path: root/41493-0.txt

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41493 ***

Transcriber's Note:

  Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
  been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

  On page 80, "mearly" may be a typo for "merely".
  On page 98, "could't" may be a typo for "couldn't".
  The text refers to both "The Dalles" and "the Dalles".
  On page 160, "ever charge" may be a typo for "every charge".
  On pages 178 and 179, Rev. Waller's name is spelled Alvan then
    Alvin.
  On page 274, "Lahiana" may be a typo for "Lahaina".




     THE
     QUARTERLY
     OF THE
     OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY

     VOLUME IV
     MARCH, 1903-DECEMBER, 1903

     EDITED BY FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG

     J. R. WHITNEY, STATE PRINTER
     SALEM, OREGON




CONTENTS.




SUBJECT INDEX.

                                                                  PAGE
     Astoria, The Educational History of. Alfred A. Cleveland    21-32

     Astoria, Social and Economic History of. Alfred A.
       Cleveland                                               130-149

     Baker, Dorsey S.: A Pioneer Railroad Builder. Miles C.
       Moore                                                   195-201

     Bancroft, The Origin and Authorship of the Pacific
       States Publications: A History of a History. William
       Alfred Morris                                           287-364

     Calapooia, The Upper. George O. Goodall                     70-77

     Captain of Industry in Oregon, A Pioneer (Joseph Watt).
       James R. Robertson                                      150-167

     Centennial, The Lewis and Clark. F. G. Young                 1-20

     Corrections, Some. F. G. Young and H. S. Lyman    86-87, 286, 409

     Civil War, Oregon and its Share in the. Robert Treat
       Platt                                                    89-109

     Code of Oregon, History of the Preparation of the First.
       James K. Kelly                                          185-194

     Cone, Anson Sterling, Reminiscences of. H. S. Lyman       251-258

     Documents:--

       First Installment--Two Whitman Sources: "Arrival from
       Oregon"--an editorial from the _New York Daily Tribune_
       of March 29, 1843, and "Cruising in the Sound"--
       communication to the _New York Spectator_, April 5,
       1843; newspaper excerpts relating to the Oregon
       emigration movement 1842-1843                           168-184

       Second Installment--Oregon material taken from file of
       an Independence (Mo.) and Weston (Mo.) paper for
       1844-1845 and from other papers in that vicinity        270-286

       Third Installment--Letter of Jedediah S. Smith, David
       E. Jackson, and William L. Sublette (1830) giving an
       account of the taking of the first wagons to the Rocky
       Mountains and of the Hudson Bay Company post, Fort
       Vancouver, also operations of Company in Oregon Country
       & excerpts from St. Louis papers, 1832-1848, on the
       migration to and settlement of Oregon                   394-409

     Early Days in Oregon, Glimpses of. Charlotte Moffett
       Cartwright                                                55-69

     Easts, Two, The Great West and the. Henry E. Reed         110-129

     Economic History of Astoria, Social and. Alfred A.
       Cleveland                                               130-149

     Educational History of Astoria, The. Alfred A.
       Cleveland                                                 21-32

     Holman, Joseph, Short Biography of. Dictated by himself   392-394

     Hopkins, Mrs. Rebeka, Reminiscences. H. S. Lyman          259-261

     Independence (Mo.), Excerpts from papers of               270-286

     Indian Tradition, Minto Pass; Its History and an. John
       Minto                                                   241-250

     Indian Wars of Southern Oregon. William M. Colvig         227-240

     Industry, a Pioneer Captain of, in Oregon. (Joseph
       Watt)                                                   150-167

     Jackson, David E., Letter of, with Jedediah S. Smith
       and William L. Sublette                                 395-398

     La Bonte's, Louis, Recollections of Men. H. S. Lyman      264-266

     Lane County, Early Schools in. Jos. H. Sharp              267-268

     Lewis and Clark, The, Centennial. F. G. Young                1-20

     Minto Pass: Its History and an Indian Tradition. John
       Minto                                                   241-250

     Montures on French Prairie, The. S. A. Clarke             268-269

     Oregon and Its Share in the Civil War. Robert Treat
       Platt                                                    89-109

     Oregon, History of the Preparation of the First Code of.
       James K. Kelly                                          185-194

     Oregon, Indian Wars of Southern. William M. Colvig        227-240

     Pacific States Publications, The Origin and Authorship
       of the Bancroft. William Alfred Morris                  287-364

     Papers, Pioneer, of Puget Sound. Clarence B. Bagley       365-385

     Paternalism, An Object Lesson in. T. W. Davenport           33-54

     Puget Sound, Pioneer Papers of. Clarence B. Bagley        365-385

     Railroad Builder, A Pioneer: Dorsey S. Baker. Miles C.
       Moore                                                   195-201

     Rees, Willard H., In Memoriam of. John Minto              386-391

     Reminiscences Anson Sterling Cone. Mrs. Rebeka Hopkins,
       Mrs. Anna Tremewan, and Louis La Bonte                  251-266

     San Francisco. From Walla Walla to Captain John Mullan,
       U. S. A.                                                202-226

     Schools, Early, in Lane County. Jos. H. Sharp             267-268

     Social and Economic History of Astoria. Alfred A.
       Cleveland                                               130-149

     Smith, Jedediah S., Letter of, with David E. Jackson
       and William L. Sublette                                 395-398

     Southern Oregon, Indian Wars of. William M. Colvig        227-240

     Sublette, William L., Letter of, with David E. Jackson
       and Jedediah S. Smith                                   395-398

     Tremewan, Mrs. Anna, Reminiscences of. H. S. Lyman        261-264

     Walla Walla, From, to San Francisco. Captain John
       Mullan, U. S. A.                                        202-226

     West, The Great, and the Two Easts. Henry E. Reed         110-129

     Weston (Mo.), Excerpts from papers of                     270-286

     Wood, Tallmadge B., Letters of                              80-85




AUTHORS' INDEX.


                                                                  PAGE
     _Bagley, Clarence B._--Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound      365-385

     _Cartwright, Charlotte Moffett_--Glimpses of Early Days
       in Oregon                                                 55-69

     _Clarke, S. A._--The Montures on French Prairie           268-269

     _Cleveland, Alfred A._--The Educational History of
       Astoria                                                   21-32

     _Cleveland, Alfred A._--Social and Economic History of
       Astoria                                                 130-143

     _Colvig, William M._--Indian Wars of Southern Oregon      227-240

     _Davenport, T. W._--An Object Lesson in Paternalism         33-54

     _Goodall, George O._--The Upper Calapooia                   70-77

     _Jackson, David E._--Letter of, with Smith and
       Sublette                                                395-398

     _Kelly, James K._--History of the Preparation of the
       First Code of Oregon                                    185-194

     _Lyman, Horace S._--Reminiscences of, Anson Sterling
       Cone; Mrs. Rebeka Hopkins; Mrs. Anna Tremewan; Louis
       La Bonte                                                251-266

     _Lyman, Horace S._--Some Corrections                        86-87

     _Minto, John_--Minto Pass: Its History and an Indian
       Tradition                                               241-250

     _Minto, John_--In Memoriam of Willard H. Rees             386-391

     _Moore, Miles C._--A Pioneer Railroad Builder: Dorsey S.
       Baker                                                   195-201

     _Mullan, Captain John_--From Walla Walla to San
       Francisco                                               202-226

     _Platt, Robert Treat_--Oregon and Its Share in the
       Civil War                                                89-109

     _Reed, Henry E._--The Great West and the Two Easts        110-129

     _Robertson, James Rood_--A Pioneer Captain of Industry
       in Oregon (Joseph Watt)                                 150-167

     _Sharp, Jos. H._--Early Schools in Lane County            267-268

     _Smith, Jedediah S._--Letter of, with Jackson and
       Sublette                                                395-398

     _Sublette, William L._--Letter of, with Jackson and
       Smith                                                   395-398

     _Wood, Tallmadge B._--Letters of                            80-86

     _Young, Frederic George_--The Lewis and Clark
       Centennial                                                 1-20




     THE QUARTERLY
     OF THE
     OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

     VOLUME IV.     MARCH, 1903   NUMBER 1




THE LEWIS AND CLARK CENTENNIAL.

THE OCCASION AND ITS OBSERVANCE.


Much that seems favorable, and not a little that is clearly
unfavorable, has come to the Lewis and Clark Centennial because its
date is just a year later than that of the Louisiana Purchase
Centennial. A striking advantage in this close succession is, however,
still to be used. It is the idea of a centennial at Portland in the
Columbia Valley in the very next year following one at Saint Louis on
the Mississippi that needs to be exploited. In this close succession
of these two centennials of the access of the American nationality to
regions of which one lies far beyond the other we have the key to the
fullest interpretation of the national significance of the anniversary
of the Lewis and Clark expedition. Nothing else could so tellingly
exhibit the basis for a peculiar national interest in our anniversary
as the fact that it is virtually contemporary with that to be observed
at Saint Louis. The purchase of Louisiana bears practically the same
natal relation to the western half of the Mississippi Valley that the
Lewis and Clark expedition does to the Pacific Northwest. This the
average American citizen no doubt finds it hard to realize. Oregon,
however, can boast age over the other commonwealths west of the
Mississippi, excepting only Missouri and Iowa and they are barely
older.

The western half of the Mississippi Valley has far outstripped us in
material development. Nevertheless, considering the conditions of
isolation under which the people of Oregon have labored they can be
justly proud of the progress that has been made here in all lines of
endeavor. Saint Louis will be justified in vaunting in 1904 the
achievements and results of a century of development in the region of
which she is the metropolis; but Portland, as the metropolis of the
Pacific Northwest, would have been culpably derelict if she had not
undertaken an observance of the centennial of the Lewis and Clark
expedition that shall emphasize to the nation and to the world the
significance of the occupation of the Pacific coast by the American
people, and to foster the aspirations of one of the most favored
sections on the face of the earth. The basis of our claim to a
national recognition of our anniversary is something more solid than
the fact that we have added what we have to the material strength of
the nation. The secret of the unparalleled effort that Oregon proposes
to make for the observance of the Lewis and Clark centennial lies
deeper than a mere feeling of exultation over material development and
the hope of advertising our resources to the world.

The Lewis and Clark Centennial Exposition has clearly two unique and
complementary missions. It should bring fully into the national
consciousness the historic services through which this nation attained
an outlook upon the Pacific comparable with that on the Atlantic, and
the significance of this to the future of the American people. It
should address itself to the peculiar problems of progress on this
coast and thus mark an epoch in the added impetus, the better
organization, and the higher aims it gives us as a people; rightly
planned it would be an exposition of patriotic national services and
of the problems of largest social progress--an exposition of western
history and western problems.

The Lewis and Clark expedition and the Oregon movement, or the
American movement to the Pacific, which the Lewis and Clark expedition
initiated, have not yet had anything like an adequate interpretation
in American history. Oregon represents the greatest opportunity in our
national life--an opportunity that the fathers of Oregon made as well
as seized. A sequel to the Oregon opportunity, or rather a part of it,
were the immense gains south of the forty-second parallel on the
Pacific Slope. Through the Oregon opportunity realized this American
democracy has a territorial basis for supremacy among the nations of
the world, and this nation and all mankind will profit from it to the
end of time. The Louisiana Purchase was not an opportunity made, but
only one accepted when it was tossed into the nation's lap. The Oregon
opportunity, as it stands in history and in promise for the future--in
what is realized and in what is only potential--is in its import only
second to the American opportunity. It had to do with the winning of a
domain that made our nation four-square and continental, with a
national territory commensurate with the spirit and possibilities of
the American people.

The development of the situation on this coast, which the Lewis and
Clark expedition converted into America's opportunity, was something
like this: Four hundred years ago this continent lay unoccupied save
by a race destined to melt away before the onslaughts of the sturdier
European. The Spaniard, schooled by eight centuries of crusading
against the Moor, whom he had finally driven from Spanish soil, was in
the moment of victory, when his hands were free and spirit exultant,
pointed by Columbus the supposed way to the Indies, long-famed for
unparalleled riches. Spanish hopes were high and the cavaliers came
on.

They passed by the West Indies in quest of gold. Cortes and Pizarro
found something of their hearts' desire in Mexico and Peru. So on they
pressed down the west coast of South America and up the west coast of
North America and across the Pacific; but the vigor of the Spaniard
was about wasted. He hung helplessly to his outposts on the flanks of
the Pacific Northwest. At the beginning of the last quarter of the
eighteenth century he rallied and sent vessels up and down the coast
of Oregon; but his explorations were not determinate, and they were
not followed by occupation. Early in the eighteenth century the
Muscovite, advancing eastward across Siberia, had reached the shores
of the Pacific, and soon gained a foothold on our northern shores,
with designs on all this coast. England, too, was ready to have a hand
in the contest for this last great territorial prize on the North
American continent. Elated by her decisive victories over her mortal
enemy, France, and, by the treaty of Paris, 1763, the proud possessor
of all of the eastern half of this continent, of India, mistress of
the seas, conscious also of the great advantages that the invention of
the steam engine, the power loom and other machinery gave her, she
dispatched explorers to scan the different quarters of the globe for
new possessions. Captain Cook outlined the shores of Australia and of
many other lands of the south seas, and in 1778 was off the Oregon
coast. At the same time enterprising Britons were pressing westward
along the Great Lakes and overland toward this still available portion
of the continent. Thus, the progressive nations of the world were
closing in on this last choice imperial domain of the temperate zone
awaiting a pre-emptor--the possessor of which would be the natural
master of the Pacific. At this critical juncture the then young
American nation was fortunate in the spirit of maritime enterprise
among the merchants of Boston. Seeking the profits of trade in furs
which the voyage of Cook had revealed, they sent Captains Gray and
Kendrick to the North Pacific coast, and in 1792 Gray, in the ship
Columbia, performed the feat that secured to this country priority of
right to the basin of the Columbia. Still more fortunate was this
country at this time in having the prescient mind of Thomas Jefferson
devoted to its interests. While Gray's vessel was lying in the
Columbia he was getting up a subscription for sending explorers
overland to the Pacific. Even ten years before this he had proposed an
expedition to the Pacific under the leadership of George Rogers Clark.
He then had it in mind to head off an English enterprise of which he
had heard; but it was not until 1803, twenty years after his first
effort in this direction, that Jefferson succeeded in getting the
means for the first and by far the most important of our national
exploring expeditions--the Lewis and Clark.

But this was not simply an exploring expedition. It represents better
than any other one event the expansion of this nation from the
Mississippi to the Pacific. The expedition was great not merely even
in what it symbolizes. It was grandly great in itself, in its
inception, and in execution. It was the herald of the American
democracy making its way across the continent to the Pacific, but it
was more. There was the highest nobility of purpose in its inception,
and matchless skill and fortitude in its execution. Not only in the
train of its consequences, but in every aspect was it glorious and
worthy of a national celebration. The burden of the special message of
January 18, 1803, through which President Jefferson secured an
appropriation for it, was the maintenance of the factory system, or
the trading posts, among the Indian tribes of the west. Jefferson
took keenest delight in a project to extend the bounds of knowledge
and which he hoped would open a water route of commerce across the
continent with Asia. Yet on the face of it the Lewis and Clark
expedition had primarily its inception as a means for promoting the
success of these government trading posts among the Indians. This
governmental policy, connected with the administration of the factory
system, was the one comprehensive, wise, and humane national effort to
raise a lower race to the plane of civilization. The idea was to
supply the Indian at cost, in exchange for his furs and other
products, the implements of husbandry and the comforts of civilized
life, at the same time to protect him from the demoralizing influences
of the vicious among the white men. The Lewis and Clark expedition was
thus in its origin associated with a work of the largest philanthropy,
"a system," says Captain Chittenden, author of "The American Fur Trade
in the Far West," "which, if followed out as it should have been,
would have led the Indian to his new destiny by easy stages, and would
have averted the long and bloody wars, corruption, and bad faith,
which have gained for a hundred years of our dealings with the Indians
the unenviable distinction of a 'Century of Dishonor.'"

In his instructions to the leaders of the expedition Jefferson showed
the tenderest solicitude for the welfare of the red man. The
expedition could not have been in better hands. Captain Chittenden
says of it: "This celebrated performance stands as incomparably the
most perfect achievement of its kind in the history of the world." Dr.
Elliott Coues has this about it: "The story of this adventure stands
easily first and alone. This is our national epic of exploration." To
appreciate the unique skill of leadership in this expedition we need
but compare its success with the wretched failure of the "Yellowstone
Expedition" of 1820, which was to have gone over but a part of the
route of Lewis and Clark. This had an outfit many times more expensive
than that of Lewis and Clark and ten times as many men; but it went to
pieces before it got beyond what is now Omaha.

Unique as the Lewis and Clark expedition was in its original purposes
and in its execution, the Oregon people are sponsors for the
celebration of its coming centennial anniversary mainly because of the
consequences with which it was fraught. Theodore Roosevelt, in his
"Winning of the West," speaks of it as opening "the door into the
heart of the West." His book has the date mark "1896." It was written
before the battle of Manila, and the treaty closing the
Spanish-American war which placed the Philippines permanently under
our care, before America's determining part in preserving the
integrity of China after the quelling of the Boxer insurrection. It
was written before President Roosevelt had set his eyes upon the
Pacific Northwest. If, after the latter days of this month (May), he
ever again has occasion to characterize the import of the Lewis and
Clark expedition, his dictum will be more like this: "It led to the
acquisition of the whole Pacific Coast, containing the fairest and
richest regions under the American flag, and made inevitable the
American mastery of the Pacific and American supremacy among the
nations of the world." It is, surely, not preposterous to expect a
revision of the verdict of history on the significance of the Lewis
and Clark expedition. Henry Adams, than whom no scholar has done
better work on the history of the United States, in volume IV of his
history, with date mark, 1890, speaks of the Lewis and Clark
expedition in this wise: "The crossing of the continent was a great
feat, but it was nothing more. * * Great gains to civilization could
be made only on the Atlantic coast under the protection of civilized
life." Mr. Adams in this estimate seems wholly blind to the fact that
nations like individuals have opportunities presented to them which
seized may not give immediate results but which have an ever
increasing influence upon their destiny. In the Lewis and Clark
expedition this nation took the flood tide to world supremacy. Three
years ago, when American arms and diplomacy were exercising such a
determining influence on the problem of mankind in China, I heard
Prof. F. J. Turner of the University of Wisconsin, the highest
authority on western history, who writes so forcibly on the Louisiana
Purchase in the current number of the _Review of Reviews_, say, that
"the occupation of the Pacific Coast by the American people was not
only the greatest event in American history, but a great event in all
history."

That the American movement Oregonward and Pacificward followed
strictly in the wake of the Lewis and Clark expedition has many
proofs. Even before Lewis and Clark reached Saint Louis on their
homeward journey they met parties of traders and trappers bound for
the heart of the wilderness from which they were returning. These were
acting on the information Lewis and Clark had sent back from their
Mandan winter quarters. A few months after they reached Saint Louis
the Missouri Fur Company was organized to conduct operations on the
Upper Missouri, that is, on the trail of Lewis and Clark. Four years
later John Jacob Astor organized the Pacific Fur Company, and devised
plans including a great emporium at the mouth of the Columbia, trade
with China on the west, with the Russian settlements on the north, and
a line of trading posts overland on the Lewis and Clark route. Astor's
scheme was a feasible one, but the war of 1812 came on and England
dispatched a vessel to capture the American post on the Columbia.
Before this reached Astoria the British sympathizers among Astor's
partners sold him out. Astor was probably the first to have a vision
not only of what the nation was to gain on this coast, but also of
what more might have been gained had President Madison been as bold in
regard to his enterprise as was Jefferson in the Louisiana purchase.
Had this been so Captain Chittenden thinks "the political map of North
America would not be what it is to-day," implying that there would
have been an uninterrupted American Pacific coast line from the
extreme north to the Mexican boundary.

So far our rights to the region were based on priority in discovery,
in exploration, and in occupation; but now for a period of thirty
years the British Hudson Bay Company was to have almost undisputed
possession. However, the rights established by Gray, Lewis and Clark,
and Astor did not lapse and could not be set aside through occupation
by a mere trading company. During nearly all of this thirty-year
period the Boston schoolmaster, Hall J. Kelley, was agitating the
colonization of Oregon, and in 1832, and again in 1834, Nathaniel J.
Wyeth, with herculean effort, indomitable perseverance, and incredible
energy led expeditions to the Columbia only to meet with disaster when
with his slender means he was pitted against the mighty corporation in
possession here. With Wyeth came the first party of missionaries. The
"Mountain Men"--retired trappers--soon followed, seeking homes here;
and, beginning with 1842, annual migrations of thousands of Oregon
pioneers were on the way. The Lewis and Clark exploration had thus led
to a national movement--"the migration of a people," says Captain
Chittenden, "seeking to avail itself of opportunities which have come
but rarely in the history of the world, and which will never come
again." The route traced by these Oregon pioneers will some day be
restored as a national memorial highway, and will be celebrated in
song and story, every mile of which has the tenderest associations of
hardship and suffering, but also of high purpose and stern
determination; and yet the Oregon trail was in the strictest sense a
derivative of the Lewis and Clark trail. For nearly twenty years the
Lewis and Clark route up the Missouri River had been the only one used
to reach the Rocky-mountain wilderness, but in the fall of 1823 a
party of trappers, pushing westward from the Yellowstone and desirous
of avoiding the implacable Blackfeet on the Upper Missouri, turned to
the south and discovered in South Pass, an easy crossing of the Rocky
Mountains. The region beyond on the headwaters of the Green and Snake
rivers, and in the basin of the Great Salt Lake, was found to be rich
in furs. Henceforth to some point in this region the annual cavalcades
of the fur companies would come and there meet their own trappers, the
free trappers, and the Indians of all the interior country. This was
the annual rendezvous for trading, for the delivery of the season's
catch of furs, and for equipment for the next year's activity. In
making this annual round trip from Saint Louis the original route into
this transmontane country, the half-circle route along the Missouri,
was naturally abandoned for a great cut-off from the western borders
of Missouri to the South Pass. A direct route northwestward across the
plains of present Kansas and Nebraska to the Platte, up the Platte and
the North Fork and its tributary, the Sweetwater, was found to be the
finest natural highway in the world. To reach Oregon the pioneers took
this great cut off of the Lewis and Clark trail, and from its western
terminus on the upper waters of the Snake they had but to follow the
route of Hunt's Astor party until the original Lewis and Clark trail
was struck again on the Columbia. The Lewis and Clark trail was thus
the basis from which was developed the Oregon trail.

During the forties, when the national movement was setting strongly
towards the Pacific, Oregon was an uppermost subject in the thought,
and frequently in the plans, of a large portion of the people of this
country. Oregon pioneers were clinching our hold upon the Pacific
coast. The party slogan of "fifty-four forty or fight" in 1844 had
response deep in the hearts of a great majority of the people of the
northern part of the Mississippi Valley, and stirred the whole nation.
American influences and activities in California from 1846 on radiated
mainly from Oregon. Captain Fremont was sent out originally to explore
the best route to Oregon, and went to California from Oregon. William
Marshall, the discoverer of gold in California in 1848 was an Oregon
pioneer of 1844. Peter H. Burnett, the first governor of California,
was an Oregon pioneer of 1843. The exclusion of slave labor from the
mines of California was largely due to the "Columbia-river men." But
now at the close of the forties came the diversion of the national
interest from Oregon amounting almost to an eclipse of Oregon for some
fifty years. The annexation of Texas, the war with Mexico, the gold
discovery in California, the opening of the Kansas and Nebraska lands,
the civil war, the development of the manufacturing industries, the
occupation of the Dakotas, absorbed in turn the main attention and
energies of the nation, leaving outlying Oregon in comparative
obscurity, with resources developing but slowly.

Oregon's day, however, is dawning again. America's surplus energy is
no longer absorbed in gold mining in California, in occupying the
plains of Kansas, Nebraska, or the Dakotas. The overloaded passenger
trains to the Pacific Northwest tell unmistakably the nation's need of
this region. It needs our farm lands. It will more and more urgently
need our lumber and our water power and our outlook upon the Pacific;
and to whom do the American people owe the possession of these
incomparable and growing boons but to Lewis and Clark and to the
pioneers to whom Lewis and Clark pointed the way. Governor Chamberlain
was right the other night when at Boise he spoke of the Lewis and
Clark expedition as Jefferson's greatest act. Alongside the two
inscriptions on Jefferson's monument selected by him, namely, that he
was the author of the Declaration of Independence and that he was the
founder of the University of Virginia, posterity will fain inscribe
the fact that he was the promoter and organizer of the Lewis and Clark
expedition.

The observance of the Lewis and Clark Centennial, therefore, is an
occasion in which the American people as a whole and through their
government have the largest reasons for generous participation. For
great was the Oregon opportunity to the nation and the Lewis and Clark
expedition was the key that opened it. All honor from the nation at
large is due to those who made this national opportunity and seized
it. The possession of the Pacific coast was the corollary and sequel
to the Oregon movement; but the Oregon movement itself was corollary
to nothing less than the spirit and vigor of the American people and
their foothold upon this continent.

We have, then, a national occasion second only to that of Philadelphia
in 1876; and the first great mission of the centennial will be
realized when its occasion has been so interpreted and enforced that a
hearty and liberal participation in the celebration on the part of the
nation has been secured so that our American national consciousness
may fully realize what has been "the course of empire" with us as a
nation and what it is almost certain to be in the future.

The accomplishment of the other mission of the exposition requires a
true interpretation of the problem of largest progress for the Pacific
Northwest. Expositions worthy of the name can not be "hit or miss"
affairs. They are not mere congeries of remarkable products. An
exposition should have an organic unity and a distinct aim. Its aim
must bear directly on the highest interests of the supporting
community. There are peculiar reasons for the exercise of the highest
degree of care and insight in the organization of the Lewis and Clark
Centennial Exposition. No people ever before invested so heavily in
proportion to their means as Portland and Oregon propose to invest in
the Lewis and Clark Centennial. No exposition was ever held in a
community so plastic, so completely in the making as are Portland and
Oregon. The current of common thought and effort is so strongly set
toward the Lewis and Clark Centennial that the very cast of Oregon's
civilization in the future will surely come from what is realized in
that event. The exposition will leave an inspired, unified, and
enlightened people, with ideals newly defined and elevated; or it will
be followed by more or less of humiliation, factional strife,
disgrace, blighting discouragement, with sordid ideals and disordered
social relations.

Most auspicious was Oregon's response to the idea of a celebration.
Stronger faith in the good that may come from unity in action toward
higher things no other people has ever shown; and why should not
Oregon have faith in greater things for herself and the Pacific
Northwest? The Pacific Northwest bears almost exactly the same
relation to the rest of the nation east of us geographically,
historically, and economically that Greece bore to the Orient, and
that England bore to the continental nations of Europe.

I take it, then, that the normal attitude towards the exposition
project is one that regards it as a serious undertaking, having
tremendous possibilities for making or marring much in the future of
Oregon. The exposition comes when Oregon is just at the flood tide of
new opportunities--opportunities that require twentieth century
enlightenment on the part of the masses if these opportunities are to
yield anything like unmixed good. Just as the Lewis and Clark
expedition was the key that opened the Oregon opportunity to the
nation so is the Lewis and Clark Centennial admirably adapted to
become the key to open the way to the highest development of
industrial democracy in the Pacific Northwest and to realize its
leadership in social progress on this continent. We have, I think, a
fine example given us by the authorities of Louisiana Purchase
Exposition of how to plan definitely an exposition to accomplish a
great purpose. The main idea with them is to make a world's fair for
the first time represent the world in epitome as a "going concern."
They thus express their main purpose: "As to the lesson for the world,
the Directorate desire to make a leading point. It is to show life and
movement. * * An attempt will be made to put the world before the eye
of the visitor, each exhibit being so displayed as to make plain its
story, its purpose, and its aim." And again: "The Department of
Education is made the first department of the classification in
accordance with the theory upon which the entire exposition is
founded. * * * Through education man comes to a knowledge of his
powers, and of the possibilities of life, and upon it are dependent
the processes which extend throughout all the fields of industry. This
correlation of the powers of the brain and of the hand of man,
extending throughout the entire exhibit scheme of the exposition,
will, for the first time in the history of expositions, afford a
strictly scientific basis for the collection and classification of
objects." And finally: "At Saint Louis, the prevailing characteristic,
it is intended, shall be life and motion, and the installation of
products and processes in juxtaposition. The classification is based
upon this plan, and its effects upon the proportions of the buildings
is noticeable in that Machinery Hall is relatively so small in area.
The machines through whose operation raw material is converted into
use and the processes employed in utilizing natural products will be
exhibited, so that not only will the fund of human information be
greatly increased, but suggestion will be made to students,
scientists, and inventors that will give still greater development
to genius in the following than in the preceding decade."

The World's Fair, in this carefully planned purpose, affords a fine
model for the Lewis and Clark Exposition. But Portland is not simply
to do for the Pacific Northwest and the other peoples in close
economic and commercial relations with it what Saint Louis aspires to
do for the world. Saint Louis undertakes what was distinctively the
nineteenth century problem--that of mastery by man of the physical
forces of the world and of more nearly perfect adjustment to his
natural environment. The Louisiana Purchase Exposition, with its World
Congress of the Arts and Sciences, and all of its exhibits arranged to
promote the development of invention and the application of scientific
methods to industry, has a great mission; and yet the peculiar field
which belongs to the Lewis and Clark Exposition gives it, if not a
greater mission, at least one more advanced--if you please a twentieth
century mission. Man in the Pacific Northwest has a peculiar problem.
All the science and art of the past are his legacy. They fairly press
in upon him in their appeal to him for utilization here. Man here has
a physical environment so rich and so diversified as not only to
invite the largest application of science and art, but also one that
demands the highest organization of associated effort. In other
words, the Pacific Northwest places man in such relation to history,
to nature, and to his fellow-man, as to promise him here, if his
inheritance is not sold for a mess of pottage, man's highest
development. It rests with the Lewis and Clark Exposition to rise to
the occasion. For it represents a first possible step in a grand
cooperative effort to develop a social environment here commensurate
with what nature has done for us. If for a ruthless, wasteful course
of social evolution that would never reach any desirable goal we would
realize one of steady, frictionless progress, with opportunities of
fullest life open to all, we must make the Lewis and Clark Centennial
fulfill its high mission. If the people of Oregon and the Pacific
Northwest do not persist in their determination to make this concerted
effort toward the inauguration of the highest policies of social
progress here it is hard to see what occasion can bring them so near
this mood again. It is the spell that the commemoration of a great
event and a great movement casts over them that will hardly be
repeated. The Lewis and Clark Centennial then is the flood tide of
opportunity. If it is not seized and we lapse again into mere
individualistic policies "all the voyage" of life in the future of the
Pacific Northwest will be bound in comparative "shallows and in
miseries."

An exposition planned to meet the twentieth century needs becomes the
herald of an industrial democracy in which there is a completely
harmonious cooperation for the realization of the highest social
ideals. It is dawning upon us that publicity is the first condition of
relief from the trust evil. We need yet, however, to realize that
essential publicity or light is the talisman for developing a true
democratic spirit to which are disclosed ever expanding vistas of
possibilities. The first great duty of the exposition authorities is
to bring to the people of the Pacific Northwest the largest
enlightenment on the natural resources of this region. Taking our
timber resources as an illustration, we are painfully aware that the
timber holdings are not as widely and equably distributed among the
masses as one could wish; but we have many rich natural monopolies
which the whole people should share. They have common and incalculable
permanent interests in the forests of Oregon, in the water power of
our streams, in our facilities for irrigation, in the mines, and in
the ensemble of natural beauty here. Shall the great natural forest
areas in Oregon which may become the source of an ever increasing flow
of wealth for all time for the whole people be allowed, without state
forestry activity, to become mere waste places for weed trees? We are
told by Mr. Elwood Mead, Chief of the Division of Irrigation, that he
believes Oregon "has the largest area of unimproved land whereon
irrigation is possible of any State in the Union." Here is a great
interest in which most fortunately a policy of coöperation between the
state and the nation has been instituted. What could be more
propitious for the good fortune of the people than an active
coöperation between the authorities of the exposition and the United
States bureaus of forestry, irrigation, and the United States
geological survey in preparing an exhibit of the data on the interests
of the people of the State in these natural resources? With such
definite, earnest, and laudable purposes in view, Congress and the
Administration would respond to the claims of the Lewis and Clark
Exposition in a very different spirit from that with which they have
met recent expositions.

By means of models, relief maps, photographs, drawings, charts, and
graphic representations generally, along with congresses and the
discussions by the press, the people, and their legislators, would
come to take an intelligent and far-sighted view of these great
inheritances of theirs. A whole summer given to the exposition of the
people's interests in their common heritage, with the use of the best
art of illustration, representation, and elucidation, would awaken a
living interest so that they would make sure of their rights, conserve
an equality of opportunities and make our natural resources yield
their highest social utility. Our experience with our state school
lands shows that such a fortunate condition is absolutely impossible
without the influence an exposition could exert toward an
enlightenment on our public inheritances.

The Municipal Exposition at Dresden, Germany, during this summer,
gives a suggestion for a municipal department for our exposition that
would work a transformation in our civic spirit and enlightenment. How
glorious it would be for Oregon if the Lewis and Clark Fair Clubs
would in dead earnest determine to possess themselves of the
philosophy of city making, and to do their best to control municipal
activity in Oregon so as to make it conserve highest economic and
æsthetic ends and bring about rational unity in all municipal
development and foster an architectural spirit. Why not commission a
delegate to Dresden? Why not begin to make wholesome, beautiful, and
edifying the Oregon village and city, so that, as a whole, each may be
a positive joy forever? The same strenuous idealism would find a rich
field in the affairs of our counties and of our school districts. The
Oregon farm must come in for as many meliorating influences as the
Oregon town. All that good roads, graded schools, traveling libraries,
neighborhood telephones, and model farm establishments can do to
elevate the social conditions of farm life will be greatly furthered
by the exposition; but the problem that is fundamental with the
people, both of the town and of the country, pertains not merely to
sharing the unearned increment of the natural and artificial
monopolies, but also to participation in the gains of all capitalized
industry. It is the problem of "peopleizing" the industries. Corporate
organization and management should be a department of the exposition.
By the elimination of all the unnecessary risk in investments in
corporation securities through effective governmental regulation and
supervision the people may gain control and reap the large profits of
capitalized industry. The exposition will have its highest mission in
securing to the people an interest in the gains and a share in the
control of our industrial organizations.

The next generation of Oregonians will not be found wanting in their
ardor for the welfare of the state as a whole, in patriotic zeal for
the betterment of all the conditions of life here and in aspiration to
give the Pacific Northwest leadership in social progress if the
schools are furnished the story of the Oregon opportunity as it was
made and realized. This, as told by the actors themselves, should be
compiled and distributed to the districts. The highest pitch of
emulation to the mastery of this story and interest in the aims of the
exposition may advisedly be secured by a system of prize essays on
important topics pertaining to Oregon's development.

This outline of the features that the exposition might include does
not debar from it popular and recreative attractions. It does not slur
the exhibition of the remarkable products of the farm, the orchard,
the mine, the river, the forests, and the factory. The ideas
emphasized will only give these products multiplied significance,
bringing them into vital relations with life that is more than meat,
drink, and wear. An exposition thus rationally planned will be the
poor man's greatest hope. If he loses the aid it would give him toward
the right solution of the social problem the odds are terribly against
him in the race for an equitable distribution. Such an exposition
would go far toward securing an open door to an equality of
opportunity for all in Oregon. To block the organization of such an
exposition would not be far from social suicide for the masses.

The dominance of economic forces in progress is becoming more and more
exclusive. It devolves upon the people to comprehend fully the living
forces, and, by comprehending them, put themselves in position to
control them and mold them to the higher uses of conserving an
equality of opportunity for all. The Lewis and Clark Exposition lends
itself wholly to this great mission. It is hard to see how a means
quite so propitious will be available again.

     F. G. YOUNG.




THE EDUCATIONAL HISTORY OF ASTORIA, OREGON.


The study of the school history of Astoria is of interest to the
student of education in that it reveals a condition different from
that of some of the other cities of Oregon, particularly those of the
Willamette Valley. In the latter, private and public schools struggled
for the mastery, with the private school far in the lead for many
years.[1] In Astoria, on the contrary, the public school idea had a
firm hold from the beginning and asserted itself as soon as the
establishment of a public school was possible. The history of
Astoria's educational progress, covering a period of fifty-two years,
is chiefly the story of the beginning and gradual development of a
system of public schools. There is traceable, however, something of
the conflict, so prominent elsewhere, between the public and the
private school idea.


PRIVATE SCHOOLS.

Astoria's first school, started in 1851, was of necessity private,
owing to the fact that the school law, passed in 1849, was practically
inoperative, and, in consequence, no public money was available. In
the summer of 1851 the Rev. C. O. Hosford, a Methodist minister, at
the earnest solicitation of some dozen parents, opened a school near
the corner of Eighth and Bond streets, in a small two-room building,
erected for use as dwelling house for the teacher, and schoolhouse.[2]
This little pioneer school had an enrollment of ten pupils, and was
supported by private subscription. Public sentiment favored a public
school, and its modifying influence is seen at this time. No tuition
was charged the individual pupil, but the parents contributed toward
the support of the school each according to his means rather than in
proportion to the number of children he sent to the school. Mr. V.
Boelling, in addition to furnishing the schoolhouse and residence for
the teacher free of charge, contributed twenty of the forty dollars
paid monthly to the teacher.[3] The school was in session during the
months of June, July, August, and September.[4]

It is probable that between the closing of this school and the
starting of the public school proper there were other semi-public
schools.[5] Private schools were a necessity in Upper Astoria, owing
to the small number of families there and the lack of means of
communication between the two parts of the town. There were at least
two private schools here prior to 1859, and they were patronized by
the children of three families.[6] That this was done in at least one
case from necessity, rather than choice, is shown by the fact that one
of the patrons of these schools, T. P. Powers, a few years later, was
the prime mover in the establishment of the Upper Astoria public
school.[7] Miss Pope and Mrs. H. B. Morse were two of the teachers
employed in these schools.

In 1864 the first school that was in any sense a rival of the public
school was started. The Grace Church Parish School became the rallying
point for the first opposition to public education. This support alone
would perhaps not have been sufficient to maintain it; but it also
filled a place in the educational field which the public school seemed
unable to occupy. That there was a real need for the school is
apparent from the class of pupils that attended it. Large pupils who,
owing to lack of early advantages, were far behind in their classes
and who would have preferred to remain away rather than be classed
with children much younger than themselves, and pupils advanced beyond
the studies offered at the time by the district school, made up a
large part of the number in attendance.[8] Latin, algebra, natural
philosophy, and other advanced subjects were taught, and pupils for
these studies came from the public school which had just previous to
this time decided to exclude all branches beyond those usually taught
in a district school.[9]

This school was opened in the old "Methodist Church" situated on the
corner of Fifteenth Street and Franklin Avenue, and was in charge of
the rector of the Episcopal Church, Rev. T. H. Hyland. Mrs. Hyland,
who had been a teacher in the East, taught most of the classes.[8] The
school was supported entirely by tuition fees which were $7 per
quarter of thirteen weeks. Three quarters were taught each year, and
the attendance ranged between twenty and thirty pupils.[8]

Rev. Mr. Hyland was appointed to the Astoria parish while it was a
missionary station and so received no salary from the home
congregation. The parish school was started chiefly as a means of
revenue to help pay for the maintenance of the church.[8] Former
pupils testify to the excellence of the school and to the popularity
of its founders and teachers.

In 1866 the school moved to the rear of the church on Commercial
Street, between Eighth and Ninth, and continued regularly until the
departure of Rev. Mr. Hyland and wife in 1878.[8]

During the fall and winter of 1876-77 a night school, at which
bookkeeping, writing, and arithmetic were taught, was taught by Mr.
Kincaid in the Gray building.[10]

In 1878 there were at least four private schools in Astoria. Mrs.
Maxwell Young taught a school of twenty-five pupils in a building
where St. Mary's Hospital stands.[11] Miss Cora VanDusen taught a
summer session in the building near the southeast corner of Tenth and
Duane streets, which was rented by the school board and furnished to
Miss VanDusen free of charge during the vacation of the public
school.[12] When the public school opened in the fall this school was
moved to the room formerly occupied by the parish school. Professor
Worthington, principal of the public school, taught a private school
of six pupils. The fourth private school was taught by Miss Johnson.

The increase in the number of private schools was due to two causes:
dissatisfaction in some quarters with some action of the principal of
the "lower town school,"[11] and the great increase in the school
population. The latter cause was no doubt the more potent. At this
time there were over five hundred children of school age in Astoria.

In 1881-82 Miss Hewett conducted a private school at Grace Church,
with an average attendance of twenty-six pupils and an enrollment of
forty-six.

From 1886 to 1895 Miss Emma C. Warren conducted a private school on
Exchange Street, between Eleventh and Twelfth. This was by far the
largest and most pretentious private school ever opened in Astoria,
and yet represented only to a very small degree the idea antagonistic
to the public school. All the grammar grades were taught, and also
classes in advanced subjects, including Latin and German.[13] This
school occupied to a great extent the place that should have been
filled by a public high school. With the establishment of the high
school in 1890-91 its field of usefulness was greatly limited, and in
1895 it was merged into the high school by the employment of the
principal, Miss Warren, as the head of the department of English and
English Literature, and the entrance of most of the pupils of Miss
Warren's school into the high school.[13]


THE PUBLIC SCHOOL.

The earliest schools of Astoria were supported by private funds, yet
the payment of any fixed sum was not made a condition for entrance.
They were supported by private subscription for the benefit of all the
children of the town.

In 1854 District No. 1 was established, and included a large tract of
land bounded by Young's River, from the falls to its juncture with
Columbia, the Columbia River and a zigzag line starting near
Thirty-eighth Street, and connecting the Columbia River with the
Young's River Falls.[14] To this district, in October of the same
year, was paid the sum of $20, all the school money then
available.[14] The next year, under the revised law of 1853-54, the
county fund yielded more, and District No. 1 received $104.77. A part
of this amount was from tax, and the rest from fines.[14]

The first school taught after the district was organized, as near as
can be ascertained (there are no records in existence), was taught in
what was known as the "Old Methodist Church,"[15] a building erected
in 1853-54,[16] on a piece of land donated for church and school
purposes,[17] by James Welch, to the trustees of the Methodist Church.
J. W. Wayne was probably the first teacher in the district. Nothing is
known of the condition of the school, except that there were very few
in attendance, and the school was in session only a very few months.
Miss Liza Lincoln, Mrs. Hill, an English lady, and Mr. Moore, are
names associated with the early schools, but the exact time of their
service is not known, but all taught school some time before 1856.

In that year Judge A. A. Skinner took charge of the public school in a
building near Bain's Mill, known as the "Holman House."[18] He was
assisted by Mrs. Skinner, _nee_ Miss Lincoln. The next year the public
school was taught by Mr. Brown in the "old hospital" building,
situated between Ninth and Tenth streets, on Duane. Mr. Brown is
remembered for his skill in handling the large boys.[18] He was
succeeded by Mr. Maxwell.

Up to this time the district had been without a schoolhouse, but in
1859 a building was erected on the corner of Ninth and Exchange
streets. J. T. Maulsby taught the first term of school in it in 1860.
The school was now too large for one teacher and the following year
the board engaged the services of J. D. Deardorff and wife. He was a
man of ability in his line of work and was well liked by both parents
and pupils.[18] During the next term he was assisted by Mrs. Dr.
Owens-Adair,[19] and the year following by Mr. Williamson,[18] a
college bred man, who assisted much in building up the reputation of
the school. Under Mr. Deardorff's management a nine or ten months'
term was taught each year, and there were between ninety and one
hundred pupils in attendance.[20] Astoria was maintaining an expensive
school, and the money for its support was raised almost entirely by
tax and private subscription,[20] as the money from the county school
fund was inconsiderable at this time. This fund yielded to the
district $132.50 in 1861, $149.80 in 1862, and $92.85 in 1863.[21]
There is no record of tuition ever having been charged the pupils of
the district. While Mr. Deardorff taught advanced classes were formed
and pupils who had finished the ordinary grades of the school were
enabled to continue their education.[22] Later opposition to these
classes arose and finally the school board decided that only studies
of the grammar grade should be taught. When this order was carried
into effect, during Mr. R. K. Warren's term as teacher, a vigorous
protest was made against it, and its enforcement caused much
dissatisfaction.[22]

The Grace Church Parish School had just been organized, and, no doubt,
profited by the dissension in the ranks of the friends of the public
school. The increasing burden of maintaining the school and the
presence of the parish school ready to receive the advanced pupils,
gave strength to the position of those who were opposed to teaching
branches above the grade of the ordinary district school.

