophesied under imminent peril; Jeremiah, saddest of
-mankind, type of the suffering servant of Jehovah, was smitten in the
-face by the priest Pashur, thrust into the stocks for the general
-derision, flung into a deathful prison, let down into a miry well,
-hurried into exile, defied, denounced, insulted, at last in all
-probability martyred. Prophets in general were hated and disbelieved.
-They were the eternal antagonists of priests and mobs. With priests
-they had so little affinity, that when a prophet was born a priest,
-like Jeremiah and Ezekiel, he might count on the undying hatred and
-antagonism of his order. Priests, with scarcely an exception, under
-every erring or apostatising king, from Rehoboam to Ahaz, from Ahaz to
-Zedekiah, with a monotony of meanness, did nothing but acquiesce,
-careful mainly for their own rights and revenues; prophets did little
-but raise, against them and their party, an unavailing protest. When,
-in the days of the priest-regent Jehoiada, the priests had power, he
-had made a special ordinance that there should be overseers in the
-Temple whose function it should be to put in the stocks and the collar
-"every man that is mad, and that maketh himself a prophet";[917] and
-Shemaiah was quite indignant that there should be any delay in putting
-this convenient ordinance into force. Priests were chiefly absorbed in
-functions and futilities in the exact spirit of their guilty
-successors in the days of Christ. There could be little sympathy
-between them and the inspired messengers who spoke of such reliance on
-observances with almost passionate scorn, and to whom religion meant
-righteousness towards men and faith in the Living God.
-
-This high lesson of Prophecy came into greater prominence with each
-succeeding generation. It had been taught by Amos, the first of the
-literary prophets, with emphatic distinctness. It was summarised by
-Hosea in words which our Saviour loved to quote: "Go ye and learn what
-that meaneth, I will have mercy, and not sacrifice." It had been
-uttered by Micah in an outburst of splendid poetry which summed up all
-that God requires. It was reiterated in many forms by Isaiah and by
-Jeremiah in words of richer moral value than all that came from the
-teaching of the priestly functionaries from the days when Aaron
-seduced Israel with his golden calf till the days when Caiaphas and
-Annas goaded the multitude to prefer Barabbas to Jesus, and to shout
-of their Messiah, "Let Him be crucified."
-
-It was the richest fruit which sprang from the long Divine discipline of
-the nation,--the knowledge that outward things are of no avail to save
-any man; that God requires righteousness, that God looketh at the heart.
-
-And the prophets themselves had to learn by the irony of events that
-no suppression of local sanctuaries under Hezekiah, no multiplication
-of ceremonies and acceptance of Deuteronomic Codes under Josiah, were
-deep enough to change men's hearts. Isaiah, like Amos, dwells with
-anger on the reliance upon vain ritual, which is so cheap a substitute
-for genuine holiness; and Jeremiah, despairing utterly of that
-reformation under Josiah of which he had once felt hopeful, had to
-denounce the new reliance on the Temple and its sacrifices. He
-ultimately felt no confidence in anything except in a new covenant in
-which God Himself would write His law upon men's hearts, and all
-should know Him from the least even to the greatest.
-
-But the History of Prophecy also in this epoch is marked by events of
-world-wide importance. In the days of Isaiah we see the change of
-Israel from a nation into a church of the faithful, for which alone he
-has any permanent hope. In him, too, we hear the first distinct
-utterances of the final form in which should be fulfilled the
-Messianic hope. Under Jeremiah there was still further advance. He
-points, as Joel does, to the epoch of the gift of the Holy Spirit, and
-shows that God does not only deal with men as nations, or as churches,
-or even as families, but as beings with individual souls.
-
-This and much besides we have seen in the foregoing pages, in which we
-have endeavoured to point the lessons of the Books of Kings. The one
-main lesson which the narrative is meant to teach is absolute faith
-and trust in God, as an anchor which holds amid the wildest storms of
-ruin, and of apparently final failure. Not until we have realised that
-truth can we hear the words of God, or see the vision of the Almighty.