In 1865 there was an average attendance of one hundred and ten pupils
and a nine months' term.[23] This year the four districts of the
county received $460.72 from the county fund and raised $2,308.49 by
district tax.[23]

In 1868-69 the average attendance in the public schools had dropped
to eighty-four,[24] caused, in all probability, by the exclusion of
the advanced classes and their transfer to the Grace Church Parish
School.

Mr. Finlayson and wife and Professor Robb were the teachers between
1865 and 1869. From 1869 to 1873 very little change in the condition
of the school is noted, except that there was a slight increase in
attendance due to the return to the policy of providing instruction
for all who had finished the grammar grades. In 1872 the state school
fund became available and District No. 1 received $110.80 in coin and
$111.95 in currency.[14]

In 1873 Prof. W. L. Worthington, a very able instructor, was elected
principal, and remained several years. More than one hundred children
were in attendance in 1873,[25] and the citizens of Astoria were
justly proud of their school. The _Astorian_ in its initial number[25]
says: "We notice that the school is well supplied with maps, charts,
dictionaries, gazetteers, atlases, etc. We doubt that any common
school in Oregon is better supplied with such articles. * * The public
school affords every opportunity for getting a good English
education." The teachers were Professor Worthington, principal; Miss
Watt and Miss Lawrence, assistants.[25]

The history from 1873 is concerned chiefly with the rapid increase in
the school population, the division of the district into six separate
districts, the subsequent consolidation of all these districts, the
final readjustment of the boundaries, so as to include only the
schools within the corporate limits of Astoria, and the establishment
of the high school, as the completion of the city's educational
system.

District No. 9, the "Upper Astoria" district, was established in
1868, but no school was taught here until 1874. Mrs. W. W. Parker, who
taught the first term of school in the district, had a school of
fifteen pupils, and received as compensation $75 per month and
board.[26] T. P. Powers organized the district, and when over seventy
years of age taught a term of three months in this district in order
that the right to draw school money should not be forfeited.

The population of Astoria in the two years between 1874-76 nearly
doubled, owing to the rapid growth of the fishing industry, and the
schools were not able to keep pace with this growth.[27] In 1878 there
were over two hundred pupils in actual attendance at the "lower
schoolhouse." Professor Worthington, the principal, was assisted by
Miss Brown, Miss McGregor, Miss Neale, and Miss Hewett.[28] In the
first, or highest grade, algebra, physiology, and natural philosophy
were taught.[28] The _Astorian_ says of the school: "The public school
of Astoria is divided into three grades, with three classes in each
grade. There has been a written examination in three of the grades
[probably classes]. In this examination great care has been taken to
make it impossible for the pupils to derive any assistance from
text-books or from friends."[28]

This crowded condition lasted until 1880 when a temporary relief was
afforded by the establishment of District No. 9 and the building of
two of the six rooms of the Shirely school. A ten-mill tax was levied
for this purpose.

The sudden increase in the school population brought with it such a
large proportion of the county and state school fund that the money
from this source, amounting to $1,953.67,[29] paid the entire cost of
the school during the year 1876, the six-mill tax not having been
used. "The district is now out of debt, and has $250 cash on
hand."[30]

The erection of a new school building was the main question before the
taxpayers at the school meeting of 1882. That it was a necessity was
admitted by all. The _Astorian_ said editorially: "There are three
things Astoria needs--and we place them in their relative
importance--a new schoolhouse, a flouring mill, and a new
theater."[31]

At the meeting held April 24, 1882, four mills for current expenses
and five mills for building purposes were levied and a new schoolhouse
ordered built.[32] The present McClure is the result of that meeting.

District No. 26, known locally as Alderbrook, was established in 1890.

By a legislative act of 1892 the four districts, now included in the
city schools, together with the schools at John Days and Walluski,
were consolidated into one district of the first class. This
arrangement proved unsatisfactory, and in 1899 the boundaries were
again changed so as to exclude the two districts lying outside the
corporate limits of the city.

During the fifty years that the public school system has been in
existence the school population has increased an hundredfold. The
distance between "upper" and "lower" Astoria, the rapid growth of the
town during the seventies, made the division of the district almost a
necessity. The gradual growing together of the two parts of the town
making the interchange of classes possible and the consequent
improvement of the schools with a lessening of the expense of
maintaining them led to the consolidation in 1893 and the readjustment
of the boundaries in 1899.


THE HIGH SCHOOL.

The high school is the result of a slow growth and its continued
existence is due perhaps as much to indifference as to any very active
sentiment in its favor. It started as an advanced grade of the public
school when for financial reasons it was desired to keep as many
pupils as possible in attendance. The presence of the large pupils and
the quality of the work done gave the school a standing in outside
districts and created a feeling of pride in the citizens of the town.
The higher classes were disbanded in 1863 or 1864. The _Marine
Gazette_ thus comments: "During the past week we have noticed
considerable discussion in doors and out about the village district
school. * * It was generally admitted that the school of eighteen
months ago, I think it was--at any rate the one that contained all the
larger boys and girls of the village with several others from Clatsop
Plains, Oysterville, etc.,--was the best school we had had for three
years or even a longer period. * * About the time named the teacher
was restricted as to the amount or kind of instruction to be given in
the school to the so-called advanced pupils. This restriction caused
the disbanding or dismissal of several classes of the largest and
oldest pupils. They quit the school, dispersed, went home, or to other
schools distant to our town."[33] Advanced studies were restored later
and became a recognized part of the course of study. The high school
sentiment, stimulated no doubt by the record of the public for
excellence in the past and to some extent by the desire to keep pace
with the standard of scholarship set by the private schools, increased
and resulted in the establishment of the present efficient high school
in 1890 and 1891.

The grammar schools are loyally supported in spite of the high rate of
taxation[34] necessary to maintain them; but there is still a well
defined sentiment against the maintenance of the high school at public
expense, though this sentiment seems to be decreasing.


WHAT THE SCHOOL HISTORY OF ASTORIA REVEALS.

The earliest schools were semi-public, though supported entirely by
private subscription. Public sentiment clearly favored the public
school and secured its establishment so soon as conditions, including
the necessary school laws, made it possible. The reason for the
predominance of this sentiment in favor of the public schools can be
found in the fact that many of the leaders in the development of the
city came from the northern and middle western states, where the idea
of public education had a firm hold. V. Boelling, S. T. McKean, W. W.
Parker, Col. James Taylor, and later Capt. George Flavel, Mrs. H. B.
Parker, John Hobson and many others were earnest advocates and liberal
supporters of public schools.

The public school has had an almost uninterrupted growth from the
beginning, and to-day shows the result of half a century of effort.

     ALFRED A. CLEVELAND.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] An historical survey of Public Education in Eugene, Oregon, by
Prof. Joseph Schafer, QUARTERLY, March, 1901.

[2] Letter of C. O. Hosford, January 22, 1903.

[3] Letter of C. O. Hosford, January 22, 1903.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Letter of E. C. Jeffers, February 3, 1903.

[6] Interview with Mr. Sam Adair.

[7] Interview with Mrs. Mary Leinweber.

[8] Interview with Rev. T. H. Hyland and wife.

[9] _Marine Gazette_, May 30, 1865.

[10] _Weekly Astorian_, December 18, 1876.

[11] Interview with Mrs. Young.

[12] Interview with Mrs. C. J. Trenchard, _nee_ Miss VanDusen.

[13] Interview with Miss Warren.

[14] County Superintendent's Record Book No. 1, 1853-1874.

[15] Interview with J. M. Welch, and others.

[16] Deed Book No. 1, Clatsop County.

[17] Interview with J. W. Welch.

[18] Interview with F. J. Taylor, and others.

[19] History of Oregon and Washington, Northwest Publishing Company,
Vol. II, pp. 502-506.

[20] Letter of Mrs. W. W. Parker, December 12, 1902.

[21] County Superintendent's Record Book No. 1, 1853-1874.

[22] _Marine Gazette_, May 30, 1865.

[23] Report of County Superintendent W. B. Gray, 1866.

[24] Report of State Superintendent to Governor Geo. L. Woods.

[25] _Astorian_, July 1, 1873.

[26] Letter of Mrs. W. W. Parker, December 12, 1902.

[27] _Weekly Astorian_, February 5, 1876.

[28] _Weekly Astorian_, December 31, 1878.

[29] County Superintendent's Record Book No. 1, 1853-1874.

[30] _Weekly Astorian_, April 8, 1876.

[31] _Daily Astorian_, April 4, 1882.

[32] _Daily Astorian_, April 25, 1882.

[33] _Marine Gazette_, May 30, 1865.

[34] An eleven-mill tax was levied at the last school meeting.




AN OBJECT LESSON IN PATERNALISM


Even among those who have devoted their lives to the study of
sociological problems, there is much difference of opinion as to the
quantitative and qualitative influence of certain social conditions in
producing the generally admitted bad or adverse phases of human
society.

At one time we read that poverty degrades men morally, and we peruse
carefully prepared and apparently veracious tables showing that in the
older countries there is an unfailing correspondence between criminal
statistics and the price of bread; the per cent of offenses against
persons and property increasing with the cost of the necessaries of
life and diminishing with the amount of human exertion required to
obtain them. Such is the generally received opinion of the common
people, and we hear from the political platform and see in the
publications of reform parties the assertion that it is useless to
preach morals to those whose minds are mainly occupied in devising
means to keep the wolf from the door.

Those of our citizens who have given special attention to the
debauching effects of the drink habit, call upon all to come to the
rescue of American homes and American institutions, by banishing the
American saloon, to which comes the response that poverty is the
principal cause of intemperance and its incidents, and that the first
duty of patriots is to remove poverty.

Equally certain and circumstantial, on the other hand, are those who
affirm that there is no necessary connection between poverty and
criminality, and that, as a general rule, debauchery and consequent
decadence of moral faculty go hand in hand with material prosperity;
and if mixed coincidence can establish casual connection, they are
not at fault, for long before Goldsmith wrote of the time "When wealth
accumulates and men decay," keen eyed observers had connected a
general laxity of morals with the abundance and diffusion of wealth.
The failure of intertropical countries to furnish high grade men of
morals and intellect, Doctor Draper attributes, not more to the
enervating influence of heat, than to the ease with which human beings
supply themselves with the necessaries of life. Coming down to the
present period, it is common knowledge--the expanding profligacy and
criminality of the mining camps where men could obtain extravagant
wages in gold for services which in other pursuits would yield them a
scanty living.

Probably from such lump comparisons and crude observations, under
complex conditions, have arisen two schools of social economists, one
whose principal and primary aim is to abolish poverty as the chief
obstacle in the way of human progress, and the other whose purpose is
not definitely stated, but which conservatively clings to the _laissez
faire_ doctrine of letting every man's condition depend upon his
individual exertion; and as so far, in the world's history, poverty
has been the condition of the great mass of mankind, in spite of
individual exertion, the anti-poverty school of necessity, must resort
to collective or state control of the industries of men, and thus
relieve them from want and the fear of want, which are thought to be
so depressing upon their energies.

Just how or to what extent the state is to interfere with the
individual's management of himself, or to what extent or in what
manner he shall be relieved when he has failed to provide for his own
wants and the wants of those depending upon him, are at present
outside of any satisfactorily practical programme, and hence
collectivism may be held to include all socialistic schemes from
Bellamy up or down.

In fact, collectivism is entered upon the moment the state is
organized, for in the rudest criminal code there is a manifest attempt
to relieve the individual from the otherwise caution and care
necessary to defend his person and property; and in truth, as
government has advanced, so has collectivism advanced, until now in
the United States of America the commonwealth is giving children
primary education, supporting and caring for the deaf, blind, idiotic,
insane, and criminal classes, beside stimulating certain industries
with bounties upon production or relieving them from the disastrous
effects of free competition, by levying taxes upon competing products.
It does much more. Commerce and agriculture have been relieved of
their old time dread of the elements, for government now keeps watch
and ward over the wind and waves, and gives timely notice of
approaching disaster by land and sea. In the endeavor to pass benefits
around, hatcheries for fish, experiment stations, laboratories, and
various commissions have been organized and conducted at public
expense; likewise the mails are carried, the public lands distributed
to actual settlers or given to railroad companies, patents issued to
inventors, bounties paid for the destruction of wild animals, noxious
weeds exterminated, public officers appointed to examine food
products, to conduct experiments upon flocks and herds, and to destroy
those infected with contagious diseases.

All this and much more are the results of collectivism, and there
seems to be a constant tendency, as well as a constant demand, for
more in the same direction. Individualism is alarmed and socialism
hopeful; the former, at the encroachments upon personal liberty and
the discouragement of personal exertion, and the latter, from the
prospect of a complete disappearance of the competitive principle from
social life.

Here are two violent antagonisms, while there is no line of
demarcation between them, as well defined as the most tortuous
isothermal crossing the American continent. There is no scientific
boundary of government. As between the two disputants it is a blind
push and pull, in which neither party is satisfied with the result.
There are gradations upon either side, and long ago Herbert Spencer
became alarmed at the coming slavery, and that good man Gerritt Smith
thought government should have nothing to do with the education of
children; that it is altogether a private function and can not be
usurped by the state without serious injury to those most nearly
interested.

While, however, doctrinaires have been groping for the scientific
boundary, government has gone forward experimentally, with no chart
but experience, sometimes right and sometimes wrong, no doubt, in its
endeavors to follow the line of least resistance and do that which
seemed likely to promote the general welfare.

Granting the evident natural law that development is the result of
activity of faculty, and, as a consequence, that individual
improvement must come from individual exertion, it may be safe to say
that the scope of government should be such as to give or permit the
greatest normal and harmonious activity to the units of population, in
order to bring about the greatest amount of aggregate excellence and
happiness; and still it appears to be a matter of experience and
experiment, in which science and altruism play but a subordinate part.
Nevertheless, there should be investigation of governmental
experiments, and the great and ever recurring question is, What do
these show?

Has government help promoted individual competence, and has it
promoted the general welfare? In answering this question it will not
do to look at it as a whole; each experiment must be taken by itself,
and there must be an elimination, so far as may be, of complicating
and conflicting elements. Of course there will be no attempt in this
paper to do more than report upon a single phase of government help,
and one, too, which to my knowledge has never been utilized for
throwing light upon the great economic question. I refer to the
settlement of Oregon and Washington under government auspices. It
would seem as though there never existed more favorable conditions for
a successful experiment in planting a model colony than were found
here upon this Northwest coast. Certainly nature was lavish and the
government munificent, and if these are chiefly instrumental in
putting a community on its feet to stay, here should be found the
living proof. Let us see; and first as to the country.

The Cascade range of mountains, a high ridge bearing north and south,
nearly parallel to the eastern shore of the Pacific Ocean and about
one hundred miles therefrom, divides the states of Oregon and
Washington into two unequal parts, popularly known as Eastern and
Western Oregon and Washington. Bordering the coast of both states is
another ridge, much lower, and between these two mountain ridges, are
cross mountains connecting them, and forming valleys with independent
river systems. These western valleys are but little above the sea
level, have moist, equable climates, abundant timber, and rich soils;
while the country east of the Cascades is an elevated table-land,
sparsely wooded, quite arid, is subject to greater extremes of heat
and cold and possessed of a strongly alkaline soil.

It is to the western valleys I wish to refer in this connection, as in
these the donation land law chiefly operated until its expiration in
the year 1855. Under that law every adult male citizen and his wife,
immigrating to this coast before the year 1851, were entitled to six
hundred and forty acres of land selected by the donees in such shape
as they chose, and those coming after that time, were entitled to
three hundred and twenty acres taken by legal subdivisions. Never
before or since have such magnificent inducements been offered to
settlers, and by the close of the year 1855 nearly all of the good
lands in the Willamette, Umpqua, and Rogue River valleys were occupied
by the donees who came from every State in the Union, but chiefly from
the Mississippi Valley.

Saying that these lands were taken by families, in section and
half-section tracts, gives but a faint idea of what was acquired.
Doctor Johnson's description of the happy valley in Rasselas would be
rather too poetical to adopt for this country, as this is too far
north for people to depend upon the spontaneous productions of the
earth, but in many respects there is much similarity. The great
Doctor's fancy had not been expanded and enlightened by the vast
accomplishments of modern science and invention, whereby the forces of
nature have been utilized, and, as a consequence, his happy valley was
constructed more to gratify an indolent and dreamy æstheticism than to
promote economic industry.

In these western valleys, however, is everything that should stimulate
men to the use of all their faculties, if steady and sure returns for
exertion are better than unearned gratification of human wants and
desires. Let the reader picture to himself an evergreen valley one
hundred and fifty miles long and forty miles wide, a navigable river
running the whole length, through its middle, with numerous branches
on each side, the smaller rising in the foothills, the larger emerging
from the forest covered mountains, the rich agricultural surface of
the valley interspersed with timber and prairie in profitable
proportions, and rising in gentle hills, among which are innumerable
springs of pure, soft water, or subsiding into lowlands, here and
there dotted by buttes, and he has the Willamette Valley, said by Saxe
of Vermont to be the best poor man's country on the globe. This
picture does not represent all its advantages by any means.

Probably no farming country known has water power so abundant and
diffused as here. Niagara is unrivaled for power, but the principal
question there is one of distribution. Here the problem of
distribution is reduced to small proportions, for no village or city
is far away from water power.

The Cascade Mountains, through their whole extent, are resonant with
the clamorings of unused force, and likely, in their dark fir forests
will first be realized Edison's dreams of the application of electric
power,--trees felled, cut into saw logs and conveyed to the mill, with
little of man's help except intelligent superintendence.

To be sure the first settlers of Oregon had no such anticipations as
these, but they were not slow to perceive the advantages everywhere
around them; sawmills were erected in advance of the great bulk of the
immigration, so that immigrants were not required to go through the
experience of the first settlers of Ohio and Indiana, housing one or
two generations in log cabins.

No description of soil or surface or scenery can give an adequate
presentation of this country, as upon the climate depends nearly
everything which makes it, pre-eminently, a never failing supplier of
man's wants. In this latitude, countries east of the Rocky Mountains
have long cold winters and short hot summers, while west of the
Cascades no such extremes are ever known.

The Kuro-shiwo of Japan, a broad, deep, and warm current of ocean
water flows along our western shore, tempering the mountain air and
covering the valleys with perpetual verdure. At this writing, the
twenty-fifth of January, the fields have been once whitened with
snow, cattle are pasturing upon unfrosted grass, and wild daisies are
in bloom. Occasionally a cold wave from the north pushes seaward the
tropical warmth, when for a few days the inhabitants get a mitigated
sample of the arctic regions, but such incursions are few and far
between,--say once in ten years, and not to be compared with the
winter climate of Idaho, Montana, or the Eastern States. So seldom and
short are the periods, when the ground is frozen, that agriculture is
continuous through the whole year. In every winter month plowing is
done and grain sown.

In what country, between the parallels forty-two and forty-nine north
latitude, would cattle live through the winter upon grass, which was
the dependence of those who crossed the great plains to this coast in
the days of the pioneer? Arriving in these western valleys during the
months of September and October, their teams worn and impoverished,
were turned out upon the prairies and by midwinter were fat enough for
beef.

Such was the country and the climate of the west coast to which the
immigrants came, a land flowing with milk (no honey), beautiful and
grand beyond description, rich beyond expectation, healthful beyond
comparison; its streams abounding with fish, and its mountains with
game; a country where there has been no failure of crops, and where
blizzards, hurricanes, and cyclones are unknown.

Now a few words as to the character of the people who settled it, and
in this examination I shall try to steer clear of the poetry and
romance which are beginning to dehumanize them. It is not necessary
for the purpose of this paper to show that the pioneers were more
moral or more intelligent than those they left in the enjoyment of the
peace and comforts of well regulated society, but it is important to
know that they were a fair average in all respects as human beings,
and as this question can not be determined by a personal examination,
we must resort to the environment they voluntarily chose, or, in other
words, to the objects and conditions which impelled them to the
undertaking. The indolent and cowardly are not attracted by dangers,
and hence we infer that volunteers make better soldiers than
conscripts, and this inference is borne out by experience. Enterprises
of great danger, forlorn hopes, are not chosen by those who love ease
and quiet pleasure, but by the courageous and venturesome; those who
take pleasure in overcoming resistance, surmounting obstacles, and
braving dangers. The former are inclined to remain upon the old
homestead, under the protection of law and the restraining influence
of conservative public opinion; the latter push for the frontier, with
apparent relish for the kind of life found only on the fretful edge of
civilization. Some have assumed, therefore, that the borders are
chiefly peopled by the reckless and immoral, those who would not be
subject to proper restraint in the older communities; such an
assumption, however, is wide of the mark. Under our flag there are no
penal colonies; people go where they choose to go, and the currents of
population are determined by self-selection. Places of trial and
danger are taken by those who are not dismayed by such incidents, and
unless we are willing to admit that there is a necessary connection
between courage and criminality--that the enterprising and resolute
are as a consequence tinctured with immoral tendencies--we shall
believe what is more reasonable and in full accord with our
experience, that the manly virtues are quite compatible with the moral
attributes. I lived on the frontier, the Platte Purchase in Missouri,
right among the people who contributed in men and money to the
invasion of Kansas a few years afterwards, and I must say that I
never lived in a more hospitable and law-abiding community. The
forceful faculties were more prominent than in New England, but for
personal honor, honesty, and brotherly feeling it would compare
favorably with any portion of the United States. I had left that
country when the Kansas troubles began, and was somewhat puzzled to
reconcile the doings of the Border Ruffians with the character of the
people as I knew them, but when I considered that a large majority of
them were from the South, and, being born to the institution of
slavery, were inheritors of all that such a state of society implies,
I ceased to wonder.

Notwithstanding the great advance in biological science, the human
being is very much of an enigma, and, however well disposed he may be
from natural endowment, we can not guess what he may do until his
previous environment has been examined. Suppose John Brown had been
born and raised in the South, and had read his Bible through Southern
spectacles, and had heard the Word expounded by devout defenders of
the patriarchal institution, would he not have been found praying and
fighting with Stonewall Jackson when the time came for war?

A large proportion of the pioneers were from Missouri, and at the time
of the adoption of our constitution, which submitted the question of
slavery to a popular vote, much solicitude was felt by anti-slavery
men as to the result. Argument and inquiry were on the wing, and there
was eminent opportunity, not only to learn the opinions and wishes of
men but how those opinions and wishes came to be formed. Some of the
ablest and best advocates of a free state were from the South and some
of those who voted to fasten the relic of barbarism upon this free
soil were from the North. One solid, earnest, but uneducated free
state man, born and raised in Kentucky, and a resident of Missouri
for several years just before coming to the Oregon Territory, was
asked as to the evolution of his opinion and answered "that when
living in his native State, a doubt as to the rightfulness of slavery
had never crossed his mind; that he regarded abolitionists the same as
horse thieves, and would have meted out to them the same punishment;
that when he got to northern Missouri, where there were but few
slaves, he was struck with the difference he felt and saw, as respects
social conditions; people were more on an equality; that conservative
deference paid to slaveholders was conspicuous by its absence, and
when he got to Oregon, the spirit of abolitionism was in the air." He
thought that if the good people of Kentucky could experience what he
had they would clear slavery from that state in a year. I was
intimately acquainted with that man for thirty years, and I am
confident that I never saw one more honest and truthful, or one more
ready to assist in reforms or more willing to be informed. Ignorance
was his sin, as it was of the majority of those subject to the malign
influence of slavery, and yet in his native State he was a possible
border ruffian. What an honest, earnest man believes to be right he
will defend, and for his convictions there is always a higher law to
which he will appeal, notwithstanding the limitations of statutes and
constitutions.

Though a Webster might lose himself in adoration of the Federal Union
and an Everett offer up his mother a living sacrifice to preserve it,
it is to the credit of human nature that human rights, human
interests, human convictions and affections stand nearer and dearer to
the people than any mere machinery of human government. The
abolitionists believed the Constitution of the United States was a
covenant with Death and a league with Hell, and they protested with
all their soul and strength; to those Southerners reared to believe in
the divinity of slavery, the Constitution was a worthless rag, for it
did not protect them in their supposed rights. To the men of earnest
convictions on both sides we owe our present disenthrallment.

The foregoing apparent digression has been indulged for the reason
that the Oregon people were severely criticised and denounced in
connection with our Indian wars, spoilation claims, and the votes cast
in favor of slavery upon the adoption of our free constitution; and
also for the reason that the aspect of character has a sociological
bearing.

Advanced evolutionists include with their scientific shibboleth, "the
survival of the fittest," an ethical element, when applied to
civilized society. The early settlements here were singularly free
from transgressors. There was no criminal code and no courts of law up
to the time of the provisional government. Every man was a law unto
himself, and it is said there was no offense against person or
property of sufficient importance to require them. These were halcyon
days, often referred to by old Oregonians, who say that crime and
criminals were unknown until society was put under the tantalizing
reign of law. I have heard not a few, in referring to the good old
times, express the opinion that mankind are governed too much by
statute and thereby released, in a great degree, from moral restraint.

There is occasionally an old settler so impressed with pioneer
equality, fraternity, and purity, that he lays all subsequent social
disturbance to the provoking interference of legal machinery with
natural rights, and he longs "for a lodge in some vast wilderness"
where he can end his days in peace, away from penalties and penal
institutions and the temptations which civil government offers to the
predatory instincts of men.

Such logical metonomy is not mentioned here except to show that the
pioneers were lovers of peace and good order, and fully subject to
enlightened moral restraint. As before mentioned, they were peculiar
in one respect, that is, in the possession of a large share of the
executive or heroic qualities.

The Great American Desert, with its sand stretches, waterless wastes,
unbridged rivers, Rocky Mountains, and predatory savages, loomed up
deterrently to the spiritless. A four to six months' journey in
wagons, exposed to all the vicissitudes of travel and climate and the
forays of more dreadful foes, ever on the alert to dispossess
travelers of their only means of conveyance, was not to be considered
a pleasure trip.

No doubt that to a certain but undefinable extent and in numerous
ways, the circumstances and incidents to be expected on the overland
journey were selective, and yet the Oregon Pioneer, as pictured by his
eulogists, is rather a fanciful personage. Not that the incidents from
which the picture is drawn are to any unusual degree false, but that
there is too much of the commonplace left out, and so the typical
pioneer, like the typical Yankee, is a caricature. The pioneers, as a
body, were only a little different from those who were too
affectionate or diffident to start, and among them were all sorts of
people; but looking only to those who endured extraordinary
privations, to those who developed an uncommon degree of strength,
courage, and virtue, there have grown up the poetry and romance of the
pioneers, and to none is this more evident than the pioneers
themselves. At one of their annual gatherings, when an eloquent
speaker was narrating the trying incidents of the overland journey,
one of the earlier immigrants inquisitively remarked "I wonder if I
ever crossed the plains?" I was querying the same; still we must not
neglect to state that the speaker was dealing in facts. He was leaving
out so much that those who had passed the ordeal wondered if they had
ever been there. Indeed, the speakers and writers who have been called
to the task of perpetuating pioneer history have had the usual
inducements to false coloring, which has been the curse of all history
in all times.

Striking incidents, battles, sieges, marches, insurrections,
revolutions, and the leading actors in them, of such is the warp and
woof of history, until man is understood to be a mere fighting animal,
although the greater part of his life has been spent in peaceful
avocations and the greater exertion of his force and faculties has
been devoted to constructive industry.

Out of such partiality has inevitably grown the great man theory of
human progression. The student of history passes along from point to
point in the bloody trail of the historian, stopping at such
characters as Alexander, Cæsar, Charlemagne, Napoleon, etc., until
these great destroyers are looked upon as the prime factors of the
evolutionary state. Of course, these and such as these must not be
ignored or left out, for history would cease to be history without
them, but it is equally important to know that man, judged only by
them, ceases to be man. Of late an improved philosophy of history
assigns them their proper place and significance as an index of
evolution, and gives us the hopeful sign that notwithstanding the
occasional irruption of man's destructive faculties, his progress is
principally due to the subordination of the militant spirit. And now,
while the principal part of our early history, territorial and state,
is devoted to our really insignificant Indian wars and the principal
characters on both sides, it is well enough to think that the greater
constructive works of peace have been going forward with hardly a
halt, and the more sober tints are yet to be given the picture of
early Oregon times.

With such coloring as we now have of pioneer life and the passage of
the great plains, posterity will wonder, as did the pioneer before
quoted, if the pioneers ever did cross, and also what kind of people
they must have been to undertake, with such slender means, so perilous
a journey. Samuel R. Thurston, Oregon's first delegate under the
Territorial Government, advertised his constituents as "fellows who
could whip their weight in wildcats," very good electioneering taffy,
no doubt, but rather strong and really degrading language to apply to
the earnest men and women who so patiently toiled to the Northwest
coast.

Of a higher type and tone was the poetical exaggeration "only the
brave started, only the strong got through." The facts are different.
Some arrant cowards and many more physically weak persons, by some
sufficient means, found their way here. The emigrant train was not a
forlorn hope; no such test was made for membership. Neither was it a
test of patriotism; albeit every citizen is a quixotic propagator of
his republican faith. Various were the inducements in the minds of
those who left the older states for the Pacific Slope. Many, like
ex-Senator Nesmith, did not really know, as they had no well defined
purpose, but might answer in his language, and with probable truth,
that they were "impelled by a vague spirit of adventure." Restless
spirits are always ready for any move, promising unusual scope for the
exercise of their faculties. Many were along to enjoy the exhilaration
of travel, in a new, strange, and truly wonderful country. Many, long
wasted by the miasmatic fevers of the overrich and productive
Mississippi Valley, sought immunity in the untainted mountain air of
the Far West. A few of the Daniel Boone stripe were too much crowded
where inhabitants exceeded one to the square mile, and took one more
move with the hope that the hum drum of civilization would never
overtake them. A few of a poetical turn of mind, tired of the
monotony of the greater East, sought fresh inspiration and a home upon
the picturesque shores of the sunset seas.

But while all of the foregoing and many other inducements might have
been present in varying degree, the great incentive to immigration was
free land. Not only land for the landless, but land for all, and in
unstinted quantity. The scenes at Oklahoma divest the emigration to
Oregon of all mystery, and while there was probably small difference
in kind or degree of virtue between those who came and those who
remained, of one fact pioneers are cognizant, namely, that the
incidents and trials of the overland journey were a wonderful
developer and equalizer. The fictitious gloss of so-called society was
abraded, and the shams of character in which human beings had invested
themselves, like weakly oxen, were left on the road. Everywhere this
is observable, and it is often remarked that the true pioneer is never
afterward subject to an undue self-inflation. It seems as though a few
months' practice of sincere brotherhood is fatal to an offensive
amount of arrogance and egotism.

Now let us inquire as to the use and the tenacity of hold the pioneers
had for their unbought possessions. There was no sign of indolence on
their part upon arriving. The same pushing qualities which enabled
them to surmount all difficulties in getting here were not wanting
when homes were to be made and farms to be cultivated. To all
appearances the older community, with an infusion of vigor born of
success and adventure, had been transplanted upon virgin soil. Of
necessity population was sparse. In large districts, principally
settled by immigrants before 1851, there was but one family to the
square mile, and in other portions were those arriving afterwards and
settling two to the square mile. In this way a few people cover, or
rather appropriate, a large country, and their improvements, though
considerable, appear very meager. Every thing, however, was at hand;
rail timber ten cuts to the tree; cedar for shingles and shakes; poles
straight enough for rafters without hewing, and fir trees, seemingly
grown for the special purpose of house frames. The soil was favorable.
Though producing a good growth of the most nutritious native grass, it
was easily plowed, two good horses being sufficient to turn over two
acres of sod in a day, and, unlike the sward in other countries, was
mellow from the first harrowing. Many a family coming as late as
October plowed and fenced forty acres and raised from twelve hundred
to sixteen hundred bushels of wheat the next harvest, working their
cattle that hauled them across the plains and feeding them nothing but
the bunch grass upon which they pastured through the winter months.

After the discovery of gold in California, the market for all farm
products was at almost every man's door and at marvelous prices.
Butter from fifty cents to a dollar a pound; bacon from twenty-five to
fifty cents a pound; chickens from $5 to $10 per dozen; eggs from
twenty-five to fifty cents per dozen; sheep from $5 to $12 per head;
cows, $50; horses, $200; oxen from $100 to $200 per yoke; wheat from
$1 to $7 per bushel, and labor from $2 to $5 per day. Of course, such
prices gradually wore down, but the opportunity for large profits in
farming and stock raising continued for a quarter of a century. Our
public disbursements, however, were not on the same scale. Up to the
year 1859 Uncle Sam paid a good share of the governmental expenses,
and at that time our state government was organized under a
constitution that has often been called parsimonious.

The sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections of each township, or lands in
lieu thereof, were devoted by Congress to common schools; land was
also given to found a state university and agricultural college, and
five hundred thousand acres along with five per cent of the sales of
public lands were given to an internal improvement fund to be used by
the state. Add to this the swamp lands, amounting to several hundred
thousand acres of the most valuable, all given without cost, and one
might well ask, "in the name of common sense what more should a
paternal government do for a people?" And yet it has done more. Coast
defenses and lighthouses have been built, the rivers dredged, harbors
improved, something near a million dollars appropriated to cut a canal
around the cascade falls, and military roads and posts established to
protect our inhabitants from the aborigines.

In common with all the other inhabitants of the United States, we have
been suffering for the last few years from an aggravating increase of
our great American industry, politics, but until the discovery was
made, that people can grow rich by taxing themselves, the people of
Oregon were contented with small levies for public purposes. Indeed,
we have done little in the way of public improvements to create
expense. With the exception of county roads, which are mainly ungraded
dirt ways, and the bridging of streams, nothing of importance has been
attempted.

In view of all the foregoing comes the sharp contrast of the present
condition of the pioneers and their immediate descendants. In the
absence of any reliable census reports, I have been obliged to rely
upon regional inspection, taking a township here and there and tracing
up the career of the first white inhabitants. For this purpose I have
selected, for an average, one hundred square miles on the east side of
the Willamette Valley, in Marion County, which contains the state
capital, and an examination shows that sixty-six per cent of the
donation claims have passed out of the possession of the donees and
their descendants, another fifteen per cent are mortgaged for all
they are worth, and for practical purposes may be considered as lost
to them. Not more than fifteen per cent of the whole have been
ordinarily successful in holding and improving a part of their
possessions and are now free from debt. Only five of all of them have
increased their holdings and are thrifty. Eighty-seven per cent held
section claims, and it may be mentioned that the half-section
claimants were more successful in holding their own, and add very much
to the favorableness of this report. In the better part of this
county, a hundred square miles in a body might be selected where the
per cent of loss would be greater, but this was settled chiefly by
French, Scotch, and English Canadians, mountain men and trappers of
nomadic habits, who married Indian women of the whole or half-breed,
and of whose descendants less is expected, as they are passionately
fond of ardent spirits. A teetotaler of mixed blood would be a rare
sight. Neighborly, clever people, of lax business habits, and of
necessity trustful, they were soon beat out of their landed
possessions. Probably in no American community has the credit system
been so much in vogue as on this Northwest coast, and likely for the
reason that in no other place are crops so sure, and certainly in no
other place was a broad basis of credit so much at the disposal of
debtors. A family with a section of land that produces unfailing crops
at small cost, can get credit anywhere; and what a harvest it has been
for merchants and middlemen in these western valleys until recently.
Ah, man! you are, indeed, a wanting animal, one whose wants are ever
multiplying and exacting. Only a few of the race are securely
provident by immediate self-denial, and this truth applies equally to
the pioneers, those resolute men and women--

     Who kept step with the patient ox,
     And toiled by the rolling wheel,
     Drew success from the sand and rocks,
     As sparks from the flint and steel.

The heads of families did not so readily depart from their early
habits of economy, but the children soon reveled in their magnificent
possessions. Girls and boys alike became semi-nomads, or properly
speaking, fell into the ways of the baronial English or the planter
class of the South. As a consequence of their newly found competence
and leisure "they took to horse," and strange, what a fascination
comes over a human being when he takes to horse. In truth, that boy
who did not admire the splendid aboriginal equestrians of the Great
Plains and get filled with the spirit of the wild and free, as he saw
them scurrying along the mountain side or sweeping down into the
valley with the speed of the wind; that boy must have been an
unchangeable clodhopper or a born philosopher.

Very few of them escaped the uncivilizing contamination, and many a
youth, fresh from an unfinished course at school, had his book
education cut sadly short by bestriding a cayuse and becoming a
practical cowboy. The infatuation was not confined to the boys. The
girls, too, had as much fondness for the noble brute, and were as
expert and graceful in his management. Some of them have ridden
seventy-five miles in a day. As a means of social communication at
that time it had no equal; and for stock raising and the round-up in
such a country, the horseman was unapproachable. Still, with all such
advantages, and they were many, which could have been turned into
permanent profit, the cowboy generation, though having a "heap of
fun," and no doubt genuine pleasure, let the earth slip from under his
feet. How could it be otherwise? Who could deny them? A party of boys
and girls on their favorite steeds, the former in leggings, bell
spurs, and the graceful sirrapa; the latter in the freshness of
physical beauty and bedecked with flowing skirts and scarlet streaming
sash--when such a cavalcade went galloping over the prairies with a
speed that put to shame a Sheridan's ride, what parent could or would
deny them.

Well, the parents did not deny them this and other diversions from
gainful industry, and, little by little, the princely donations of
land went into the till of the shopkeeper or the safe of the money
changer. Landless and moneyless, they scattered over the country, and,
as it were, dropped into all kinds of callings. Many of them have gone
east of the Cascades and taken homesteads and pre-emptions in the arid
regions, and there upon the bunch grass lands have gained a living and
some a competence by stock raising and wool growing. Others followed
up the streams into the mountains and in some narrow valley made a
home away from the every day temptations of the lowlanders. Others
went to the coast. Many of the young have found ample success in other
avocations and do not regret the loss of the parental donations. They
are found on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, in the governmental
employ, in college faculties, and in all honorable pursuits. Only a
few have ignobly failed, and those few do not invalidate the maxim
that "where there is a will there is a way" for falling into the drink
habit they lost their wills.

In conclusion, I am not willing to assert that the policy of the
general government, in donating land as a reward for taking possession
of this Northwest coast, was not a wise policy or that it was an
injury to the donees, though in the main they failed to keep the gift,
but the lesson is none the less valuable; and what is it but a
confirmation of the general truth that "necessity is the mother of
invention," the spur to exertion, and that success in this life is to
be obtained only through the school of experience as the reward of
continued and temperate effort. As there is no royal road to knowledge
so there is no royal road to wealth or any other valuable acquisition;
and it is not proper to confine this edict of fate to mere material
things, although to be fed and clothed is the first and most imperious
demand of nature. Man in all of his successful undertakings is an
evolutionary being. Whether intellectually, morally, or physically
considered, he keeps best what he has produced, what he has earned. As
a hard and fast donee, he is not a success; as a beggar, he is
disgusting even to himself. Sometimes he needs charity, but always
justice.

     T. W. DAVENPORT.




GLIMPSES OF EARLY DAYS IN OREGON.


It would be difficult, indeed, to find anything new to say of
pioneering or pioneers, and useless to trace the pioneers along their
journey across the Plains. We will pass over an interval of eight
months and introduce our loved fathers and mothers on their arrival at
where Portland now stands.

On the first of November, 1845, after a journey of eight months of
inconceivable hardships, a small party of those pioneers first stepped
on the banks of the grand Willamette River, near where Morrison Street
is now located. The rays of the setting sun casting their light and
shade o'er the beautiful landscape, impressed the beholders with a
deep feeling of thankfulness that they were permitted to reach the new
land, and stand on the shore of the wonderful river of the west. The
wind murmuring through the branches of the stately fir bade them
welcome, and the old trees served as shelter for the next two months.
With the aid of flint, steel, and powder, a large camp fire was soon
burning brightly, casting a rich glow o'er the magnificent wall of
forest trees. It was a picturesque scene. The soft moonlight, the
sparkle of the water, the lurid light from the resinous fire, formed a
scene worthy of a painter's skill. They sat around the fire for hours
reveling in the luxury of rest; and they arrived destitute in all save
character, determination, and self-reliance. With such sterling
qualities failure was impossible.

The little company did not retire early, as they were forming plans
for their future work. At a late hour buffalo robes and blankets were
spread on the ground, and soon all were lost in sleep. The only sound
that broke the silence was the yelp of the prowling coyote.

With the first rosy blushes of the dawn the men began to rise, and
before the sun was fairly over the horizon the sound and echoes of
their axes brought cheer to our mothers' hearts, for they knew ere
long homes would shelter them from the winter's storms. Weeks of hard
labor were required to fell the trees, and clear away the brush, and
prepare the site on which to build. Trees were cut the proper length,
one side of the log hewed smooth with a broadax, and fitted so they
would join at the corners and lie compact. It was no easy task, but
our loved pioneers, with only a saw, auger and ax, broadaxe and adze
would put to shame some of the more modern workmen. Logs for the
puncheon floors were split and smoothed with an adze, and fitted close
together, making a warm and solid floor. The structure raised to a
proper height, poles were used for rafters; some of the logs were cut
three feet in length, from which shakes were made and used in place of
shingles. The fireplace and chimney was built with sticks and
plastered inside and out with a thick coating of clay. Some had a
stout iron bar securely fastened on one side of the large fireplace;
on this bar, which was called a crane, iron hooks were placed, on
which the teakettle and other cooking utensils were hung; all cooking
and baking was done before the open fire and broad clay hearth.
Windows were a sort of sliding door in the wall, without glass. The
furniture was extremely simple, being split out of fir or cedar trees,
and, if not elegant, was substantial; doors were also made of shakes,
and hung on wooden hinges. Wooden pegs were used in place of nails.
Rough bedsteads were placed in one corner of the large room, the
trundle bed pushed under it during the day, and at night drawn out
ready for the little ones. For one to see the number of sweet faces
and bright eyes of the many children lying in their beds, the scene
would put the old woman who lived in her shoe far in the minority.
Large quantities of moss stripped from the trees made good mattresses;
with buffalo robes and blankets they had comfortable beds. Their
primitive cabins completed ready for occupancy, with heartfelt
thankfulness they left the shelter of the trees for their first Oregon
home.

The latchstring, like a welcome hand, bade them enter. A bright fire
greeted them with her golden rays and warmth, and the sound of the
teakettle, cheerily singing, they catch the glad refrain and quickly
joined with--

     "Home! Home! sweet, sweet home!
     Be it ever so humble,
     There's no place like home."

How well they realized the true meaning of home, as no roof had
sheltered them for the past ten months. As the family gathered around
the ruddy light of the cheerful fire, which was their only light,
plans were made to visit Oregon City for supplies of food and
clothing. Indians, with their canoes, conveyed them to their
destination. Soon wheat, bolts of flannel, with other necessary
articles, were purchased and shipped; fathers stepped on board, and
the trusty Indian with a stroke of the paddle sent the frail craft
swiftly gliding o'er limpid water. Ere long they were rushing over the
Clackamas rapids, which in hurried haste, flows on and yet is never
gone. As the sun was sinking behind the hills, they reached home,
where the anxious mother, blinded by tears of gladness, thanked God
for the much needed supply of clothing and wheat, which was their only
bread. Deer and other game were plentiful, and easily brought down by
their trusty rifle. Salmon was bought of the Indians. Ducks, geese,
and swan were numerous. All winter mothers were kept busy cutting and
making clothing for the entire household; also teaching their
daughters how to sew, knit, and attend to general housework; and if
mothers were sick they did the work with willing hands. The canoe and
bateaux were their only means of transportation. Neighbors would
surprise the family by bringing their violins, and spending the
evening talking and dancing. The large room would be cleared of all
furniture, which was placed in the loft where the small children were
put to bed; soon the merry sound of tripping feet were keeping time to
Money Musk, and other old time music, the old men talked over the
possibilities of Oregon. One thought bridges would span the
Willamette; others shook their heads, saying not while we live. Our
children may live to see one. Others thought railroads would be built
across the continent; all looked at the speaker and echoed "A
railroad! Never, over those mountains. Why, man, no one in God's world
will live to see that day. Steamers and ships will come, but no
railroad."

Our pioneer mothers made their dresses with plain skirts; waists were
sewed onto the skirt; sleeves were much like those worn by the women
of to-day. Their hair was combed smooth by their forehead and wound in
a coil high on their head, many wore side combs, a high back comb held
their coil of glossy hair. Hairpins were an unknown luxury. White
handkerchiefs were worn in place of collars, and they looked very
pretty crossed or tied in a bow at the throat. All were deft with the
needle, also weaving; those who have the rare blue and gray
counterpanes, manufactured by their willing hands, possess an heirloom
of great value.