-When we have learnt it, we shall not fear, though the hills be moved
-and carried into the midst of the sea. It is the lesson which gets
-behind the meaning of failure, and raises us to a height from which we
-can look down on prosperity as a thing which--except in fatally
-delusive semblance--cannot exist apart from righteousness and faith.
-This is the lesson of life, the lesson of lessons. If it does not
-solve all problems on their intellectual side, it scatters all
-perplexities in the spiritual sphere. It shows us that duty is the
-reward of duty, and that there can be no happiness save for those who
-have learnt that duty and blessedness are one. And thus even by this
-book of annals--annals of wild deeds and troubled times--we may be
-taught the truths which find their perfect illustration and proof in
-the life and teaching of the Son of God. When those truths are our
-real possession, the work of life is done. Then
-
- "Vigour may fail the towering fantasy,
- But yet the Will rolls onward, like a wheel
- In even motion by the love impelled
- That moves the sun in heaven and all the stars."
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[916] T. Hodgkin, _Friends' Quarterly_, September 1893, p. 401.
-
-[917] Jer. xxix. 25-27.
-
-
-
-
- APPENDIX I
-
- _THE KINGS OF ASSYRIA, AND SOME OF THEIR
- INSCRIPTIONS._
-
-
-Dates from the _Eponym Canon_ and the Assyrian Monuments; Schrader,
-_Cuneiform Inscriptions, and the Old Testament_, E. Tr., 1888, pp.
-167-187.
-
- B.C.
-
- 860.--Shalmaneser II.
-
- 854.--Battle of Karkar. War with _Ahab_ and _Benhadad_.
-
- 842.--War with Hazael. Tribute of _Jehu_.
-
- 825.--Samsi-Ramman.[918]
-
- 812.--Ramman-Nirari.
-
- 783.--Shalmaneser III.
-
- 773.--Assur-dan III.
-
- 763.--June 15th. Eclipse of the sun.
-
- 755.--Assur-Nirari.
-
- 745.--Tiglath-Pileser II.
-
- 742.--Azariah (Uzziah) heads a league of nineteen Hamathite
- districts against Assyria (?).
-
- 740.--Death of Uzziah (?).
-
- 738.--Tribute of Menahem, Rezin, and Hiram.
-
- 734.--Expedition to Palestine against Pekah. Tribute of Ahaz.
-
- 732.--Capture of Damascus. Death of Rezin. First actual
- collision between Israel and Assyria.
-
- 728.--Hoshea refuses tribute.
-
- 727.--Shalmaneser IV.
-
- 724.--Siege of Samaria begun.
-
- 722.--Sargon. Fall of Samaria.
-
- 721.--Defeat of Merodach-Baladan.
-
- 720.--Battle of Raphia. Defeat of Sabaco, King of Egypt.
-
- 715.--Subjugated people deported to Samaria. Accession of
- Hezekiah.
-
- 711.--Capture of Ashdod.
-
- 707.--Building of great palace of Dur-Sarrukin.
-
- 709.--Sargon expels Merodach-Baladan, and becomes King of
- Babylon.
-
- 705.--Assassination (?) of Sargon.
-
- 705.--Sennacherib.
-
- 704.--Embassy of Merodach-Baladan to Hezekiah.
-
- 703.--Belibus made King of Babylon.
-
- 702.--Construction of the Bellino Cylinder.
-
- 721.--Siege of Ekron. Defeat of Egypt at Altaqu. Siege of
- Jerusalem. Campaign against Hezekiah and Tirhakah
- disastrously concluded at Pelusium and Jerusalem.
-
- 681.--Murder of Sennacherib.
-
- 681.--Esar-haddon.
-
- 676.--Manasseh pays tribute.
-
- 668.--Assur-bani-pal (Sardanapalus).
-
- 608.--Death of Josiah in the battle of Megiddo against Pharaoh
- Necho.
-
-The dates and names of Assyrian kings as given in _Records of the
-Past_ (ii. 207, 208) do not exactly accord with these in all cases.
-
- B.C.