In the spring of 1846 gardens were made by those living on farms, from
which early vegetables were procured, and in the fall many bushels of
potatoes, pease, and other vegetables were stored; of summer fruit
there were wild strawberries, and later raspberries and blackberries,
of which large quantities were picked and dried; also hazel bushes,
producing nuts in abundance, which were gathered and stored for winter
use. There was not much buying and selling, except of wheat, which was
used as currency, as well as for food. Portland was founded in 1845 by
pioneers who were quick to see the magnitude and resources of the
country. J. B. Stephens, who was a cooper, saw the large revenue to be
made by exporting salmon, and soon began making barrels and kegs, from
which he netted a large profit. The first tannery built in Portland
was erected near where the exposition building is located, by D. H.
Lownesdale, who had the honor of introducing a new circulating medium,
which was Oregon tanned leather.

In 1845 the first ferry from the east bank to the west shore was a
canoe.

In 1845 Portland was named.

In 1846 the first blacksmith shop was erected on the northwest corner
of First and Morrison streets.

In 1847 H. Luelling brought the first grafted fruit trees to the
Northwest. His famous nursery was located near Milwaukie.

In 1847 Captain Crosby built the first frame house; others soon
followed. Hotels, stores, and business houses were also erected. At
that time the United States mail arrived yearly.

In 1848 the first Methodist Church was organized in Portland, and a
church building was begun by J. H. Wilbur; doing good for others was
his greatest pleasure. Blessed be his name!

In 1850 the first Congregational Church was erected on the northwest
corner of Second and Jefferson streets. The oldest Congregational
Church in Oregon was organized in 1842 at or near Hillsboro. The
second was organized in 1844 at Oregon City by Harvey Clark, with
three members; he also organized the first Congregational Church in
Forest Grove; his many golden words and good examples are his living
monument.

In 1849 Colonel William King built the first sawmill ever built in
Portland, which was run by water power. Soon after it was finished it
was destroyed by fire.

In 1850 W. P. Abrams and C. A. Reed erected the first steam sawmill in
Oregon on the river bank near where Jefferson Street is located. This
proved a profitable enterprise. Just south of the mill was an Indian
encampment, occupied by different tribes. Their wigwams were
constructed of bark and brush. Squaws sat on mats, weaving their water
tight baskets, often very prettily decorated, while the Indian men
lounged about in scarlet blankets, as if posing for a picture, and
their children sat in their canoes gliding o'er the water with
swanlike grace. Information had been circulated among them that the
mill would be started up on a certain afternoon, and all were curious
to see the working of this new evidence of the white man's
superiority. At the stated time the Indians were in and around the
mill; suddenly the steam whistle sounded its shrill shrieks in a
continuous blood curdling blast, which sent every Indian man, woman
and child fleeing for their lives into the dense woods. It was a long
time before they could be induced to go near the mill.

In 1847, 1848, and 1849 many emigrants arrived who settled in
Portland, adding thrift and push to our small colony. The discovery of
gold in California on the twenty-fourth of January, 1848, caused
Portland to look like a deserted hamlet, as all men and boys caught
the gold fever and started for the golden shores of California, where
many were killed by the Digger Indians; others died of various
diseases, and some returned home broken in health, while others
returned with their hard earned gold. Ships arrived yearly in Oregon
with supplies for the Hudson Bay Company, by way of the Sandwich
Islands.

In 1849 twenty vessels arrived, and quickly loaded with flour, salmon,
pork, shingles, lumber, and other products, which they carried to the
California market. From that time Portland began laying aside her
swaddling clothes. The first mayor of Portland was Hugh D. O'Bryant,
who was elected in 1851. When the city was incorporated it was in
Washington County, and the people from Portland had to go to Hillsboro
to hold court. In 1856 a meeting of the citizens of Portland was
called to organize a volunteer company to protect the people and
property, in case of an Indian outbreak; two hundred names were
enrolled and H. W. Davis was appointed captain.

In 1850 the steamer Lot Whitcombe was built at Milwaukie, Oregon. In
1851 the steamers Eagle and Black Hawk were running between Portland
and Oregon City, where those who wished to proceed farther south,
would walk to Canemah and there board the steamer Beaver or Enterprise
which would convey them to any of these points: Butteville, Champoeg,
Mission Bottom, or Salem. Steamers Belle and Fashion were running
between Portland and the Cascades.

In 1853 David Monnastes and H. W. Davis erected a foundry on First
Street. Many other industries were established.

Among the pioneer doctors were Doctors Hawthorne and Lorrea, who
erected the first hospital on Taylor, between First and Second
streets. Soon after they selected a beautiful location in East
Portland, surrounded by forest trees, and erected a home for the
insane.

In 1853 W. S. Ladd built the first brick building in Portland. Others
soon followed, and frame houses were now in evidence, and the log
cabin in which so many happy hours were spent around the great
fireside was fast disappearing, although built from necessity, not
choice--happy memories of it still linger which time can not efface.

In 1850 several families left Portland to reside on their donation
land claims. I will describe one of these homes: A frame house with
large rooms, papered, and woodwork painted, glass windows, sitting
room with a large brick fireplace, with a mantle of oak, easy chairs,
a large mirror, table, and a corner cupboard filled with dishes. The
kitchen was furnished with a cook stove and all other necessary
articles. Feather beds were now in use. This house was erected near
the bank of the ever beautiful Willamette. On the west a creek glided
in sparkling beauty by the kitchen door, supplying the household with
cold mountain water. Memory loves to recall those scenes. In a garden
early vegetables and a variety of flower seeds were growing. A large
frame barn stood on the hill, with pigpen and chicken house close by;
a woodshed filled with wood stood near the back gate. In the fall,
when it was time to garner the wheat, oats, or hay, neighbors,
bringing their scythes and other instruments used to mow the harvest,
would surprise the farmer at early dawn, saying, "Well, neighbor, I
have come to help you with your harvesting;" and they never left until
the bountiful crop had been garnered. The golden rule, do unto others
as you would have them do unto you, was lived and practiced and
represents to us that period in our social system when a neighborhood
was as one great family.

In 1849 a mint was erected in Oregon City to coin five- and ten-dollar
gold pieces, which were known as beaver money.

In the fall of 1849 a party of Oregonians, embarked on a sailing
vessel, left California for Portland. The captain proved to be a most
unkind and brutal master, not only to the sailors but to the
passengers, who were compelled to eat the worst of food. After sailing
for twenty-two days they encountered a violent gale, and were driven
out of their course. As they were nearing the Columbia-river bar the
vessel was drawn into the breakers at North Beach and was deserted by
captain, crew, and passengers, who in their haste to save themselves
forgot their gold. On reaching shore they were exhausted and were
obliged to walk around the entire night to keep from freezing. In the
early morning they saw smoke a short distance up the beach. Each man
hurried to the scene. They found a comfortable house where they were
made to feel at home in true pioneer style by the owner, a Mr.
Johnson, who was, as all Scotchmen are, loyal and hospitable. As they
were in a weakened condition the good man gave them a small quantity
of food at first, which was fish cooked on the point of a stick held
before the fire. All agreed that was the best food they had ever
eaten. Now they related their hardships encountered on the voyage. Mr.
Johnson sent out his Indians with instructions to reach the wreck and
bring everything available ashore. This order seemed scarcely
possible, but the brave Indians went through the breakers, reaching
the vessel, and before night brought all the sacks of gold dust and
many articles of wearing apparel ashore, where each man could claim
his own. The party remained several days with their benefactor, who
kindly conveyed them to Astoria.

In 1854 Thomas Fraser was the first to agitate the public school
question. The following public spirited men were present: Thomas
Fraser, W. S. Ladd, Josiah Failing, H. W. Corbett, P. Raleigh, A. D.
Shelby, T. N. Larkin, A. L. Davis, C. Abrams, L. Limerick. All of
these noble and unselfish men, except one, have passed on to their
higher home--H. W. Corbett, the surviving one, a pioneer of 1851,
loved, honored, and justly called the Father of Portland, is still the
first to give his time and money for the betterment and upbuilding of
the city and state. God grant that he may be spared many, many more
years. No monument need be erected to their memory. The nobility of
their lifework is woven and cemented deeply in the hearts of the
people.

December, 1855, Multnomah County was organized. In January following
L. Limerick was appointed county school superintendent. December 4,
1850, the first weekly _Oregonian_ was published in Portland by T. J.
Dryer. In 1851 the first regular monthly mail service began between
Portland and San Francisco, per steamer Columbia.

Before Oregon was admitted to the Union in 1859 the log cabins had
been cleared away, showing the pioneers were progressive.

In 1858 C. Stewart erected the first theatre building in Portland.

_Wilcox School_--The first day school of any kind was opened in
Portland in the fall of 1847, by Dr. Ralph Wilcox. It was conducted in
a house erected by Mr. McNemee at the foot of Taylor Street. It was
properly a private school and continued one quarter. The names of some
of the pupils are given: Frances McNemee (now Mrs. E. J. Northup), her
brothers Moses, Adam, and William; Charlotte Terwilliger (now Mrs. C.
M. Cartwright), Milton Doan's children--Sarah, Mary, Peter and John,
Henry Hill, Helen Hill (now Mrs. Wm. Powell), J. Miller,--Murphy, Lucy
and Charlotte Barnes, Emma and Sarah Ross, Lorenzo Terwilliger, and
John Terwilliger. Doctor Wilcox came to Oregon in 1845.

_Carter School_--In February, 1848, Miss Julia Carter taught school in
a log cabin on the corner of Second and Stark streets. She had thirty
or more pupils. Those who attended Doctor Wilcox's school, also these
additional: John Cullen, Carrie Polk, the Warren girls--one now Mrs.
Richard White, the other Mrs. D. C. Coleman; Milton, John, Albert,
Matilda, and Susan Apperson, were her pupils.

_Hyde School_--In the winter of 1848 and 1849, Aaron J. Hyde taught
school in what was known as the Cooper shop, which was the only public
hall in Portland. It was located on the west side of First Street,
between Morrison and Yamhill streets.

_Lyman School_--Late in December, 1849, Rev. Horace Lyman opened a
school in a frame building, which was built by Col. Wm. King for
church and school purposes. It was located on First Street, second
door north of Oak. On this building was placed a bell, which weighed
about three hundred pounds. Stephen Coffin bought this bell at his own
expense. Rev. Jas. H. Wilbur bought the bell of Mr. Coffin and placed
it on the First Methodist Church. It now hangs in the steeple of the
Taylor-street M. E. Church. He taught three months, had forty pupils.
Among his pupils he recalls the Coffins, Chapmans, Parrishes, Kings,
Hills, Terwilligers, Appersons, Watts, and McNemees.

_Delos Jefferson School_--In August, 1850, Delos Jefferson, now a
farmer of Marion County, opened a school and taught three months.

_Reed School_--In April, 1850, Cyrus A. Reed taught school for three
months. He had an average of sixty pupils. Among his pupils he recalls
the names, Carters, Cullen, Coffin, Hill, Chapman, Terwilliger,
Parrishes, Stephens, McNemee, and Watts. There was no other district
organization.

_Rev. Doane's School_--Following Mr. Jefferson, came Rev. N. Doane,
then and now a minister of the M. E. Church. He taught nine months,
beginning December 1, 1850. To the former lists of pupils he adds
Davises, Crosbys, Lownesdale, and Parrishes.

_Central School_--The Central School occupied the present site of the
Portland Hotel. Monday, May 18, 1858, the first school in the Central
Building was opened by L. L. Terwilliger, principal, with two
assistants, Mrs. Mary J. Hensill and Owen Connelly. From the records I
find that up to July 23, 1858, two hundred and eighty different pupils
had been enrolled. The names of pupils, parents, and residences are on
record. Of all the residences noted, but two were west of Seventh
Street. Those two were F. M. Warren and Wm. H. King. Most of the
residences were on First, Second, Third, and Fourth streets, with
quite a number in Couch's Addition. Mr. Terwilliger was principal of
the Central School for two and a quarter years.

_Bishop Scott's Academy_--Was opened in the spring of 1856, at
Milwaukie.

_Saint Mary's Academy_--The oldest denominational school in Portland,
was founded in 1859 by the Sisters of the Most Holy Name of Jesus and
Mary. The first Catholic Church in Oregon was erected in 1839 at Saint
Paul, Marion County.

In 1849 a Catholic Church was dedicated in Oregon City.

In 1851 the first Catholic Church was erected in Portland, and
dedicated in 1852 by Archbishop Blanchet, who labored with zeal to
better the condition of all. Peace to his memory.

In 1845 George Abernethy, who resided in Oregon City, was chosen to
serve as governor of Oregon. He was a man of sterling qualities and
well qualified for the office, and was a pioneer of 1840. In the fall
of 1851 the academy on Seventh and Jefferson streets was opened with
C. S. Kingsley, teacher. The school was surrounded by large trees and
was a long distance from the village. No streets were improved near
the school. One could follow the cow path that wound around, and the
tinkling of the cow bell could be heard as late as 1861, when a law
was passed prohibiting cattle from roaming on the streets.


GLIMPSE OF ONE OF MANY SIMILAR SCENES ENDURED OUR LOVED PIONEERS.

In 1850 Mr. S. M. Hamilton, with his wife and four children, after a
long journey across the Plains arrived at the Cascades. They were
impressed with the towering mountains and beautiful scenery. Here they
decided to locate on a donation land claim, which is now known as
Hamilton's Island. A comfortable house soon greeted them. Mrs.
Hamilton, who is still with us, is a woman of culture and refinement,
and many owe their success in life to her loving example and words of
cheer; but dark days were hovering around their peaceful home. The
terrible news that Indians were lurking to plunder and kill had filled
their hearts with terror. Mr. Hamilton had arranged, if the outbreak
did occur, that two men were to take charge of the boat, while others
were to remain and defend their property. A bateaux lay in readiness.
On the morning of the 26th of March, 1856, the dreaded signal sounded,
striking terror to the stoutest hearts. Mr. Hamilton hurried to his
home, where wife and children were terrified. His first word was
"Mary, the Yakima Indians have attacked the men, who were working on
the portage railroad, and will soon reach our home. Your only safety
is to embark at once, with other families, who are hurrying to reach
the boat, their only means of escape." All were now on board except
one woman, who was carrying her babe, and running over the rocks as
fast as her strength would permit. One of the men who had charge of
the boat said "Push out and leave her." Mr. Hamilton placed his hand
on the boat, saying, "No, no; never leave man, woman, or child who is
in sight." By this time the woman and child were on board; quickly the
boat was in the swift current, the occupants were lying on the bottom
to escape the whizzing bullets and arrows of the savages, whose
demoniacal and blood curdling yells added terror to the mothers'
hearts. Picture the agony of those mothers as they were floating away
from loved ones and home, listening to the frightful shrieks and rapid
shooting of the Indians. For a moment the father watched the receding
craft that held all that was dear--dearer than life--not knowing when,
or if ever, they would meet again. With upturned face he exclaimed
"Oh, God, have mercy and protect the dear ones." A bullet whistled
past his head; he raised his trusty rifle, fired, one Indian fell;
again and again his rifle was reloaded and fired, each time sure of
its mark. That night his house was burned. The Indians were armed with
guns and arrows. They killed one woman and her husband; several men
were killed; after hours of suspense those in the boat sighted the
steamer Fashion. She quickly halted, taking all on board, turned back,
reaching Vancouver the following day, where the alarm was sounded, and
the steamer hurried on to Portland; there the bells tolling forth
called out the citizens, who, on hearing the terrible news began
collecting guns and ammunition; the entire population was aroused.
Nothing since the Whitman massacre had brought such sorrow to their
hearts. Early in the morning the steamer, loaded with human freight,
started for the sad scene. A steamer had left Fort Vancouver with our
illustrious Sheridan, who, with forty men reached the Cascades first.
On landing they received a volley from the Indians, who fought like
demons. Now the steamer arrived with the Portland volunteers. At the
same time Colonel Steptoe, from The Dalles, with infantry and
volunteers, arrived, who surprised the Indians, many of whom were
horse racing, others were watching Sheridan. As they saw the new
arrival of blue coats, they fled to the hills. Nine of the ring
leaders were captured and hung. To relate all the thrilling incidents
encountered by the early pioneers would fill volumes, and in
conclusion, I feel that the hallowed remembrances of all our loyal
patriotic pioneer fathers and mothers will live to the end of time, as
they braved dangers that tongue or pen fail to express, and by their
life's work each one has erected their invincible monument.

     CHARLOTTE MOFFETT CARTWRIGHT,
     Pioneer of 1845.




THE UPPER CALAPOOIA.

By GEO. O. GOODALL.


The early history of the white man in the Upper Calapooia was a quiet
and uneventful one. The travelers coming in from their long trip
across the Plains, pushed up the Willamette Valley, and, attracted by
the beautiful and fertile Calapooia Valley, with its abundance of
grass on its surrounding hills, and plentiful supply of water, settled
there to live the peaceful life of farmers or stock raisers, with very
little trouble of any kind to disturb them in their occupation of
home-making. In those early days the hills, most of which are now
heavily wooded, were free from timber and covered with beautiful
grass. One old settler said: "You can not imagine the beauty of this
country when we first came here." The Indians had kept the brush
burned down, burning over the hills each year. The white man neglected
to do this, and now in many places the grass has given way to moss and
timber.

According to the best information I could get, the first settlers came
to the Calapooia in 1846. T. A. Riggs, who came in 1847, and whose
statement is appended below, says that when he came there were three
or four settlers near where Brownsville now stands, and one, R. C.
Finley, six miles up stream. This man Finley was the settler farthest
up the stream till Riggs and his partner, Asa Moore, took up donation
claims two or three miles above Finley on Brush Creek, a tributary of
the Calapooia. From this time on more settlers came every year and
settled all along the Calapooia Valley and on streams tributary. The
settlement here preceded that in the upper Willamette to some extent,
because out in the valley there was less timber, water was less
plentiful, and the soil was not considered as good as in the
Calapooia.

Most of the settlers who came were farmers. R. C. Finley, however, was
a millwright, and in 1849[35] built a flouring mill, which still
stands, six miles above Brownsville. In 1850 Templeton built a
sawmill; in 1852 Finley built one, and in 1854 P. V. Crawford built
one near the present site of Holley. The first settlers had gone to
Oregon City for flour, and later to Salem. After Finley's mill was
built people came from as far away as the Umpqua Valley to get flour
there.

Schools were founded at an early date, the first being taught by Rev.
H. H. Spalding in a log house one mile above where Brownsville now
stands, in the summer of 1849. This was a subscription school. The
first district was organized on the Calapooia in 1853, being the third
district in Linn County. The first school after the district was
organized was taught by Robert Moore in the summer of 1853. The
churches commenced work very soon and several denominations were
represented. Joab Powell, the celebrated Baptist evangelist, used to
preach there, and gave it as his opinion that "Thar was some mighty
big sinners on the head of the Calapooia." Dr. J. N. Perkins preached
for the Christians, and Rev. H. H. Spalding for the Presbyterians.

P. V. Crawford, for whom Crawfordsville is named, was the first
regularly appointed postmaster on the Calapooia. Previous to his
appointment in 1870 there had been a supplied post office at William
Heisler's store, where Crawfordsville now is. There was never any
great number of manufacturing enterprises in the Calapooia country. A
flouring mill, a sawmill or two, and the woolen mill at Brownsville,
built about 1862, constitute the sum of such enterprises. The chief
production is still from the farm--live stock and farm produce. The
range is now greatly curtailed through growth of brush, close
pasturage, and taking up of land.

There were in this region several men who were public spirited and
prominent in Oregon affairs in early times. Foremost of all was
Delazon Smith, who lived down toward Albany, on the Albany prairie,
but was well known and claimed by all the Linn County section. Smith
was a preacher when he first lived in Oregon. On one occasion he was
heard to say, when preaching at Brownsville, that he had been urged to
give up preaching and go into law, but that he would not give up what
religion he had for all the wealth of the world. Strange to say,
however, that was really the last sermon he ever preached. Soon after
he is said to have been offered a fee of $1,000 to defend a man in a
criminal case, and from that time on he followed law and politics. He
was a member of the constitutional convention, was in the legislature,
and stumped the state with Col. E. D. Baker in the race for United
States senator. Hugh Brown, founder of Brownsville, was also prominent
in politics and was a member of the constitutional convention. J. N.
Rice and Robert Glass were in the legislature in early times, and R.
C. Finley, though not so prominent politically, was a wealthy,
liberal, public spirited man, who wielded considerable influence.

No serious Indian troubles ever came upon the settlers on the
Calapooia. T. A. Riggs tells how the Indians used to steal from the
whites, and describes a little difficulty he and a neighbor had with
them over the stealing of an ox, but the Indians of this section never
attempted to make war on the whites. At a later time, 1856, there was
a fear that the Indians on the other side of the Cascades, who were
then on the warpath, might come over and fall upon the settlers along
the Calapooia. At Fern Ridge a fort was built in anticipation of such
a contingency, but results proved their fears groundless, and that
they had perhaps given the eastern Indians credit for more energy than
they possessed.

During war times there was considerable feeling in this region. The
people were many of them from Missouri, and many were Douglas
democrats. When the war commenced a considerable number of Douglas
democrats turned Republicans. A party composed of Union men and
Douglas democrats put out a county ticket in 1862 in Linn County. It
was called the Cayuse ticket. Both Union and non-Union men formed
secret societies. The democrats organized a secret society known as
the Knights of the Golden Circle, one of its objects being to prevent
a draft. George Helm was the leading democrat at this time in this
section, and was called the "Lion of Linn." The Union men formed the
Union League, the chief object of which was to watch the democrats. It
was thought at one time that the Knights of the Golden Circle would
attempt to capture the fort at Vancouver, but no such attempt was ever
made.

As I have before stated, the course of settlement and development in
the Calapooia country was quiet and uneventful. The settlers were at
first all poor, all subject to the hardships incident to living in a
new country, shut off from many conveniences of an older community,
and obliged to ascertain by experiment what crops paid best and how
they were best handled. Currency was scarce in the settlement and
wheat served to a large extent as a medium of exchange. When the men
who had been drawn to the gold mines to seek their fortunes began to
return with their gold dust there was a rapid advance in business and
prosperity.

The first newspaper of this locality was printed by George Dyson; the
name and date I can not now give. The second was the _Informant_,
printed, like the first, at Brownsville, and by a man named Stein.
This was in 1886. In 1887 the _Express-Advance_ was started with the
_Informant's_ plant and continued two years. The _Brownsville Times_
was started June 15, 1889, by McDonald & Cavendish. With several
changes of editors this paper is still printed, the present
proprietors being F. M. Brown and A. B. Cavender.

The question as to why the first settlers came to Oregon is difficult
to determine. It seems, however, from the very limited amount of
direct testimony I have been able to get, that there were two forces
which at least had a powerful influence, and these were, first,
curiosity to see this great western country; and, secondly, the desire
to pick out a good piece of land from the thousands of acres open to
settlement here.

     ALBANY, Oregon, September 21, 1901.

     _Mr. Geo. O. Goodall, Eugene, Oregon_--
     DEAR SIR: In compliance with your request I will write a
     short account of the early settlement of the upper Calapooia
     Valley and some of the annoyances with which the first
     settlers had to contend, and as I have to depend entirely on
     memory, I am aware that my account will be very imperfect
     and the more so as I am almost alone as one of the first
     settlers, and I believe the only one above Brownsville.

     I crossed the plains in 1846, stopping near Oregon City till
     the next fall, when I settled in Brush Creek Valley, Brush
     Creek being the south fork of the Calapooia. When I came
     here I found Alexander Kirk, W. R. Kirk, James Blakely, Hugh
     L. Brown, and Jonathan Keeney, all living in the vicinity of
     where Brownsville now is, they all having crossed the plains
     in 1846 and come on up the valley to the Calapooia. I also
     found R. C. Finley some six miles farther up the stream, who
     also crossed the plains the same year, but settled on the
     Calapooia in the spring of 1847. Mrs. Agnes B. Courtnay, who
     came to Oregon in 1845, and whose husband had been killed
     near Oregon City by a falling tree, made up the settlers on
     the Calapooia at that time. I will state here that Mr.
     Finley had settled at the falls of the Calapooia where he
     contemplated building, and did in 1848 build a flouring
     mill, being the first mill south of Salem. In the fall of
     1847, as before stated, I and Asa Moore settled in Brush
     Creek Valley above Mr. Finley, he being the upper settler up
     to that time, and at the same time James McHargue and Robert
     Montgomery, who crossed the plains that season, settled
     below Mr. Finley and Thomas Fields several miles farther up
     the stream. Wm. T. Templeton, William Robnett, William
     McCaw, John Findlay, John A. Dunlap, and Thomas S. Woodfin
     all crossed the plains in 1847 and subsequently settled on
     the Calapooia, but after the annoyance with the Indians had
     ceased.

     The Indians in these early days were in the habit of
     stealing horses and cattle from the settlers and butchering
     them, and the settlers would trail them up and if able to
     catch them would flog them severely, but the Indians seemed
     to care about as much as a cur for such treatment and would
     laugh about it as if it was all a huge joke. Some time
     during the summer of 1847 Isaac B. Courtnay was hunting in
     Brush Creek Valley, being above the settlement at that time,
     when he met with a few Indians, who took his gun and
     ammunition and allowed him to go home. During the fall and
     winter of 1847 the Indians annoyed Mr. Fields so much that
     he finally moved down to my place on Brush Creek and stayed
     until the spring of 1848.

     In the fall of 1847 when I and Mr. Moore came into Brush
     Creek Valley we were not aware that there were any Indians
     near there and selected a place to build a cabin in which to
     spend the winter, we being single men, were going to batch
     through the winter, when I intended to bring my mother to
     live with me, my father having died soon after starting for
     Oregon. When we commenced cutting logs for our cabin two or
     three Indians appeared on the scene and inquired what we
     were doing there, and on being told we were going to settle
     there they demanded pay for the land, and we finally made a
     bargain with them agreeing to pay them in wheat and pease
     after the next harvest, this being the way in which many of
     the early settlers bargained with them.

     During the fall and early winter when an Indian happened to
     be present at mealtime we gave him something to eat, but it
     soon became apparent that if we kept this up we would run
     out of provisions before spring, as there were one or more
     Indians there nearly every meal, so we were obliged to quit
     feeding them, when they demanded pay for their land again we
     told them, however, that we would pay them according to
     contract. Soon after this they moved away, and we saw no
     more of them on Brush Creek.

     As Mr. Finley was contemplating the building of a mill the
     next summer he traded for a fat ox which I had brought with
     me, intending to butcher him when he commenced work, but
     soon after the Indians left the ox disappeared also. When we
     missed him from the other cattle Mr. Finley and I took a
     circuit around the range of the cattle and struck his trail
     going toward the Santiam, and after tracking him a mile or
     two we came across the same Indians, where they were camped
     and were drying the beef, having killed the ox. When we
     turned toward the camp Mr. Finley said if that Indian runs
     I'll shoot him. When they saw us coming they broke for the
     brush and Mr. Finley fired at one of them, they in their
     hurry leaving everything in camp, including the only gun
     they had.

     After selecting such things as we could carry that would be
     of any value we made a bonfire of the rest, burning
     everything they had. When we started away I saw an Indian
     head come up by the side of a log in the timber and took a
     shot at him, it was a long shot, and I think the ball struck
     the log, but the head disappeared very suddenly. Another
     Indian started to run from behind a tree when Mr. Finley
     fired, aiming, as he said, to break a leg, wounding the
     Indian above the knee, but not disabling him. This caused
     quite an excitement in the settlement, the Indians and many
     of the settlers fearing it would cause an outbreak among the
     Indians, arguing that we ought not have shot at them, but
     should have treated them as others had done. However, Mr.
     Finley and I told them that if they didn't want to be shot
     at they must not steal from us, as we would shoot every time
     and that to kill. This put a stop to their stealing in this
     part of the country and we were not annoyed after that by
     the natives, and they never called for the pay for their
     land.

     The Rev. H. H. Spalding taught a neighborhood school in a
     log schoolhouse one mile above where Brownsville now stands
     in the summer of 1849, there being no public schools in the
     country at that time. The first school district on the
     Calapooia, being the third in Linn County, was organized, I
     think, in the spring of 1853; but many of the early records
     of the county were burned in the courthouse, and I am unable
     to give the precise date. The first school was taught in the
     district in the summer of 1853 by Robert Moore.

     As to the motive for coming to the Willamette Valley at that
     early date I hardly know how to answer, unless it was love
     of adventure, as the question of sovereignty had not been
     settled between the United States and England when I came
     here. True, the United States senate had been discussing the
     matter of giving each settler in Oregon six hundred and
     forty acres of land, and we rather expected that would be
     done, but we had no real assurance that such would be the
     case.

     Among the early county officers of Linn County, after its
     organization under the Territorial Government, quite a
     number were living on the Calapooia, Alexander Kirk being
     elected county judge, N. D. Jack assessor, John A. Dunlap
     representative, and William McCaw clerk in 1849, and in 1850
     several men who were elected to county officers went to the
     mines and failed to qualify, among them the county
     treasurer, and at a special election I was elected to that
     office and received and disbursed the first taxes ever
     collected in Linn County.

     In 1851 I was elected assessor and was the second man to
     assess the county. In 1856 I served as second lieutenant in
     the Rogue-river war. In 1862 was elected sheriff for two
     years.

     Yours truly,

     T. A. RIGGS.


FOOTNOTES:

[35] Riggs says 1848; several old settlers say 1849.




DOCUMENTS.


A letter of M. M. McCarver to Hon. A. C. Dodge, Delegate to Congress
from Iowa, written immediately on the arrival of the immigration of
1843.

     [_Explanation_: This document was copied from the _Ohio
     Statesman_, which had taken it from the _Iowa Gazette_,
     where it was originally printed.]

     (Reprinted from the _Ohio Statesman_ of September 11, 1844.)

     OREGON.

     ARRIVAL OF EMIGRATION COMPANY NO. I.

     On the first page of to-day's paper will be found a notice
     of the return of Lieutenant Fremont's exploring company. By
     this company we are put into possession of several
     interesting letters from different members of the emigrating
     company, and, among others, three from our former townsman,
     M. M. McCarver, one of which, directed to our delegate,
     together with a letter written by P. H. Burnett to the
     _Saint Louis Reporter_, we publish below.--_Iowa Gazette_
     [Burlington].

     TWALATINE PLAINS, Oregon Territory, November 6, 1843.

     DEAR SIR: I avail myself of an opportunity offered by one of
     the vessels belonging to the Hudson Bay Company to forward
     you a few lines.

     The emigrants have not all arrived, though more than half
     are here, and the remainder may be looked for in a few days,
     all were at the Methodist Mission, about one hundred and
     fifty miles distant, near The Dalles. On last week several
     of the families arrived within a few days of Fort Vancouver
     and the Wallammatte Falls--some by water and others over the
     Cascade Mountains. The waggons will be brought from The
     Dalles by water, as the season is now too far advanced to
     open a road through the mountains. This expedition
     establishes the practicability beyond doubt of a waggon road
     across the continent by the way of the southern pass in the
     Rocky Mountains. We have had no difficulty with the natives,
     although we have had a tedious journey. We have had less
     obstacles in reaching here than we had a right to expect, as
     it was generally understood before leaving the States that
     one third of the distance, to wit, from Fort Hall to this
     place, was impassable with waggons. Great credit, however,
     is due to the energy, perseverance, and industry of this
     emigrating company, and particularly to Doctor Whitman, one
     of the missionaries at the Walla Walla Mission, who
     accompanied us out. His knowledge of the route was
     considerable, and his exertions for the interest of the
     company were untiring. Our journey may now be said to be at
     an end, and we are now in the Wallammatte Valley. I have
     been here near three weeks, having left my waggon in charge
     of the teamster and proceeded on horseback from Fort Hall in
     company with some thirty persons, principally young men.
     Your first question now will be, "how are you satisfied with
     the country? Is it worthy of the notice that Congress has
     given it?" I would answer these in the affirmative. Perhaps
     there is no country in the world of its size that offers
     more inducements to enterprise and industry than Oregon. The
     soil in this valley and in many other portions of the
     territory is equal to that of Iowa, or any other portion of
     the United States, in point of beauty and fertility, and its
     productions in many articles are far superior, particularly
     in regard to wheat, potatoes, beets, and turnips. The grain
     of the wheat is more than one third larger than any I have
     seen in the States. Potatoes are abundant and much better
     than those in the States. I measured a beet which grew in
     Doctor Whitman's garden which measured in circumference two
     inches short of three feet, and there is now growing in the
     field of Mr. James Johns, less than a mile from this place
     where I write you, a turnip measuring in circumference four
     and one half feet, and he thinks it will exceed five feet
     before pulling time. Indeed, everything here is in a
     flourishing condition--trade brisk and everybody doing well.
     The emigrants generally are all, as far as I know,
     satisfied. Wages for a common hand is from $1 to $1.50 per
     day, and mechanics from $2 to $4. Wheat is quite abundant
     and sold to ship or emigrants at $1 per bushel. Flour is
     from $9 to $10 per barrel; potatoes and turnips fifty cents
     per bushel; beef from six to eight cents per pound; American
     cows from $60 to $70; California, from $15 to $20. The
     prairie is coated with a rich green grass, perhaps the most
     nutritious in the world; and I am told that the winter is
     never so severe or the grass so scarce that a poor horse
     will not fatten in the space of one month. Nothing is wanted
     but industry to make this one of the richest little
     countries in the world. I say little, because the fertile
     part of it is small compared with the very extensive fertile
     countries in the valley of the Mississippi; yet we have a
     country sufficient in extent and resources to maintain in
     lucrative occupations millions of inhabitants. Its great
     hydraulic power immediately on the seashore, the advantages
     for stock grazing or wool growing, its fertile soil and
     indeed, its very isolated situation from competition with
     the rest of the civilized world, all combine with other
     circumstances to make it one of the most desirable countries
     under the sun for industry and enterprise.

     I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

     M. M. McCARVER.

     _Hon. C. A. Dodge._


Two letters by Tallmadge B. Word, written from Oregon Territory in
1846 and 1847. See "Documents" of preceding number of THE QUARTERLY
for an account of the author:

     CLATSOP, Clatsop Co., Oregon Territory,
     February 19, 1846.

     DEAR BROTHER: It was with pleasure I received yours of March
     8, 1845; also one from Cyrel at the same time (Nov. last,
     1845), and was happy to hear of general health, and that I
     am blest with the same, and have been ever since I have been
     in this territory; and, in fact, I have not had an hour's
     sickness for five years past. You ask me to give a sketch of
     my travels since I first arrived in Missouri. It is not
     possible for me to do so, with any degree of accuracy at
     present. Although I have a Journal of much of my trampings,
     it is now 200 miles distant, and I will not be able to get
     it before our mail starts for the U. S. I have also a daily
     journal of our journey to this country, and one of the
     weather for the first year I was here, which I sent you by
     the return party of 1845, but we have ascertained, that our
     letters were all lost, so I am aware you did not receive
     mine of '45, but hope it may not keep you from writing in
     the spring.

     The Ship by which I intended to send you letters, was sold
     at the Sandwich Islands, and consequently did not return to
     the U. S. Now of my tramp: I will mearly say that I have
     ranged over nearly the whole country west of the Missouri
     River and east of the Rocky Mountains, from the British line
     on the north to the center of New Mexico on the south. The
     country is nearly of a sameness, quite a barren, sandy
     desert, with the exception of borders of streams, valleys,
     mountains, &c. The whole country abounds in game and
     Indians--the latter generally hostile. I could tell you of
     some long hunting yarns, and Indian fights, but they are of
     too little interest to spend time with now; so I will wait
     until I take a walk down East, and then some long evening,
     over a mug of cider and dish of apples, you shall have them.

     I was some of the time in employ of Fur & Trading Co., and
     some of my time a free trapper. A hunter's life is a dog's
     life, exposed to all kinds of danger and hardships, and but
     little gained at last, but men soon get so accustomed to it
     that in a short time they fear neither man, musket, or the
     D----, and there is so much nature, romance, and excitement
     in their way of living, that they soon become much attached
     to it, for it is much easier for a white man to become an
     Indian, than to reverse the thing. I have been compelled to
     [by] hunger to eat mules, horses, dogs, wolves, badgers,
     ground hogs, skunks, frogs, crickets, ants, and have been
     without food of any kind for six days and nights. Cats,
     dogs, or anything else, is right good eating meat at such
     times.

     At another time we were four days, and three out of the four
     compelled to fight our way as we traveled, but hungry men
     are fond of fight and fear nothing, and so we walked
     through. You may think crickets and ants rather small game
     to shoot at, and so it is, but we have another way of taking
     them, which is by going in search, early in the morning,
     when the crickets (which are in some parts very numerous and
     as large as the end of your thumb,) by the coolness of the
     air and dew are very stupid, and climb to the top of weeds
     in great numbers that the sun may get a fair chance at them;
     they are at such times easily captured by jarring them off
     into a basket and then roasting them with hot
     stones,--feathers, guts, and all,--and make very good
     eating--when one gets used to it. The ants are taken by
     sticking a stick in the center of their hill, and making a
     fire around it, which compels them to ascend the stick, and
     from that to the basket or sack; in this way a meal is soon
     procured. But those times are all past with me.

     I am now where we have plenty to eat and out of many dangers
     to which a man is exposed, and I know well how to prize it.
     As to how I got here I think I gave you some idea in my
     letter of 1844, and as I am not able to give the
     particulars, I will say nothing about it, but I will assure
     you I am here on Clatsop Plains, at the mouth of the
     Columbia River, within three quarters of a mile of the
     Pacific Ocean, in a country that when I arrived here was so
     thinly populated that I was able to become acquainted with
     every white person in the territory; but the two last years
     has so increased the population that two fifths are now
     strangers to me; 1844 gave by land an emigration of about
     1,200; 1845 nearly twice that number; this year we expect
     them by the thousands. The people who come here are from all
     parts of the globe, but mostly from the western states of
     the U. S. A great portion are single men, roving characters,
     who are from every place but this, and this they can not
     well leave; and the prospects of our infant country are so
     flattering that we have no inclination to leave it; at
     present almost every man that arrives here, is at once
     filled with enterprise, and dives heels over head into
     something.

     We have now a population of five or six thousand; there is
     now in operation six sawmills and five flouring mills, six
     stores, exclusive of the Hudson Bay Co., six blacksmith
     shops, and three gunsmiths, carpenter shops in any number,
     two tan yards, Lawyers, Doctors, and Preachers by the dozen.
     We have a legislature, and they have made scores of laws,
     the particulars of which you will get in the _Oregon
     Spectator_, a paper which is printed at Wellemette Falls,
     once in two weeks; the first number came out last week. I
     sent you one or two numbers of the first print of the
     _Northwest Coast_. I presume you would like to know
     something of the situation of our country, the climate,
     production, natural resources, &c., of which I will attempt
     to give you a slight idea. The general character of the
     country is broken and mountainous, but is interspersed with
     beautiful valleys. The first I shall introduce to you is the
     place of Clatsop; it is very small, but beautiful; it is
     bounded on the north by the Columbia, west by the ocean, and
     south and east by heavy timbered land; it is about twenty
     miles in length by two in breadth; from the sea beach to the
     big timber the soil is of the best quality, capable of
     producing any vegetation grown in any of the northern or
     western states in the U. S. As the wind is nine tenths of
     the time from the salt water, I believe it to be one of the
     most healthy places on the globe. It is now four years since
     the first whites settled here, and there has not been a case
     of sickness nor a death as yet, and but ten or fifteen
     births, for there is not a woman that has a husband, but
     what well fulfills the Commandment by about every year
     giving birth to a fine chub, and very often two at a time,
     and some instances of women, without husbands, lending a
     hand in populating our valuable country, and all owing to
     the climate and shellfish (?) which we have in abundance.

     The number of families at this place is fourteen, counting
     in five bachelor halls. The tide flows from 9 to 12 feet
     perpendicular at the mouth of the Columbia. We will now
     proceed up the river. Thirteen miles from the bar is old
     Astoria, now occupied by the H. B. Co. This place is a
     beautiful situation for a town, and will probably be the New
     York of Oregon; it has a full view of the whole harbor, and
     a vessel can lay at any time in perfect safety. Now three
     miles and we come to Tongue Point; this is a narrow point of
     land running into the river; a fortification on it could
     have full command of the river, as the channel runs near the
     point. On we go; heavy timber and broken land on each side
     of the river, which is from three to ten miles wide; we now
     come to the mill which I told you I was erecting. I will
     tell you more of that by and by, but we will go ahead. The
     banks of the river heavy timbered and broken, but the soil
     rich; we now come to Coulitye [Cowlitz] River, which is
     about 200 yards wide at the mouth, comes in on the north
     side of the Columbia, about 50 miles from the mouth of the
     Columbia. We will ascend this river 15 miles, against a
     strong current. The country now opens out into a large
     plain, many miles in length and breadth, the soil of the
     best quality, beautifully watered, and interspersed with
     timber. At the time I first visited these parts there were
     but fourteen families of French and half-breeds, but since
     that time there has been a number of American families
     settled in this section. The valley is one or more hundred
     miles, in diameter, and situated on one of the noblest
     harbors on our coast, that, is the Puget Sound. Now we will
     return to the Columbia, and ascend 40 miles to the
     Willemette River, of which you will get an idea by the paper
     which I send. Six miles above the Willemette River is
     Vancouvers, the principal depot of the Hudson Bay Co.; all
     of their shipping ascends to this place, though not without
     some difficulty, particularly if the craft draws more than
     thirteen feet of water.

     In the vicinity of Fort Vancouver there is much fine farming
     land. The company has fine farms, and many thousand head of
     cattle. Fifty or sixty miles above are the Cascades; it is
     where the river crosses the Cascade Mountains, a range
     running north and south. East of these mountains is a
     country extending many hundred miles in each direction, and
     most particularly adapted to grazing. Stock of all kinds can
     live here winter and summer without the least care. This is
     as far as I have seen the country, though it is said there
     is much fine country in the south of the territory, but no
     settlements in that section.

     Our stock keeps fat through the winter without care; we had
     no snow last winter nor this. Buds are now swelling, and
     some flowers in bloom. You wished to know where we get saws
     to saw our big timber. I brought two, of the longest kind,
     with me, and we have since had two from the Hudson Bay Co.,
     and three from the States. We have timber of all sizes, so
     we take our choice; we have some 16 feet in diameter and 300
     feet in length; no mistake. I have measured such. We have
     shipped three cargoes of lumber to the Sandwich Islands, for
     which we received $20 per thousand feet, clear of freight.
     Lumber is, and will be, a great source of wealth to this
     country. The Columbia, and its tributaries, are alive with
     salmon during the summer months; the Indians take them in
     great numbers with spears, nets, and seines; there are many
     packed and sent to foreign markets annually.

     I am now improving me a farm on Clatsop Plains. I have a
     splendid claim of six hundred and forty acres of land, about
     fifty acres timber, the rest prairie--laying immediately on
     the Pacific. We are all very anxious to hear the result of
     the treaty (if one is made) between the _U. S._ and John
     Bull. We are very much afraid Uncle will fool away the north
     of the Columbia; if he does we shall be _Silux_. We are very
     anxious the U. S. should extend her jurisdiction over our
     valuable country, and we are nearly out of patience with the
     delay. We are not all thieves and runaways, as represented
     by the Hon Mr. Mc----, nor our country a booty. Boy, if it
     is, it's inferior to none in point of beauty, pleasant
     climate, natural resources, and advantages of wealth; and if
     the settlers were ever thieves they have wholly reformed,
     for it is generally believed that no other colony has ever
     equaled this in point of bravery, enterprise, hospitality,
     honesty, and morality. There are men who arrived here in
     October last who have at this time one hundred acres fenced
     and sown to wheat. Now, all we want is a little of Uncle
     Sam's care, that capitalists may be safe in investing their
     money.

     Merchandise is generally high here, owing to the scarcity
     and great demand. Salt $1 per bush.; sugar 12½ cts. per lb.;
     coffee 25 cts. per lb.; molasses 50 cts. per gal.: tea 50
     cts. to $1.50; nails 18 cts.: window glass 10 to 12 cts.
     per light; dry goods in proportion; beef, pork, hides,
     tallow, and most kinds of produce taken in payment; beef $6
     per h.; pork $10; hides $2 apiece by the lot; tallow 8 to
     10; butter 20 to 25; wheat 75 cts. to $1; oats 75 cts.;
     potatoes 50 cts. per bu.; lumber from 15 to $25 per 1,000
     feet; shingles 4 to $5 per 1,000; common laborers $1 per
     day, and mechanics $2. You see by the manner of my writing
     that I am in great haste, therefore you must allow me to
     close.

     After you peruse this I want you to enclose it, and, with
     love and respect, send it to Cyrel, for I have not a
     moment's time to write to him, and I have nothing to say to
     him only to be sure he is right and then go ahead; and for
     you both, to send me letters every chance, for I value each
     letter at five hundred dollars--provided I could get them no
     cheaper. Give my love to father, sister, and all inquiring
     friends, and should like to see some of you in Oregon.