-
- Tiglath-Pileser II. 950
- Assur-dan II. 930
- Rimmon-Nirari II. 911
- Tiglath-Uras II. 889
- Assur-natzu-pal 883
- Shalmaneser II. 858
- Assur-dain-pal (a rebel) 825
- Samsi-Rimmon II. 823
- Rimmon-Nirari III. 810
- Shalmaneser III. 781
- Assur-dan III. 771
- Assur-Nirari 753
- Tiglath-Pileser III. (Pul) 745
- Shalmaneser IV. (an usurper) 727
- Sargon (Jareb?) (usurper) 722
- Sennacherib 705
- Esar-haddon I. 681
- Assur-bani-pal 668
- * * * * * *
- Destruction of Nineveh under Esar-haddon
- II., or Sarakos 606
-
-
- INSCRIPTION OF SHALMANESER II. ON THE BLACK OBELISK
- IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM[919]
-
-It begins with an invocation to the gods Rimmon, Adar, Merodach,
-Nergal, Beltis, Istar, and proceeds:--
-
-"I am Shalmaneser, the strong king, king of all the four Zones of the
-Sun, the marcher over the whole world, ... who has laid his yoke upon
-all lands hostile to him, and has swept them like a whirlwind."
-
-It tells of his campaigns against the Hittites etc., etc.
-
-The allusion to Jehu runs as follows:--
-
-"The tribute of Yahua, son of Khumri, silver, gold, bowls of gold,
-vessels of gold, goblets of gold, pitchers of gold, lead, sceptres for
-the king's hand, staves, I received."
-
-This inscription is supplemented by another on a monolith found at
-Karkh, twenty miles from Diarbekr (_Records_, iii 81-100), which
-mentions the battle of Karkar, with its slaughter of fourteen thousand
-of the enemy, among whom was Sirlai--_i.e._, Ahab of Israel.
-
-
- II
-
- TIGLATH-PILESER II. (CIRC. B.C. 739)
-
-In his Records he mentions no less than five Hebrew kings--Azariah,
-Jehoahaz (Ahaz), Menahem, Pekah, Hoshea--as well as Rezin of Damascus,
-Hiram of Tyre, etc. His name perhaps means "He who puts his trust in
-Adar." See _Records of the_ _Past_, v. 45-52; Schrader, _Keilinschr._,
-pp. 149-151; G. Smith, _Assyrian Discoveries_, pp. 254-287.
-
-Unfortunately the inscriptions are very mutilated and fragmentary.
-
-
- III
-
-Our chief knowledge of SARGON is from the great inscription in the
-Palace of Khorsabad. It is translated by Prof. Dr. Jules Oppert,
-_Records of the Past_, ix. 1-21. The king's inscription at Bavian,
-north-east of Mosul, is in the same volume, pp. 21-28, translated by
-Dr. T. G. Pinches. See, too, _id._, vii. 21-56, xi. 15-40.
-
-The Khorsabad inscription has these passages:--
-
-"The great gods have made me happy by the constancy of their affection;
-they have granted me the exercise of my sovereignty over all kings."
-
-He says:--
-
-"I besieged and occupied the town of Samaria; I took twenty-seven
-thousand two hundred and eighty of its inhabitants captive. I took
-from them fifty chariots, but left them the rest of their belongings.
-I placed my lieutenants over them; I renewed the obligations imposed
-upon them _by one of the kings who preceded me_." [Tiglath-Pileser,
-whom Sargon does not choose to name.]
-
-"Hanun, King of Gaza, and Sabaco, Sultan of Egypt, allied themselves
-at _Raphia_ to oppose me. I put them to flight. Sabaco fled, and no
-one has seen any trace of him since. I imposed a tribute on Pharaoh,
-King of Egypt."
-
-He tells us that he defeated the usurper Ilubid of Hamath, who had
-been a smith; burnt Karkar; and flayed Ilubid alive.
-
-He defeated Azuri and Jaman of Ashdod, and his most persistent enemy,
-Merodach-Baladan, son of Jakin, King of Chaldæa.
-
-He ends with a prayer that Assur may bless him.
-
-
- IV
-
-Bellino's Cylinder comprises the first two years of SENNACHERIB. It is
-translated by Mr. H. F. Talbot, _Records of the Past_, i. 22-32. It
-was published by Layard in the first volume of _British Museum
-Inscriptions_, pl. 63. The facsimile of it was made by Bellino.