     Yours, most affectionate,
     T. B. WOOD.

     (I. NASH.--My consent to publish this if you think it of any
     interest).

The above letter was written by Tallmadge B. Wood, from Clatsop,
Clatsop County, Oregon Territory, February 19, 1846, to Isaac M. Nash,
his brother-in-law, at Ballston Spa, Saratoga County, New
York.--_Florence E. Baker._


Copy of a letter written from Oregon City, formerly Willemette Falls,
Oregon, December 23, 1847, by Tallmadge B. Wood to his brother-in-law,
Isaac Nash, and sister.--_Florence E. Baker._

     OREGON CITY, December 23, '47.

     DEAR BROTHER: I avail myself of this opportunity of writing
     you a few lines that you may know that I am still in the
     land of the living. I received one letter from you by the
     arrival of Mr. Shively, being the second one that I have
     received from you since I have been in this brush. We, of
     course, got news of the fate of the "Oregon Bill" of last
     session, and as you may judge was very much disappointed,
     but we grin and bear it because there is no other way for us
     to do. We are at present in rather an awkward situation;
     there has of late been some serious difficulties with the
     upper country Indians in which Dr. Whitman, wife and nine
     others were murdered.

     There were fifty men dispatched last week to protect the
     Mission at the Dals, [Dalles]; we have had no news from them
     since. There are orders for the raising of five hundred men
     to go up and give the scoundrels a wiping out. So you may
     say we have the loud cry of war in Oregon; but what is done
     here, is done by the voluntary acts of the people and
     without pay. And as there is such a diversity of opinions,
     as to the best way to proceed, I think there will not be as
     much done at present, as we have got so many people here
     that it is not so easy for them all to agree as it was in
     former times.

     This year's emigration was very large. They all got through
     with less difficulties than that of last year. There has
     been considerable sickness with them. Their disease being
     the measles, the disorder is proving quite fatal with the
     natives; it was in consequence of this that Dr. Whitman was
     killed, as they held a malice against the whites for
     bringing the disorder unto the country.

     Our legislature being in session, it has authorized Mr. Meek
     to go to the United States with dispatches to the
     government, informing it of our situation. He starts
     to-morrow morning, and it is by him that I send this letter.
     It is a general time of good health and spirits, in Oregon,
     with the exception of now and then a case of the measles.
     Our commerce has much improved within the last year. A large
     number of ships have left our port the last season well
     ladened.

     The winter thus far is very fine, no freezing, and little
     rain. Wheat looks well, and great quantity sown. I have sold
     my interest in my mill, and also my farm. I am going to put
     up salmon next spring, and after the season is over, which
     will be in August, I am going to build a mill, as I now have
     one of the best sites on the Columbia, and lumbering the
     best business in Oregon.

     I would write much more, had I time and room on my
     sheet--though I am sure it would not be very interesting. Be
     sure and send me a letter every time the Ship Whiton sailed
     for the U. S. as it will return to this country. Be sure and
     avail that chance though I missed it. Give Father my
     Respects; tell him I intend on coming to see him once more.
     I must scratch a few lines to sisters, so I bid you a
     Farewell.

     Dear Sisters, I have only room to tell you that I am well. I
     Farmed it and did housework last summer, but I guess I don't
     do it again soon. There are lots of pretty girls here now,
     but I do not get time to get one of them just now, but will
     take a year or two, by and by, and attend to these matters.

     Frances must write to Cyrel for me, for it is now late and I
     haven't time. Give my love to all cousins and inquiring
     friends. Write every chance.

     Good by, your affectionate brother,
     T. B. WOOD.

     To _I. Nash_, _S. C. Nash_, _J. A. Wood_.

     The above letter was folded, and sent without an envelope:
     It was sealed with a red seal; it cost ten cents postage; it
     was mailed at St. Joseph, Mo.; it was directed to Isaac
     Nash, Ballston Spa, Sarotogo County, N. Y.; it arrived at
     Sarotogo Springs June 5th. It was marked _Missent_. This
     letter was written on large sheets of pale blue paper with
     black ink, and is in good preservation now, 1908.--_Florence
     E. Baker._




SOME CORRECTIONS.

"Seth Luelling," near the bottom of page 282 of volume III should be
Henderson Luelling.

In the twelfth line of page 284 of the same volume the word "clearer"
in brackets should be omitted, as the author intended by the word
"lighter" to refer to the specific gravity of the water.

In the seventeenth line of page 289 of the same volume the words
"blue" and "mountain" should not begin with capital letters.

Mr. H. S. Lyman requests the insertion of the following note referring
to the recently published "Complete History of Oregon":

     _To the Editor_--

     As my attention has been called to some points deemed
     erroneous in the History of Oregon, I would ask space in the
     OREGON HISTORICAL QUARTERLY to say to subscribers or
     purchasers of the work that I would esteem it a favor that
     any matter deemed inaccurate or erroneous be communicated to
     me.

     Errors in a publication are usually of the following
     character: Typographical, merely; slips of the proofreader;
     mistakes of transcription; misapprehension of the writer; or
     of differences in authorities. Besides this there is the
     wide field of differences in opinions, or conclusions--many
     being unable to distinguish between a fact and what is
     properly but their own personal inference from facts, or
     supposed facts. Still further, different persons will
     estimate differently the value of events, and give varying
     proportions to the elements constituting the whole.

     Typographical errors, or mere blunders of haste, should not,
     certainly, be expected in a standard work; yet are almost
     invariably found, particularly in the first edition; and,
     indeed, seldom or never disappear entirely; almost every
     teacher, or student, including myself, having noticed, or
     reported such even in standard text-books. By reference to
     the preface of my history it will be seen that the work was
     undertaken with full understanding that a complete, or
     critical, history of Oregon could not yet be written; but it
     was thought worth while now to lay the basis of an
     investigation and ask the patronage of the public. I would,
     therefore, feel it a most friendly courtesy if any
     supposedly erroneous matter, whether mere slips, or
     differences of information or opinion--in the great number
     of details that it has been attempted to furnish--would be
     reported to me. I am confident that the work has been begun
     on a sufficiently broad basis to bear much further
     elaboration. Any mistakes reported, together with such as
     may be found by myself, will, if they seem sufficiently
     numerous and formidable, be collated and published as a page
     of errata, and the corrected list be furnished each
     subscriber or purchaser, so far as these may be known.

     I hope that this may prove a useful line of inquiry, and
     place the readers somewhat on their own mettle, and thus
     furnish me matter for notice in a second edition, if this
     should be produced. Such investigation and criticism would
     also establish more firmly in public confidence such data as
     do not prove open to question.

     H. S. LYMAN.

     _Astoria, Oregon, May 13, 1903._




     THE QUARTERLY
     OF THE
     OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

     VOLUME IV.      JUNE, 1903      NUMBER 2




OREGON AND ITS SHARE IN THE CIVIL WAR.[36]


By the Convention of 1818, renewed in 1827, the Oregon Country,
comprising a large part of what is now denominated in general terms,
the Pacific Northwest, was under the joint occupancy of Great Britain
and the United States.

The practical evidence of this joint sovereignty on the part of the
British, was the sway of the Hudson Bay Company through its network of
trading stations and outfitting points for its cohorts of frontiersmen
and trappers. Until the advent of the missionary movement from the
States, there was little practical evidence of the coordinate
sovereignity of the United States.

When the missionary movement took important shape numerically it
resulted in a vital need for some form of local government, and hence
there arose the Provisional Government of Oregon, as it was called,
fashioned on the lines of state or territorial governments on the
other side of the intervening mountains and plains, "deriving its just
powers from the consent of the governed," and empowered by that
consent to maintain inviolate as far as possible "life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness."

In 1846, abandoning the political war cry of "Fifty-four Forty or
Fight," which had served its demagogic use as a partisan rallying
call, a boundary treaty was finally concluded between England and the
United States fixing the forty-ninth parallel of latitude as the
northern most boundary of the Oregon Country and of the United States
in the Northwest.

But still the provisional Government of the immigrants, incomplete in
concept, rude in operation, imperfect in power, was the only form of
government, the ten to fifteen thousand Americans in this vast domain
had to insure domestic tranquillity or oppose resistance to the ever
present savage foe.

In message after message President Polk called the attention of
Congress to its inaction and the dangers to which that inaction
exposed the settlers and how far short of its manifest duty the
national legislators were in their neglect; but there were mighty
reasons back of this neglect; mighty forces were battling in the halls
of legislation--the titanic combat was on between Freedom and Slavery
and the Missouri Compromise line was some leagues to the northward of
where California began. The Provisional Legislature of 1845 had taken
firm ground on the slavery question and the ordinance of 1787
prohibiting slavery was incorporated in its organic law.

The Douglas house bill of 1846, seeking to organize a territorial
government for Oregon, followed in this regard the expressed desire of
the colonists, and met a prompt and instant defeat at the hands of the
Southern senators. Thereupon, Douglas sought to get around the
question by a different bill (he was then in the Senate) containing a
clause sanctioning the colonial laws of Oregon, which would, as a
matter of fact, accomplish the same result. Joseph L. Meek, an
accredited representative of the colonists had undergone a dangerous
overland winter journey to enforce upon the President and Congress
the necessity of immediate action and of Federal aid in the constant
conflict with the surrounding Indian tribes.

Judge Thornton, the personal representative of Governor Abernethy of
the provisional government, was also in Washington on the same errand,
having come by ocean.

The senate bill of Douglas was finally passed, after being amended in
the spirit of compromise ever dominant in those days, whereby the
colonial laws on the subject of slavery were to be continued in force
until such time as "the legislature could adopt some other law on the
subject," but the House promptly laid this bill on the table and
rejoined with a measure practically identical with the Douglas house
bill of 1846, and after a long and bitter contest, in which Thomas H.
Benton led the fight for Oregon, on the fourteenth of August, 1848,
Oregon became a territory of the United States on her own terms, and
free soil in name as well as in fact.

President Polk promptly appointed General Joseph Lane, of Indiana, a
native of North Carolina, and a veteran commander of the Mexican war,
as the first territorial governor of Oregon, and urged upon him the
immediate organization of the government, in order that it might be
inaugurated before March 4, 1849, when there would be a change in the
presidency.

The long journey of Governor Lane, accompanied by ex-Delegate Meek,
now United States Marshal, across the continent by the Santa Fé trail,
and up the coast from San Francisco, is one of the stirring incidents
of those stirring times, and on the third of March, 1849, but one day
before the expiration of President Polk's term of office, General Lane
issued a proclamation making known that he entered upon the discharge
of the duties of his office, and proclaiming the Federal laws in force
over the Oregon country. Thus was the consummation so longed for by
the President brought to pass, and what he had striven for so long and
so patriotically fulfilled in the closing hours of his administration.
During the years of territorial government the slavery question that
was tormenting the brain and conscience of the North and the heart and
chivalry of the South, played but little part in the life of the far
distant territory.

The political complexion of the territory was overwhelmingly
Democratic, but it was democracy of the free soil order, which only
asked of the negro to keep out of its sight and out of its mind. In
line with this temper was the enforcement against two unfortunate
blacks of the territorial enactment against free negroes, which being
promptly held constitutional by the territorial supreme court, the two
offenders were gently but firmly deported from the boundaries of the
"white man's country." This same deep-lying sentiment found added
expression in the forth coming State Constitution, wherein it was
enacted "No free negro or mulatto not residing in this State at the
time of the adoption of this Constitution shall come, reside, or be
within this State, or hold any real estate, or make any contracts, or
maintain any suit therein; and the legislative assembly shall provide
by penal laws for the removal by public officers of all such negroes
and mulattoes, and for their effectual exclusion from the State, and
for the punishment of persons who shall bring them into the State or
employ or harbor them." Added expression was given to this point of
view in the vote on the subject of admission of free negroes,
submitted to the people in connection with the vote on the adoption of
the proposed constitution--here the vote in favor of their admission
was 1,081, contrarywise 8,640.

A potent influence at Washington towards Oregon's admission as a state
was the well-known democracy of the State, and at home the
indebtedness to the colonists of the National Government in
connection with the Indian wars--it seemed plain that two senators and
one congressman who could vote as well as talk could accomplish more
than one delegate who could only talk; and so the vote for the
adoption of the State Constitution was 7,195 for and only 3,215
against.

On the subject of slavery, submitted to the people at the same
election, the vote was likewise significant and illuminating, 7,727
voted for freedom and but 2,645 for slavery. Coming as this
overwhelming vote did when the agitation of the slavery question was
at a white heat both in and out of Congress, it was startling in its
clear and unequivocal verdict on this great question--and it is
especially significant when we recall the great preponderance of
Oregon voters born in slaveholding states and cradled in the doctrine
of African bondage. Can the conclusion be other than that they
realized the economic and moral blight of the slave system and
resolved to have none of it in their fair State.

In this election the free soil democrats and the whigs under Thomas J.
Dryer were found quietly but none the less actually fighting shoulder
to shoulder.

It is a delicate task to attempt to chronicle history while yet the
actual participants are some of them living and the children and
grandchildren of many more constitute our friends and neighbors, and
far be it from me to criticise the motives or sincerity of those who
were wrong in the troublous days that followed except in so far as is
necessary to set forth the facts of history.

On the fourteenth of February, 1859, Oregon became a State of the
Union. From the loins of the old Whig party in Oregon, as well as
elsewhere in the country, sprang forth that young giant the Republican
party, and to the leadership of Dryer was added the silvery eloquence
of Edward D. Baker, lately come from California. The uncompromising
slavery wing of the Democratic party nominated John C. Breckinridge
for President and Joseph Lane, Oregon's first territorial governor and
present senator, for Vice President. Stephen A. Douglas headed the
regular Democratic ticket and Abraham Lincoln was the Republican
chieftain.

In Oregon there was a new alignment alike of leaders and of the rank
and file--despite the wonderful personal popularity of Oregon's
favorite son Joseph Lane, and the passionate oratory of Delazon Smith
his chief campaigner, Oregon cast her vote for Abraham Lincoln for
President of the United States. The combined Douglas and Lincoln vote
was 9,480, while Breckinridge and Lane polled 5,074; and from this
computation we see that a trifle more than one third of the voters of
Oregon were apparently prepared to follow the programme of disunion
and secession. Colonel Baker, by a coalition of republicans and
Douglas democrats, was chosen United States Senator, and left almost
immediately for Washington to take up his official duties; but he left
behind him the courageous inspiration of his lofty patriotism--he had
played upon and touched both the heart and conscience of the young
Commonwealth, and while the months that followed were months of
waiting and watching and of prayer, as elsewhere in the Union, there
was never any real question, after the wonderful rousing of the public
mind and the public heart of Oregon, largely wrought by his matchless
eloquence and high ideals, that should war, that saddest of all
conflicts, a civil war, ensue, the brave young State would stand by
the flag of the Fathers and the cause of human liberty. At the city of
San Francisco, _en route_ for Washington, Colonel Baker, in fiery and
impassioned rhetoric, nailed his banner and Oregon's to the Nation's
masthead.

He said "As for me, I dare not, will not, be false to freedom. Where
the feet of my youth were planted, there by freedom my feet shall ever
stand. I will walk beneath her banner. I will glory in her strength. I
have seen her in history struck down on a hundred fields of battle. I
have seen her friends fly from her, her foes gather around her. I have
seen her bound to a stake. I have seen them give her ashes to the
winds; but when they turned to exult, I have seen her again meet them
face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing in her strong
right hand a flaming sword, red with insufferable light. I take
courage. The people gather round her. The genius of America will yet
lead her sons to freedom."

How could such a spirit, such a faith fail to overcome the forces of
disunion and slavery or fail to inspire his fellow-Oregonians with his
own unalterable patriotism. Despite all the warnings, despite all the
months and years of anticipation and alarm, here, as elsewhere, the
fall of Sumpter came like an electric shock.

Douglas democrats and republicans alike became but Union men and the
old flag waving in the breeze brought tears, tears of shame and tears
of determination, even to the eyes of many who had voted for
Breckinridge and Lane.

On the same steamer that brought the news of the fall of Sumpter, came
Joseph Lane, the ex-senator, the defeated candidate for Vice
President. It is known that he came prepared, if not officially, yet
fully authorized to head a movement for capturing Oregon for disunion.
Numerous boxes of guns and ammunition accompanied him to his
destination for this purpose.

But scarcely had he put foot on the wharves of the Oregon metropolis,
than he realized the vast misconception he had made of his home
people. Douglas democrats and republicans, and many who had but lately
voted for him for the vice presidency, declared without hesitation
for the Union; and the idol of the Oregon democracy, tainted with
secession and disunion, spurned even by his former friends, made his
way unaccompanied and unheralded to his southern Oregon home by a
devious trail, fearing the mob justice of the justly enraged citizens
of the leading valley towns. And yet it was not all one way in Oregon
in those troublous days. In certain quarters the disunion sentiment
was powerful and dangerous.

In the Historical Society's rooms in Portland hangs a banner first
flung to the breeze on July 4, 1861, not forty miles from that city.
It is fashioned of long strips of red and white ribbon, and in the
center of its starry field is an eagle, made by the deft fingers of a
pioneer woman. The old immigrant who donated it to the Historical
Society has related how, when he heard the news of the fall of
Sumpter, he immediately determined to celebrate the Fourth of July by
flinging the Stars and Stripes to the breeze from his own home and
with that end in view had procured the ribbon and caused his liberty
loving wife to fashion it into his country's flag. This coming to the
ears of certain hot-heads among his neighbors, he was called upon by a
committee and asked if it was true that he intended hoisting the Old
Flag on the anniversary of the nation's birth. To his affirmative
reply came the sharp retort that it would never be allowed to stay,
but would forthwith be torn down.

"No man will haul down that flag except over my dead body," was the
stern reply of the sturdy old pioneer. The days ran by and the
self-formed committee thought that the old pioneer had heeded their
warning, when one day the news spread that a flagstaff, tall and
straight, and as unbending as the old man's determination, lay before
the pioneer house. Then the elders of the hot-heads began to counsel
moderation, to tell of the old neighbor's good deeds, of his
unswerving sense of duty, of his faultless marksmanship that before
that flag could be lowered not only the rough old patriot must lie
cold in death but many of the attacking party would bite the dust.

Reflection cooled the disunion ardor; perhaps "a tinge of sadness, a
blush of shame o'er the face of the leader came," howbeit on the
Fourth of July, 1861, that beautiful silken banner floated on the
wings of the whispering wind and in the eagle's beak a dead serpent
hung, sounding a note of derision as well as of triumph from the old
man's heart.

And while in a few days a more generous impulse came over him, and he
himself took down the flag and had the serpent removed from the
eagle's beak, yet with that single exception, until the final pæan of
victory was sung at Appomattox, that silken emblem of his beloved
country caressed by summer zephyrs and kissed by the soft mists of
winter, floated undisturbed above his patriotic home.

Col. George Hunter, in his quaintly interesting narrative
"Reminiscences of an Old Timer," tells of a somewhat similar incident
down in the Rogue River country. He says: "One day there had assembled
at a store, where the double-distilled extract of corn was chiefly
dispensed, a considerable crowd of men, most of whom were violent
secessionists, and they were soon filled up, as good democrats were
supposed to be, with the exhilarating beverage. From some cause or
other the grand old Stars and Stripes had on this day been raised on a
pole or staff near by, and pretty soon these half-tipsy fellows took
offense at the defiant colors, and swore they would tear it down. Two
or more of them started to execute the threat. Some of the crowd
remonstrated, but to no avail. I being a stranger and a democrat,
supposed the republicans present would protect the flag, but seeing no
movement in that direction, and that if the flag was kept floating
something must be done and done quickly, I grabbed an old musket that
chanced to be standing in the corner of the store, and with my best
speed I made for that flagstaff. My great-grandfathers had both served
with Washington at Brandywine and Valley Forge, and my grandfather
with Jackson at New Orleans, and I could't stand by and see the grand
old banner disgracefully lowered by a drunken rabble of rebel
sympathizers. As I ran swiftly forward I called frequently to their
leader to stop, but he paid no attention to me. Knowing that nearly
all men carried pistols in those days, and that these men were made
desperate by drink, I determined to have the first shot. I took a
quick aim and drew the trigger. The cap burst clear, but no report
followed. Then there was a race between me and their leader for the
flagstaff (all the rest stopped when the cap burst). We met at the
flagstaff, and just as he was about to cut the halyards to lower the
flag, my gun went off in a different way (it didn't snap that time),
and the barrel brought down on his head proved more effective than the
bullet which refused to leave the barrel.

"Well, he laid down sudden like, and as I now had time to draw my
revolver, I informed the mob that I would shoot the first man that
attempted to haul down that flag before sundown. That settled it.
Friends removed my man to the store, and many Union men gathered to my
assistance, which had the effect of stopping any further
demonstrations in that direction. At the going down of the sun, we
lowered the flag, cheering as we did so, and laid it away with the
honor we considered to be due the 'flag of the brave and the emblem of
the free.'"

In 1861 there were only about seven hundred men and nineteen
commissioned officers in the regular army in the whole of Oregon and
Washington, the force having been reduced to its lowest possible
limit by withdrawals to strengthen the forces in the East. These
troops were distributed as follows: 111 men, under Capt. H. M. Black,
at Vancouver; 116 men, under Major Lugenbeel, at Colville; 127 men,
under Major Steen, at Walla Walla; 41 men, under Captain Van Voast, at
the Cascades; 43 men, under Capt. F. T. Dent, at Hoskins; 110 men at
the two posts of Steilacoom and Camp Pickett, and 54 men under
Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan, at The Dalles, all under the general
command of Colonel Wright, with Brig.-Gen. E. V. Sumner commanding the
military department of the Pacific.

Twofold dangers threatened the widely scattered settlements; from
without, the ever hostile Indians who were further emboldened by the
inevitable spirit of uncertainty and unrest that followed on the heels
of civil war, and from within, disunion intrigue might at any time
blaze into armed rebellion. It was a time that tried men's souls.

In June, 1861, Colonel Wright made a requisition upon Governor
Whiteaker for a three-year cavalry company to be mustered into the
service of the United States and A. P. Dennison, former Indian Agent
at The Dalles, was appointed enrolling officer. Suspicion of the
loyalty of both the Governor and of Dennison to the Union cause,
retarded enlistment and finally led to the abandonment of the
undertaking.

In November, 1861, the War Department made Thomas R. Cornelius
colonel, and directed him to raise ten companies of cavalry for the
service of the United States for three years, to be a part, as it was
supposed, of the five hundred thousand volunteers called for by
President Lincoln. Colonel Baker from Washington had taken an active
interest in encouraging the raising of this famous regiment--it was
the original regiment of Rough Riders of the West. There was an
impression that nowhere in the East could there be gathered together
cavalrymen to withstand the onslaughts of the dashing Southron on his
black charger and the First Oregon Cavalry was recruited on the
express promise that should the war continue they would be speedily
transferred to the Army of the Potomac and given opportunity to cross
swords with the flower of Southern chivalry.

From the lava beds of Jackson County to the plains of the Tualatin
rang the bugle call to duty and the pick of the youth of this young
State were soon in the saddle under the guidon of freedom. R. F. Maury
was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, Benjamin F. Harding,
quartermaster, C. S. Drew major, and J. S. Rinearson junior major.
Each volunteer furnished his own horse and received for himself and
mount $31 a month, $100 bounty and a land warrant for one hundred and
sixty acres of land. Company "A" was raised in Jackson County, Capt.
T. S. Harris; Company "B" in Marion County, Capt. E. J. Harding; "C"
at Vancouver, Capt. Wm. Kelly; "D" in Jackson County by Capt. S.
Truax; "E" by Capt. George B. Currey in Wasco County; "F" by Capt.
William J. Matthews in Josephine County; and Capt. D. P. Thompson of
Oregon City and Capt. R. Cowles of the Umpqua also had companies. Six
complete companies rendezvoused at Vancouver in May, 1862, and were
clothed in government uniforms and armed with old-fashioned
muzzle-loading rifles, pistols, and sabres.

Colonel Baker was the warm personal friend of Lincoln; he had promised
the boys of the First Oregon Cavalry before recruiting began that they
should have a chance, if the war continued, of serving in the East;
many of the present survivors have told me that they enlisted on this
express promise, and had Colonel Baker lived there is every reason to
believe that with his strong personal influence with the President,
"Tom Cornelius' Rough Riders of Oregon" would have been the prototype
in fame, as they were in fact, of "Roosevelt's Rough Riders" of the
Spanish war. Colonel Baker was the colonel of the Fourth Illinois in
the Mexican war, and it was hardly to be expected that a man of his
ardent temperament could sit tamely in the halls of legislation while
the rattle of musketry and the roll of drums were heard at the very
gates of the national capital.

And thus it came to pass, for on June 28, 1861, he was mustered into
service for three years as colonel of the First California Infantry, a
regiment he recruited largely in Pennsylvania, and which was
afterwards denominated the Seventy-first Pennsylvania. On August 6,
1861, he was commissioned Brigadier-General of Volunteers, to rank
from May 17, which commission, although confirmed by the Senate, he
declined, as he did also a later appointment as Major-General of
Volunteers, as either appointment would have necessitated his
resignation as senator from Oregon. It is stated that when General
Scott had to give up general command of the army on account of his
advancing years, President Lincoln tendered the succession to Colonel
Baker, which was alike declined for the same reason.

With impetuous courage and passionate desire to serve his country upon
the field of battle as well as on the floor of the Senate, Colonel
Baker could not stay at the rear, but joined his regiment at the
front, and was as active in the work of the camp as he had been upon
the stump and rostrum. Occasionally he would revisit the Senate and
participate in a day's debate and then hurry back to his military
duties. It was at such a time, sitting in his seat in the Senate, clad
in his colonel's uniform that John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, late
pro slavery candidate for the presidency with Joseph Lane, delivered a
speech which was but a reflection of the secession views of those
braver Southerners who were already in armed rebellion. Colonel Baker
grew restive under the words of Breckinridge, his face glowed with
passionate excitement, and he sprang to the floor when the senator
from Kentucky took his seat and then and there without previous
preparation delivered that wonderful philippic, abounding in
denunciation and invective which alone would make a niche for him in
the world's temple of fame.

Passionately he asked "What would have been thought, if in another
capitol, in a yet more martial age, a senator with the Roman purple
flowing from his shoulders, had risen in his place, surrounded by all
the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that advancing Hannibal
was just and that Carthage should be dealt with in terms of peace?
What would have been thought, if after the battle of Cannæ, a senator
had denounced every levy of the Roman people, every expenditure of its
treasure, every appeal to the old recollections and the old glories?"
Mr. Fessenden, of Maine, who sat near, responded in an undertone, "He
would have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock;" and in tones of
thunder Baker flashed forth the suggested fate and continued "Are not
the speeches of the senator from Kentucky intended for disorganization?
Are they not intended to destroy our zeal? Are they not intended to
animate our enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant polished
treason even in the very capitol of the Republic?" And then replying
to a taunt of Breckinridge about the loyalty of the Pacific coast, he
went on "When the senator from Kentucky speaks of the Pacific I see
another distinguished friend from Illinois, now worthily representing
the State of California, who will bear witness that I know that State,
too, and well. I take the liberty, I know that I but utter his
sentiments, to say that that State will be true to the Union to the
last of her blood and treasure. There may be some disaffected men
there and in Oregon, but the great portion of our population are loyal
to the core and in every chord of their hearts. They are offering to
add to the legions of the country, every day, by the hundred and the
thousand. They are willing to come thousands of miles with their arms
on their shoulders, at their own expense, to share, with the best
offering of their heart's blood, in the great struggle of
constitutional liberty."

Can there be any different conclusion than that in that strong
passage, Colonel Baker referred among others to the First Oregon
Cavalry, which, though largely recruited after his death, was the
direct product of his inspiration and suggestion. On the twenty-first
of October, 1861, while gallantly leading his regiment at the battle
of Ball's Bluff, Colonel Baker was instantly killed, and with his
death went the chance of the Oregon regiment to obtain service at the
seat of war.

As the months rolled by and no fulfillment came of the promises that
had been made for Eastern service, the regiment joined in a round
robin to President Lincoln in which they recited the promises that had
been made to them and asked for their fulfillment. The President's
answer, filled with the lofty patriotism and spirit of unselfishness,
that was his daily part, told them that the greatest and highest duty
for all, was that which lay nearest at hand and with the regular
troops almost all withdrawn from Oregon and Washington, and the tide
of immigrants and scattered settlements open to Indian attack and the
towns and villages liable to disunion, intrigue, and plot, their
nearest as well as their highest duty was to guard the State from foes
both savage and traitorous from without and from open treason within.

And to the gallant men of the First Oregon Cavalry the word of the
great President was final. They accepted the task he set them to
accomplish, and although to them the pomp and circumstance of war were
missing, although no patriotic millions stood by to applaud their
gallant feats, and the eye of Government was not upon them, yet for
three long weary years they did their duty faithfully and well, and by
that faithfulness preserved their beautiful State for the Union and
the wonderful future that has come to it.

Some there were of Oregon blood and Oregon soil, however, who could
not remain away from the greater theater of war, where the more
dramatic destiny of the nation was being wrought out in havoc of blood
and treasure. Col. Joseph Hooker, "Fighting Joe Hooker," living at
Salem when the war broke out, went East, and became a brigadier-general,
and Bancroft speaks of others as follows: "Volney Smith, son of
Delazon Smith, was for a short time lieutenant in a New York regiment;
James W. Lingenfelter, residing at Jacksonville, was made captain of a
volunteer company, and killed at Fortress Monroe October 8, 1861; John
L. Boon, son of the state treasurer, who had been a student of the
Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio, was at the battles of Shiloh and
Corinth, in an Ohio regiment, in Gen. Lew Wallace's division; Major
Snooks, of the Sixty-eighth Ohio, was formerly an Oregonian of the
immigration of '44; George Williams, of Salem, was second lieutenant
of the Fourth Infantry, and in the second battle of Bull Run,
Antietam, Frederickburg, and Gettysburg, losing a foot at Gettysburg;
Frank W. Thompson, of Linn County, was colonel of the Third Virginia
Volunteers in 1863; Henry Butler, of Oakland, was a member of the
eighty sixth Illinois Volunteers; Charles Harker was a lieutenant;
Roswell C. Lampson, still living in Portland, was the first naval
cadet from Oregon, and served with conspicuous gallantry and fidelity
throughout the war; Capt. W. L. Dall, of the steamship Columbia, was
appointed a lieutenant in the navy; and many of the regular army
officers, whose northwestern service is indissolubly connected with
its early history, rose to great eminence during the progress of the
war.

"Notable among them was Rufus Ingalls, who became lieutenant colonel
on McClellan's staff; Captain Hazen and Lieutenant Lorraine, who was
wounded at Bull Run. Grant, Sheridan, Augur, Ord, Wright, Smith,
Casey, Russell, Reynolds, and Alvord, all became generals, as well as
Stevens, who had received a military education, but was not in the
regular army."

It is not the purpose of this paper to follow the patriotic service of
the First Oregon Cavalry during the long and wearisome months and
years during which they labored in heat and cold, in storm and
sunshine, under pioneer and frontier hardships, in chastising the
hostile Indians, guarding the immigrant caravans, or holding in check
the forces of disunion and secession. That there was need of them, for
all these high and patriotic duties, there is no doubt.

As early as shortly after Lincoln's election in 1860, Senator Gwin, of
California, with the undoubted knowledge and coöperation of Joseph
Lane, of Oregon, formulated a plan for a slave-holding republic on the
Pacific coast, with an aristocracy similar to the old Republic of
Venice, vesting all power in a hereditary nobility, with an executive
elected from themselves.

Should the Southern States succeed in withdrawing from the Union and
setting up a Southern Confederacy without war, then with a continuous
line of slave territory from Texas to the Pacific, the Pacific coast
should combine with the South; but if war ensued between the North and
South, then the coast should be captured, and the Venetian Republic
be inaugurated separately, and slaves imported from the Isles of the
Sea.

Bancroft, the historian, asserts that but for the strong restraining
advice of Jesse Applegate and the overwhelming sentiment against him
on his return, there is no doubt but what General Lane would have
embarked in the enterprise, and that the boxes of arms and ammunition
which accompanied his return were intended for that purpose. In 1862
it became known all through the Pacific coast that an oath bound
secret organization of confederate sympathizers were holding almost
nightly meetings at many places; and self-appointed Union detectives,
from points of vantage could hear the tread of martial feet and the
hoarse notes of command.

High authority has asserted that Gwin of California, Lane of Oregon,
and a man named Tilden of Washington, were the instigators and
advisors of this second movement to steal the Pacific coast from the
Federal Union and hold it for the forces of disunion and secession.
They chose for a title the quaint and striking name of "Knights of the
Golden Circle."

One of the best posted historical authorities on the Pacific coast
told me a few days ago that he had in his possession cipher documents
of that strange disloyal order, which some day experts should decipher
and give to the world, but as yet it was too early for history to
record anything but the things that were notorious. The same authority
told me of how one night in San Francisco, eight hundred Knights of
the Golden Circle, armed to the teeth, had met to make the initial
outbreak, capture the Benicia Arsenal and arm all rebel sympathizers
of San Francisco therefrom and carry out the long cherished plan of
seizing the Pacific coast for disunion.

At the last moment realizing the awful, momentous responsibility of
their projected attack they clamored for a leader whom they could
follow as one man. In a moment one name was on every lip, an old hero
of the Vigilante days--in haste he was sent for (he was not a member
of their order) and their plan revealed to one whom they thought
disloyal like themselves, but they had reckoned without their man--he
was as loyal as the sturdy patriots who fell at Bunker Hill, fighting
the earlier battle of freedom with bare hands and clubbed muskets.

Knowing that by a brief delay only could he lull them to security, and
at the same time save the day for the old flag, he asked until 9
o'clock the next morning to give his answer, they to remain where they
were until his answer should be returned. Taking this as a practical
assent, and that he only went to arrange his private affairs, the
balance of the night wore on; but the old Vigilante was not idle;
calling together as many of the old Vigilante Committee as were
available and of known loyalty, he unfolded the treason that was
lurking in the city's midst, and as they were swift to act in the days
of '49, so were they now; the loyalty of the commandant at the Benicia
Arsenal being questioned, he was promptly replaced by one of true and
tried steel, and loyalists were armed and ready in more than one
secret place in the city midst if needed and then at 9 o'clock as
agreed the answer went to the waiting Knights of the Golden Circle
that the old Vigilante could not be their leader.

Thus all up and down the Pacific coast there was work to be done by
the troops at home in guarding against the spirit of disloyalty which
fostered by the early reserves of the Union arms was dangerous and
threatening.

The situation of Oregon at this time was one of peculiar danger. Both
England and France were in open sympathy with the states in revolt.
The French Government were setting up an empire in Mexico. England
was causing trouble over the disputed boundary at the entrance to
Puget Sound. Not a single fort or coast or river defense existed in
either Oregon or Washington, and at any time these hostile foreign
powers might combine with the Indians as they had done in earlier wars
and with the disloyal and disaffected within. Separated by such vast
reaches of country from the loyal states of the Union nothing of
assistance could be expected from them in case of trouble, in time to
be effective and hence it was that for upwards of three years, not
merely the peace and security of Oregon but its permanency as a part
of the Federal Union depended on the First Cavalry.

The War Governor, Addison C. Gibbs, a strong and patriotic man,
organized a valuable addition to the military forces of the State in a
state militia, whose chief duty was to hold in check the Knights of
the Golden Circle, to which it was a direct antithesis.

At the second election of President Lincoln it was a known fact that
the Knights had their arms cached in the neighborhood of the leading
polling places, and intended to carry the election by force of arms.
This was only prevented by the militia who were superior in numbers
and who adopted similar tactics which proved effective.

One shudders at the fratricidal bloodshed and awful guerilla warfare
that would have come to pass in this mountainous and thinly settled
country had the first outbreak happened and the torch of rebellion
been lighted. That it did not so come to pass was another evidence of
the mysterious workings of Divine Providence.

In 1864 Governor Gibbs called for ten companies to be known as the
First Oregon Infantry, each company to consist of eighty-two privates,
maximum, or sixty-four minimum, besides officers. Eight companies were
ultimately enlisted, and at first were chiefly employed in garrison
duty throughout the Northwest, but later performed gallant service in
the Indian wars that were ever in progress.

I wish that it were possible within the necessary limits of this
article to write down some of the many deeds of matchless heroism
wrought by the loyal men of the Northwest in the dark days of the
war--deeds fit to rank with the gallantry of Sheridan's dashing
troopers, with the glorious achievements of Sherman's March to the
Sea, with the steadfastness of the iron phalanxes of the immortal
Grant. But we can at least pay our tribute of praise to those rude
frontiersmen of the Pacific, who loved their country, their country's
flag, and the cause of freedom,--who fulfilled, without murmur, the
self-sacrificing duty placed upon them by the martyr President, who
wrought out in blood and fire the destiny of the Northwest, and whose
only reward has been the sense of duty done. Of each of them the
beautiful words of Tennyson are peculiarly appropriate:

     "Not once or twice in our rough island story
     The path of duty was the way to glory:
     He that walks it, only thirsting
     For the right, and learns to deaden
     Love of self, before his journey closes,
     He shall find the stubborn thistle bursting
     Into glossy purples, which outredden
     All voluptuous garden roses.
     Not once or twice in our fair island's story
     The path of duty was the way to glory:
     He that ever following her commands,
     On with toil of heart and knees and hands,
     Thro' the long gorge to the far light has won
     His path upward, and prevailed,
     Shall find the toppling crags of Duty scaled
     Are close upon the shining table-lands
     To which our God himself is moon and sun.
     Such was he, his work is done.
     But while the races of mankind endure
     Let his great example stand
     Colossal, seen of every land,
     And keep the soldier firm, the statesman pure:
     Till in all lands and thro' all human story
     The path of duty be the way to glory."

     ROBERT TREAT PLATT.


FOOTNOTES:

[36] An address delivered before the University of Oregon, May 20,
1903.




THE GREAT WEST AND THE TWO EASTS.


A resounding chorus of gratulations will herald to the world within
the next two years the first centennial of two events upon which the
history of the Great West is founded--the purchase of Louisiana and
the expedition of Lewis and Clark to the mouth of the Columbia River.
Whether the student of history at the Saint Louis World's Fair in 1904
pause in admiration of the political foresight of Jefferson, or join
in the general acclaim of the heroism of our first explorers at
Portland, in 1905, the fact that will most impress him is that
geographical lines have been obliterated and there is no West.
Migrations having their origin in the dim, remote past, and continuing
down to the present, have brought the Aryan race face to face on the
opposite shores of the great western ocean, and the world finds itself
confronted with that condition which William H. Seward predicted,
when, addressing himself to the commerce, politics, thought, and
activities of Europe, he said they "will ultimately sink in
importance, while the Pacific, its shores, its islands, and the vast
regions beyond, will become the chief theater of events in the world's
great hereafter." The East that Columbus sailed westward from Spain to
discover will ever be the world's East; the West, "the remote shores
that Drake had once called by the name of New Albion," will be the
East of the World's Great East, and the West only in its geographical
relation to the Atlantic seaboard of our own country.

The West has fulfilled every promise of its value to the Union made by
its champions when its cause was before the people of the new
Republic; it has refuted every prediction of dire effect made by the
opponents of its acquisition. When the purchase of Louisiana was under
consideration, the fear was expressed that people who would move to
that region would scarcely ever feel the rays of the general
government, their affections would be alienated by distance, and
American interests would become extinct. The generous response of men
and money made by Missouri, Kansas, and Iowa, when the Union was in
the throes of a struggle for its preservation, attests the loyalty of
the Louisiana region. A Southern senator asked, in 1843, what good was
Oregon for agricultural purposes, and said he would not give a pinch
of snuff for the whole territory. Yet the Oregon Country has given the
Union three sovereign states, and part of its territory has been taken
to form two other states; its occupation by Americans was a direct
cause of the annexation of California; it has in the Columbia River
and Puget Sound two important bases for military and naval operations;
far from being inhospitable to the honest farmer of the Atlantic
seaboard, or the Ohio Valley, it has one hundred thousand farms,
valued at nearly $600,000,000. Alaska was denounced as a barren waste,
that would never add one dollar to our wealth, or furnish homes to our
people. Yet in less than forty years Alaska has supplied gold, fish,
and furs worth $150,000,000, and has paid revenue to the government
exceeding by $1,500,000 the price Russia got for it in 1867; and at no
distant day Hawaii and the Philippines will justify American
occupation by statistics as telling as those here presented of
Louisiana, Oregon, and Alaska.

If a nonexpansive policy had prevailed in our national councils at the
beginning of the nineteenth century; if the presidential chair had
been occupied by another than the broad statesman who saw beyond the
Mississippi, over the Rockies to the Pacific, and over the Pacific to
the cradle of the world, we should now have an intolerable situation
of affairs in North America. Had we refused Louisiana from Napoleon,
what is now the United States would be partitioned, geographically,
about as follows: East of the Mississippi would be the Republic of the
United States of America of 1783, with England in Canada on the north,
and Spain in Florida and fringing the Gulf of Mexico. Louisiana would
have fallen into England's hands as a result of the Napoleonic wars,
and so, perhaps, Oregon, either by reason of a favorable
interpretation of the Nootka convention, or Vancouver's discoveries.
Mexico, as the successor of Spain, would own Texas and all the
remainder of the west south of the forty-second parallel and not
included in Louisiana. With a republic on one side, and European
sovereignty on the other, the Mississippi would to-day be bristling
with cannon. The purchase of Louisiana was political foresight, and
the completion of our title to Oregon was a direct result of the
Louisiana transaction. The war with Mexico was the logical sequence of
both. From whatever point we may regard it, the acquisition of the
trans-Mississippi region, viewed in the perspective of a century, was
worth what it cost in money, actual war, and risk of war with what, in
the early stages of our history was the most powerful nation on the
globe.

The beginnings of the West date from 1850. Further back the census
reports do not present statistics that can be compared for valuable
purposes, with present standards, although as early as 1840 there were
nine hundred thousand people along the western shore of the
Mississippi in Arkansas, Iowa, Louisiana, and Missouri. These states
were long on the firing line of American civilization, and their
people subsisted by general farming, or by outfitting ox-train
merchandise caravans for Santa Fé and Chihuahua, or by outfitting and
trading with pioneer settlers _en route_ to Oregon, or gold seekers
flocking to California. Jim Bridger put up in southwestern Wyoming in
1843 the first post for the purpose of trading built west of the
Mississippi River, and its establishment marked the beginning of the
era of emigration to the Far West. Until a comparatively recent period
a goodly portion of the public domain lying west of the Missouri
River, and comprising perhaps five hundred thousand square miles, was
mapped as the "Great American Desert" and they who penetrated its
solitudes and returned unscathed to "civilization" were regarded with
that curiosity that pertains to a traveler who has visited an unknown
land. With the upbuilding of the country and the spread of knowledge
of its capabilities, the title of "Great American Desert" has been
swept away, and the colored maps that illustrate the books of the
twelfth census, regard the white portion as "unsettled area." This
includes a considerable area in every state and territory west of the
ninety-ninth degree of longitude. East of that line the only white
portion is in southeastern Florida. Progress in the half-century
comprehended in this brief review has been remarkable and the present
position of the West is strikingly shown in the appended statement,
which represent its percentages of the total for the United States for
the different items tabulated. In a few instances comparisons are made
with 1890 and 1850:

     =====================================+============================
                                          |       Per cent.
                                          +---------+---------+--------
                                          |  1900.  |  1890.  |  1860.
                                          +---------+---------+--------
     Gross area with Alaska               |   75.4  |    ---- |   ----
     Gross area without Alaska            |   59.1  |    ---- |   ----
     Population, gross                    |   27.5  |    26.6 |    8.6
     Urban population                     |   17.6  | [1]13.1 |   14.1
     Number of farms                      |   35.8  |    32.6 |    8.2
     Acres improved                       |   48.8  |    44.4 |    6.3
     Farms, total valuation               |   44.1  |[37]36.7 |    6.9
     Farm products, value                 |   43.2  |    37.4 |   20.3
     Farm animals                         |   59.4  |    ---- |   11.9
     Wool, yield                          |   69.8  |    ---- |    4.7
     Hops, yield                          |   64.3  |    ---- |    7.1
     Timber, area                         |   55.4  |    ---- |   ----
     Lumber product, value                |   32.4  |    24.9 |   10.0
     Gold, yield                          |   99.6  |    ---- |   ----
     Silver, commercial value             |   99.8  |    ---- |   ----
     Coal                                 |   15.1  |    ---- |   ----
     Railroad mileage                     |   45.2  |    ---- |    .25
     Manufactures, value of product       |   16.1  |    14.5 |    3.9
     Operatives in factories              |   12.2  |    11.9 |    3.1
     Imports and exports                  |   19.0  |    ---- |   ----
     -------------------------------------+---------+---------+--------


POPULATION.