-
-It begins:--
-
-"SENNACHERIB, the great king, the powerful king, the king of Assyria,
-the king unrivalled, the pious monarch, the worshipper of the great
-gods, ... the noble warrior, the valiant hero, the first of all kings,
-the great punisher of unbelievers who are breakers of the holy
-festivals.
-
-"Assur, my lord, has given me an unrivalled monarchy. Over all princes
-he has raised triumphantly my arms.
-
-"In the beginning of my reign I defeated Marduk-Baladan, King of
-Babylon, and his allies the Elamites, in the plains near the city of
-Kish. He fled alone; he got into the marshes full of reeds and rushes,
-and so saved his life."
-
-(He proceeds to narrate the spoiling of Marduk's camp, and his palace
-in Babylon, and how he carried off his wife, his harem, his nobles.)
-
-We see here an illustration of the vaunting tones of this king which
-are so faithfully reproduced in 2 Kings xviii.
-
-His Bull Inscription, chiefly relating to his defeats of
-Merodach-Baladan, is translated by Rev. J. M. Rodwell (_Records of the
-Past_, vii. 57-64).
-
-
- V
-
-The Taylor Cylinder, so called from its former possessor, is a hexagonal
-clay prism found at Nineveh in 1830, and now in the British Museum
-(translated by Mr. H. F. Talbot, _Records of the Past_, i. 33-53).
-
-The first two campaigns of Sennacherib are related as on the Bellino
-Cylinder. The Taylor Cylinder narrates campaigns of his first eight
-years.
-
-The story of the third campaign narrates the defeat of Elulæus, King
-of Sidon; the tribute of Menahem, King of Samaria; the defeat of
-Zidka, King of Askelon; the revolt of Ekron, which deposed the
-Assyrian vassal Padi, and sent him in iron chains to Hezekiah; the
-battle of Egypt and Ethiopia at Altaqu (Eltekon, Josh. xv. 59), and
-the capture of Timnath. Of Hezekiah the king says:--
-
-"And Hezekiah, King of Judah, who had not bowed down at my feet,
-forty-six of his strong cities, castles, and smaller towns, with
-warlike engines, I captured; 200,500 people, small and great, male and
-female, horses, sheep, etc., without number, I carried off. Himself I
-shut up like a bird in a cage inside Jerusalem. Siege-towers against
-him I constructed. I gave his plundered cities to the kings of Ashdod,
-Ekron, and Gaza. I diminished his kingdom; I augmented his tribute.
-The fearful splendour of my majesty had overwhelmed him. The
-horsemen, soldiers, etc., which he had collected for the fortification
-of Jerusalem his royal city, now carried tribute, thirty talents of
-gold, eight hundred of silver, scarlet, embroidered woven cloth, large
-precious stones, ivory couches and thrones, skins, precious woods; his
-daughters, his harem, his male and female slaves, unto Nineveh, my
-royal city, after me he sent; and to pay tribute he sent his envoy."
-
-He then narrates his fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh campaigns
-against Elam, etc. His eighth was against "the children of Babylon,
-wicked devils," etc. He ends by describing the splendour of the palace
-which he built.
-
-
- VI
-
-An inscription of ESAR-HADDON, found at Kouyunjik, now in the British
-Museum, mentions his receipt of the intelligence of his father's
-murder by his unnatural brothers, while he was commanding his fathers
-army on the northern confines.
-
-"From my heart I made a vow. My liver was inflamed with rage.
-Immediately I wrote letters, saying I assumed the sovereignty of my
-Father's House." He prayed to the gods and goddesses; they encouraged
-him, and in spite of a great snowstorm he reached Nineveh, and defeated
-his brother, because Istar stood by his side and said to their army, "An
-unsparing deity am I" (_Records of the Past_, iii, 100-108).
-
-
- VII
-
-A terra-cotta cylinder of ASSUR-BANI-PAL (the Sardanapalus of the
-Greeks) is now in the British Museum. It is translated by Mr. G.
-Smith, _Records of the Past_, i. 55-106, ix. 37-64; Oppert, _Mémoire
-sur les Rapports de l'Egypte et l'Assyrie_; and G. Smith, _Annals of
-Assur-bani-pal_.