Aggregate population has increased 957. per cent in fifty years, and
foreign population has grown faster than native:

     ==================+============+============+===========+===========
                       |            |            |           | Per cent
                       |   1900.    |   1890.    |   1850.   | of
                       |            |            |           | increase,
                       |            |            |           | 1850-1900.
                       +------------+------------+-----------+-----------
     Americans         | 18,375,337 | 14,117,931 | 1,785,462 |   929.0
     Foreigners        |  2,659,317 |  2,556,478 |   213,942 |  1143.0
                       +------------+------------+-----------+-----------
        Total          | 21,034,654 | 16,674,409 | 1,999,404 |   957.0
                       |            |            |           |
     Per cent American |       87.3 |      84.6  |     89.2  |
     Per cent foreign  |       12.7 |      15.4  |     10.8  |
     ------------------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------

The proportion of native born, which suffered a sharp decline between
1850 and 1890, because of the influx of foreigners to the mines of
California, Montana, and Nevada, and to the farm lands of Minnesota
and the Dakotas, is again in the ascendant, the net gain for the
decade just ended having been 2.7 per cent. The native population is
largest in the group of southwestern states and territories, Arkansas
leading with 98.9 per cent; Indian Territory, 98.8 per cent;
Louisiana, 96.2 per cent; Oklahoma, 96.1 per cent. Along the Pacific
coast it is highest in Oregon, with 84.1 per cent, and lowest in
California, with 75.3 per cent, Washington coming in between with 78.5
per cent. North Dakota, with 64.6 per cent, makes the poorest showing.
The proportion of natives in the West as a whole in 1900 was 1 per
cent above the average for the Union, which was 86.3 per cent. The per
cent of foreigners is highest in North Dakota, where it is 35.4, and
lowest in Arkansas, where it is 1.1. Minnesota is the only State
having to exceed 500,000 foreigners. California and Iowa have over
300,000 each.

The population of the West in 1850 consisted of 1,500,000 farmers and
traders in the Louisiana country, that is, Missouri, Iowa, Arkansas,
Minnesota; 200,000 odd who had swarmed into Texas after it had been
wrested from Mexico, some 60,000 in New Mexico, a group of gold
diggers in California, a few thousand Mormons in Utah, and a handful
of hardy pioneers who had braved privations and hostile savages on the
plains in following the footsteps of Lewis and Clark to the Oregon
country. At that time there were not quite 2,000,000 people in all the
boundless region west of the Mississippi River. The establishing of
direct communication by the overland stage, followed by the building
of the transcontinental railroad, stimulated growth, and by 1870 the
West had attained considerable importance in population. In 1850 it
reported 8.6 per cent of the total population of the Union; 26.6 per
cent in 1890, and 27.5 per cent in 1900. In 1890 it had over four
times the population of the new Republic in 1790 and not quite twice
the population of the nation in 1820. In 1900 its population was
somewhat under that of the whole country in 1850, the ratio being
about 21 to 23. The appended table shows how the several states and
territories of the West have progressed in the matter of population:

     =================+============+============+============
                      |    1850.   |    1890.   |    1900.
                      +------------+------------+-------------
     Arkansas         |    209,897 |  1,128,179 |  1,311,564
     California       |     92,597 |  1,208,130 |  1,485,053
     Colorado         |            |    412,198 |    539,700
     Idaho            |            |     84,385 |    161,772
     Iowa             |    192,214 |  1,911,896 |  2,231,853
     Kansas           |            |  1,427,096 |  1,470,495
     Louisiana        |    517,762 |  1,118,587 |  1,381,625
     Minnesota        |      6,077 |  1,301,826 |  1,751,394
     Missouri         |    682,044 |  2,679,184 |  3,106,665
     Montana          |            |    132,159 |    343,329
     Nebraska         |            |  1,058,910 |  1,066,300
     Nevada           |            |     45,761 |     42,335
     North Dakota     |            |    182,719 |    319,146
     Oregon           |     13,294 |    313,767 |    413,536
     South Dakota     |            |    328,808 |    401,570
     Texas            |    212,592 |  2,235,523 |  3,048,710
     Utah             |     11,380 |    207,905 |    276,749
     Washington       |            |    349,390 |    518,103
     Wyoming          |            |     60,705 |     92,531
     Alaska           |            |     32,052 |     63,592
     Arizona          |            |     59,620 |    122,931
     Indian Territory |            |    180,182 |    392,060
     New Mexico       |     61,547 |    153,593 |    195,310
     Oklahoma         |            |     61,834 |    398,331
                      +------------+------------+------------
        Total         |  1,999,404 | 16,674,409 | 21,034,654
     -----------------+------------+------------+------------

Louisiana, with 11.4 inhabitants to the square mile, was the most
thickly settled state in the West in 1850. Missouri followed with 9.9;
Arkansas with 4, and Iowa with 3.5. The average for the Union was 7.9.
That year the little State of Delaware, with 91,532 inhabitants,
boasted of one two hundred and sixty-third part of the total
population of the Union. Where was Oregon with about one seventh of
Delaware's population and Minnesota with less than one half of
Oregon's? In 1900 the density of the Union was 25.6 inhabitants per
square mile. Three western states, Missouri, with 45.2, Iowa, with
40.2, and Louisiana, with 30.4, exceeded the general average. In the
remainder of the states the density ranged from 0.4 in Nevada to 24.7
in Arkansas.

The colored population of the trans-Mississippi region is largely
confined to the states in the southern belt, Arkansas, Louisiana, and
Texas. In the Pacific states the colored population is principally
Chinese and Japanese.

Throughout the West, with the exception of Louisiana, the number of
females to each 100,000 men is under the national average, which is
95,353. Louisiana reports 98,871, and Utah, for obvious reasons,
follows with 95,324. Arkansas, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Texas also have
between 90,000 and 95,000 females to each 100,000 men, and in
Minnesota, Nebraska, South Dakota, Indian Territory, New Mexico, and
Oklahoma, the average is over 85,000 and under 90,000. The proportion
of women to each 100,000 men is exceedingly low in the Pacific coast
and mountain states, being 80,987 in California; 73,265 in Idaho;
62,390 in Montana; 65,352 in Nevada; 77,495 in Oregon; 70,329 in
Washington; 59,032 in Wyoming. Alaska reports 38,629.

Here, as in other parts of the Union, urban population is growing
faster than rural. Comparison for this discussion is with the census
of 1870, as the returns for any previous year would make too meagre a
showing. In 1870 the West had 56 of the 226 places that reported a
population of 4,000 and over. In 1890 the number was 176 out of 899,
and in 1900 it was 251 out of 1,158. Of the West's total population in
1900, 20.3 per cent was urban, against 37.3 percent for the Union. In
1900, 17.6 per cent of the total urban population of the country lived
in the West, 13.1 per cent in 1890, and 14.1 per cent in 1870.
California with 48.9 per cent and Colorado with 41.2 are above the
average for the Union, while Washington, with 36.4 makes a close
approach to the mark. For other states the average is: Iowa, 20.5;
Kansas, 19.2; Louisiana, 25.1; Minnesota, 31; Missouri, 34.9; Montana
and Wyoming, 28.6; Nebraska, 20.8; Oregon, 27.6; Utah, 29.4; Arkansas,
6.9; Idaho, 6.2; Nevada, 10.6; North Dakota, 5.4; South Dakota, 7.2;
Texas, 14.9; Arizona, 10.6; Indian Territory, 2.5; New Mexico, 6.1;
Oklahoma, 5. The following statement shows the drift of the population
into the cities:

  =================+=============+============+============+===========
                   |             |            |            | Increase
                   |   1900.     |   1890.    |   1870.    | per cent,
                   |             |            |            | 1870-1900.
                   +-------------+------------+------------+-----------
  Urban population |   5,024,876 |  3,723,427 |  1,145,033 |    338
  Rural population |  16,009,778 | 12,950,982 |  5,732,063 |    179
                   +-------------+-------- ---+------------+-----------
    Total          |  21,034,654 | 16,674,409 |  6,877,096 |    206
  -----------------+-------------+------------+------------+-----------

In 1870 Saint Louis, New Orleans, and San Francisco were the only
cities that had over 100,000 population. In 1900 ten cities exceeded
100,000, while eight other cities, Portland leading the contingent,
had between 50,000 and 100,000. Since 1880 Seattle has advanced from
one hundred and fifty-first place to forty-eighth place in the rank of
American cities; Los Angeles from one hundred and thirty-fifth to
thirty-sixth; Duluth from one hundred and fifty-second to
seventy-second; Kansas City, Kansas, from one hundred and fifty-fifth
to seventy-sixth; Portland from one hundred and sixth to forty-second;
Tacoma from one hundred and fifty-seventh to one hundred and fourth;
Spokane from one hundred and fifty-eighth to one hundred and sixth,
and Dallas, Texas, from one hundred and thirty-seventh to
eighty-eighth. So rapid is the growth of Portland and Seattle that
before many years they must take position among the country's twenty
largest cities.


AGRICULTURE.

The area of improved land in farms has increased nearly thirty-fold in
fifty years, but has not kept pace with population. This table shows
the details:

  =============+=================================+=======================
               |           Acres improved.       | Acres per inhabitant.
               +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+-------
               |  1900.    |   1890.   |  1850.  | 1900. | 1890. | 1850.
               +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+-------
               |           |           |         |       |       |
  Arkansas     |  6,953,735|  5,475,043|  781,530|   5.3 |   4.8 |  3.7
  California   | 11,958,837| 12,222,839|   32,454|   8.0 |  10.1 |  0.35
  Colorado     |  2,273,968|  1,823,520|         |   4.2 |   4.4 |
  Idaho        |  1,413,118|    606,362|         |   8.7 |   7.0 |
  Iowa         | 29,897,552| 25,428,899|  824,682|  13.3 |  13.3 |  4.2
  Kansas       | 25,040,550| 22,303,301|         |  17.0 |  15.6 |
  Louisiana    |  4,666,532|  3,774,668|1,590,025|   3.3 |   3.3 |  3.0
  Minnesota    | 18,442,585| 11,127,953|    5,035|  16.2 |   8.5 |  0.83
  Missouri     | 22,900,043| 19,792,313|2,938,425|   7.3 |   7.3 |  4.3
  Montana      |  1,736,701|    915,517|         |   7.1 |   6.8 |
  Nebraska     | 18,432,595| 15,247,705|         |  17.3 |  14.4 |
  Nevada       |    572,948|    723,052|         |  13.2 |  15.8 |
  North Dakota |  9,644,520|  4,658,015|         |  30.2 |  26.0 |
  Oregon       |  3,328,308|  3,516,000|  132,857|   8.0 |  11.2 |  9.0
  South Dakota | 11,285,983|  6,959,293|         |  28.1 |  21.1 |
  Texas        | 19,576,076| 20,746,215|  643,976|   6.4 |   9.2 |  3.0
  Utah         |  1,032,117|    548,223|   16,333|   3.7 |   2.1 |  1.4
  Washington   |  3,465,960|  1,820,832|         |   6.6 |   5.2 |
  Wyoming      |    792,332|    476,831|         |   8.5 |   7.8 |
  Alaska       |        159|           |         |       |       |
  Arizona      |    227,739|    104,128|         |   1.8 |   1.7 |
  Indian       |           |           |         |       |       |
   Territory   |  3,062,193|           |         |   7.8 |       |
  New Mexico   |    326,873|    263,106|  166,201|   1.7 |   1.7 |
  Oklahoma     |  5,511,994|    563,728|         |  13.8 |   9.0 |
               +-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+-------
  Total        |202,543,416|159,097,543|7,131,518|   9.6 |   9.5 |  3.56
  -------------+-----------+-----------+---------+-------+-------+-------

The new farms opened since 1850 are nearly equal in the aggregate to
the land area of the original thirteen states. The new farms opened
between 1890 and 1900 are more than the combined land areas of the
states of Tennessee and West Virginia. North Dakota, with a little
over 300,000 population, has more land by 1,500,000 acres under farms
than has all New England with 5,600,000 people. The average number of
improved acres per inhabitant more than doubled in the West between
1850 and 1890 and showed in 1900 a slight increase over 1890. In the
older agricultural states it is steadily decreasing. Thus, in New
England it fell from 4 acres in 1850 to 1.4 acres in 1900; New York
from 4 to 2.1 in the same interval. The Ohio valley states have held
up steadier. Ohio has decreased from 4.9 to 4.6, and Illinois from 5.9
to 5.7. Indiana has increased from 5.1 to 6.6.

The West has 2,056,748 farms compared with 1,491,405 in 1890, and
119,510 in 1850. Texas, with 352,190, leads the Union, and Missouri,
with 284,886, holds second place. Iowa has 37,000 more farms than all
the New England states combined. While the West has not quite half the
improved acreage of the country, it has 63 per cent of the unimproved
acreage or 269,000,000 acres out of 426,400,000 acres. Farms average
in size from 93.1 acres in Arkansas to 885.9 acres in Montana, 1,174.7
acres in Nevada, and 1,333 acres in Wyoming, where stock raising
predominates and requires large ranges. The average for the West is
229.1 acres against 146.6 acres for the Union.

The proportion of the total land area in farms ranges from 3.7 per
cent in Nevada to 97.4 per cent in Iowa. Kansas has 79.7, Missouri
77.3, Texas 74.9, Oklahoma 63, Nebraska 60.8, and Minnesota 51.8. No
other State has 50 per cent. In the Rocky Mountains and Pacific states
the average, considering the capabilities of the soil, is surprisingly
low. California reports 28.9, Washington 19.9, Oregon 16.6, Wyoming
13, Montana 12.7, Utah 7.8, and Idaho 5.9. Iowa leads the Nation in
this respect, followed by Indiana with 94.1, Ohio with 93.9, and
Illinois with 91.5. It is from these four states, whose areas are so
largely taken up and whose land values are high, that the extreme West
is seeking by reason of its cheap lands and equable climate, to draw
its new population. East of the Mississippi River the percentage
ranges in New England from 32.9 in Maine to 80.8 in Vermont. Along the
Atlantic coast the average is from 59 per cent in New Jersey to 85 per
cent in Delaware. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois have already been shown
in comparison with Iowa. Kentucky has 85.9, Tennessee 76.1, Wisconsin
57, and Michigan 47.8. Florida with 12.6 and the District of Columbia
with 22.1 are the only percentages reported from east of the
Mississippi River, that look like western figures. Values follow:
     =================+=================+================+============
      Total farm      |   The Union.    |   The West.    | Per cent
      values.         |                 |                | in West.
     -----------------+ ----------------+--------------- +------------
     1900             | $20,514,001,838 | $9,155,558,744 |    44.1
     1890             |  15,982,267,689 |  5,872,085,782 |    36.7
     1850             |   3,967,343,580 |    276,464,837 |     6.9
                      |                 |                |
      Value of farm   |                 |                |
      products.       |                 |                |
                      |                 |                |
     1900             |   4,739,118,752 |  2,050,766,616 |    43.2
     1890             |   2,460,197,454 |    920,823,920 |    37.4
     1870[38]         |   2,447,538,658 |    499,092,093 |    20.3
     -----------------+-----------------+----------------+------------

Productions in quantity of principal crops in the West in 1890 and
1850 and percentages of the total for those years are thus shown:

   ===================+==============+==============+===========+=========
                      |              |              | Per cent  | Per cent
          Product.    | Yield, 1900. | Yield, 1850. | of total, |of total,
                      |              |              |   1900.   |   1850.
   -------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------+---------
   Wheat, bushels     |  431,963,900 |   5,288,868  |    65.5   |   5.2
   Corn, bushels      |1,363,983,943 |  70,467,713  |    51.1   |  11.9
   Barley, bushels    |   93,767,657 |      47,709  |    78.2   |    .92
   Buckwheat, bushels |      312,456 |      77,341  |     2.7   |    .86
   Oats, bushels      |  454,460,412 |   7,849,962  |    48.1   |   5.3
   Rye, bushels       |    7,705,068 |      76,255  |    30.1   |    .53
                      +--------------+--------------+-----------+---------
   Total grain,       |              |              |           |
     bushels          |2,352,193,536 |  83,807,848  |    53.1   |   9.6
                      +==============+==============+===========+=========
   United States,     |              +              +           +
     bushels          |4,424,800,923 | 867,453,967  |    ----   |  ----
   Butter,[B] pounds  |  390,810,814 |  15,184,444  |    36.4   |   4.8
   Cheese,[39] pounds |    7,609,331 |     614,732  |    46.4   |    .58
   Wool, pounds       |  193,516,806 |   2,500,885  |    69.8   |   4.7
   Flax seed, bushels |   19,791,647 |      16,010  |    99.0   |    .28
   Hay, tons          |   44,799,194 |     253,297  |    53.3   |   1.8
   Potatoes, bushels  |   87,288,453 |   1,764,969  |    31.9   |   2.6
   Hops, pounds       |   31,673,821 |      12,719  |    64.3   |   7.1
   -------------------+--------------+--------------+-----------+---------

The West leads the East in flocks and herds, viz:

   ===================+=========================+========================
                      |        The Union--      |        The West--
                      +------------+------------+------------+-----------
                      |   1900.    |   1850.    |   1900.    |   1850.
                      +------------+------------+------------+-----------
   Dairy cows         | 17,139,674 |  6,385,094 |  7,011,333 |    722,221
   Other meat cattle  | 50,682,662 | 11,393,813 | 35,585,356 |  1,756,059
   Mules and asses    |  3,366,724 |    559,331 |  1,655,654 |    122,371
   Horses             | 18,280,007 |  4,336,719 | 10,063,260 |    528,459
   Sheep              | 39,937,573 | 21,723,220 | 26,940,389 |  1,628,159
   Lambs              | 21,668,238 |    ----    | 13,632,117 |    ----
   Swine              | 62,876,108 | 30,354,213 | 32,274,381 |  4,193,895
                      +------------+------------+------------+-----------
       Total          |213,950,986 | 74,752,390 |127,162,490 |  8,951,164
   Per cent           |            |            |    59.4    |    11.9
   -------------------+------------+------------+------------+-----------


MANUFACTURING.

The center of area in the United States, excluding Alaska and recent
acquisitions, is in northern Kansas, the center of population in
Indiana, and the center of manufactures in Ohio. The center of area
will always be in the West and the centers of population and
manufactures are slowly moving that way. Manufacturing is of minor
importance, though the aggregate of output exceeded the agricultural
output in 1900 by over $50,000,000. Relatively its position is not so
strong, being but 16.1 per cent of the total, against 27.5 per cent
for population and 43.2 per cent for value of farm products.
Manufacturing increased substantially in the 1890 and 1900 decade and
materially in the past fifty years. Thus,

  ======================+================+=================+=============
                        |      1900.     |      1890.      |    1860.
  ----------------------+----------------+-----------------+-------------
  Value of products     |$ 2,104,940,868 | $ 1,367,835,887 | $ 40,398,488
  Number of operatives  |     652,561    |         508,371 |       30,084
  Dollars per operative |       2,991    |           2,690 |        1,342
    Per cent of total:  |                |                 |
      Product           |      16.1      |         14.5    |        3.9
      Operatives        |      12.2      |         11.9    |        3.1
  ----------------------+----------------+-----------------+-------------

Missouri is the principal State for this branch of industry,
California second, and Minnesota third. These states stand for nearly
half the total output of Western factories. The output of California,
Oregon, and Washington, in 1900, was $435,670,399, constituting 3.3
per cent of the value of products for the United States. Commenting on
this, we find the census of Manufactures (part 1, page CLXXVIII)
saying:

     The industrial condition in this group of states in 1900,
     considering the value, but not the character of the
     products, was about the same as the New England states in
     1860 and the Middle states in 1850. From this point of view,
     the growth of the Pacific states has been remarkable. The
     character of its industries is still determined largely by
     its natural resources of farm, forest, and mine, but the
     recent wars in the Orient, resulting in the opening of new
     markets, gave to the industries of this section a great
     stimulus which had only begun to be felt at the time the
     twelfth census was taken.


COMMERCE.

The combined imports and exports of the United States in the year
ended June 30, 1901, were geographically distributed as follows: New
York, 45.73 per cent; other ports east of the Mississippi River, 35.24
per cent; the West (Pacific and Gulf ports), 19.03. Of the seven great
ports in the Union, three are in the West, New Orleans ranking the
third, Galveston sixth, and San Francisco seventh. New Orleans has a
foreign commerce of $173,000,000 a year; Galveston $102,000,000, and
San Francisco $70,000,000. Puget Sound and the Columbia River, which
before many years will be large ports, have between them $40,000,000.
Of the total exports of the United States in 1901, the West reported
$354,682,075, or 23.1 per cent. Imports were $86,275,443, or 10 per
cent. Breadstuffs form a considerable item of the exports of Western
ports. For the ten years ended June 30, 1901, shipments were
240,000,000 bushels of barley, corn, oats, rye, 450,000,000 bushels of
wheat, and 26,000,000 barrels of wheat flour, of a total value of
$521,000,000. San Francisco led in this business, with New Orleans
second, and Portland, Oregon, third.


MINERAL PRODUCTIONS.

Ever since the discovery of gold in California in 1848 mining has been
one of the most important industries of the West. Between 1848 and
1900 California yielded gold valued at $1,385,197,097, about one
eighth the total gold production of the world from 1493 to 1900. The
West in 1900 produced 99.6 per cent of the Nation's gold, 99.8 per
cent of its silver (commercial value), and 15.1 per cent of its coal,
viz:

     ==============+=============+=============+===============
                   |    Gold.    |   Silver.   |  Total value.
                   +-------------+-------------+---------------
     California    | $15,816,200 | $   583,668 | $ 16,399,868
     Colorado      |  28,829,400 |  12,700,018 |   41,529,418
     Idaho         |   1,724,700 |   3,986,042 |    5,710,742
     Montana       |   4,698,000 |   8,801,148 |   13,499,148
     Nevada        |   2,006,200 |     842,394 |    2,848,594
     Oregon        |   1,694,700 |      71,548 |    1,766,248
     South Dakota  |   6,177,600 |     332,444 |    6,510,044
     Utah          |   3,972,200 |   5,745,912 |    9,718,112
     Alaska        |   8,171,000 |      45,446 |    8,216,446
     Arizona       |   4,193,400 |   1,857,210 |    6,050,610
     Texas, etc.   |   1,587,100 |     704,568 |    2,291,668
                   +-------------+-------------+---------------
       Total       | $78,870,500 | $35,670,398 | $114,540,898
     --------------+-------------+-------------+---------------

Other mineral productions are 30,000,000 tons of coal; 200,000 short
tons of lead; 413,000,000 pounds of copper; 3,600,000 barrels of
petroleum, and 30,000 flasks of quicksilver. The copper mines of
Montana and Arizona have lessened the importance of the Lake Superior
region as a source of supply, cutting its percentage of the total
American output from 62.9 in 1862, to 25.9 in 1899.

One of the greatest gold mining regions of the world is located in
eastern Oregon, covering a gross area of between 3,000 and 4,000
square miles. Prof. J. Waldemar Lindgren, of the United States
Geological Survey, believes that the strong, well-defined veins upon
which most of the important mines of this region are located will
continue to the greatest depths yet attained in mining.


LUMBER INDUSTRY.

According to the census reports for 1900, lumber is excelled in value
among American productions only by iron and steel, textiles and
slaughtering and meat packing. The West, having 607,500 square miles,
or 55.4 per cent of the total wooded area of the country, exclusive of
Alaska, will surely be paramount in this important industry. Indeed,
we, this early, find the Director of the Census making this important
admission in one (203) of his bulletins:

     The white pine area in the Northwest has passed its maximum
     of production and the attention of lumbermen is being
     diverted from this region to the Southern pine forests and
     to the enormously heavy forests of the Northwest coast,
     which will, in the course of a decade or two, become the
     chief source of lumber for the country.

Texas, with 64,000 square miles, leads the Union in wooded area.
Oregon is second, with 54,300 square miles, and Minnesota third, with
52,200 square miles. Arkansas, California, Missouri, Montana, and
Washington each have over 40,000 square miles of wooded area. Oregon,
Washington, and California have at least one third of the standing
timber of the country, but they cut less than ten per cent of the
total lumber product. The redwood forest of California is, perhaps,
the densest forest, measured by the amount of lumber per acre, in the
world. In quantity of standing timber, Oregon leads the Union with 225
billion feet; California second with 200 billion feet, and Washington
third with nearly 196 billion feet. Minnesota, with a product of
$43,600,000 leads the West and Washington is second, with $30,300,000.
The total value of the lumber product of the West in 1900 was
$184,135,988, against $109,201,667 in 1890 and $6,075,896 in 1850. The
lumber cut was 10,925,736 M feet, board measure, or a little less than
one third of the output of the Union. Among Western states, Minnesota
led with 2,342,388 M feet, Arkansas second with 1,623,987 M feet, and
Washington third with 1,429,032 M feet. Oregon cut 734,528 M feet.


RAILROAD TRANSPORTATION.

The transcontinental railroads have brought the West up to its present
state of development, for they have opened it to settlement, and
provided reasonable rates for the transport of its products to the
Eastern markets, even if at the same time they have exposed its infant
manufacturing industries to the competition of the large
capitalization of the Atlantic seaboard and the Ohio Valley. In 1850
the West had 79½ miles of railroad, all in Louisiana. All the rest of
the westward stretch of the nation to the Pacific was without so much
as a single rail. What Louisiana could so proudly boast of in 1850 was
less than the mileage operated by the Boston and Maine and its
branches in Massachusetts that same year. By 1900 the total had
swelled to 87,406.13 miles out of the 193,345.78 miles in the United
States and the percentage from .25 to 45.2. On the basis of miles of
railroad per 100 square miles of territory Iowa leads with 16.56 and
Nevada is lowest with .83. In miles of line per ten thousand
inhabitants Nevada is first with 214.98, and Louisiana last with
20.44.

In view of the enormous railroad construction in the West in the past
thirty years it is worth while to recall President Buchanan's telegram
to John Butterfield, the pioneer of Western overland transportation,
when the first direct overland mail arrived by stage at Saint Louis
from San Francisco October 9, 1858:

     I cordially congratulate you upon the result. It is a
     glorious triumph for civilization and the Union. Settlements
     will soon follow the course of the road, and the East and
     the West will be bound together by a chain of living
     Americans which can never be broken.


FINANCE.

In 1850 there were thirty-one banks west of the Mississippi;
twenty-five in Louisiana and six in Missouri, with deposits
aggregating $9,500,000. It is difficult to figure the condition of the
people with regard to money as statements of private banks are
obtainable in only a few states and the national banks are the only
guide. On July 16, 1902, the individual deposits in these amounted to
$639,180,306, and the loans and discounts to $615,116,949.


FUTURE OF THE WEST.

The future of the Great West must be considered from two view points:
(1) In its relation to the Asiatic countries and their trade; and (2)
in its ability to support a large population. These will be taken up
in their order.

Asia and Oceanica comprise an area of 21,262,718 square miles, and
have a population of 847,000,000, or more than half that of the globe.
Of this number, 435,000,000 are in China and its dependencies, Japan,
Asiatic Russia and Corea. Asia, and the islands of the Pacific,
annually buy from the world goods valued at $1,446,000,000 and sell to
it goods of a value of $1,436,000,000, representing a total trade of
$2,882,000,000. The United States will in time have a tremendous trade
across the Pacific, although at present our proportion of the business
is inconsiderable. In the year ended June 30, 1901, only 9.25 per cent
of our foreign commerce was with Asia and Oceanica, of which 2.17 per
cent was with the British East Indies; 2.09 per cent with Japan; 1.67
per cent with Chinese ports, and .37 with the Philippines. The new
theatre of the world's activities is a virgin field, as little
understood on our Pacific seaboard as on our Atlantic seaboard, for
the exporters of both sections make the same mistakes in packing, and
in long range dealing with the Oriental customer, to whom the first
essential in trade is what our consular officers persistently pour
into unwilling ears as the "look see," or the privilege of inspecting
the commodity offered for sale, before buying it. These, however, are
details of commercial organization which our exporters can be depended
upon to settle on a satisfactory basis. The fear expressed in some
quarters that the opening of Siberia by the completion of the great
Russian railroad, and the consequent development of a region that will
become a competitor of the United States in the trans-Pacific country,
would appear to be groundless so far as any detrimental effect upon
our country is concerned. Our general development is based upon the
attraction of our institutions, the freedom of industry, the cheapness
and fertility of our lands, hospitable climate, and above all, to the
long enjoyment of the guarantee of peace. No other country in the
world can offer the same inducements to progress and no country in the
world can compete with us on our own terms.

Viewing the future of the West from the point of its ability to
support a large population, the measure must be the record of the
half-century just past. It has done more than its most sanguine friend
dared foretell of it a century ago and it is not half developed.
Excluding Alaska, it has an area of 2,138,488 square miles and a
population of 20,971,062, with a density of 9.8. The population
density of the Union is 25.6 to the square mile. The West is capable
of reaching this mark and on this basis its population would be,
approximately 55,000,000, a little more than the states east of the
Mississippi had in 1900. Every foot of the West is useful for some
purpose, the purpose depending in some degree upon the success of
irrigation. The high lands of Nevada are no more to be ignored in the
general scheme of economy than the irregular and broken surface of
Vermont, where intensive cultivation of the soil now obtains as a
result of Western competition in agriculture. When one contemplates
the rugged mountains of Idaho, eastern Montana, northern California,
Oregon, Utah, Wyoming, Colorado, and New Mexico, he should reflect
that some where in this broad land cattle must have range if the price
of meat is to be kept within bounds. Conditions for horticulture and
agriculture in Louisiana are as favorable as in any other State in the
Union. The Columbia-river basin in Oregon, Washington, and Idaho is an
empire in itself, with a population less than Chicago, and eastern
Oregon, under irrigation, could produce 100,000,000 bushels of grain.
There are those who expect Alaska to take station as an agricultural
community. Manufactures in the West will ultimately bear a close ratio
to population. Commerce will depend largely upon the effort the Nation
in general makes across the Pacific.

The West comes on the stage of the world's activity in an era of
peace, prosperity, and advancement of American principles and
institutions. Its loyalty to the Union never has been doubted and no
cloud of discord appears to bring it into contest with the East, for
its interests are identical with those of that section, and community
of interest promotes community of purpose. The West, instead of
proving the Nation destroyer, has proved its savior. What the future
is in all its aspects, no man can say. The Briton would have been
thought insane ten years ago who would have dared to predict the day
that Canada, Australia, and New Zealand would be called upon to uphold
the prestige of the empire at the Cape of Good Hope. No American,
however pessimistic, contemplates with pleasure the possibility of
war, still every American is pleased to see his country protected
against the day of war. The generation that was contemporaneous with
the statesman who said Oregon was not worth a pinch of snuff left sons
and daughters to see an Oregon regiment sailing away from San
Francisco to plant the Stars and Stripes at Manila and raise the
United States to the dignity of a world power. In that city whose
legislative halls echoed with dire warnings if Louisiana should be
accepted from Napoleon, the citizens of some future day may be
gladdened to the heart by the sight of a regiment from the Yukon River
marching down the broad avenues to the defense of the national
capital.

     HENRY E. REED.


FOOTNOTES:

[37] For 1870.

[38] Not reported by United States census prior to 1870. Values for
this year in depreciated currency. To get true value, reduce one
fifth.

[39] Made on farms only.




SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF ASTORIA.


On a peninsula flanked by Young's River and the Columbia, ten miles
from the broad Pacific, is situated the historic city of Astoria. Its
beginning dates back to April 15, 1811, when an expedition sent from
New York by John Jacob Astor founded a fur-trading post on the present
site of the city, and erected a stockade and buildings for the use of
the traders. For a short time all went well with this little pioneer
settlement, and a profitable trade was carried on, despite the murder
of the crew of the Astor Company's vessel, Tonquin, and the
destruction of the vessel off the coast of British Columbia. The
Indians became enraged on account of the treatment accorded them by
the captain, and set upon and murdered the crew, with the exception of
Mr. Lewis, the ship's clerk, who, though mortally wounded, after
inducing the Indians to come aboard again, set fire to the magazine
and blew up the ship and its swarm of savages.

Soon after this, the second war with Great Britain started, and the
members in charge at Fort Astor, thinking they would be captured by
the British war vessels then on the coast, and that their goods would
be confiscated, sold their interest and that of Mr. Astor to a rival
company, known as the Northwest Fur Company, and controlled by British
subjects. Soon after this transfer was made the British warship
Raccoon appeared in the river, and on December 12, 1813, took formal
possession of Astoria in the name of Great Britain, and named it Fort
George.

In accordance with the terms of the treaty of Ghent there was to be a
mutual restoration of all territory captured during the war. When the
question of the restoration of Astoria or Fort George came up England
contended that Astoria had been transferred in a commercial
transaction between an American and a British company, but this
contention was not pressed against the American claim that the
settlement of Astoria by an American company confirmed that title
already secured by the discovery of the Columbia River by Captain Gray
in 1792, and by the exploration of Lewis and Clark in 1805. The United
States again took possession of Astoria August 9, 1818, and the formal
transfer was made October 6, 1818.

Astoria was now a very small settlement, consisting of a stockade and
a few shacks, but bearing the high sounding titles of Astoria and Fort
George, the latter being the property of the Northwest Fur Company.

In 1821 the Hudson Bay Company and the Northwest Fur Company were
consolidated, and in 1824 Dr. John McLoughlin was placed in charge of
Fort George. At this time the fur trade was carried on chiefly with
the tribes of the interior, and it was the custom for the agents of
the company to carry the goods to the Indians. Under the circumstances
Doctor McLoughlin saw that the chief trading post should be farther
inland, near the head of navigation, and moved to Vancouver,
Washington, leaving a trader in charge of the company's property at
Astoria, whose duty it was to watch for the company's vessels, and to
send the pilot, Indian George, out to meet them and to pilot them to
Vancouver.

With the departure of the fur company, Astoria became a lookout
station and a trading post of very little importance. Mofras describes
it in 1841 as "a miserable squatter's place, invested by the rival
American and English factions, with the pompous name of Fort George
and town of Astoria, the fort being represented by a bald spot, from
which the vestige of buildings had long since disappeared, and the
town by a cabin and a shed."

This condition was soon to be changed, for the trains of immigrants
were beginning to arrive in the Willamette Valley, and some were to
push on to the extreme western limit of the continent. In 1843 J. M.
Shively came to Astoria and took up a claim in what is now the heart
of the city, and known as Shively's Astoria. He was followed by Col.
John McClure, who took the claim joining the Shively claim on the
west, and now known as McClure's Astoria, and A. E. Wilson, who
located on the claim to the east of Shively's claim, and now known as
Adair's Astoria. These three men and James Birnie, the trader, in
charge of the Hudson Bay Company's station, were the only white men in
Astoria in 1844. Soon after this Robert Shortess located on the land
now known as Alderbrook, and a Mr. Smith located at what is now known
as Smith's Point. Mr. Birnie lived in the company's building, situated
near the present site of Saint Mary's Hospital, Colonel McClure lived
in a small cabin just to the south and east of where the Baptist
Church now stands, and Mr. Shively, "who didn't believe in joint
occupancy, which disturbed the social relations between Mr. Birnie and
himself," lived at "Lime Kiln Hall," on the ridge near the eastern
limit of his claim. Mr. Wilson lived in a cabin in Upper Astoria.
There were several settlers on Clatsop Plains at this time, among the
number being D. Summers, Mr. Hobson and family, Rev. J. L. Parrish,
Messrs. Solomon Smith, Tibbets, Trask, and Perry. Ben Wood, N.
Eberman, and other young men held claims on the plains, but lived
elsewhere.

Astoria the fur-trading post now ceased to exist; Astoria, the town,
was started. Astoria's real beginning, from which resulted a city,
dates back, then, only to the early forties when the homeseekers first
settled here. In 1846 James Welch and family and David Ingalls
arrived. Mr. Welch took possession of the Shively claim during Mr.
Shively's absence in the East and divided the claim into city lots as
Mr. Shively had previously done. This led to a dispute over the
ownership of the claim which was finally settled by an equal division
of the claim between the two interested parties.

When J. M. Shively returned from the East in 1847 he brought with him
his commission as postmaster and opened the first post office west of
the Rocky Mountains in the Shively building, still standing on the
east side of Fourteenth Street, between Exchange Street and Franklin
Avenue. The next year S. T. McKean, wife, and six children arrived and
took up their residence here. In this year also the news of the
discovery of gold in California led to a stampede to the mines and
while some of the inhabitants of Astoria went, their places were soon
filled by people brought here by the great increase in the amount of
shipping done from Columbia River. A great demand for lumber and
provisions arose and mills were started to supply this demand. Hunt's
mill, just below Westport, had commenced operations in 1846, and when
the gold excitement started, had one hundred thousand feet of lumber
on hand which was eagerly purchased at $100 per thousand. The
Milwaukie mill and Abernethy's mill at Oak Point supplied the greater
part of the lumber for the California trade. In 1849 Marland's mill,
just above Tongue Point, was started. This mill was later destroyed by
fire. In 1851-52 James Welch and others built the first mill in the
city proper. It was located in the block bounded by Commercial, Bond,
Ninth, and Tenth streets. It was afterward owned by W. W. Parker and
known as the Parker mill.

The increase in the amount of shipping led to the establishment of the
customhouse at Astoria in 1849. The same year Captains White and
Hustler arrived and brought the first pilot boat to operate on the
Columbia-river bar, the Mary Taylor. The pilots had their headquarters
at Astoria, and this led to increased trade for Astoria and the
establishment of boarding houses for the accommodation of the shipping
men and the passengers of vessels that stopped here either to await
favorable wind to proceed to up-river points or to cross the bar or to
complete their cargoes of lumber or increase their cargoes of
provisions with a few barrels of salt salmon.

When Col. John Adair, the first collector of customs, arrived at
Astoria he occupied the McClure house and tried to secure land from
the different owners of the town on which to build the customhouse.
The owners refused to donate the land and fixed the price at a figure
which Colonel Adair considered too high. The result of this
disagreement was the establishing of the United States customhouse at
Upper Astoria and the beginning of the rivalry between the upper and
lower towns, which lasted for many years, and led to the building up
of two towns mutually jealous of each other yet having every interest
in common. Judge Strong, who passed through Astoria in 1850, says:

     When Astoria was pointed out as we reached the point below,
     I confess to a feeling of disappointment. Astoria, the
     oldest and most famous town in Oregon, we had expected to
     find a larger place. We saw before us a straggling hamlet,
     consisting of a dozen or so of small houses irregularly
     planted along the river bank shut in by the dense forest. We
     became reconciled and indeed somewhat elated in our feelings
     when we visited the shore and by its enterprising
     proprietors were shown the beauties of the place. There were
     avenues and streets, squares and public parks, wharves and
     warehouses, churches and theaters and an immense
     population--all upon the map. Astoria at that time was a
     small place or rather two places--the upper and the lower
     town--between which there was great rivalry. The upper town
     was known to the people of lower Astoria as Adairville. The
     lower town was designated by its rival as "Old Fort George
     or McClure's Astoria." A road between the two places would
     have weakened the differences of both, isolation being the
     protection of either. In the upper town was the customhouse;
     in the lower town two companies of United States engineers,
     under command of Major J. S. Hathaway. There were not,
     excepting the military and those attached to them and the
     customhouse officials, to exceed twenty-five men in both
     towns. At the time of our arrival in the country there was
     considerable commerce carried on, principally in sailing
     vessels, between the Columbia River and San Francisco. The
     exports were chiefly lumber, the imports merchandise.

The United States census of 1850 gives Astoria a population of two
hundred and fifty-two, which number included the two companies of
United States engineers stationed here and probably a number of
transients.

I have before me a photograph of a painting copied from a
daguerreotype picture of Astoria taken in 1856. This picture was taken
from a spot near where the Parker House now stands and shows a wharf
and a dozen houses. The wharf was known as the Parker wharf and
extended from the Parker mill in a northeasterly direction to a point
just north of the Occident Hotel. This was the first wharf erected in
Astoria and was built in the early fifties. The picture also shows the
old Methodist Church which was built in 1853-54, a cooper shop, the
Shively house, the present residence of Judge F. J. Taylor, and the
buildings occupied by the United States troops during their stay here.
A few houses were not shown in the picture, those in the then western
part of the town and those in upper town.

Astoria was now assuming the proportions of a town and in 1856 was
incorporated by the territorial legislature. The town included the
Shively claim and a part of the McClure claim.

With the incorporation of the Astoria and Willamette Valley Railroad
in 1858 by T. R. Cornelius, W. W. Parker, John Adair and others began
Astoria's struggle for rail connections with other parts of the state
and with the East which ended with the completion of the Astoria and
Columbia River Railroad in 1898.

No census returns were handed in for Astoria in 1860, but the
estimated population was about two hundred and fifty. The troops had
been removed before this so that the town had had a substantial growth
caused chiefly by the increase in the amount of shipping and the trade
with the small growing settlements near Astoria. Astoria was becoming
the trade center for all points on the lower Columbia. The fishing
industry was confined still to the smoking and salting of salmon and a
considerable quantity was shipped to the Sandwich Islands.

J. M. Shively, who had been appointed postmaster in 1847, left for the
mines in 1849 leaving his deputy, David Ingalls, in charge of the
office, who moved the office to his store on the southwest corner of
Tenth and Duane streets. At this time Astoria was the distributing
office for the entire Northwest, including the present states of
Oregon, Washington, Idaho, and Montana. In 1853 San Francisco was made
the distributing point for the coast. T. P. Powers, who resided in
Upper Town and was a part owner in that place, succeeded Mr. Shively
as postmaster and moved the post office to upper town near the
customhouse. This left Astoria without a federal office and helped to
build up its rival. With the change of the national administration in
1861, new officers who were friendly to the lower town were appointed
and the post office and the customhouse were moved to the lower town.
It was remarked at the time by a resident of lower town that "politics
took them away and politics brought them back."

The erection of Fort Stevens and Fort Canby at this time made work
plentiful around the mouth of the river and contributed to the growth
of Astoria both in population and in wealth, as many of the supplies
were drawn from the town.

The school census for the years 1859-70 shows a steady growth in
population brought about by the establishment of new enterprises, the
settlement of the country tributary to the town, and the increase in
amount of shipping from the Columbia River, especially the
establishment of a regular line of steamers from Portland and Astoria
to San Francisco. In 1865 Christian Leinweber started the Upper
Astoria tannery which gave employment to about thirty persons. In 1867
what was afterwards known as the Hume mill was built near Thirteenth
and Commercial streets and was one of the city's most important
resources until its destruction by fire in 1883.

In 1867 Judge Cyrus Olney, who had succeeded to the claim of John
McClure, formulated a plan to dispose of a part of this property at a
uniform price per lot. This plan was known, locally, as the Olney
lottery. Tickets were sold for $50 each, entitling the holder to a lot
in the city and a chance to draw the "grand prize," which consisted of
two lots and a house, the property now owned and occupied by Louis
Kirchoff and situated on Twelfth Street, between Exchange Street and
Franklin Avenue. The other lots were situated in different parts of
McClure's Astoria. The plan then amounted to this: each ticket
entitled the holder to a lot, though the location was a matter of
chance, and a chance to win two lots and a house. Many lots were
disposed of by means of this lottery.

By 1870 the population of the town had increased to six hundred and
thirty-nine, and the population of Clatsop County had increased from
four hundred and sixty-two in 1850 to one thousand two hundred and
fifty-five in 1870. Small sailing vessels and steamboats were running
between Astoria and lower river points, and a regular steamer service
was maintained between Portland and Astoria and between Portland and
San Francisco. At this time it was customary for the ocean steamers to
make the trip from Portland to Astoria during the day, and to tie up
at Astoria for the night, and to cross the bar the next morning.
Steamer day was the event of the week and was a source of considerable
revenue to the merchants of the town.

The Pioneer and Historical Society was organized in this city in 1871,
and, as the name implies, its membership is limited to the pioneers of
Oregon, and its object is to prepare and keep a record of the events
in which the pioneers figured during the founding and development of
the State. Many records were collected by the society, but for the
most part have been scattered and lost, as have the books of its once
valuable library. For several years past the society has had merely a
nominal existence, but recently a movement has been started to
reorganize the society, and to carry out the purposes for which it was
founded, especially in the way of collecting local history.

The _Astorian_, the successor to Astoria's first newspaper, _The
Marine Gazette_, published during the sixties, was first published in
1873, and has been issued continuously since that time. Its influence
in the upbuilding of the town can not be estimated. The early files of
the paper are filled with articles encouraging new enterprises,
setting forth the advantages of the town, and recording every new step
in its advancement.

The question of title to the water frontage became a troublesome one
when the town began to grow and buildings were being erected along the
water front. The original settlers thought they had title to this land
by virtue of their patent from the United States; but later it was
learned that the State of Oregon had title to all land between high
and low-water mark. By a legislative act passed in 1872 the State
authorized the sale of its property in front of Astoria to the owners
of the property immediately back of the tide land, or to those who had
purchased their land from such owners and had made improvements
thereon. The price asked was nominal. During the years 1873-76 most of
this land was purchased from the State, and the city placed in a
position to use the property best suited for cannery sites and
wharves.

By the terms of the new city charter, passed in 1876, the limits of
the city were extended so as to include Shively's claim, Hustler and
Aiken's Addition, and all of McClure and Olney's Addition. In 1891 the
boundaries were again changed so as to include Upper Astoria,
Alderbrook, all the land between Alderbrook and John Day's River, and
Smith's Point. The city was bounded at this time by the Columbia
River, John Day's River, Young's Bay and River, and a line connecting
John Day's River and Young's River. These boundaries remained until
1899, when all the land east of Van Dusen's Addition was cut off from
the city.

In the fall of 1874 the first grain ships to take their entire cargo
from Astoria were loaded by R. C. Kinney & Sons. This fleet consisted
of the British ship Vermont and three other vessels. The same year the
Astoria and Willamette Barge Company was formed for the purpose of
carrying wheat in barges and steamers from the farms in the Willamette
Valley to the vessels at Astoria. The company built the "Farmer's
Wharf" on the site of the present dock and warehouse of the Oregon
Railway and Navigation Company. This company lacked the capital to
carry on this enterprise and after loading a few ships sold out to the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company. The promoters of the barge company
expected to transport a ship load of wheat to Astoria for less than
the cost of towage and pilotage between Portland and Astoria. Since
this time some of the larger grain vessels have completed their
cargoes here, but this port has not been made a starting point for the
grain fleet.

While the experiment with the wheat shipping was being tried another
industry was rising into importance, the one that more than any other
has contributed to the growth of the town. In 1866 four thousand cases
of salmon had been packed. The following year eighteen thousand cases
were packed on the Columbia River, and this important industry was
established and by 1874 it had reached the proportions of an extensive
commercial transaction. Astoria's share in the salmon packing business
began with the erection of Badollet & Company's cannery in Upper
Astoria in 1873. This cannery did not run the next season. A. Booth &
Company built the second Astoria cannery. Devlin & Nygant's, R. D.
Hume & Company's, and Kinney's were built in the order named and all
were in operation in 1876. Trullinger's mill was built during this
year and Astoria now boasted of two large mills, five canneries, and a
tannery. During the two years, from 1874 to 1876, the population of
the town nearly doubled and many new buildings, consisting of
canneries, warehouses, and dwellings, were erected. There was much
money in circulation as every one had money and the fishermen were
prodigal with theirs. Small change was seldom used, the quarter being
the smallest coin in general use. This was the period of Astoria's
greatest growth. From a small shipping station in the sixties it had
grown to be a town of about two thousand people, controlling the most
important industry on the lower Columbia and holding a large trade.
Improvements followed as a matter of course. In 1876 the Western Union
Telegraph Company completed its line between Portland and Astoria,
and Robert Mason & Company constructed a building and entered into the
production of oil from salmon heads. During this year a new enterprise
was started at the canneries of M. J. Kinney and Hanthorn & Company,
that of canning beef and mutton. At Kinney's from September, 1876, to
January, 1877, nineteen thousand five hundred cases of beef and five
hundred cases of mutton were packed. This industry seems never to have
gotten beyond the experimental stage in Astoria, owing largely to the
difficulty of securing cattle at a fair price and to the lack of
facilities for and experience in handling the meat. During the season
of 1877 there were eleven canneries in operation in Astoria and more
than a thousand fishing boats were in use on the river. Just before
sundown, during the fishing season, the river would be covered with
white sailed boats, all sailing briskly along on their way to their
favorite drifts.

Houses during this year were in great demand, and many were built. The
_Astorian_ thus speaks of the building boom:

     It may seem surprising, but nevertheless it is true, work is
     progressing in all stages upon one hundred and eighty-nine
     new buildings in the city of Astoria at this moment. * *
     Were we to attempt to enumerate the long list of structures
     erected in this city since last fall we should fail to do
     the subject justice. In building wharves and warehouses,
     canneries, and other packing establishments, ship yards, and
     machine shops, stores, and residences, many thousands of
     dollars have been spent.

And again:

     Houses are being erected at an alarming rate. Last Saturday
     ten new structures were raised--one for every working hour
     of the day.

The river trade, a very important factor in the upbuilding of the
city, had greatly increased during the past three years. Twenty or
more steamers, large and small, were engaged during 1878 in making
daily trips between Astoria and lower river points and upper river
points as far as Portland. At this time seven steamers were making
regular trips between Portland and San Francisco, but stopping at
Astoria and bringing many passengers and much freight to the town. The
_Astorian_ of May 5, 1877, commenting on the number of people arriving
at Astoria, says "last month two thousand six hundred and twenty-eight
bona fide immigrants landed at Astoria by steamers. About one thousand
seven hundred proceeded inland in search of homes." This was about the
beginning of the fishing season, and no doubt most of those who
remained at Astoria were fishermen and cannery workers. The people at
that time remained in Astoria during the fishing season, and returned
to California for the winter.

The effect of having such a large floating population was soon felt on
the morals of the city, and it was during these early years of the
salmon industry that Astoria acquired the reputation for vice and
crime that remained long after the city had rid itself of its
undesirable element. During the year 1877 there were forty saloons in
the city, and all reaped a rich harvest during the fishing season. The
_Astorian_ was strong in its protests against the immorality of the
town, and urged the closing of all the dives and gambling houses, but
for a time without avail. Later we shall see how the city did rid
itself of its lowest class of inhabitants.

In 1878 the roadway to Upper Astoria was completed, and the Upper
Astoria post office abolished. The completion of the roadway was an
event of great importance to the people of both towns, and had the
effect of putting an end to the rivalry that had existed since the
starting of Upper Astoria in 1849, when the customhouse was built. The
towns were now in fact one, though considered locally as two separate
towns. By the legislative act of 1891 the corporate limits of the town
were extended so as to include upper town.

The intense rivalry between the companies operating steamers on the
Portland-San Francisco route brought about the reduction of freight
and passenger rates so that there was much travel between Oregon and
California. As every steamer stopped several hours at Astoria the town
received considerable patronage from the passengers. The _Astorian_
speaks of the town being crowded during the stay of one of the ocean
steamers. The Great Republic frequently carried a thousand passengers,
and always took on a considerable part of its cargo at Astoria.

The population of Astoria in 1880 was two thousand eight hundred and
three and the population of Clatsop County seven thousand two hundred
and twenty-two. This increase in the number of people in the county
meant much to Astoria, since the supplies for a large part of Clatsop
County are taken from the city.

In 1883 the salmon industry reached its highest point. Not only were
more fish canned than at any previous year but a better price than
ever before was paid for the raw material, thus distributing a larger
amount of money among the fishermen and cannery workers. During this
season six hundred and twenty-nine thousand cases of salmon, valued at
over $3,000,000, were packed on the Columbia River.

It was during this year that the fire, known locally as the "big
fire," occurred. It started July 2, 1883, in the sawmill near the site
now occupied by the Foard & Stokes Company and swept the entire water
front from that point east to Seventeenth Street, including the large
warehouse owned by the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company. The
volunteer fire department worked heroically and succeeded after
several hours in gaining control of the fire, though not until it had
destroyed several blocks of business houses, wharves, and dwellings.
The wooden streets, built on piling over the water acted as a means
for carrying the fire from building to building. The loss was very
heavy but the fishing season was at its height and money plentiful, so
that in a short time new buildings were erected in place of those
destroyed by fire.

An interesting chapter in Astoria's history is connected with the fire
of 1883. During its progress a large quantity of liquor was taken from
the saloons in the path of the fire and carried to places of safety
only to be stolen by the rougher class of onlookers. In a short time
great disorder prevailed in the vicinity of the fire and the officers
were powerless to prevent the wholesale stealing of the goods taken
from the stores and houses. Drinking was kept up throughout the night
but after the fire was checked the scene of disorder was transferred
to the lower part of town, known as "Swilltown." Here the drunken
fishermen were soon relieved of their money by the denizens of this
section. Later some of the fishermen threatened to burn the rest of
the town in retaliation. The business men of the city fearing that
this threat would be carried out organized a committee to assist the
officers in preserving the peace should their aid become necessary,
the mayor at the same time issuing a proclamation calling upon all
saloon keepers to close their saloons each night at 12 o'clock. One
saloon, owned by Riley and Ginder, two ex-policemen, refused to obey
and when the officers went to arrest the proprietors they were fired
upon through the barricaded doors. During the conflict three taps were
sounded on the fire bell, the signal for the citizens' committee to
assemble. The committee responded quickly and arrived upon the scene
fully armed and ready for action. The officers in the mean time had
succeeded in entering the building and had arrested Riley and Ginder
who were brought before the committee. After a short deliberation they
were informed that they must leave the city at once under penalty of
being hanged from the city hall. The threat was sufficient and they
closed their saloon and left the city. To one who knows the condition
of affairs that existed in the city after the fire, and the character
of the men who led the citizens' movement, it is evident that Riley
and Ginder used the best of judgment in obeying promptly. After
disposing of this case the committee decided to drive out the crowd of
disreputable characters that lived in "Swilltown," and accordingly
served notice on all such to leave town within twenty-four hours. This
order, backed by a resolute set of citizens, was generally obeyed,
only one man openly defying the committee. This man, an Englishman by
the name of Boyle, was known as a "bad man." Nevertheless he was
captured, whipped, and sent out of town. Recognizing three members of
the committee he brought suit against them in the United States court
for damages and secured the verdict. The amount was quickly raised by
general subscription, $20 being the usual individual contribution. The
citizens' committee having accomplished the purpose for which it was
organized now disbanded.

Notwithstanding the steady decline in the salmon pack on the Columbia
River since 1883 and the closing of many of the canneries in the city,
Astoria has had a steady growth, due in a great measure to the
increase in trade with the growing towns and the farming and dairy
districts tributary to the city, and to the growth of the sawmill
industry, which though still in its infancy here, is growing rapidly.
By the close of the summer four and possibly five large mills will be
in operation.

In 1890 the city had a population of six thousand one hundred and
eighty-four, a very great increase over the census returns of ten
years before. Two years before this the Astoria and South Coast
Railroad was started and the road built from Sea Side to the middle of
Young's Bay, a distance of about fifteen miles. Though this road did
not enter the city for several years its building had a marked effect
on Astoria. Prices for city property increased very rapidly, and
during the years 1889 and 1890 a real estate boom was in progress.
While considerable property changed ownership very little building was
done so that when the period of activity in real estate ended the city
did not contain rows of empty houses as did so many of the boom towns
of Washington.

Almost from the beginning of its history Astoria has dreamed of rail
connections with the East. The coming of the railroad has been
regarded as the one thing needed to make Astoria the seaport of the
Northwest. The Astoria and South Coast road had stopped near the
center of Young's Bay. About three years later a new road that was to
run up Young's River, thence through the Nehalem Valley to Portland
was started. This company, after building several miles of trestle
around Smith's Point and up Young's River, suspended operations owing
to its inability to secure sufficient financial backing to complete
the road. The Astoria and Columbia River Railroad Company was given
subsidy of a million and a half in money and property and in 1898
built the present road to connect with the Northern Pacific track at
Goble. The city has been greatly benefited by this road, although the
long expected period of rapid growth did not accompany it, owing to
the fact that Astoria has not been made a common point with other
cities of the Northwest.

The population of the city in 1900 had increased to eight thousand
three hundred and eighty-one. A conservative estimate places the
population now at a little over ten thousand.

This is substantially the story of Astoria's settlement and growth,
both in wealth and population. It remains now to trace the influence
of its main industry, salmon packing, in determining its social
conditions. In Astoria foreigners and native born of foreign parentage
form the great majority of inhabitants. Representatives from almost
every part of the world live in Astoria, the principal nationalities,
however, being Norwegians, Swedes, Danes, and Finns. The Finns form a
greater part of our population than any other nationality.

During the first thirty years after the real growth of the city began
the population was almost exclusively American, but with the advent of
the fishing industry came the hardy fishermen and sailors of
northwestern Europe who found here an opportunity to carry on their
customary avocations with the assurance of profitable returns for
their labors. During the first few years of the salmon business a
great number of fishermen came from other states, so that Astoria had
a floating population of nearly two thousand during the summer months.
They were a free and easy set who made money and spent it without
reserve, the saloons getting a large share of their earnings. As a
result saloons flourished, carrying with them their many kindred
evils, and Astoria became a rough place. The foreigners who in more
recent years have engaged in fishing are, as a class, sober and
industrious, and home builders. Gradually these adopted citizens have
displaced the transient fishermen, until now the term fisherman is no
longer synonymous with rowdy, but rather indicate a hardy, industrious
citizen of foreign birth. In Upper Astoria and Alderbrook the people
are mostly Scandinavians, or descendants of this race. In Union or
Finn town, as the name implies, the people are almost exclusively
Finns. They are progressive and almost to a man own their own homes,
not shacks or hovels, but well built, roomy houses. These people, as
well as the Scandinavians, come from a country where the public school
system is well established, and are zealous in the cause of the public
schools of this city. A year ago the people of Union town attended the
annual school meeting almost in a body, and succeeded in carrying
through a measure and voting a tax for the construction of a school
building in the west end of the city, at the same time offering to
donate a considerable part of the necessary labor. The present Taylor
school building is the result of these efforts.

In the last city election, out of a total of eleven hundred names
registered, nearly six hundred were of foreign birth. Of this number
one hundred and seventy were natives of Finland, eighty-seven of
Sweden, seventy-two of Norway, sixty-four of Germany, and forty of
Denmark. The Finns are very clannish, which accounts for their almost
exclusive Finnish settlement in West Astoria. It is their custom to
send for their relatives in their own country as soon as they have
earned the necessary money. In this way the foreign born population is
steadily increasing. They do not appear to be a speculative class, but
seem content to work hard, secure a home and save something from their
yearly earnings though a few cooperative companies have been formed
for the purpose of packing salmon.

The struggle for material advancement in the way of developing
resources, securing a railroad, and other enterprises has not been
greatly aided by the foreign population. Since the coming of these
foreign-born citizens the fishing element is no longer regarded as a
rough class of people, but rather as the sober, working class of the
city. During the winter months most of the fishermen are employed
carpentering, street building, as workers in the mills and factories
or engaged in knitting nets and preparing gear for the next season.

Astoria at the present day is a cosmopolitan city of about ten
thousand inhabitants, composed largely of foreigners. As in earlier
times fishing is the main industry, though the rapidly growing lumber
industry bids fair soon to surpass it in importance. At the present
time there are only seven canneries in operation in Astoria, but the
cold storage business has assumed large proportions during the past
two years. Astoria now possesses an excellent water system, a thorough
school system, consisting of six grammar schools and a high school,
all together accommodating about fifteen hundred children and
employing thirty-one teachers. Trade with the surrounding country has
increased very rapidly during the last few years, but Astoria has been
but little benefited by the increased export trade from the Columbia
as most of the cargoes are shipped direct from Portland. During the
ninety-two years of its existence Astoria has grown from a small
fur-trading station to the second city in size in the State. While its
growth has been apparently slow, it has kept pace with the development
of Oregon and the Northwest as a whole.

     ALFRED A. CLEVELAND.




A PIONEER CAPTAIN OF INDUSTRY IN OREGON.

     NOTE.--The material from which this paper has been prepared
     was derived from the following sources: manuscript account
     of "Woolen Mill," the "Journey to Washington," and the
     "Cargo of Wheat to Liverpool," written by Mr. Watt and
     loaned to the author by Mr. S. A. Clark, of Washington, D.
     C., in whose possession it has been. A series of articles in
     the _Oregonian_ in 1881, by Mr. S. A. Clark, describing the
     journeys across the country and other incidents, obtained
     from manuscript and from conversations with Mr. Watt, with
     whom Mr. Clark was on most intimate terms; a paper
     containing recollections of his brother's life and incidents
     by Ahio Watt, of Portland; conversations with the widow and
     daughter of Mr. Watt, who are now living at Forest Grove,
     Oregon.


A unique place in the industrial history of Oregon must be given to
Joseph Watt, the first to undertake the manufacture of woolen goods on
the Pacific coast and the first to send a cargo of wheat to the market
at Liverpool, both of which acts mark the beginning of important
industrial and commercial policies in the history of Oregon.

Joseph Watt, or "Joe," as he is more commonly called by those who
mention him in connection with the history of Oregon, was born at
Mount Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, on the 17th of December, 1817. His
earliest ancestor in America was a silk weaver of Scotch-Irish descent
who came to this country about 1760, settling in the vicinity of
Philadelphia. His grandfather, Joseph Watt, crossed the Alleghany
Mountains in 1802 and took up a donation claim in western
Pennsylvania. His father, John Watt, who had taken part in the war of
1812 and served with Perry in his first cruise on the Great Lakes,
migrated to Knox County, Ohio, in 1815. Here he married and reared a
family of ten children, of whom Joseph was one.

As a boy Watt seems to have been always a dreamer, building castles in
the air and planning great schemes of business and adventure. Because
of these dreams of verdant fields and herds of cattle, he desired to
join the movement for the settlement of Texas, then being effected
under the leadership of Sam Houston, and was prevented only by the ill
health of his father and the large family which needed his aid. As a
sort of compromise his father agreed to migrate to Missouri in 1838.
This move resulted only in hardship and privation, and soon young Watt
was turning his thoughts again toward the prairies of Texas. In the
winter of 1840 and 1841 he started south, stopping in the country of
the Creeks and Cherokees to earn money at his trade of carpentering.
It was at this time that the Oregon country was coming prominently
before the people in Missouri. Watt became interested and returned to
his home with the intention of migrating to Oregon. On his way through
the southwestern part of the State in the spring of 1843 he came in
contact with many who were planning to start that year. Senator Lewis
F. Linn, of Missouri, had introduced a bill into the Senate in 1838
providing for the settlement of Oregon and offering six hundred and
forty acres of land to each settler. Watt read all that he could find
upon the subject, listened to everything which he could hear and
talked much with his associates. By the spring of 1843 he was ready to
start, but his father had become equally anxious to better his
condition and proposed that the whole family prepare to go the
following year. By the spring of 1844 it was clear that the expense of
so long and difficult a journey could not be met, and Watt, unwilling
to defer his hopes longer, started with two companions, expecting to
earn his way across the plains by driving the teams or cattle of
well-to-do emigrants. The assets all told with which he started on
this long journey were $2.50 in cash and a stock in trade of a pair of
new boots, some pins and fishhooks, to be used in trade with the
Indians.

Watt had succeeded in securing employment as driver for a well-to-do
emigrant, but fell out with his employer before they had gone far.
With a job here and there, and a trade to his advantage, he managed to
reach Burnt River with a cow and a rifle to his credit. As the journey
neared the end however provisions grew scarcer, and those who
possessed them were less able or willing to share with others. Finding
that he was not welcome at the camps of the emigrants, and obedient to
vigorous hints, he started ahead with a single companion and began the
dangerous and difficult journey over the Blue Mountains. The snow lay
from twelve to eighteen inches deep, and the trail could only be
followed by scratches made on the trees by wagons that had passed over
before. Watt's moccasins had given out and were mended with leather
cut from his buckskin pants. For provisions they had but a loaf of
bread between them. The rifle was useless because there was no game in
the mountains. His cow had been left in the charge of a friend in a
party behind. All difficulties were surmounted however and the valley
of the Umatilla was reached. Here they were in the region of game. A
number of prairie chickens were shot, powder was traded to the Indians
for a few potatoes, a kettle was borrowed and the weary travelers gave
themselves over to a feast, which, at intervals, was prolonged through
the night. Their spirits rose when hunger was appeased, and they knew
that soon they would be at the mission station at Waiilatpu. Ragged
and disreputable in appearance they were not cordially received, and
the independent nature of Watt ever cherished a dislike for missions
and missionaries. Remaining at the station until the party having
charge of his cow arrived he effected a trade by which he secured a
supply of provisions for the last part of the journey to the Dalles,
where he expected to take a boat down the river. Various experiences
were yet to be met. Fate decided that he should partake of but a
single meal from the supply of provisions which he had earned so
dearly. He escaped death by the arrival of unexpected help when he was
grappling with an Indian in which encounter the expectoration of
tobacco juice figured as a peculiar weapon of defense. Finally,
however, he reached the Dalles where boats belonging to the Hudson Bay
Company were at anchor. Those who had money to pay their passage were
packing their goods on board and going themselves, but the chances for
a passage for a penniless and ragged traveler were small. It was
Watt's purpose to work for his passage and he made application to the
boatman. "You are like one of those worn out oxen," was the reply,
"you haven't strength enough to hold yourself up, let alone work;" and
the boatman went on with his loading. Sitting on a rock by the river
Watt was a despondent figure. But the boatman, turning back with the
exclamation that "it was too bad to leave the poor devil to starve"
for he might have some "come out to him after all like a lousy
yearling in the spring," asked if Watt could sing. On learning that he
could he bade him find a place on the bow of the boat and earn his
meals as best he could. Under the title of the "figurehead,"
therefore, he kept his allotted place on the bow, and by his skill in
singing and telling yarns earned his meals as well as his passage down
the river. One song, entitled "the bobtailed mare, or the man who went
to heaven horseback," made a decided hit, and Watt fared sumptuously
for the remainder of the journey down the Columbia.

Ever at the van across the continent Watt was the first of his party
to reach his destination at Oregon City, in November of 1844. A
curious spectacle he must have made as he appeared upon the streets
with his walnut roundabout, buckskin pants reaching to the knees and
patched with antelope skin, with a red blanket for an overcoat and
woolen hat, so worn in the crown that it hung about the neck rather
than rested on the head. Such was the young castle builder who had
made his way across the plains with a capital of $2.50 in cash and a
stock in trade of pins, fishhooks, and a pair of new boots. Such was
the picturesque appearance made by one who was destined to play no
unimportant part in the industrial development of Oregon.

For a time he slept in the shavings of a carpenter shop. He tried to
trade his last possession, his beloved rifle for decent clothes but
failed. One day in his wanderings along the street he chanced to meet
the chief factor of the Hudson Bay Company, the hero of his life.
After a few inquiries Doctor McLoughlin gave orders to a clerk to
furnish Watt with clothing. "Tut, tut, tut," said the old man, "what
people these Americans are, wandering vagabonds across a continent.
What are they coming here for? Give him some clothes." After a bath
behind the shade of a neighboring bank of the river Watt emerged clad
in his suit of British corduroy and with all his preconceived and
inherited antipathy toward the British and the Catholics removed. With
the first money earned from the task of bricklaying, an employment
given him by Doctor McLoughlin, he sought to pay for his clothes, and
purchasing a bath tub, a cake of soap and some tobacco, which was his
one luxury, he had begun his career as one of the pioneer captains of
industry in Oregon.

It was not long before an opportunity for advancement presented
itself. The Catholic Church on the French Prairie was then in process
of construction and its builders were in need of a workman competent
to complete the cornice. As Watt was something of an adept at the
carpenter trade he was offered the work of constructing seven hundred
feet of cornice at $3 a foot, when he was on the point of offering to
do it for fifty cents. The return from this employment was sufficient
to give him a financial start. Not only industrious but shrewd in the
matter of trade, Watt made the most of the opportunity. About this
time the brig Henry came up the river at a time of high water, with a
cargo of goods, among which was a stock of Seth Thomas clocks, an
article for which the demand was great in this remote region. With the
savings from his carpenter work Watt purchased the lot, and found
little trouble in disposing of them in exchange for wheat. The harvest
for the year had been abundant, while the demand was small, and the
clocks, which had cost but $4 apiece, were sold for sixty to eighty
bushels of wheat. Shrewdness in anticipating the oversupply of the one
year would be followed by the scarcity of the next was more than
rewarded. Wet weather and other climatic conditions caused a small
supply while a large emigration increased the demand and the bushels
of wheat were in turn exchanged for the pieces of gold. Thus in the
space of two years the capital of $2.50 had increased to over $1,000,
and the way was open for larger plans.

Watt had never in the meantime ceased his dreaming. It was not now,
however, the broad plains of Texas and the herds of cattle, but,
rather, the luxuriant meadows and hills of the Willamette Valley,
which his imagination covered with flocks of sheep. Pleased with the
opportunities of a country which had profited him so much, and
desiring his parents and family to come, he started back to Missouri
in the spring of 1847. The return was also to be made the means of
realizing his dreams. It was his intention to bring back a flock of
sheep. Already he seemed to see the demand that would grow up in a
damp country like Oregon for woolen garments, and perhaps, likewise,
the need of suitable clothing for his eight sisters. There were but
few sheep in the country at that time. Some were in the possession of
the Hudson Bay Company; others had been driven over in the emigration
of 1844, and possibly there were a few besides. The return journey was
made by the southern route. Evidences were visible of the terrible
sufferings of the party who, in 1847, had been induced to come that
way. Along the Rogue River the Indians were hostile, and Watt was
enabled at various times to kindle his fire for breakfast with the
arrows which lay thick about the camp. On the broad plains he was
frightened by a band of hostile Pawnees, but, escaping all danger, at
length reached in safety his home in Missouri.

Before his return to Oregon Watt made a journey to the East, mainly on
business. Boston, however, with its bleak weather, had few charms for
him. "With all their steamboats, railroads, fine stores, fine cities,
fine women and all, give me Oregon," is the reflection which appears
in the reminiscences of his visit. While in the East and in the
neighborhood of Washington he decided to visit the national capital
and carry back to his fellow pioneers in the Far West whatever he
could learn of the disposition of the administration toward his
country. As this "self-appointed delegate" was walking about the
streets of the capital city he was indulging in the reflection,
typical of the western spirit, that "a great deal of money was being
spent foolishly in that city." He took occasion to look up old friends
upon whom the city life failed to exert a helpful influence. His
purpose there, however, was not curiosity, but information that might
be of value, and to gain this he sought admission to the Chief
Executive. President Polk was at the time too busily engaged to give
him audience, and the disappointment was great, for his reminiscences
record the exclamation: "What right had he to be busy when I was
there, all the way from Oregon?" Unable to see the Secretary of War,
Mr. Davis, for similar reasons, he finally was advised by his friends
to visit the little brick house, on a back street, which was occupied
by Senator Benton of Missouri. There he felt he would surely receive a
cordial welcome. "I must go and see Benton," he says: "Haven't I
shouted for him in Missouri, and hasn't he made speeches in favor of
Oregon? Yes, he can tell me what the government is going to do for
Oregon." Admitted into the house by the colored servant, he stood in
the presence of the Senator whom he thought well named "Burly Benton."

The interview was far from pleasant, if we may judge from Watt's
account. Upon learning the residence of his visitor, the Senator
immediately began a eulogy upon the services to Oregon of his
son-in-law, Colonel Fremont, which aroused the ire of the westerner.
"Ah, yes," said Benton, "we know all about Oregon. My son-in-law,
Colonel Fremont, has traveled all over that country. The country is,
or ought to be, under everlasting obligation to him for the
information he has given at the greatest sacrifice a man ever made."
To this his visitor warmly replied: "As to any information given you
by Mr. Fremont regarding what the people are doing and their
prospects, it is certainly guessed at, for I know he was never there.
His map of the road is good, but when it comes to making roads, he
never did. He followed the road to Oregon made by emigrants, men,
women and children to the Dalles, took bateaux to Fort Vancouver, got
supplies, returned to The Dalles and struck out for California on the
east side of the mountains."

Watt says in his reminiscences that he shall never forget the look
that Benton had on his face as he started across the room, rubbing his
hands and storming, "Perhaps I don't know the movements of my own
son-in-law." While the picture is completed by the clerk, to all
intents writing at a desk near by, but whose sides were "prying out
and in like a pair of bellows."

A tribute paid by Watt to the services actually rendered by Colonel
Fremont mollified the old senator and the remainder of the interview
was pleasant. The conversation turned to the object of the visit which
Watt had expressed to Benton in the following words: "I was in the
neighborhood of the city and was anxious to learn something about the
intent of the government concerning Oregon so that I could have
something to tell the settlers on my return, for we only get the news
once a year." Watt told him of his plan of transferring his family
across the plains and of driving sheep and introducing the manufacture
of wool. To Benton it seemed "quite an undertaking," but Watt, with
the true pioneer spirit, replied, "Yes, but the people out there do
not mind hardships and dangers. Somebody has to do it if the country
is ever settled." To the praises paid by Watt to Oregon and the need
of an extension of government, Benton replied, "There are a great many
things to contend with, I am afraid, before that can be done. England
has to be treated with, for they have some claims out there; and we
have many designing men here who will give us trouble. I am sure I do
not know how it will be done, but I think something will be done that
will satisfy you people. I have been frustrated in some attempts to
relieve the country but am still in hopes we can do something." The
conversation then drifted to mutual acquaintances in Missouri, and
Watt left with some maps and reports of Fremont, presented by the
Senator, under his arm.

The journey by boat down the Mississippi River was the occasion of
another experience. A collision occurred just before daylight and
many of the passengers, unable to get to land, were drowned. Watt
narrowly escaped by reaching the hurricane deck and wading out of the
cabin waist deep in the water. "I thought that worse than all the
Indians in the world," is the remark with which he sums up this
experience.

Upon reaching home the preparation was made for crossing the
continent. A band of sheep had been gotten together during Watt's
absence, much to the amusement of the neighbors, who could not believe
the enterprise would succeed. The progress, indeed, was slow. When
rain fell the mud was deep and in dry weather the dust was equally
trying. "I have driven day after day, pushing the sheep along by my
knees, and could not see them for the dust," says Watt.

The emigrants of 1848 had a comparatively easy time, and a comfortable
journey. They were more numerous, were better provided with
necessities and better organized than those of former years. How great
the contrast between crossing the plains in 1848 and that which had
been the occasion of so many difficulties four years before. The ample
outfit consisted of two large freight wagons with five yoke of cattle
to each. There was loose cattle and sheep and drivers and herders to
help with the work. Watt's familiarity with the route, his knowledge
of the best camping places and sources of water supply caused many to
look naturally to him as a leader, although the dust that rose from
the path of the flock of sheep was too much for a close following.
Watt was a lover of a practical joke, and his knowledge of the country
often gave him an opportunity to indulge this taste. By his advice a
company of the emigrants had been induced to camp by the Dry Sandy
with the promise that water would be abundant. When they reached the
place there was none to be seen. The bed of the stream was as dry and
dusty as a desert. To the surprised and indignant inquiries of the
fellow travelers for water Watt only said, "I have struck the rock and
water will soon be here." Doubt and despondency, however, were clearly
seen on the faces of the emigrants, and many thought that they had
trusted too far. Those who were fortunate enough to have kegs of water
in possession for such an emergency now brought them out and began the
preparation of supper. Those less fortunate gathered in groups where
grumbling could be heard in undertones; but Watt was calm and
unconcerned through all. Without warning, when darkness came on, a
thread of ice cold water that the midday sun had released in the
snow-capped mountains, came trickling down. It grew larger and larger
and shouts on every side arose "Here's water! Water for all! Moses
still lives." The thirsty cattle rushed in without questioning the
source of supply, but the emigrants touched it reverently, half
doubting the reality of their senses.

The usual vicissitudes of the long but somewhat monotonous journey
across the plains were enlivened one night by the sudden arrival in
camp of a messenger, on horseback, from the West. He had been riding
hard and seemed anxious to proceed as fast as possible. It was Joseph
Meek, messenger of the Oregon colonists, on his way to Washington to
announce to the government the Whitman massacre and the Cayuse war.
"The Cayuse Indians have broken out," he said, "and are murdering far
and near, sparing neither man, woman, nor children. Men are all up
from the valley fighting them hand to hand. Our boys charge and the
Indians charge back, death and destruction at ever charge." The effect
of the vivid account, that none could give better than Meek, was
great. Women and children were frightened and crying. Even the men
questioned the wisdom of proceeding. Watt, however, being well
acquainted with Meek knew his proclivities for exaggeration when
striving for effect. Gradually the facts were brought out and the
situation, though still serious, was not sufficient to turn back the
emigration. For the rest of the journey Watt was the most cautious of
the party. No Indians appeared and the fear of the emigrants wore off;
but, like the water from the mountains, the Indians might come
unannounced into camp at any time, as the experienced traveler across
the prairies well knew. Even the seriousness of this occasion
furnished Watt material for his practical jokes. When the party had
exceeded the usual limit of carelessness in sitting late and burning
the camp fires in the enjoyment of social intercourse, Watt arranged
with the guards of that night a plot. The alarm for Indians was to be
sounded at early dawn. The plan worked to a charm. The emigrants, who
had retired to rest with a feeling of security, now crept out in
confusion or hid themselves away in ridiculous positions. The bully of
the crowd who had boasted that he "would like to eat an Injin for
breakfast every morning," was now pushed from the wagon by his
delicate wife, with a rifle in one hand and his pantaloons in the
other. The heroine of the hour was a young girl, Mary Greenwood, the
daughter of one of the reliable men of the party. She was seen amidst
all the confusion kindling a fire and beginning to mold bullets for
the men to use.

The journey was made without mishap to the sheep until Snake River was
reached. Here the current was strong and they were carried down the
stream. The dreamer of Oregon's new industry stood on the bank,
helpless, and awaited the issue. The enterprise might easily have
terminated at that point; but fate decided otherwise. One fellow in
the flock, with all the qualities of a leader, struck out for shore
with a strong stroke and soon the larger part of the flock reached
the land and the wool industry for Oregon was safe.

Without other incidents of importance the journey was finally ended
and the family were all together in their new home in Oregon. The wool
weaver had proved a worthy successor to the Scotch Irish silk weaver
of colonial days. He had shown the stuff from which new countries are
settled and new industries started. The sheep, after their long and
dusty drive, were placed upon the rich pastures of the farm in Yamhill
County, and to all appearances were well pleased with the new
environment. The cards and reeds and castings for loom and spinning
wheel were put in place and cloth was made, sufficient to meet the
needs of the family and in particular of those eight sisters whose
needs had played so important a part in the beginning of the wool
industry for Oregon.

The wise dreamer, however, had been unable to see fully the future. He
had not known that while his plan was under way the discovery of gold
in California had attracted the notice of the world; that the
population flocking there would cut off the demand for his woolen
cloth, while abundance of goods would come in from the East by water
to increase the supply. The enterprise was well conceived, but as a
financial move it was doomed to temporary failure. The sheep, however,
were here and could wait for more favorable conditions. "About six or
seven years after the gold mining excitement wore off," says Watt,
"and people began to sober down to the home business, a few began to
think about the prosperity of the country. We were buying too much and
had nothing to sell. Stock had run down; there was little inducement
to go into wheat largely. We must do something to prevent so much of
an outlay for merchandise from other countries. Wool was almost
worthless and there was plenty to keep a small mill going if we could
only get the mill." Being interested in sheep himself Watt was anxious
to make that industry profitable. He believed that the time had come
when woolen goods on a considerable scale could be manufactured at a
profit; that the cheapness of raw material would overbalance the high
price of labor.

Watt had no personal knowledge of woolen mills but there were in
Oregon, at the time, two millwrights who understood the subject and
were anxious to be employed in such an enterprise. As the subject was
canvassed the interest grew. In 1855, therefore, articles of
incorporation were drawn up for the erection of a woolen mill to be
located somewhere in the Willamette Valley. Subscriptions to stock
were sought and offers of bonuses solicited. The articles provided
that the capital stock should be $25,000, and that when $9,000 was
paid in a meeting should be held to decide upon the location of the
mill. A committee of five was appointed to take charge of the matter.
The meeting to decide upon location was held at Dallas when the
requisite amount of stock was paid in. It was a meeting of
considerable importance, as much rivalry had arisen regarding the
location. One party wished it to be placed on the Luckiamute, west of
the Polk County hills, and the other desired it to be located at Salem
on the east side of the hills. Lively work had been done; the party
favorable to the Salem location had secured a bonus worth about $7,000
and had control of the voting stock. Considerable scheming,
preliminary to the vote occurred, and when it was taken "you could
hear a pin drop," says Watt. The result was favorable to the Salem
site, and plans were begun for the construction. Within a few weeks
all the stock was paid in and the company had possession of a piece of
land for the mill. A board of five directors was elected and orders
were given to begin the work. The water power was to be brought from
the Santiam River by means of a ditch. The task was not great as the
bed of Mill Creek could be used and the water power was soon secured.
An agent was sent East to purchase the machinery and by the time it
arrived the building was ready for its occupation.

Before the machinery was placed the introduction of this new industry
was the occasion of a splendid ball in the spacious building. It was
one of the most brilliant social affairs ever held in Oregon up to
this time. Among the list of those present from all over the territory
were dignitaries of state, including the Governor; dignitaries from
the army, including Lieut. Phil Sheridan, and as Watt himself says,
"even dignitaries from the church were present." Watt was an
inveterate lover of song and dance, and would go many miles at any
time to engage in such festivities. He was therefore in the height of
his glory, which was not even destroyed by the fact that his chosen
lady, Miss Lyons, beautifully adorned in a gown of blue velvet, with
golden stars, was led to the dance by the Governor. Indeed, he had no
reason to be uneasy, for the understanding between them was good, and
a few years later, 1860, he was married to her, dressed for the
occasion in a suit of wool made in the mill which he had done so much
to establish.

By the first of May the machinery was in place, and everything was in
running order. Cloth bearing the name of "Hardtimes" was produced, and
the first blankets ever made west of the Rocky Mountains were sold at
auction. The first pair went to Mr. Watt for $110, and the others
brought $75 to $25. At first all the product that could be turned out
found a ready market; competition, however, soon set in and the
managers of the mill were undecided what course to pursue. Unwilling
to discontinue the enterprise Watt was consulted, and agreed to take
the entire product of the mill for a period of three years at a fixed
price. By an aggressive process of advertising, in which he personally
carried the goods into all the important places along the line of the
old Holladay stage route, both in Oregon and California, a market was
created for the goods. In three months after the agreement had been
made the managers of the mill were willing to give a large
consideration in return for a relinquishment of his contract. The
goods found such ready market that the building and machinery were
doubled. Prices continued to rise; debts were paid off; the value of
the stock rose; a gristmill was built by the company; the race through
the town constructed, and salaries of officials were raised "as high
as their consciences would allow them to take." A woolen fever began
to spread through the country. Mills were built at Oregon City,
Brownsville, and Ellendale. This was the period of greatest
prosperity. Conditions changed, but Watt was not then connected with
the business. Divisions had arisen among the stockholders of the
company, and Watt had disposed of his stock in 1866, when it sold for
a value of $800 per share. He continued to be interested in sheep to
the close of his life, and large flocks of the finest breeds were kept
on his farm under the care of a Scotch herder employed for the special
purpose. He was ever interested in furthering the sheep industry in
other parts of Oregon, and it was partly through his influence that
sheep were first placed upon the ranges of eastern Oregon.

But the dreams of the dreamer broadened as time passed. In 1866, when
divisions led to his withdrawal from the woolen mill, the crop of
wheat in the valley was unusually large. The wheat industry had been
increasing for years. Oregon was rapidly passing from the fur trading
and pastoral stages of industrial life to that of agriculture. With
an ever-increasing supply the market was restricted, and here was a
problem to attract the mind of Watt. Shipments of wheat were made to
California, but the markets beyond had tempted only the most daring.
One line of steamers had been established between Portland and New
York and four or five vessels had been drawn into the trade. The Sally
Brown was the first to make the trial and Watt was the man who
gathered up the cargo which she carried from the wheat fields of the
Willamette. Ever in the van through life Watt conceived the idea that
a cargo of wheat could be sent to Liverpool, the market of the world.
With him to think was to act, and in 1868 he went through the valley
gathering wheat for the first cargo to the greatest wheat market in
existence. It was an adventure in magnitude exceeding anything that he
had tried before. Failure would mean a heavy loss, and success would
usher in a new day for the industrial life of Oregon. The cargo was
gathered and the vessel set forth on the long voyage. The destination
was reached and the grain inspected. It was unlike any that had ever
been seen before on the docks of the great market. The inspectors had
never seen kernels of wheat so large. The decision was pronounced that
it could not be right, and the whole cargo was condemned as water
soaked and unfit for the market. The loss fell heavily upon the
consignor of the cargo, but a beginning had been made that was
destined to grow until Oregon's industrial isolation should be ended.

In closing this paper it requires but a few words to sum up the chief
characteristics of Joseph Watt. He is best seen in the narration of
his life. Ever engaged in enterprises that were ahead of his time, he
belonged to the vanguard of industrial development in Oregon. Ever a
dreamer, he met with heavy reverses but yet retained a competence
sufficient for a comfortable old age. Independent and genuine in his
character, there was no cant in his make-up. One of the company of
kindred spirits that includes the names of Nesmith, Matthieu, Clark,
Boise, Minto, Crawford, and others, his company was always
appreciated, for he was genial and sociable in disposition. By the
Indians he was loved, and they gathered about him at his home in
Yamhill as they would about no other. Deeply interested in all that
pertained to Oregon, he was truly one of her benefactors. Always loyal
to the early state builders, he conducted a party of them in an
excursion to the East when the railroad connection was completed.
Always deeply interested in the Pioneer Association, Watt was its
president for a time and rarely was absent from its meetings. By gift
from his widow the author of this paper has deposited in the vaults of
the Oregon Historical Society the little book in which he kept the
names of the members in their own handwriting. It is worn and soiled
through frequent use, but it will ever be a valuable reminder of the
earliest of our state builders, as well as a reminder of him whom the
author has chosen to designate as a "pioneer captain of industry in
Oregon."

     JAMES R. ROBERTSON.




DOCUMENTS.


TWO WHITMAN SOURCES.

Correspondence to the _New York Spectator_ which describes Doctor
Whitman as a passenger on board the steamer Narraganset on Long Island
Sound. Doctor Whitman is on his way from New York to Boston.

     Editorial from the _New York Daily Tribune_ of March 29,
     1843.

     ARRIVAL FROM OREGON.

     We were most agreeably surprised yesterday by a call from
     Doctor Whitman from Oregon, a member of the American
     Presbyterian Mission in that territory. A slight glance at
     him when he entered our office would convince any one that
     he had seen all the hardships of a life in the wilderness.
     He was dressed in an old fur cap, that appeared to have seen
     some ten years' service, faded, and nearly destitute of fur;
     a vest whose natural color had long since faded, and a
     shirt--we could not see that he had any--an overcoat, every
     thread of which could be easily seen, buckskin pants,
     etc.--the roughest man we have seen this many a day--too
     poor, in fact, to get any better wardrobe. The doctor is one
     of those daring and good men who went to Oregon some ten
     years ago to teach the Indians religion, agriculture,
     letters, etc. A noble pioneer we judge him to be, a man
     fitted to be chief in rearing a moral empire among the wild
     men of the wilderness. We did not learn what success the
     worthy man had in leading the Indians to embrace the
     Christian faith, but he very modestly remarked that many of
     them had begun to cultivate the earth and raise cattle.

     He brings information that the settlers on the Willamette
     are doing well; that the Americans are building a town at
     the Falls of the Willamette; that a Mr. Moore of Mr.
     Farnham's party, some sixty years of age, was occupying one
     side of the Falls, in the hope that [the] government would
     make him wealthy by the passage of a preëmption law; that
     the old man Blair, another member of the same party, was
     living comfortably a short distance above, as all who have
     read Mr. Farnham's travels will know that he deserves to do.
     Doctor Whitman left Oregon six months ago; ascended the
     banks of the Snake or Laptin River to Fort Hall, and was
     piloted thence to Santa Fé by the way of the Soda Springs,
     Brown's Hole, the Wina, and the waters of the del Norte.
     From Santa Fé he came through the Indians that have been
     removed from the States to Missouri. The doctor's track
     among the mountains lay along the western side of the
     Anahuac Range; and he remarks that there is considerable
     good land in that region.

     We give the hardy and self-denying man a hearty welcome to
     his native land. We are sorry to say that his first
     reception, on arriving in our city, was but slightly
     calculated to give him a favorable impression of the morals
     of his kinsmen. He fell into the hands of one of our vampire
     cabmen, who, in connection with the keeper of a tavern house
     in West Street, three or four doors from the corner near the
     Battery, fleeced him out of two of the last few dollars
     which the poor man had.

     [This editorial was quoted in full by the Boston
     _Advertiser_ of March 31st.]

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _New York Spectator_, Wednesday evening, April 5,
     1843.

     CRUISING IN THE SOUND.