-
-Its most interesting parts relate to the campaign of his father
-Esar-haddon against Egypt, and how Tirhakah, King of Egypt and
-Ethiopia, reoccupied Memphis. He defeated the army of Tirhakah, who,
-to save his life, fled from Memphis to Thebes. The Assyrians then took
-Thebes, and restored Necho's father, Psamatik I., to Memphis and Sais,
-and other Egyptian kings, friends of Assyria, who had fled before
-Tirhakah. The kings, however, proved ungrateful, and made a league
-against him. He therefore threw them into fetters, and had them
-brought to Nineveh, but subsequently released Necho with splendid
-presents. Tirhakah fled to Ethiopia, where he "went to his place of
-night"--_i.e._, died.
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[918] Up to the time of Tiglath-Pileser II., the Eponym Year (which is
-not here given) marks the second complete year of each king's reign.
-
-[919] This Shalmaneser died about B.C. 825, after a reign of
-thirty-five years (Sayce in _Records of the Past_, v. 27-42; Oppert,
-_Hist. des Empires de Chaldée et d'Assyrie_; Ménant, _Annales des Rois
-d'Assyrie_, 1874).
-
-
-
-
- APPENDIX II
-
- _INSCRIPTION IN THE TUNNEL OF SILOAM_
-
-
-The inscription of Siloam is the oldest known Hebrew inscription. "It is
-engraved on the rocky wall of the subterranean channel which conveys the
-water of the Virgin's Spring at Jerusalem into the Pool of Siloam. In
-the summer of 1880 one of the native pupils of Dr. Schick, a German
-architect, was playing with other lads in the Pool, and while wading up
-the subterranean channel slipped and fell into the water. On rising to
-the surface he noticed, in spite of the darkness, what looked like
-letters on the rock which formed the southern wall of the channel. Dr.
-Schick visited the spot, and found that an ancient inscription,
-concealed for the most part by the water, actually existed there." The
-level of the water was lowered, but the inscription had been partly
-filled up with a deposit of lime, and the first intelligible copy was
-made by Professor Sayce in February 1881, and six weeks later by Dr.
-Guthe. Professor Sayce had to sit for hours in the mud and water,
-working under masonry or earth. There can be little doubt that this work
-is alluded to in 2 Kings xx. 20; 2 Chron. xxxii. 30; Isa. viii. 6 ("the
-waters of Shiloah ["the tunnel"?] which flow softly").
-
-The alphabet is that used by the prophets before the exile, somewhat
-like that on the Moabite Stone, and on early Israelitish and Jewish
-seals. The language is pure Hebrew, with only one unknown
-word--_zadah_, in line three: perhaps "excess" or "obstacle."
-
-Professor Sayce thinks that it proves that "the City of David" (Zion)
-must have been on the southern hill, the so-called Ophel. If so, the
-Valley of the Sons of Hinnom must be the rubbish-choked Tyropoeon,
-under which must be the tombs of the kings, and the relics of the
-Temple and Palace destroyed by Nebuchadrezzar.
-
-The inscription is:--
-
-"The excavation! Now this is the history of the excavation. While the
-excavators were lifting up the pick each towards his neighbour, and
-while there were yet three cubits [to excavate], there was heard the
-voice of one man calling to his neighbour, for there was an excess in
-the rock on the right hand [and on the left?]. And after that on the
-day of excavating, the excavators had struck pick against pick, one
-against another, the water flowed from the spring [_môtsâ_, "exit," 2
-Chron. xxxii. 30] to the Pool" (that of Siloam, which therefore was
-the only one which then existed) "for twelve hundred cubits. And
-[part] of a cubit was the height of the rock over the head of the
-excavators" (Sayce, _Records of the Past_, i. 169-175).
-
-The letters are on an artificial tablet cut in the wall of rock,
-nineteen feet from where the subterranean conduit opens on the Pool of
-Siloam, and on the right-hand side. The conduit is at first sixteen
-feet high, but lessens in one place to no more than two feet. It is,
-according to Captain Conder, seventeen hundred and eight yards long,
-but not in a straight line, as there are two _culs-de-sac_, caused by
-faulty engineering. The engineers, beginning, as at Mount Cenis, from
-opposite ends, intended to meet in the middle, but failed. The floor
-has been rounded to allow the water to flow more easily. It is a
-splendid piece of engineering for that age.