     GENTLEMEN: Respecting the goodly Bay State I can say but
     little, because since I saw you, I have been only an
     occupant of steamboat and railroad cars. I had long supposed
     that a three-day trip to Boston was only hereafter to be a
     notion and reminiscence of olden time, but alas! I have had
     the stern reality of things as they "used to was." I left
     New York on Monday, in the Narraganset, at the usual time.
     We had a rough trip into the Sound, and at 12 o'clock
     Captain Woolsey, with sound discretion, carried us into the
     New Haven Bay, where we anchored till Wednesday morning,
     when we proceeded to Stonington, and on going over [to?] the
     railroad and finding it in the vocative case, owing to the
     outbreak of the waters, we retraced our movements and again
     took boat, and made a passage around Point Judith.

     It is due to Captain Woolsey and his very gentlemanly aid,
     Mr. Richmond, to say that everything was done to make a
     large body of disappointed passengers feel happy; good and
     plentiful meals were gratuitously provided, and it can
     hardly be possible that any wayfarer on this occasion left
     the Narraganset without a deep conviction that, under the
     severe and awkward circumstances of the passage, all had
     been done that was possible to obviate the inconveniences
     and disagreeables of the passage through the Sound. I would
     add that the boat worked well. We had a very pleasant set of
     passengers. Among others I may mention the Hon. Robert
     Rantoul of Boston. This gentleman is by far the ablest man
     of the Democratic party in Massachusetts, and unless I could
     see him embarked for Salt River, (which I think must be his
     final destination,) I would rather have him embark on the
     same boat in which I sail, than any other. He is a very
     interesting, affable man, of great research, and will, I
     doubt not, yet render good service to the country.


     THE REV. DR. WHITMAN FROM OREGON.

     We also had one who was the observed of all, Doctor Whitman,
     the missionary from Oregon. He is in the service of the
     American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions. Rarely
     have I seen such a spectacle as he presented. His dress
     should be preserved as a curiosity; it was quite in the
     style of the old pictures of Philip Quarles and Robinson
     Crusoe. When he came on board and threw down his traps, one
     said "what a loafer!" I made up my mind at a glance that he
     was either a gentleman traveler, or a missionary; that he
     was every inch a man and no common one was clear. The Doctor
     has been eight years at the territory, has left his wife
     there, and started from home on the 1st of October. He has
     not been in bed since, having made his lodging on buffalo
     robe and blanket, even on board the boat. He is about
     thirty-six or seven years of age, I should judge, and has
     stamped on his brow a great deal of what David Crockett
     would call "God Almighty's common sense." Of course when he
     reached Boston he would cast his shell and again stand out a
     specimen of the "humans."

     I greatly question whether such a figure ever passed through
     the Sound since the days of steam navigation. He is richly
     fraught with information relative to that most interesting
     piece of country, and I hope will shortly lay it before the
     good people of Boston and New York. Could he appear in New
     York Tabernacle--in his traveling costume--and lecture on
     the Northwest coast, I think there would be very few
     standing places. Much of his route was on foot and
     occasionally on horse or mule back, with a half-breed guide.
     To avoid the hostile Indians he had to go off to the Spanish
     country, and thence to Santa Fé. A rascally hackman took him
     in at New York, and carried him from place to place at his
     whim and finally put him down near the Battery, close to his
     starting point, charging him two dollars, and it being
     midnight he succeeded in the vile extortion.

     CIVIS.

     In connection with our friend's communication we subjoin an
     interesting account of Doctor Whitman's mission, as given by
     Mr. Farnham in his travels in 1839 over the Rocky Mountains.
     [Fills over one and a half columns.]

       *       *       *       *       *

     DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE OREGON EMIGRATION MOVEMENT,
     1842-43.

     OREGON--PITTSBURGH MEETING AND DOCTOR WHITE'S REPORT.

     The following paragraphs we find in several of the eastern
     papers this morning:

     "_The Settlement of Oregon._--The meeting at Pittsburgh last
     week, reported that it was not expedient for American
     citizens to emigrate to Oregon until the United States
     Government had taken measures to secure and protect the
     emigrants in their rights.

     We see, by a letter in the New York papers, that Elijah
     White, who went as United States agent to Oregon, and took
     with him a large party of emigrants, writes, under date of
     August 17th, that his party had increased to one hundred and
     twelve, although they had lost two, one by sickness and the
     other by accident. They started with nineteen wagons, and
     their journey had been slow and tedious; but they had passed
     two thirds of the way, and were in excellent health and good
     spirits. A favorable opportunity for emigration will occur
     in April, through the aid of Mr. Fitzpatrick, at
     Independence. Mr. White advises those who intend to go to
     prepare light strong wagons, and to take no loading except
     cooking utensils, and provisions for four months. Mules are
     preferable to horses. He says no doubt exists as to ultimate
     success of the colony."

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Jeffersonian Republican_, September 17, 1842.

     THE SETTLING OF OREGON.

     We learn with gratification that it is at least rumored that
     an expedition is about to be got up in Saint Louis, to
     colonize the rich and interesting Territory of Oregon. To
     such as have so laudable and advantageous an enterprise in
     view, we are prepared and feel warranted in saying, that it
     rests not upon "rumor" that many of our fellow-citizens of
     upper Missouri intend emigrating to that highly celebrated
     region next spring, and will no doubt be glad to be joined
     by as many of the enterprising citizens of Saint Louis as
     may think it their interests to join them.

     We learn from the "Oregon Correspondence Committee" of this
     place, that already they are beginning to receive names of
     gentlemen desirous of joining the expeditions, and from
     present indications, there seems to be no doubt remaining
     that there will be quite a large company formed. Let not
     those who now [have it?] in contemplation, draw back, but
     steadily persevere, and they may confidently promise
     themselves success. The country which they seek is no doubt
     one of equal attraction and advantages as any on the globe,
     and we rest assured that so soon as the number of
     inhabitants will justify, the fostering hand of a
     territorial government will be extended to it. Up then every
     pioneer, and let your cry be "Onward!"--_Western
     Missourian._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, March 7, 1843.

     LETTER FROM AN OREGON EMIGRATION AGENT TO A FRIEND AT
     PITTSBURG.

     WASHINGTON CITY, February 21, 1843.

     DEAR SIR: Nothing of importance has transpired in Congress
     since my last. I am informed by members of the House of
     Representatives that the bill for the occupation and
     settlement of Oregon Territory will come before the House
     this week. It will pass when acted upon. It was referred to
     the Committee of Foreign Affairs. John Quincy Adams,
     chairman of the committee, reported back the same without
     amendment, on the 13th, and, as might have been expected
     from him, recommended that the bill do not pass. It is
     evident, notwithstanding, that the bill will pass when acted
     upon. Captain Stine [Steen], commanding the Dragoons at Fort
     Leavenworth, has addressed several letters to Dr. L. F. Linn
     and others, wishing the Secretary of War to grant him
     permission to accompany us with the Dragoons. I have
     postponed an interview with the Secretary of War till I am
     ready to leave for the West. I have sent many documents to
     you and others. You will please send some of them to your
     friends in Ohio, Wheeling, and other places, if you have any
     to spare. I have given the names of the several committees
     in Pittsburgh, and west of it, to a number of the members,
     who promise that they will continue to send all the
     documents calculated to throw light on the subject of
     Oregon, etc.

     I am happy to learn that the citizens of Pittsburgh take so
     warm an interest in the matter.

     I am your most humble and obedient servant,

     J. M. SHIVELY.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_ of March 3, 1843.

The War Department made the following responses to the inquiries of
Prof. Joseph Schafer for information as to provision of military
escort in 1843 for body of emigrants going to Oregon:


     First indorsement.

     WAR DEPARTMENT,
     ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
     _Washington_, _September 5, 1902_.

     Respectfully submitted to the Chief of the Record and
     Pension Office, War Department.

     No information touching the matter of escort for emigrants
     from Fort Leavenworth to Oregon in the year 1843 has been
     found in this office.

     J. PARKER,
     Major of Cavalry, Assistant Adjutant General.


     Second indorsement.

     RECORD AND PENSION OFFICE,
     WAR DEPARTMENT,
     _Washington_, _September 10, 1902_.

     Respectfully submitted to the Quartermaster General of the
     Army.

     The records on file in this office show that J. M. Shively,
     of St. Louis, Missouri, stated under date of March 25, 1843,
     that his party would start for Oregon on April 20, 1843; and
     that he desired a company of troops. The records also show
     that the communication of Mr. Shively was charged to the
     Quartermaster General.

     Nothing additional has been found bearing on this inquiry.

     ---- ----,
     Chief, Record and Pension Office.

     [Name signed not decipherable.]


     Third indorsement.

     WAR DEPARTMENT,
     QUARTERMASTER GENERAL'S OFFICE,
     _Washington_, _October 6, 1902_.

     Respectfully returned, by direction of the Quartermaster
     General, to Mr. Joseph Schafer, No. 311 Park Street,
     Madison, Wisconsin.

     No record of any correspondence with Captain E. Steen, 1st
     Dragoons, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, during the year 1843,
     bearing on the matter of a military escort for emigrants is
     found, nor is there any record of the communication of J. M.
     Shively referred to in the second indorsement hereon.

     S. F. LONG, (?)
     Major and Quartermaster, United States Army.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_ February 24, 1843.

     OREGON.

     The Xenia _Free Press_ says: A farmer in this county
     informed us a few days since that he could raise a company
     of fifty families who, if [supported?] by the Government,
     would march, on short notice, for Oregon.

     Also on the same page: The _State Register_ (Illinois) says
     that the largest meetings it ever witnessed were held in
     Springfield on Wednesday and Thursday evenings in the hall
     of the House of Representatives, a couple of whigs talking
     the British side of the question.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, February 17, 1843.

     THE OREGON MEETING.

     [The meeting was evidently held on Saturday, February 11th.]

     The meeting on Saturday evening at the Council Chamber was
     much more fully attended than was expected, the proceedings
     of which will be found in our paper. After the organization
     and the appointment of a committee to report to the
     adjourned meeting to be held on Thursday evening next,
     William B. Hubbard, Esq., in answer to a call of the
     meeting, commenced a most interesting address, prefaced by
     offering a resolution complimentary of Doctor Linn of
     Missouri, and those senators who stood by him in the
     advocacy of the bill for the settlement of this territory.
     The cry of fire caused Mr. H. to close his remarks, with a
     request by the meeting that he would proceed with them at
     the next meeting. We hope Mr. H. will prepare a synopsis of
     his remarks for the press. Nothing would be read with
     greater interest at this time.

     The Government should speedily establish military posts from
     the frontier settlements on the Missouri to the Pacific.
     Settlements would speedily take place around each post, and
     produce in abundance would soon be raised to supply the post
     and the flow of emigration.

     An adjourned meeting of the citizens of Columbus and its
     vicinity was held in the United States courtroom on the
     evening of Thursday, the 10th instant, in pursuance of a
     resolution adopted at the last meeting.

     [Colonel Medary (editor of the _Statesman_), from a
     committee appointed to collect facts, reported that the
     committee wanted more time. The subject growing more and
     more interesting, on motion the committee was allowed till
     next Thursday.]

     The resolution offered at last meeting was then taken up,
     and on motion of Mr. Hubbard, was amended by adding, at the
     end thereof, the words "without the violation of any
     international law."

     The resolution, as amended, read as follows:

     _Resolved_, That this meeting duly appreciate the untiring
     labors and distinguished abilities of Senator Linn and
     others in Congress, in their successful advocacy of the just
     claim of the United States to the Oregon Country; and that,
     as a component part of the Great West, we hope for a speedy
     adjustment of our rights upon the borders of the Pacific
     Ocean, and a like speedy occupation and settlement of that
     country, without the violation of any international law.

     [Copy ordered sent to Hon. Joseph Ridgway, member of
     Congress for the district.]

The _Ohio Statesman_ of March 10, 1843, contains the report of the
committee appointed as per the above accounts. The report seems to
have been drawn up by Col. Samuel Medary, chairman, and is a strong
and interesting document of considerable length. It discusses in full,
with all the information available at the time, the economic
advantages of the Oregon Country, as well as the question of title.
The report is accompanied by a map.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, March 14, 1843.

     OREGON.

     The people are again in motion here in relation to the
     emigration to Oregon this spring. Peter H. Burnett, Esq.,
     one of our most estimable citizens is among the foremost
     here in exciting a laudable spirit in relation to the
     settlement of that desirable country. On Tuesday evening Mr.
     Burnett delivered a very able lecture upon this subject, in
     which was embodied a vast fund of information calculated to
     impress all who had the pleasure of hearing him with the
     advantages attendant on an early settlement of our western
     demesne. The American eagle is flapping his wings, the
     precurser of the end of the British lion, on the shores of
     the Pacific. Destiny has willed it.--_Platte (Missouri)
     Eagle._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Chillicothe Intelligencer_, March 17, 1843.

     [At a meeting on March 8th, held in the Courthouse, Amos
     Holton presented a series of resolutions, and addressed the
     meeting at length] showing the origin and justice of our
     claim, and the immense value of that territory to the United
     States, in a commercial point of view, and to the West in
     particular, when, on motion the preamble and resolutions
     were unanimously adopted.

     JOHN A. FULTON, Chairman.

     WM. E. GILMORE, Secretary.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, April 26, 1843, quoting the _Iowa
     Gazette_ (Burlington).

     OREGON.

     (The article aims to give a plan of preparations for
     emigrating, including detailed advice as to outfit, route,
     etc. The suggestions are similar to those adopted by the
     Bloomington meeting, for which see THE QUARTERLY of the
     Oregon Historical Society, Volume III, page 390-391,
     December number.)

     [The writer thinks that there is a ferry at or near Council
     Bluffs.] I speak of Burlington as a very suitable point to
     start from, because we have an abundance of the necessary
     supplies, and an excellent and very commodious steam
     ferryboat for those who are east of us.

     (Signed)      ONE WHO INTENDS TO EMIGRATE.

     N. B.--Newspapers who are friendly to the enterprise are
     requested to give the above an insertion.

The same issue of the _Statesman_ still further quotes from the
_Gazette_ as follows:

     OREGON.

     The Oregon fever is raging in almost every part of the
     Union. Companies are forming in the East, and in several
     parts of Ohio, which, added to those of Illinois, Iowa, and
     Missouri, will make a pretty formidable army. The larger
     portion of those will probably join the companies of Fort
     Independence, Missouri, and proceed together across the
     mountains. It would be reasonable to suppose that there will
     be at least five thousand Americans west of the Rocky
     Mountains by next autumn. This, if nothing else, will compel
     Congress to act upon the matter. We have reason to suppose,
     however, that we shall have a congress which will assume the
     responsibility even without any inducement other than the
     protection of American honor and American rights.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _National Intelligencer_ (Washington), June 7,
     1843.

     EMIGRANTS FOR OREGON.

     The _Liberty Banner_, published in Clay County, Missouri,
     says: We are informed that the expedition to Oregon, now
     rendezvoused at Westport in Jackson County, will take up its
     line of march on the 20th of [May] this month. The company
     consists of some four or five hundred emigrants, some with
     their families. They will probably have out one hundred and
     fifty wagons, drawn by oxen, together with horses for nearly
     every individual, and some milch cows. They will, we
     suppose, take as much provision with them as they can
     conveniently carry, together with a few of the necessary
     implements of husbandry. There are in the expedition a
     number of citizens of inestimable value to any community,
     men of fine intelligence and intrepid character, admirably
     calculated to lay the firm foundations of a future empire.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, May 3, 1843.

     We attach the suggestions in the report of General
     Worthington, adopted in this city on Saturday evening, in
     advance of the publication of the report:

     "The committee, then, do most respectfully recommend that a
     convention of the western and southwestern states and
     territories be immediately called, to urge upon the General
     Government immediate occupation of the Oregon country by a
     military force, and to adopt such measures as may seem most
     conducive to its immediate and effectual occupation,
     _whether the government acts or not in the matter_.

     "That it be declared to the world, that the Californias
     never should pass into the hands of England for any purpose
     whatever; and that if they go out of the possession of
     Mexico, they should at once be attached to the _future_
     North American Republic of the Pacific Ocean.

     "That all rumored negotiations of the surrender of any part
     of the Pacific border for an equivalent in the Californias,
     should be denounced as fraught with danger to the peace and
     honor and liberty of the American continents, and as a
     _repudiation_ of Mr. Monroe's triumphantly sustained
     declaration of 1823, _that these continents are not to be
     considered subjects of colonization by any European power_.

     "That it be declared that Great Britain should be excluded
     from the whole of the Northwest coast, between our
     boundaries with Mexico and Russia; and, that, to give her
     any part, will be a virtual loss of the whole, as it will
     cripple, or entirely prevent any important commercial
     operations by American citizens on our Pacific coast.

     "That we recommend the Oregon Convention to be held in
     Cincinnati, Ohio, on the third, fourth, and fifth days of
     July, 1843.

     "That measures be immediately taken for the appointment of
     committees at the capitals of all the states and territories
     west and southwest of the Alleghanies, to urge such action
     upon their several legislatures as will induce Congress to
     immediate occupation of Oregon country by the arms, the
     laws, and the citizens of the United States.

     "That an address be published to the people of the West, and
     the Union generally, setting forth, and urging the adoption
     of the principles and opinions above proclaimed."

     [The meeting to appoint the delegates to this Oregon
     Convention was called to meet in Columbus on the last
     Saturday in June.]


     EXPERIENCES OF THE EMIGRATION OF 1843.

     From the _New York Tribune_ (weekly), August 5, 1843.

     We find the following letter from the Oregon Emigration in
     the _Iowa Gazette_ of the 8th instant (July):

     OREGON EMIGRATING COMPANY.

     KANSAS RIVER, June 3, 1843.

     * * There are over 3,000 and perhaps 5,000 head of cattle,
     mules, and horses attached to the company. Captain Applegate
     has over 200 head, and others over 100 head. This has been a
     bone of contention with some of the emigrants and very
     nearly divided the company. Indeed, I am not certain but it
     will be the means of a split yet, as there are a number
     without cattle who refuse to assist in guarding them. The
     dissatisfaction is not quite so violent now, as the cattle
     owners have agreed to furnish the company with beef, (in
     case of scarcity of buffalo meat,) work cattle and milch
     cows, the former at a price to be fixed by the committee,
     and the cows and oxen without charge. The company have
     agreed to this proposition, and the former law, limiting
     each individual to three head of loose cattle, is thereby
     repealed. The number of cattle is quite too large. It is
     impossible to guard them at night, and the Indians at this
     place have already commenced stealing horses and killing
     cattle. The company which leaves next spring for Oregon
     should keep strict guard on their cattle and horses at the
     crossing of this river, as some eight or ten horses and
     mules have been stolen in one night from our company. Doctor
     Whitman from Walla Walla, who is in our company, advises
     that the company divide into three or four parties, for
     speed and convenience, as there will be no danger from the
     Indians.

     [The name of the writer of the above letter is not given.
     The letter, however, indicates that he came to the
     emigration from Burlington, Iowa, and evidently lived there,
     as his letter was printed first in a Burlington paper. He
     was chosen a member of the "cabinet advisers" of the
     captain--nine persons. Probably these points will serve to
     identify him. Was he M. M. McCarver?]


LETTERS DESCRIPTIVE OF OREGON COUNTRY AND ITS EARLIER CONDITIONS.

A letter by the Rev. Alvan F. Waller to his brother at Elba, New York.
It was first published in the _Christian Advocate and Journal_.

     Taken from the _Ohio Statesman_, March 10, 1843.

     WALLAMETTE FALLS, April 6, 1842.

     DEAR BROTHER: Your last came duly to hand and very much
     refreshed our spirits. Write every opportunity, being
     assured that intelligence from our friends is to us in this
     land like cold water to thirsty souls. You will see by my
     letter where I am stationed. This is in some respects a
     pleasant though laborious field of labor. This is and is
     destined to be, the great emporium of the interior of this
     country. Its water power for manufacturing purposes is
     probably not rivaled in the States; at least, few and far
     between are the privileges which equal or excel it; besides
     here is an excellent salmon fishery. As to the country,
     taking it all and all, it is a good farming and grazing
     country. The winters are so mild that the cattle and horses
     do well without feeding. The country is well watered, and
     the inhabitants are, in general, healthy. The ague and fever
     is the most prevalent disease, although other diseases
     occur. On the sea coast I believe it is more healthy than
     back in the country. So far as I and my family are
     concerned, we have been as healthy as we ever were in the
     States. Our little ones are quite as hearty and as lively as
     the fawns that skip over the plains.

     Produce of all kinds, except corn, does well here, so far as
     it has been fairly tried. Some corn has been raised. Wheat,
     peas, and oats, I believe, so far as quality is concerned,
     can not excel in any country. Potatoes are tolerable, and in
     some parts excellent. Indeed, it is my candid conviction,
     that an industrious and economical man can live as well
     (fruit excepted) and make property as fast as in almost any
     country, and far easier than in any part of the State of New
     York where I have lived. Let him bring with him a few
     hundred dollars in cash or property, his farming utensils,
     etc., and settle on one of these delightful plains and the
     first year he can support his family from the soil, as he
     has nothing to do but fence, plow, and sow, and prepare a
     shelter or house for his family; yet he will have to
     encounter some difficulties incident to all new countries.
     Our mills are few and far between, and not all of the first
     order, but rather multiplying and improving; though a good
     millwright is very much wanted, as well as apparatus for
     building mills and a great many wholesome settlers,
     embracing some capitalists who will open trade with the
     Islands and China, which can be done from this coast with
     great facility. But first of all, our government ought to
     extend its jurisdiction and protection over this country.
     The state of the country in this respect (especially for
     Americans), as well in respect to a currency, is unpleasant.
     The Hudson Bay Company seem determined to monopolize as long
     as possible; yet in many respects they are quite
     accommodating, at least, so far as it is to their interest.
     They profess to claim many of the best and most valuable
     parts of the country by putting up a little hut without
     habitation and forbidding any one settling in those places.
     They made a claim at the Falls, on the side where I now am,
     about twelve years since, hewing a quantity of timber, etc.,
     and a few years since they put up a small hut and covered it
     with bark.

     Last fall an American took possession of a small island in
     the falls, but no sooner was it known at Fort Vancouver than
     a company of men was sent off with boards to put up a hut,
     and soon the governor of the fort came up, greatly incensed,
     called the man a pilferer, and anything but good; he,
     however, went on! A cooper wished to build a shop near me,
     but was informed, by orders from the fort, that if he built
     his shop would be torn down. He, however, went on and built;
     his shop still stands. These are naked facts; and others of
     the same kind, if necessary, can be forthcoming. By this you
     will have some clue to the state of things in this country
     in this respect.

     I have written in great haste, as this is to be off early
     to-morrow morning. Besides, I have plenty of company, a
     number of men being here to buy salmon, of which I have the
     care. Others are on their way down the river. Indeed, my
     house is at times, as to travelers, more like a public house
     than a Methodist preacher's.

     Your affectionate brother,

     ALVIN F. WALLER.

       *       *       *       *       *

A letter by Titian R. Peale to Thomas Morgan, Esq., of Washington,
Pennsylvania:

     WASHINGTON, D. C., February 6, 1843.

     DEAR SIR: Observing the interest you have taken in the
     "Oregon Bill," now before Congress, I conclude that a few
     notes, coming from one who has recently traveled through a
     portion of the Oregon territory, will be acceptable to you,
     and probably be of use to some of your neighbors, who may
     feel disposed to profit by the inducements offered, should
     the bill pass and become a law.

     Being a member of the Scientific Corps of the United States
     Expedition, in 1841, I had the misfortune to be wrecked, in
     the ship Peacock, at the mouth of the Columbia River, and
     subsequently traveled that portion of the country south of
     the Columbia River, known as the Wallamette Valley, and
     thence across the mountains to California.

     The soil, we observed, generally on that route, although not
     as rich as that of the Mississippi Valley, was still
     sufficiently so, when cultivated, to produce from twenty to
     forty bushels of wheat to the acre, of as good quality as
     any I have ever seen in my native State (Pennsylvania),
     which, added to the facilities for settlers in finding the
     land ready for the plough, without the labor of clearing,
     while sufficiency of the finest timber is found on the banks
     of the numerous streams, is alone sufficient to invite to
     the further settlement of the country when known. But this
     is not all. The winters are so mild that it has never yet
     been found necessary to house cattle, or provide winter food
     for them. They thrive and multiply beyond expectation.

     Salmon are procured in great profusion in almost all the
     streams, and ready markets are found for them, as well as
     all the other products of the territory, in the markets of
     Mexico, South America, and the numerous islands of the
     Pacific Ocean. Thus, from its position in the Pacific, it
     has all the advantages which we possess in the Atlantic
     Ocean; gaining in the China what might be considered as
     partly lost from the European trade.

     The tract of country to which I have more particularly
     alluded is about two hundred and fifty miles long, including
     the mouth of the Columbia River, and reaching to about one
     hundred and fifty miles from the coast. This tract of
     country I considered quite equal, if not superior to
     Pennsylvania, both in commercial position and capability in
     agricultural product, and much superior in its advantages
     for raising cattle, etc., being generally interspersed with
     prairie and woodland.

     Would the above hasty notes prove satisfactory to you or any
     of your friends, or if they only serve to awaken a spirit of
     inquiry, it will always be a source of pleasure to me in
     having communicated them.

     With great respect, I have the honor to remain, yours truly,

     TITIAN R. PEALE.

     _To Thomas Morgan, Esq., Washington, Pennsylvania._

       *       *       *       *       *

Letter by Peter H. Burnett to the _St. Louis Reporter_:

     Taken from the _Ohio Statesman_ of September 11, 1844.

     FORT VANCOUVER, November 10, 1843.

     FRIEND PENN: I reached here on yesterday, and the grass is
     now as luxuriant as a wheat field. Provisions are abundant
     here, and Doctor McLoughlin (who is the most liberal and
     hospitable man in the world,) furnishes the emigrants with
     wheat to be paid for in cash or in wheat next year. At the
     Cascades we met provisions sent us by the Doctor, and all
     purchased who applied, even without money. Two boats have
     been sent us with provisions, and the Doctor has lent two
     boats to the emigrants free of charge. We find him doing
     everything to aid the emigrants; and those who are here in
     the Wallamette Valley, are as hospitable as they could
     possibly afford to be. Business is very brisk, and labor
     finds ready employment and prompt payment at high prices.
     Necessaries of all kinds can be procured at Vancouver.

     Most of the emigrants have reached here with their cattle
     and baggage, and will soon have their wagons here also. We
     find that cattle bear a fine price here and will sell
     readily. Cows at from $50 to $75, oxen at from $50 to $100
     per yoke; labor $1 per day; beef from 5 to 6 cents; salt
     salmon $9 to $10 per barrel of about 300 pounds; wheat $1;
     flour $4 per 100 pounds. Anything can be sold here. Butter
     from 25 to 37½ cents; sugar, tea, coffee, and dry
     goods--plenty. American horses bear better prices than they
     do in the States.

     The country exceeds my expectations, and certainly if man
     can not supply all his wants here he can not anywhere.
     Lieutenant Fremont, who bears this, can give you further
     information. I must close as he leaves immediately.

     PETER H. BURNETT.

       *       *       *       *       *

Letter of Peter H. Burnett's, taken from the _Ohio Statesman_ of
October 23, 1844, which quotes it from the _Globe_, Washington:

     LINNTON, Oregon, July 25, 1844.

     I am here in our new town, which we have named as above, in
     respect for Doctor Linn's services for this territory. Gen.
     M. McCalla [M. M. McCarver] and myself have laid out the
     town together. He is a gentleman from Iowa Territory, and
     laid out Burlington, the seat of government. He is an
     enterprising man. Our place is ten miles from Vancouver, on
     the west bank of the Wallamette River, at the head of
     navigation, and three or four miles above the mouth of the
     Wallamette, and twenty-five miles below the Wallamette
     Falls. I have no doubt but that this place will be the great
     commercial town in the territory. We are selling lots at $50
     each, and sell them fast at that. At the falls there is
     quite a town already. I own two lots in Oregon City (the
     town at the falls). They are said to be worth $200 each. I
     got them of Doctor McLoughlin for two lots here in Linnton.
     I was six weeks at Vancouver, where myself and family were
     most hospitably entertained by Doctor McLoughlin, free of
     charge. He has been a great friend to me, and has done much
     for this emigration generally. I find provisions high--pork
     10 cents, potatoes 40 cents, flour $4 per hundred.

     But I find it costs me a little, even less to live here than
     at Weston. I paid for wood the last year I lived at Weston
     $75, for corn and fodder $50, all of which is saved here. We
     use much less pork here than in Missouri. The salmon are
     running now and will continue to run until October next.
     They generally commence running the last of February and end
     in October. I have had several messes of fresh salmon. At
     this point we purchase of the Indians ducks, geese, swans,
     salmon, potatoes, feathers, and venison, for little or
     nothing. Ducks, four loads; geese, eight loads; swans, ten
     loads; salmon, four loads of powder and shot each. Feathers
     cost about twelve and a half cents a pound. There are more
     ducks, etc., here than you ever saw; also pheasants in great
     numbers. They remain here all the winter. I have hunted very
     little, being too busy. We find it very profitable to get of
     the Indians, to whom we trade old shirts, pantaloons, vests,
     and all sorts of clothing. They are more anxious to purchase
     clothes than any people you ever saw. You can sell anything
     here that was ever sold. Stocking Cary ploughs $5 each. We
     have an excellent blacksmith living in our place who makes
     first rate Cary ploughs at thirty-one and a quarter cents a
     pound, he finding it. [Omitting an elaborate description of
     the Willamette Valley.] American cows are worth here from
     $50 to $75; American horses from $50 to $75; oxen from $75
     to $125 per yoke. This is the finest country for grazing
     cattle you ever saw. They keep fat all winter. Butter sells
     at 20 to 25 cents. And, what I did not expect to find, this
     is a good country for hogs. At all events you have here
     plenty of grass, a root they call wappato, and also plenty
     of white oak mast. A first rate market can be had for any
     and everything, and you have never seen business more brisk.
     Times are first rate and everybody is busy. The
     manufacturing power is unsurpassed in the world. There are
     more fine sites than you ever saw. Such water power as that
     at the falls of Platte can be found everywhere. * *

     [Omitting a portion of the letter describing the timber of
     Oregon.] I will not persuade you, nor will I any of my
     friends, to come to this country; but were I in the States
     again, I should come myself. For $300 you could purchase one
     hundred young heifers; and in driving them here you might
     lose from five to ten. When you reached here they would be
     worth $4,000, and in ten years, without labor or expense,
     would make you a splendid fortune. You can move here with
     less expense than you could to Tennessee or Kentucky. Your
     provisions, teams, etc., you have; your oxen and horses,
     especially your fine American mares, would be worth double
     as much as they would cost you there. There are very few
     good American horses here. The Indian horses are not so
     gentle as the American, nor so fine blooded. The American
     cattle are greatly superior to the Spanish for milk, as they
     give more milk and are more gentle; but the Spanish cattle
     are larger. Cows have calves here from fifteen to twenty
     months old, and sheep have lambs twice a year in some parts
     of territory. The reason is they are always fat and get
     their growth much sooner. It is my deliberate opinion that
     no country in the world affords so fair an opportunity to
     acquire a living as this. I can see no objection to it,
     except it be by a man who loves liquor, for he can get none
     here.

     PETER H. BURNETT.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Ohio Statesman_, October 23, 1844. Quoted by the
     _Statesman_ from the _St. Louis Reporter_.

We make the following extracts from two letters which were published
in the _Western Pioneer_ of the 6th instant, written by William L.
Smith and John Holman, two emigrants to Oregon. The information from
that territory, received this year, is of the most interesting
character:

     The prospect is quite good for a young man to make a fortune
     in this country, as all kinds of produce are high, and
     likely to remain so from the extensive demand. The Russian
     settlements in Asia; the Sandwich Islands; a great portion
     of California, and the whaling vessels of the Northwest
     coast, procure their supplies from this place.

     There is as yet but little money in the country, and the
     whole trade is carried on by orders on an agent or factor.
     For instance, when I sell my crop of wheat, the purchaser
     asks me where I wish to receive the pay. Vancouver is as yet
     the principal point, and an order on that point enables the
     seller to procure goods, or cattle, or anything else for it.

     The population of this country consists of French, sailors,
     mountain traders, missionaries, and emigrants from the
     States. The French population consists of old worn-out
     servants of the Hudson Bay Company; they universally have
     Indian wives, and many children, some of whom are very
     handsome; this part of the population are Catholics. The
     sailors are those who deserted from vessels while lying on
     the coast, and have also intermarried with the Indians, and
     but few of them have embraced any religion--they are,
     however, generally good citizens. The mountain traders are
     similar to the sailors, except that they have nearly all
     embraced the Methodist or Catholic religion.

     The citizens held a meeting some time since and unanimously
     adopted the statutes of Iowa Territory for their code of
     laws until the government of the United States should make
     laws for them. There is little or no crime in Oregon as yet,
     which is attributed to the absence of spirituous
     liquors--and so sensible are the citizens of this fact that
     they are unanimous in favor of excluding it. In fact, Doctor
     McLoughlin has several cargoes in his warehouse now, which
     he bought in preference to allowing it to be sold in the
     country. I can not speak too highly of this excellent man
     for his kindness to us all. He sent several boats loaded
     with provisions to meet the emigrants last fall, and
     continued to distribute little luxuries among us as long as
     we remained in reach of him--he is always on the lookout for
     an opportunity to bestow his charity, and bestows with no
     sparing hand. His intention is to quit the Hudson Bay
     Company and become an American citizen.

     Our prairies are beautiful, soil good, and the best stock
     range I ever saw. I have located and recorded six sections
     of land, which I can hold for one year by making certain
     improvements thereon, which I intend doing. I can stand in
     my door and see over all of them. Everything is plenty, but
     sells high. The prospects for industrious young men are
     truly flattering. I do think the six sections we have now in
     possession are intrinsically worth $20,000; that would be $5
     per acre, and that is not near the value, taking everything
     into consideration. The situation for trade and commerce is
     certainly better than any other country. The climate, soil,
     timber, water, health, products of the country, and the
     prospects for good society combine to make it delightful. It
     would astonish you to see the state of society here--more
     hospitality and friendship, more morality, industry, and I
     do believe religion, than you will see anywhere. There are a
     good many scattering Indians, but nothing to be feared from
     them.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _National Intelligencer_, October 28, 1843.

     EMIGRATION--THE FAR WEST.

     We presume most persons thought that when the tide of
     emigration reached Oregon it would go no farther, for it did
     not seem that the "Far West" could get beyond the Pacific.
     We find, however, that some of the emigrants who have
     reached Oregon are "dissatisfied with the country, and
     contemplate going to California this spring." So says a
     letter in the _Iowa Herald_ from one of the settlers, who
     for his own part likes the country very well, and expects to
     end his days there. He describes the Oregon region as rough
     and broken, generally heavy timbered, principally with fir,
     yellow pine, cedar, hemlock, oak, ash, and maple--well
     watered, with about one tenth prairie of excellent quality.
     In the streams is an abundance of fish, among which are the
     finest salmon in the world. Oregon City is a thriving little
     place, and from its advantageous position it is likely to
     become a thriving great one. It is situated at the head of
     navigation on the Oregon or Columbia River, and at the foot
     of Walhammat Falls, one of the greatest water powers in the
     world.

     Of the foregoing documents, the editorial from the _Daily
     Tribune_, New York, of March 29, 1843, the second in the
     order of the excerpts, was found and copied by Dr. J. R.
     Wilson; for all the others the editor is indebted to Prof.
     Joseph Schafer.




     THE QUARTERLY
     OF THE
     OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

     VOLUME IV.      SEPTEMBER, 1903      NUMBER 3

     [Entered at Portland, Oregon, Post Office as second-class matter.]




HISTORY OF THE PREPARATION OF THE FIRST CODE OF OREGON.


I am requested by the Oregon Bar Association to write a paper on "The
Preparation and Adoption of the First Code."

Before writing about the actual preparation of the first code, I
desire to say something about the confused and uncertain condition of
statutory law in Oregon Territory, prior to 1853, and the reasons
which induced the territorial legislature of 1852-53 to elect three
commissioners to prepare a code of laws for Oregon Territory.

On June 27, 1844, the Provisional Government of Oregon, declared that
"All the statute laws of Iowa Territory, passed at the first session
of the legislative assembly of said territory, and not of a local
character, and not incompatible with the conditions and circumstances
of this country, shall be the law of this government, unless otherwise
modified": Laws, 1843-49, p. 100.

The fourteenth section of the act of Congress of August 14, 1848,
organizing the Territory of Oregon, continued these laws of the
Provisional Government in force until they should be altered or
repealed.

At the first session of the legislative assembly, held at Oregon City,
two acts were passed by that body, which, owing to the construction
placed upon them by the supreme court of the Territory, had a tendency
to produce dissension and discord among the people of Oregon, which
lasted for two or three years. One of these was "An act to provide for
the selection of places for location and erection of the public
buildings of the Territory of Oregon," passed February 1, 1851.

The other act was one which declared to be adopted, and in force,
certain acts of the revised statutes of Iowa Territory published in
1843. The legislative assembly of Oregon by a single act adopted these
acts of Iowa, designating them by their several titles, and the dates
of their passage. This law was generally known as the "Chapman Code,"
owing to the fact that the bill was introduced by and its passage
secured through the influence of Hon. W. W. Chapman, then a member of
the legislative assembly.

Soon after these two acts were passed, their validity was questioned,
especially that of the one which located the public buildings, and
transferred the seat of government from Oregon City to Salem. Those
who denied their validity did so on the ground that they contravened
that clause of the organic act of August 14, 1848, section 6, which
provides that "To avoid improper influences which may result from
intermixing in one act such things as have no proper relation to each
other; every act shall embrace but one object, and that shall be
expressed in the title."

Legal proceedings were soon taken by persons interested in retaining
the capital at Oregon City to declare the act of removal invalid. A
suit brought for that purpose came on for hearing before the supreme
court at Oregon City, in December, 1851. By law the judges of the
district courts composed the supreme court of the territory. They were
Thomas Nelson, Chief Justice, O. C. Pratt, and William Strong. Of
these Nelson and Strong had been appointed by Presidents Fillmore and
Taylor, respectively, while Pratt was holding over under an
appointment of President Polk. The former were Whigs politically,
while the latter was a Democrat. Judges Nelson and Strong convened at
Oregon City, and opened the supreme court there. Judge Pratt went to
Salem under the act which changed the seat of government, but without
a quorum could not hold a session of the court. Judges Nelson and
Strong then decided that the act of the legislative assembly providing
for the selection of places for the location and erection of the
public buildings, passed February 1, 1851, was void, because it
contravened the organic law of August 14, 1848, as before stated. The
opinions of the judges were never published in the Oregon Reports, for
what reason I do not know. Possibly they were not filed with the
supreme court. Judge Pratt claimed that this decision amounted to
nothing because it was not made at the seat of government, as
established by act of the legislative assembly, and in this opinion
that body then assembled at Salem, readily concurred. This heated
controversy about the location of the capital was, however, settled by
a joint resolution of Congress, adopted May 4, 1852 (10 U. S.
Statutes, 146). The first section legalized the act of the territorial
legislature which located the public buildings, and the second section
declared that the late session of the legislative assembly was held in
conformity with the provisions of law. This, of course, ended all
dispute about the location of the capital, but unhappily another
controversy grew out of the construction placed by Judges Nelson and
Strong upon the sixth section of the organic law of August 14, 1848.
For the same reasons which they held the act for the location of the
public buildings void, they also held the act of the legislative
assembly, which adopted the revised statutes of Iowa, to be also
invalid. In other words, these judges held that by adopting several
distinct statutes of Iowa in one act, it necessarily embraced more
than one object. Judge Pratt took a different view and held that the
act of the legislative assembly embraced but one object, to wit, the
adoption of a code of laws of the territory.

The result of these conflicting views of the judges was that in Judge
Nelson's judicial district, composed of Clackamas, Marion, and Linn
counties, and in Judge Strong's district, composed of Clatsop County
and the counties north of the Columbia River, the Iowa Code of 1838,
adopted by the Provisional Government, was held to be in force. Judge
Pratt's district, composed of all the territory west of the Willamette
River, included the counties of Washington, Yamhill, Polk, and Benton,
and in this district the "Chapman Code" of the Revised Code of Iowa
Statutes of 1843, was recognized as the law in force. In the district
of Nelson and Strong, the lawyers would cite the law from the "Little
Blue Book," as the volume of Statutes of Iowa of 1838 was called. In
Judge Pratt's district the same lawyers would quote from the "Big Blue
Book," as the Iowa Code of 1843 was called. There were but three or
four copies of the _little blue book_ in the territory, one of which
was owned by Hon. A. E. Wait. The last time I saw it it was in the
possession of Hon. Benton Killin. There were only two copies of the
_big blue book_ in Oregon and the statutes adopted by the Chapman Code
were not published until the latter part of 1853, when they were
printed by the territorial printer and bound in paper covers. A number
of these printed copies were distributed among the several counties in
the territory, but the uncertainty and doubt as to their validity
made them of little value.

As I said before, Judge Pratt's views of this legal controversy
coincided with those of the legislative assembly, then in session at
Salem, and that body passed an act detaching the counties of Marion
and Linn from the judicial district of Judge Nelson, leaving him only
Clackamas County, in which he resided. In this act it was provided
that the terms of court in Marion and Linn counties should commence
one week earlier than they did under the old law. So Judge Pratt held
court at Salem and Albany under the new law, and a week later in each
county Judge Nelson went to Salem and Albany to hold the district
court under the old law. He found, however, that Judge Pratt had
preceded him, held the courts, and adjourned for the term. Judge
Nelson finding that no business was prepared for hearing before him by
the lawyers, and no jury summoned to try cases, returned somewhat
disgusted to Oregon City, and was soon after relieved by the
appointment of Hon. George H. Williams, as chief justice of the
territory. He went back to his home in New York, where I believe he
still lives [1894.]

I have referred to this almost forgotten history of the early days of
the territorial government of Oregon to show the necessity that
existed for a revision of the statutory laws of the territory. The
uncertainty as to what laws were then in force, and the desire to be
relieved from this condition of affairs was the principal reason which
induced the legislative assembly to pass the act of January, 1853,
providing for the election by that body of three commissioners to
prepare a draft for a code of laws, to be submitted to the next
legislature. In pursuance of this act, the legislative assembly
elected the following commissioners in the order named: James K.
Kelly, of Clackamas County, Reuben P. Boise, of Polk County, and
Daniel R. Bigelow, of Thurston County.

Being first elected, I acted as chairman of the board, and notified
the other commissioners of the time of our first meeting, which took
place some time in March, 1853. We met in the council chamber of the
legislative building, where all our subsequent meetings were held.

The first two or three days were occupied in discussing the general
outline of our duties and the kind of code to be prepared. By common
consent we agreed to accept the New York code of practice as the basis
of our own, but with a notable exception in regard to proceedings in
equity. Mr. Bigelow strongly insisted upon having no separate court of
equity or of equity proceedings, but urged that we should follow the
example of California in this respect. Mr. Boise and I differed from
Mr. Bigelow. We contended that in the organic act of August 14, 1848,
a separate system of equity proceedings was contemplated, wherein it
is provided that "each district court or judge thereof shall appoint
its clerk, _who shall be the register in chancery_": Act, August 14,
1848, § 9.

That it was so understood by the members of the first legislative
assembly appears by the act of September 14, 1849, directing the mode
of proceedings in chancery: See Hamilton Laws.

The system of equity jurisprudence and proceedings in equity adopted
by the first code commissioners has now prevailed in Oregon for forty
years, and during all that time I think has met the approbation of
both bench and the bar.

Another thing agreed upon by the commissioners was that the code
should be prepared so that it might be adopted by the legislative
assembly in several acts instead of one, as was done in the Chapman
Code in 1850. This was done in order to comply with the provisions of
the organic law, which required that every act should embrace but one
object.

These preliminaries being settled it was agreed that each commissioner
should take one subject and prepare the draft for an act upon that
particular branch of the law. During the preparation of these drafts
the commissioners held frequent consultations, as often as once or
twice a week, to discuss and agree upon the proper phraseology to be
adopted, or arrangement of subject-matter in the proposed act.

It was agreed among us that Mr. Boise should prepare the act relating
to executors and administrators, and also proceedings in the probate
courts.

To Mr. Bigelow was assigned the duty of preparing the act relating to
crimes and misdemeanors, and to regulate criminal proceedings. I
undertook to prepare the code of civil procedure in actions at law and
suits in equity.

These three subjects embraced the greater part of the laws which we
undertook to prepare, and, after their completion, the remaining
portion of our work was comparatively easy and brief. According to my
recollection it was completed in the latter part of the summer or
early fall of 1853. We prepared the draft for an entirely new code of
statutory laws, with the single exception of the law relating to
wills. This had been enacted by the legislative assembly in 1849, at
its first session, the main features of it being a transcript from the
Missouri statute on the same subject. As this was one of the first
acts passed by our own legislation we adopted it in our draft with
only a few verbal changes.