-
-The Pool of Siloam is at the south-east end of a hill which lies to
-the south of the Temple hill: the Virgin's Fountain is on the opposite
-side of the hill, more to the north, and is the only natural spring or
-"Gihon" near Jerusalem, so that its water was of supreme importance.
-Being outside the city wall, a conduit was necessary. Hezekiah
-"stopped all the fountains" (2 Chron. xxxii. 4)--_i.e._, concealed
-them. By providing a subterranean channel for them, he saved them from
-the enemy and secured the water-supply of the besieged city.
-
-
-
-
- APPENDIX III
-
- _WAS THERE A GOLDEN CALF AT DAN?_
-
-
-The question might seem absurd, but for its solution I must refer to
-my paper on the subject in the _Expositor_ for October 1893.
-
-The _sole_ authorities for a calf at Dan are 1 Kings xii. 28-30; 2 Kings
-x. 29. If in the former passage we alter _one letter_, and read [Hebrew:
-hfd] (the "ephod") for [Hebrew: hchd] (the "one")--as Klostermann
-suggests--we throw light on an obscure and perhaps corrupt passage. The
-allusion then would be to Micah's old idolatrous image (which _may_ have
-been a calf) at Dan. The two words "and in Dan" in 2 Kings x. 29 may
-easily have been (as Klostermann thinks) an exegetical gloss added from
-the error of one letter in 1 Kings xii. 30.
-
-Dan was a most unlikely place to select: for (1) It was a remote
-frontier town; and (2) there was no room, and no necessity there, for
-a new cultus beside the ancient one established some centuries
-earlier, and still served by priests who were direct lineal
-descendants of Moses (Judg. xviii. 30, 31).
-
-This would further account for the absolute silence of prophets and
-historians about any golden calf at Dan; and it adds to the inherent
-probability, also supported by some evidence, that there were _two_
-cherubic calves at Bethel.
-
-For further arguments I must refer to my paper.
-
-
-
-
- APPENDIX IV
-
- _DATES OF THE KINGS OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH, AS
- GIVEN BY KITTEL AND OTHER MODERN CRITICS[920]_
-
-
- ISRAEL
-
- B.C.
-
- Ahaziah 855-854
- Jehoram 854-842
- Jehu 842-814
- Jehoahaz 814-797
- Joash 797-781
- Jeroboam II. 781-740
- Zachariah 740
- Shallum 740
- Menahem 740-737
- Pekahiah 737-735
- Pekah 735-734
- Hoshea 734-725
-
-
- JUDAH
-
- B.C.
-
- Jehoram ben-Jehoshaphat 851-843
- Ahaziah ben-Jehoram 843-842
- Athaliah 842-836
- Joash ben-Ahaziah 836-796
- Amaziah 796-783
- Amaziah-Uzziah 783-737
- Jotham 737-735
- Ahaz 735-715
- Hezekiah 715-686
-
- Manasseh 686-641
- Amon 641-639
- Josiah 639-608
- Jehoahaz 608
- Jehoiakim 608-597
- Jehoiachin 597
- Zedekiah 597-586
-
-FOOTNOTE:
-
-[920] Many of these dates can only be regarded as uncertain and
-approximate. Kamphausen dates the commencement of all the latter kings
-a year later (_Die Chronologie der hebräischen Könige_, Bonn, 1883).
-
-
-
-
-Transcriber's Notes:
-
-
-Obvious punctuation and spelling errors have been fixed throughout.
-
-Non-Latin characters have been replaced with the nearest Latin
-equivalent for example oe (the oe ligature), was replaced with oe.
-
-Inconsistent hyphenation left as in the original text.
-
-Missing footnote anchors have been placed, when possible to determine
-placement.
-
-Footnote 198: Greek has been corrected to add accents.
-
-Footnote 215: Greek has been corrected.
-
-
-
-
-
-
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