In the spring of 1853 Joseph G. Wilson, afterwards Judge Wilson of the
supreme court, came to Oregon, and about May we employed him as our
clerk to transcribe the drafts prepared by us, in order that they
could be printed for the use of the legislative assembly at its next
session in December. We caused about two hundred copies to be printed
by Mr. Asahel Bush, the territorial printer, for that purpose. These
were published in an unbound octavo volume, so that they could be
readily separated into different bills for legislative use.

Soon after we entered upon the discharge of our duties as
commissioners many of our political friends suggested the propriety of
electing one or all of us members of the next legislative assembly, so
that we could explain to the members or give any desired information
to them concerning our work. We soon, however, learned that Congress
had passed the act to organize the Territory of Washington, and this
would necessarily prevent Mr. Bigelow from becoming a member of the
Oregon legislative assembly.

Mr. Boise was nominated by the Democratic party as a candidate for
member of the House of Representatives from Polk County. I was
nominated by the same party as member of the Council, to fill a
vacancy caused by the resignation of Hon. A. L. Lovejoy, who had
recently been appointed Postal Agent for Oregon by President Pierce.
Both Mr. Boise and myself were elected on the first Monday in June,
1853.

The legislative assembly met on the first Monday in December, and
after the respective houses were organized Mr. Boise was appointed
chairman of the Judiciary Committee in the lower house, while I was
appointed chairman of the same committee in the upper branch of the
legislature. Of course, the burden of seeing the code properly passed
rested with him and myself. We divided the draft which the code
commissioners had prepared into proper bills, according to the
subject-matter of each. Some of these bills were introduced into the
House of Representatives by Mr. Boise, and others of them into the
Council by myself. All we had to do was simply to preface an enacting
clause to the bill as it had been printed by order of the
commissioners, and to insert a section at the end of each bill
declaring that the act should be in force from and after the first of
May next. The reason these acts were made to take effect on May 1,
1854, was that there was no possibility of having them printed before
that time. Indeed, there were no facilities then existing in Oregon
for either printing or binding the volume containing the statutes
comprised in the first code. Mr. Bush, the territorial printer, made
arrangements to have them printed and bound in New York. I do not now
remember how many copies of the code were ordered to be printed, but
certainly several hundred. About two hundred of these were sent to
Oregon by way of Panama and arrived safely some time in the summer of
1854. The remaining copies of that edition were sent around Cape Horn
by a sailing vessel. These never reached Oregon. They were either
shipwrecked or so injured that they were worthless. At the next
session of the legislative assembly, commencing in December, 1854,
that body ordered a new edition to be printed to supply the place of
the copies which were lost at sea, and that edition was printed in New
York in 1855. It included the acts which were passed at that session
with those of the code adopted at the preceding session of the
legislature. This accounts for the printing of two editions--one in
1854 and another in 1855.

Between May 1, 1854, when the code took effect and the arrival of the
first copies of the printed volume from New York, we were somewhat
troubled for want of evidence of existing statutes, and the judges and
lawyers used in the courts copies of the printed draft reported by the
code commissioners. A few of these unbound volumes still remained and
such changes as had been made by the legislature were noted in them.
Some of the lawyers even went to the trouble of having them indexed so
as to be more convenient for reference and citation. When, however,
the first copies of the code arrived from New York these unbound
copies of the code commissioners' draft were thrown aside. One of them
I kept as a time-honored curiosity for many years.

Although the _Oregon Code_, as it was then termed, has since been
revised two or three times to adapt it to a state, instead of a
territorial government, yet in its main features it has remained
substantially the same as when prepared by the first code
commissioners and adopted by the legislative assembly of 1853-54.

The commissioners who prepared the first code of Oregon are all still
living [1894], but nearly all the members of the legislature that
adopted it are gone. Besides Judge Boise and myself I can think of no
one of them who is now living.

     JAMES K. KELLY.

     _September 25, 1894._




A PIONEER RAILROAD BUILDER.


Responding to a request for an account of the operations of Dr. D. S.
Baker as a promoter and financier of transportation enterprises, and
particularly of the Walla Walla and Columbia River Railway, I herewith
submit some scraps of history.

Dr. Dorsey S. Baker was born in Wabash County, Illinois, October 18,
1823. He studied the profession of medicine at the Philadelphia
Medical College. Crossed the Plains to Oregon with the emigration of
1848, and went to California in 1849. The practice of his profession
was remunerative, but his strong predilection for business led him to
abandon a profession always distasteful.

He engaged in the hardware business in Portland in the early fifties,
and subsequently built a flouring mill at Oakland, in Southern Oregon,
and it was his boast that he brought to Oregon the first pair of mill
stones ever used in the State. In 1861 he removed to Walla Walla, then
a trading post adjacent to the army garrison established some years
previously. He engaged in the mercantile business, being associated
with William Stephens. The firm name was D. S. Baker & Co., afterward
changed to Baker & Boyer, when his brother-in-law, John F. Boyer, was
taken into the firm. The firm did a large business with the stockmen
and settlers, and in outfitting miners and packers flocking by
thousands to the Oro Fino and Florence mines, and later to Boisé,
Idaho, and Montana. Sales were large and profits good, and the firm of
Baker & Boyer flourished.

Doctor Baker was a man of keen business judgment and great foresight.
It is probably not an over statement to say that the State of
Washington has not numbered among her citizens any that approached
him in financial ability. In 1862 he became associated with the late
Senator Corbett and Captain Ankeny in the steamboat business. They
built the steamer Spray, which plied between Celilo and Lewiston. The
company had boats on what was known as the Middle River, between The
Dalles and the Cascades, and also on the Lower River between the
Cascades and Portland. They built a wooden tramway portage on the
Washington side at the cascades, using mules as motive power. The
remains of this tramway could be seen from the opposite shore within
recent years. This company's line was run in opposition to that of the
Oregon Steam Navigation Company, to which it finally sold.

The portage of the cascades, being the key to the situation, was the
bone of contention. The Oregon Steam Navigation Company had procured
the passage of a bill through Congress giving them what they claimed
to be an exclusive right of way over the cascade portage, and this
question not having been at that time adjudicated, Doctor Baker's
company sold out as above recited.

Doctor Baker's next transportation enterprise was the building of a
narrow gauge railroad from Walla Walla to Wallula. He organized a
company under the corporate name of the Walla Walla and Columbia River
Railroad Company in 1871. Among the original stockholders were Doctor
Baker, John F. Boyer, Paine Brothers & Moore, B. L. Sharpstein,
Charles Moore, B. F. Stone, William Stephens, William O. Green--all
residents of Walla Walla. Doctor Baker was, however, the capitalist,
and it was his money, his energy and unflagging perseverance that
carried the enterprise to a successful consummation. To build thirty
miles of railroad under conditions then existing was a great
undertaking. Ties and timber for bridges had to be obtained from the
head waters of the Yakima River, an untried stream.

A logging camp was established in the winter of 1872--a Wisconsin
lumberman named Tarbox being placed in charge. An attempt was made to
drive logs to the mouth of the Yakima the following spring, but the
water proved insufficient and the log drive was hung up. Another
expedition was sent to the woods the following winter, in charge of D.
W. Small, afterward a well known resident and business man of Walla
Walla. He succeeded, by incredible effort, in bringing out the logs. A
mill was erected on the banks or east bank of the Columbia above the
old town of Wallula, where the ties were sawed, and it was at this
point that the first railroad construction in Washington, other than
the portage road of the cascades, was begun. Two small dummy or
camel-back engines were bought in Pennsylvania and shipped out via San
Francisco and Portland. Freight on them from Portland to Wallula was
about $450 each. The first ten miles of the road was built with wooden
stringers six by six, laid on cross ties. It was Doctor Baker's belief
that these ties would last for a few years, and it was his intention
to then replace them with T rails, but in this he was doomed to
disappointment. When construction had reached the ten-mile post, the
wooden rails at the river end were worn out. He then bought ten miles
of strap iron and continued construction. This also proved a failure.
Finally, convinced in the rough school of actual experience that T
rail only would serve his purpose, he ordered, through Allen & Lewis
of Portland, twenty miles of 26-pound rail. This was purchased in
Wales and was brought around the Horn in a clipper ship coming to the
Columbia River for a cargo of wheat. From Portland the rail was
shipped by the Oregon Steam Navigation Company line to Wallula. This
involved five handlings--two at the cascade portage, two at The
Dalles, and one at Wallula. The cost of the rails and the freight were
both very great. When the road reached a point ten miles out from the
Columbia it began to haul wheat, the teamsters being glad to avoid the
long, hard pull over the sandy roads.

When the road had reached Whitman Station, six miles west of Walla
Walla, Doctor Baker's available funds were exhausted, and he would not
borrow. He thereupon announced that its terminus would remain there
until the earnings sufficed to complete it to Walla Walla. The
citizens, fearing a rival town would spring up at Whitman, promptly
raised and donated $25,000 to secure the continuance of the road to
Walla Walla.

In the inception of the enterprise, Doctor Baker had asked Walla Walla
County, through the board of county commissioners, to guarantee the
interest on a proposed issue of bonds, to be sold to provide funds for
the construction of the road, offering in return to permit the
commissioners to fix the rate for carrying grain to the Columbia,
provided only the rate should not be less than $3 per ton. The
question was submitted to a vote, and rejected by a decided majority.
Doctor Baker then said: "I will build the road without your
assistance, and you must allow me to fix the rate." The rate was $5
per ton from Walla Walla to the river. There was an additional charge
of fifty cents for transfer to the steamboat. The Oregon Steam
Navigation Company's charge was $6 per ton, and there was a wharfage
charge at Portland of 50 cents, making a total of $12 per ton, or
thirty-six cents per bushel from Walla Walla to Portland. The charge
of $5 per ton seems now a pretty stiff rate, but teamsters in those
days sometimes charged $12 per ton for the same haul, although the
usual charge was $6. They could not always handle the crop, and the
price fluctuated.

During the discouraging period of construction few people believed
Doctor Baker would ever complete the road. His friends thought he
would fail utterly, and predicted that his fortune would be lost, but
the Doctor knew better than most the wealth of the country's
undeveloped resources, and with a faith that nothing could shake, and
with a determination that grew stronger as each obstacle presented
itself, continued the work of construction, staking his last dollar on
the success of his enterprise. No mortgage was ever placed on the
property during his ownership, and no lien or debt encumbered it. It
paid unheard of dividends, and was sold at a price greatly exceeding
its cost. The Oregon Steam Navigation Company bought six-sevenths of
the stock in 1877, Doctor Baker remaining as president. During this
ownership a branch line was built from Whitman to a point known as
Blue Mountain Station, in Umatilla County, Oregon, to tap the wheat
fields of that county.

Still later, on the first day of July, 1879, the road was included in
a sale made by the Oregon Steam Navigation Company to Henry Villard.
The track was changed to a standard gauge, and became a part of the
present Oregon Railway and Navigation system.

Many amusing stories are told of experiences in traveling over this
line, known as Doctor Baker's "rawhide road." Wheat was hauled on flat
cars. A box car, with seats along the sides, originally did duty as a
passenger coach. To the traveling public this was known as "the
hearse," but no serious accident ever occurred on the line. It was
strictly a daylight road, Doctor Baker persistently refusing to allow
trains to be run at night.

H. W. Fairweather, who took charge of the road after its purchase by
the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, still tells of some of his
early experiences. At that time the law required a printed schedule of
freight rates to be posted in each car. Looking about in vain, he
finally found the required notice posted in the roof of the car in
such a position that to read it the reader must lie on his back. The
newspapers have another story regarding General Sherman's ride over
this road. In 1877 the General had ridden through Montana and Idaho,
examining the country with reference to the proper location of
military posts, and had reached Walla Walla on his way to the coast.
He is said to have made application for a special train to take him to
Wallula, which Doctor Baker refused to furnish, remarking that there
was a train load of wheat going out during the afternoon, upon which
the General could take passage, and that availing himself of the
opportunity, this aggregation of military glory bestrode a sack of
wheat, and thus mounted, was dispatched on his journey. The fact was
that he rode in a passenger coach attached to the freight train, but
perhaps it is hardly worth while to spoil so good a story.

Some years after the sale of the Walla Walla and Columbia River line,
Doctor Baker built another narrow gauge to connect with a timber flume
bringing lumber and wood to Walla Walla. This line was fifteen miles
in length and extended to the town of Dixie in the foot hills of the
Blue Mountains. It did a considerable business in transporting wheat.
This was also sold to the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, which
company still operates it as a narrow gauge.

This was Doctor Baker's last undertaking, his health having failed
soon after the completion of this road.

When Henry Villiard first met Doctor Baker, he said to him: "You were
a bold man to build into the lion's jaws," refering to the fact that
the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company controlled the outlet down
the Columbia, but Doctor Baker had formulated a maxim, "He who owns
the approaches to the river owns the river," by which he meant that
the business of the boats originated on the railroad and the boats
were dependent on the railroad.

One of Doctor Baker's biographers has said of him, "He was the
self-reliant architect of his own fortune." Perhaps no man in the
Northwest has left his name more completely entwined into the history
of his chosen country and city than has Dorsey S. Baker, who cast his
lot with Walla Walla forty years ago, whose fortunes were the fortunes
of the town and whose successes were the successes of the place he
called his "home."

He died at Walla Walla July 5, 1888. An imposing granite monument, in
the City Cemetery, emblematic of his rugged virtues and strength of
character, marks his last resting place.

     MILES C. MOORE.
     _Walla Walla, Wash., August 7, 1903._




FROM WALLA WALLA TO SAN FRANCISCO.

By CAPT. JOHN MULLAN, U. S. A.

From the Washington _Statesman_ (Walla Walla) of November 29 and
December 6, 1862.


For those who have not made the journey direct from Walla Walla,
through the agricultural heart of Oregon, and across the mountains
through the mining region of northern California, there is much of
interest and pleasure; and though the trip should be fraught with much
personal discomfort, there is much to repay the traveler in the
collection of statistics, and in seeing a region where the wilderness
of yesterday has to-day given place to homes, where material
prosperity, at least, arrest the attention of the traveler at every
mile of the journey. The mode of conveyance from Walla Walla to
Wallula is by stages that run daily between these points, and where
the journey is of six hours and a cost of $5 brings you to the banks
of the Columbia, whence you take steamers for the Des Chutes Landing.
The improvements along the banks of the Walla Walla, in the shape of
new and additional enclosures for farming purposes, during the last
two years, have been many, and mark with unerring certainty the future
of the Walla Walla country, as the distributing center for a radius of
three hundred miles of country, now fast developing in all the
elements of material, social, and political prosperity. It has more
than once occurred to me that the Walla Walla River, by a system of
locks, could be advantageously used as a line of connection between
Wallula and Walla Walla, and one needs but see the long line of wagons
and pack trains, heavily freighted for the interior, to become
convinced that either this or some more rapid and economical means is
positively demanded, in order to connect the heart of the valley with
the Columbia River. Economy at the present would argue in favor of
converting the river into a canal, but the prospective wants of the
country are much more in favor of a railroad connection. For a
distance of eighteen miles below Walla Walla the nature of the face of
the country is eminently suited in its present condition for laying a
railroad track; and thence to Wallula the character of work being
either excavation in sand, clay, or soft rock, will enable a road to
be built at economical figures. The Touchet and the crossings of the
Walla Walla River will require heavy bridges but good abutment sites
are to be had, and the streams not being subject to overflow, no
impediment will ever be had from this cause. It could be safely stated
that a capital of $600,000 would construct and equip this road, and
when it is known that not less than one hundred thousand tons of
freight, at $20 per ton, and ten thousand passengers, at $5 each, pass
over this line annually, it does seem strange that capitalists are not
disposed to move in the matter in a practical shape. It is a project
in which every citizen could become interested. The farmers could
supply all the ties needed; the mills are fully capacitated to supply
all the lumber demanded, and the surplus population from the mines and
those out of employment could advantageously supply all the labor
needed in its construction; and with the valley of Walla Walla to
supply every necessary of life, to me it is anything but an Utopian
idea, and I feel warranted in believing that another twelve months
will not roll around before the matter is taken up with a view to its
practical execution. The teams now freighting on the road will not
necessarily be thrown out of employment, but the increasing
development of the interior will cause them simply to seek new lines
upon which to transport this same freight after the railroad shall
have deposited it at the city of Walla Walla, which nature has
constituted a commercial center, and from which will be distributed to
every point of the compass the merchandise which their wants demand.

Reaching the Columbia at Wallula one is pleased with the commercial
character which this point is fast assuming. Freight strewn along the
levee for half a mile--stores erected, commission houses plying their
vocations, and everything giving an earnest of a prosperous future.
This site has doubtless many advantages as a commercial point; but so
long as men shall desire pleasant homes,--where the eye is as desirous
of drinking in draughts of pleasure and beauty as the pocket is of
accumulating wealth,--where mills, farms, gardens, and pleasant
enclosures can be had,--where the products of the fields are garnered
with a short transportation to a ready market--just so long will Walla
Walla and not Wallula be the chief emporium and point of business for
the interior, and for supplying the more immediate demands of the
Walla Walla Valley. That Wallula will always be a point where
commission houses, a few stores, and one or more hotels will always be
supported, no one can doubt; but looking toward a large and growing
city with all the pleasant appurtenances that make life happy, I can
not but conceive that its growth must become circumscribed within the
above limits.

We took passage on the pleasant steamer Tenino, and in eight hours
were landed at Celilo, a point some two miles below the Des Chutes
Landing, where the Oregon Steam Navigation Company have already formed
the nucleus of a thriving village. The freshet of the past season has
strewn the banks of the Columbia with cord wood in abundance--which
commands $10 per cord. The John Day's wood yard, however, is the chief
depot for fuel. Here, too, one notices the marked progress that is
daily making its onward march to the interior. Here we saw two
steamers building, one already launched, owned by Captain Gray, and
still another at Celilo, of large dimensions. There is no doubt we are
far in advance, in point of boldness and daring, in the question of
river navigation on the Columbia, of those similarly engaged on the
eastern waters; and the success which has thus far attended the
efforts of those who dared to move in the navigation of the Upper
Columbia, has only emboldened them to greater efforts, and it is no
dream to feel that the day is not far distant when the Snake to the
American Falls, and the stretches of the Columbia from Wallula to Fort
Colville, and the Clark's Fork, from Park's Crossing to Horse Plain,
will all be tested by steam and thus made tributary to the growing
wants of trade and travel.

The fare from Wallula to Celilo is $10. A ride of three hours brings
us to The Dalles--which point, too, is showing visible signs of a
healthy improvement; and the increasing trade to the mines of John
Day's and Powder rivers is destined to make it a point of great
commercial import. Whether the idea entertained by Mr. Newell, and
other men at The Dalles, of a direct trade from San Francisco to The
Dalles, shall ever be realized, is not so easy to be determined. It
certainly has a favorable location for the full consummation of such
an idea--and we all know what magic results gold can be made to
produce, and without desire of detriment to Portland, I should
heartily desire to see such a happy result attained. The will to do
it, and the means with which to do it, are the only two essentials
needed; and if these are had, it will be done--and the sooner the two
former are ascertained the sooner will the commercial idea (grand in
its conception and pregnant with so many grand results) become a
matter of past history. The railroad company have resumed the work of
grading and ballasting, and it is the desire of the company to have
the cars running by the first of next May. The roadbed is prepared for
some five or six miles out from the city, and the iron track laid for
half a mile. My own convictions are that the railroad, eventually, is
to be more beneficial to Walla Walla than The Dalles, but that the
latter is also to derive much benefit no one will doubt.

We found the line of opposition steamers running, which, having the
tendency to reduce the rates of freight and travel, was a thing that
the commercial and traveling public were but too glad to see. The
passage from The Dalles to Portland was only one dollar. That
competition on this immense line will be fraught with healthy results
no one will doubt. The Oregon Steam Navigation Company, as the
pioneers on an untested river, do certainly merit much credit for the
bold hazard they so successfully made, and merit reward as such; and
though many complaints (founded in justice, doubtless,) have been
urged, still the history of all monopolies has shown a greater degree
of extortion than I have heard urged against this company. But so long
as the Columbia River shall remain an open sea I do heartily desire to
see competition seek here a channel of investment--and which it will
always do so long as it is found to pay. All philanthropic ideas of
"parties desiring to serve the public, without being remunerated,"
will find no believers among the merchants and travelers of the Upper
Columbia. The merchant and traveler will take that line where the
rates are the lowest and accommodation the best, irrespective of the
owners of the line or those who pioneered them through to a success.
At least this is the history of the commercial past, and I see no
reason why it should not be the history of the commercial future.
Just so soon as capitalists find that putting steamers on the upper
Columbia is a paying investment, steamers will be put on; and, unless
the capitalist is so convinced, it will be a difficult task to cause
him to turn his capital into such a channel.

This age is, preëminently, an _utilitarian_ one; in which facts and
figures are, particularly, the weapons with which the capitalist wages
his financial war. Armed with these, his victory is in his own hands;
not so armed, it is in those of some one else. The portage of the
Cascades, heretofore so great a bugbear in the trip from The Dalles to
Portland, is now made in a brief hour on the cars, without detriment
or danger. An extra dollar for riding on the cars is charged, though,
if you prefer it, you can walk on the road in nearly the same time,
free of cost. No traveler passes over this portage without awarding to
Colonel Ruckle every praise for the bold prosecution of his bold
project, and no one begrudges him the ample reward which he is to-day
deriving in token of his past labors. This portage is on the Oregon
side; but it is to be hoped that the difficulties on the Washington
side, between Bradford and Bush, will be speedily adjusted, so that
the steam cars, now running on a portion of the track already
completed, shall connect the two termini of the portage, and thus
reduce the time of travel within the minimum limits. The post at Fort
Cascades is now abandoned, nor does it seem at present necessary to
hold it under garrison, so far as the Indians are concerned. The
question of a foreign war, however, would render it a key-point of
marked importance.

A run of seven hours brings us to Portland. I fear, from the present
appearance of Vancouver, that all chances of commercial rivalry with
Portland have been banished. Capital is certainly not seeking it at
present as a point of investment. The freshet has left its marks of
devastation along the levee and lower portions of the city, and it
will require much capital and energy to reinstate Vancouver in the
position it occupied two years since; and if the idea of making The
Dalles a large commercial emporium be ever consumated, I can not
conceive that Vancouver will ever occupy a position of more than
secondary importance, unless the western slopes of the Cascades should
open up a gold-bearing region. In such an event Vancouver would
necessarily become a point of fixed commercial importance; but so long
as the permanency which now marks Portland shall continue to be
maintained, and the question on the part of the citizens of The Dalles
to make it a commercial depot shall continue to be agitated, so long
will Vancouver stand the chance of being kept in the background. On
the Lower River we traveled to Portland in company with quite a a
number of emigrants destined to Puget Sound, and they all regretted
that they could not have gone from Walla Walla to the Sound by land.
This is a matter in which every citizen of Washington Territory is
more or less interested. The road opened in 1853, by the Natchess
Pass, has fallen into such a state, that, unless repaired and kept so,
it will be useless for all practical purposes of emigrants for the
Sound from the States. I understand that the Packwood trail is deemed
by many preferable to the Natchess route; but whether we shall have a
route via the Natchess, Snoqualmie, Packwood, or any other pass, is a
matter about which those truly interested in seeing the Sound section
brought directly in communication with the interior, will not fall
out. The citizens of the Sound need a good road across the Cascades,
direct from Wallula. The valley of the Yakima will doubtless give us a
good line, and then across to the Wenatchee, via Packwood's Pass,
either into Olympia or Steilacoom. The long interval which has elapsed
since the Natchess Pass was traveled has naturally caused the line to
fall out of repair. The emigrants who desire to locate on the Sound
need a line by which they can carry their wagons, and over which drive
their stock, and not be driven to take the steamers down to
Monticello, thus increasing costs so heavy that it seems
impracticable. This is a matter of great importance, not only for
emigrants, but in order to bring the citizens of the Sound, by the
most direct trade and associations, with those resident on the eastern
slopes of the Cascades,--and is one of such importance that it is to
be hoped that the attention of Congress will be duly called to it.
Military necessity calls for such a line, and a military road should
be so located and constructed.

The large crowd that daily assembles on the wharf on the arrival of
the steamer from The Dalles is an unerring barometer of the interest
felt in the development of the upper country; and a conversation with
the leading merchant of the city convinced me that the trade of the
Willamette--where the returns to the merchants are in flour, grain,
hides, and fruit,--is small and of minor importance compared to that
whence their returns are by daily steamers and in gold dust. The
latter is immediately converted into coin and seeks new channels of
investment, and is turned over a half-dozen times a year, whereas the
former must bide its fortunate market and sales thus delayed from week
to week and from month to month. The establishment of a branch mint,
either at Portland or The Dalles, is becoming a subject of daily
commercial necessity, and should such a branch be established, if the
treasurer was allowed, as soon as the assays were made and the value
of the certificate of deposit made known, to pay out the coin
immediately for these deposits, much time would be saved to the
depositor, and much gain and saving to the miner, whereas now, without
a branch mint, the miners are forced to sell their dust to
speculators, who must be paid for their time; and this payment is kept
up till it reaches San Francisco--here from fourteen to twenty days
are consumed before the dust is coined--though not more than two days
before the value of the deposit by the assayer is determined. The
treasurer has always on hand an amount of funds which could be paid
out for the deposits made, which deposits, when coined, could replace
that paid out, thus benefiting the miner by bringing him directly in
contact with the Government, who has eventually to coin his dust, and
save him time and "shaving" by the speculator, and to this extent
materially benefits the country by distributing and disbursing the
money in the very same region where it is dug from the earth. A branch
mint for Oregon and Washington, and an authority for the assistant
treasurer to pay out at once the value of the deposit as soon as the
assay is determined, are two things which, if effected, would
materially tend to benefit the miner, and hence the country; whereas
now the time consumed in sending the dust from the mines and getting
it back in coin must be paid for by somebody, and that somebody ever
has been, and, unless these changes be made, will always be the miner.
Just as quick as the dust of the miner is returned to him in coin in
the minimum space of time and with the minimum "shave"--which in this
case would be only the cost of transporting it to the branch mint and
back,--then will the capital of the country be in the hands of the
greater number, and that number a class of people who are interested
in the material interest and prosperity of the country--and thus on
[will our] roads, rivers, and works of internal improvement--our
schools, academies, and all the elements of social and substantial
happiness and wealth be added to and quickened by an impulse that is
healthy in itself, and which aims at and desires healthy avenues of
investments. Should such a branch mint be established, Portland would
doubtless claim the site; but whether it be there, at The Dalles, or
Walla Walla, is not a subject upon which there should be any feeling.
Let us have it at one of these points; and if there is any one point
where arguments could be adduced to determine the matter to the
exclusion of the others, that point is at Walla Walla. For it is here
whence the greater bulk of gold dust must flow; and if not here, then
at The Dalles--the great Golden Gate of the Upper Columbia.

Desiring to see a section of the country through which I had never
passed we took the stage from Portland to Sacramento, which at the end
of the first day's journey brings us to Salem--where I determined to
lay over a day to visit the woolen factory, and observe the
characteristics of the place. The ride through the Willamette from
Portland to Salem is pleasant and refreshing,--large and well-tilled
farms, orchards of great proportions, with their trees ladened with
the golden fruit--peaches, apples, and pears, in most profuse
abundance; neat and well-trimmed gardens, where the poetry of
horticulture bespoke the appreciation of the owners of well-tilled
acres. The style of farms, buildings, barns, and outhouses were all in
good taste, and indicated the extent of means of the farmers of
Oregon. The orchards of Oregon during the past twelve years have
proven to be a source of golden wealth; nor is their value in the
least diminished by the large amount of fruit being now raised in
California. Many have asked where Oregon would find a market for her
orchards when California should produce her own fruit, and though it
is more than doubtful whether California will ever rival Oregon in the
growth of apples, yet if this should prove to be the case, the mining
sections of eastern Oregon and of Washington are to-day sending forth
a message to all fruits growers to dry, preserve, and can all their
fruits, and they offer even to-day a golden market that must forever
consume all fruits so preserved; and I have no doubt but that those
who will turn their attention to this employment of preparing fruits,
either as dried or canned, must always reap a golden reward for their
labors. I noticed at several points that attention was already being
much given this species of labor, and the future will prove that the
mining sections for dried fruits will guarantee an equally lucrative
market for Oregon, that California has proven for her in green fruits
in times past.

In point of natural beauty I do not think that the Willamette Valley
compares favorably with the smaller but equally well cultivated valley
of the Rogue River; but when we see once a magnificent outlet for all
the produce of the farmer, and the absence of such an outlet in the
latter, we are forced to prefer a home in the Willamette--where Ceres
has erected her temple of large proportions, and where her votaries
are annually basking in the sunshine of her smiles, her bounteous
plenty. In passing through this rich and exuberant country I could not
but regret that the donation law that first opened homes to the first
settlers of Oregon was as generous as it was in the largeness of its
grant--six hundred and forty acres, in other words, was too large a
grant for the full and truly healthy growth of any new country. True,
it required a great inducement to turn a pioneer colony toward the
Pacific so early as '46 and '47; but I verily believe that one half
the grant would have brought as many settlers as double the amount has
done. The true index, doubtless, of the prosperity of a country might
be regarded the ratio of its population to the square mile; but when
we find only one settler to the square mile, the country, from
necessity, must be sparsely populated; and this condition must hold
for so long a period that detriment on a large scale must be felt.
That the donation act has had, therefore, its disadvantages with its
advantages no one I think will doubt,--taking the present as the
standpoint from which to view the prosperity of the country. This,
coupled with the fact that the lands were taken without any regard to
the points of compass--thus ignoring our system of land surveys, so
simple and yet so beautiful,--I can not but regret that the action of
our Government could not have foreseen some of the detrimental results
into which its generosity has led it. Of course, it is among the
things of the past, but not on that account the less to be regretted.
The experience in this matter may not, and, probably, never will find
any field for application--for the spirit of all preëmption,
homestead, and donation laws, as since passed, has studiedly held two
things in view, namely, the minimum amount of land commensurate with
the object to be attained by their cession and the most rigid
adherence to the points of the compass in their location. In referring
to the donation act, I do not cavil at the generous action of a
generous government--for I but too well appreciate that it has had the
effect to open to our grasp a golden continent, with avenues of trade
and with wealth--which has built up a line of battlement of half a
million of Freemen; not probably, in looking at the results attained,
it might seem ungenerous to object, at this late date, to any of those
measures that assisted even in part to bring about this result. But I
am rather disposed to believe that the agricultural districts of the
Pacific were occupied and filled more in consequence of the gold
discoveries and to supply their wants than from the spirit which
pervaded the donation acts; for the latter antedating the discovery
of gold on the Pacific did not point out the market where the produce
of well-tilled fields should be sold. The coincidences of that date,
however, were most happy.

At Salem we found the legislature in session, and the excitement
incident to the election of Mr. Harding as United States Senator
having subsided, the body were moving in such business as looked
toward the growing wants of the State. I found in Mr. Harding a plain,
unpretending, and sensible gentlemen, and in whom the interests of
Oregon will find a true representative. At the invitation of Governor
Gibbs I visited the Committee of the State Fair, composed of delegates
from all the counties. It was here decided to make Salem the site for
holding the annual fairs; a point so central, so well suited in every
respect, that there seemed to be great unanimity of sentiment in the
matter. The grounds around are open and spacious, and you feel that
you breathe the air and tread the ground of a rural city, in making a
tour of its extent. It is one of the most beautiful localities I have
seen in Oregon--on the right bank of the Willamette, with beautiful
shade trees, neat cottages, not cramped or huddled together, but with
ample spaces for gardens--with a fine view of the woods, which, in a
vista of twenty miles, surround it--and, in the background, with the
bold slope of the Cascades, renders it one of the most beautiful sites
for a city to be found in Oregon. It is not only the political center
of Oregon, but it is also destined to become a point of great
manufacturing importance. It is surrounded by fine forests of oak,
fir, pine, cedar. The large fields of grain here cluster around it as
the center. Its pioneer woolen factory, turning its hundred of
spindles, here rears its head, thus attracting toward it every milling
interest. The same stream that turns its gristmills, turns its
sawmills--and even then the water is not allowed to run to waste, but
is again caught and harnessed up to the spindles of industry where the
covering of the back of the sheep of yesterday is converted into a
covering for your own back of to-day. No one resident north of
California can visit the woolen factory of Salem without a feeling of
pride and of pleasure; and as he sees the bales of blankets, of
clothes, and of flannels, lading the wagons which stand ready to be
freighted for every homestead in Oregon, he feels the glow of pride in
thus seeing our own looms weaving wools of our own growth, and desires
instantly to robe himself in garments that no foreign hand has woven,
and from wool grown from flocks no alien hand has tended. Let "Home
Industry" be patronized, home products be consumed, and the country
will be benefited to such an extent that we shall not have idlers to
stir up mischief nor rebels to stir up rebellion in either the North
or South. Mr. Rector, the obliging and gentlemanly head of the
factory, showed me through the compartments and gave me some valuable
statistics relative to its annual growth. His intention is to double
this year the number of spindles. The surplus wool, heretofore shipped
to New York, will be retained and manufactured at home; thus, our
clothes and blankets will all be supplied from wool which all can
grow. Mr. Rector finds difference in the wools grown on the east and
the west of the Cascades, and preference being given to the latter, as
containing more oily or fatty matter, and hence requiring less oiling
in the process of manufacturing. That grown to the east of the
Cascades is thought to be not only drier but harsher--more dirty--but
time and the proper attention to its culture will doubtless bring
about changes. New breeds, housing in winter, and dry foothills for
grazing, are all advantages which wool growers to the east of the
Cascades can have on their side. There are few regions where finer
grazing fields are to be had than the slopes of the Bitter Root
Mountains; and the freedom from excessive dampness, the pure, fresh
mountain springs, are all so many advantages, that I confidently look
forward to the day when these many well-grassed slopes shall be
covered with fleecy flocks, and when the waters of the many silvery
streams that now flow through the Walla Walla Valley, shall be caught
and used to turn the wheels of a woolen factory, from which shall be
turned out all the fabrics needed to clothe the population destined to
find homes to the east of the Cascade Mountains. The clothes made by
the Salem factory compare favorably with those imported. One thing
certain, there is no cotton in their fabrics. Flannels of every hue
are turned out at forty cents per yard; blankets from $4 to $8,
according to texture; and clothes from 75 cents to $1.50 per yard,
according to fineness. It would be a most happy result if every
merchant, farmer, miner, and professional man in Oregon and Washington
would determine in his own mind to have at least one suit of clothes
made from Salem cloth, and every bed to be covered by at least one
pair of Salem blankets. This would be affording a practical proof of
our pride in seeing established in our midst these factories, which
must eventuate in the profit of individuals. It is much to be
regretted that the immense and illimitable mill power at Oregon City
is not now turned to good account. The disasters by fire and flood of
the Linn City mills have been of such a sad character that the
tendencies now are to intimidate capitalists, at least for a time,
from embarking in similar investments at the same site. A substantial
railroad is being built around the portage at Oregon City, destined to
diminish the time and cost of shipment up and down the Willamette. The
season for practicable steam navigation to the upper points of the
river being over, but little business could be noticed on the part of
those engaged in this enterprise.

While in Salem I called the attention of Judge Humason, of Wasco, and
of Governor Gibbs, to the importance of establishing a mail line from
Walla Walla to Fort Laramie, to there tap the present daily overland
mail service, by which means our mails at Walla Walla could be
delivered in fifteen days from Saint Louis, and in seventeen days to
Portland--this in the summer season--or twenty to twenty-two days in
the winter. At present our mails cross the continent to Sacramento,
two thousand miles; thence to Portland, seven hundred; thence to Walla
Walla, three hundred more; making a total of three thousand miles to
travel before we get them; whereas I can guarantee a line by the route
indicated of one half the distance and one half the time. I framed a
memorial, which Judge Humason would introduce in Congress, for this
line; and was promised by Mr. Harding his coöperation to see that the
matter was not allowed to pass unnoticed during the coming winter.

Leaving Salem, a journey of twenty-four hours passes us through
Corvallis and Eugene City; and through an exceedingly beautiful and
rich agricultural country on to Oakland, where the celebrated "Baker
Mills" are established, producing, it is said, the finest flour in
Oregon. The disasters of the flood were too visible at each and every
point, sweeping away bridges and ferries, and destroying property to
the extent of thousands of dollars. A large structure across the
Umpqua, costing $10,000, was thus carried off--its convenience being
now replaced by a ferry. All along the road we passed small parties of
immigrants who crossed the Plains this season; some in search of new
homes; others to join their friends who years since had preceded them.
The Umpqua is a beautiful valley in a high state of cultivation; the
school-houses, dotting here a hill, and there a valley, betoken that
the education of the youth of the country was not being neglected.
Roseburg, the county seat of the Umpqua region, is a gem of a village;
streets neatly laid out, and neat, white, frame cottages, giving the
place a rare picturesque beauty, where mountain and dale, and the hand
of refined culture, all joined in beautiful harmony. The line of
telegraph posts extends throughout this entire distance from Portland
to Canyonville--the farthest point south where they are as yet
erected. It is fully anticipated to have the line from Salem to
Portland in working order by winter; as also the line from
Jacksonville to Yreka. The posts are supplied and erected by contract
by the farmers and others living along the line, at a cost of from
$1.25 to $2 per post, and the line when completed will cost $200 per
mile. Local intelligence, and the interest which every citizen feels
in the reception of intelligence, now bristling with so much import,
will cause this line, as soon as placed in good working order, to pay
to the stockholders fair dividends on their capital. This link between
Canyonville and Jacksonville will be completed during the next season.
I saw Mr. Strong in Yreka, and found him pushing ahead the line with
all his characteristic energy. He deserves much credit for prosecuting
this project thus far to a success that is to bring to our doors daily
intelligence from the East, and it is to be hoped that the citizens of
the Upper Columbia will move in the same matter as soon as the line is
completed to Portland.

A ride of twenty hours brings us into the Rogue Valley and to
Jacksonville, a region I regard as one of the most beautiful and
picturesque to be found in Oregon. The valley is from twenty-five to
thirty miles square, entirely taken up by beautiful farms and under
high cultivation; with farmhouses and barns in good keeping with the
character of its progress; grist and sawmills erected to supply the
wants of its inhabitants, and with inexhaustible forests of timber.
Gold mining is here carried on with much success; and it was
interesting to see the lines of sluice boxes running through the
streets of Jacksonville that turned out as pretty gold as any mine on
the coast. Unfortunately for this fine valley, it has no outlet for
its produce, and is dependent solely on a home market. Its supplies
are brought in by the way of Crescent City, by a good wagon road, at a
cost of four to five cents per pound. Oats here are 40 cents a bushel;
wheat, 70 to 90 cents; lumber, $15 per thousand; labor from $30 to $40
per month. We observed, in squads, the ubiquitous Chinaman, moving
from mining locality to mining locality, fleeing from the kicks of one
to the cuffs of the other, with no fixed abiding place to be called
his permanent home.

A location for a railroad line from Portland to Jacksonville is
eminently practicable, and the citizens of the Willamette will be
blind to their own interests if they do not so move in the matter so
as to secure to themselves the advantages of the ample provisions made
in the Pacific Railroad Bill for a connection between Portland and
Sacramento; but south from Jacksonville there will be a severe problem
for the engineers to solve, both in the shape of grades and tunnels.
The Calapooia range will present an easy problem for solution; but the
Scott's [Siskiyou?] and Trinity mountains will not be easily handled.
They are high, broad, and broken, and no railroad line can be laid
across or through them, except at most enormous cost. But that it is
practicable, and will in time be built, I have no doubt. But my views
relative to this location as a branch of the Pacific Railroad have
been more than confirmed by a detailed view of its geography, and I
still insist that a branch of the Pacific Railroad that will benefit
Oregon and Washington as such can only be found by tapping the main
trunk at or near Fort Laramie, and coming into the Columbia at or near
the mouth of Snake River; and thence using the main Columbia to such a
point whence freight can be shipped to and across the ocean. I made
special inquiries relative to the depth of snow across the Calapooia,
Scott's and Trinity mountains during the past winter, and learned that
not less than eight feet fell upon these mountains; still the stage
coach passed these mountains every day until the freshet suspended the
travel; which was for the period of six weeks. The Scott's and Trinity
mountains are higher than any mountains crossed by my road from Walla
Walla to Fort Benton; and knowing that the question of snow with us is
no more difficult than that met and overcome on this and other lines,
I am sanguine to believe that a mail line from Fort Laramie to Walla
Walla will prove eventually practicable. But the _experimentum
crucis_, that will leave no lingering doubt even with the most
uncompromising cavalier, will be afforded us, I trust, during the next
twelve months; and that will deliver at our doors in Walla Walla the
mails direct from Saint Louis in fifteen days. I am but too anxious
that this last crowning success should be afforded us; not only to
give us increased mail facilities for the present, but to awaken a
practical attention to that region where the _isothermal_ and
_isochimal_ lines have for ages past presented, and do still continue
to present, to us meteorological phases as wonderful in their nature
as they are destined to prove useful in their future results.

To those who derive pleasure in seeing the rough, rugged, wild face of
Nature, made to wear the smiles of civilization and of progress, and
to witness what money and labor can accomplish, I know of no point
where they can visit to see these in all their grandeur than across
the Scott's and Trinity mountains, which, in point of difficulty and
rugged wildness, surpass any mountain region it has ever been my lot
to travel, from the Columbia to the Missouri River. Toll roads lead
over both of these mountains; one connecting Yreka with Rogue River;
and the other, Yreka with Shasta. The road over Scott's Mountain is
about twenty miles long, and made at a cost not far from $200,000; and
the other, eight miles, made at a cost of $16,000. The mind that
conceived the road, and the hand that executed it, were not cast in
Nature's ordinary mould; genius of a higher order was Nature's gift to
them. Those who invested their capital (for they were both built by
private enterprise) are now being well repaid; of this, the long line
of wagons and pack trains, freighted from Red Bluff to the northern
mines, furnish unmistakable evidence.

A ride over Scott's Mountain amply repays one for all the labor
required to make it; and can be made by no one who will not appreciate
that bold enterprise that is to-day leveling mountains, leveeing
valleys, bridging torrents, and, by the sound of pick and drill, even
arousing Nature from her lethargy sleep--deep down in the very bowels
of the mountains--throughout the length and breadth of California.

Leaving Rogue River, we pass at once from an agricultural to a wild,
mountainous region, which constitutes the mining section of northern
California, of which Yreka may be considered the center. It is a place
of much trade, built mostly of brick, and presents a bustling
appearance. It supports two newspapers, three or four hotels; has a
large post office, and, at present, is the northern terminus of the
State telegraph line. A cemetery, well arranged in its plan, forms the
northern entrance to the city; the number of graves it contains shows
that here as elsewhere death has done its work. A day's journey, and
we come to Shasta, a mining town of one thousand people, possessing
few attractions outside of a business locality. The road, approaching
Yreka, winds near the northern base of Mount Shasta, a frowning snow
peak, fourteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. Though grand
and majestic, it does not compare favorably in either respect with
Mount Hood--the father of all snow peaks on the Pacific. From Shasta a
ride of a day brings us to Red Bluff--to which point steamers of light
draught are still running from Sacramento, but with so many delays and
uncertainties that the traveler prefers to continue the journey by the
stage. At this point, however, we finally emerge from the mountains of
California and enter upon the broad swelling prairie which constitutes
the norther portion of the Sacramento Valley--where, though the
country is mostly a waste, dotted here and there with clumps of oak,
or openings of the same growth, yet where many large and inviting
farming sections are had. At Tehama we cross the Sacramento, by a
buoy-ferry, and, in a few miles, enter upon one of the most choice
agricultural districts the eye ever rested upon--where grain fields
are not measured by the acre, nor yet by the mile, but by the league.
By a day's drive we passed through the extensive and rich fields of
Major Bidwell, where eleven thousand acres of grain were being
threshed--where his own mill stood ready to convert into flour the
produce of his own fields; where his own mammoth store furnished
hundreds of his employés with all the wants of life; where his own
energy was opening, with his own means, a wagon road from the
Sacramento River to the Humboldt mines; and where his own purse has
already paid out $35,000, and backed by a willingness to pay as much
more, in order to open up a new market for the exuberant products of
so rich a soil as he himself possesses. The center of his large
estate is the beautiful village of "Chico," where, in rural wealth as
well as in rural simplicity, live an educated and contented peasantry,
all more or less supported by the means of this bachelor
millionaire--whose residence, on the banks of the Sacramento, is one
of those architectural gems hid away amidst shrubs, trees, orchards,
and groves, as if to avoid the gaze of him whose residence is of
crowded cities and who is almost unworthy to breath the sweet perfume
of a region where such bowers grow. May Major Bidwell long
live--though bachelor he be--to dispense his bounties to a people who
respect him for the liberal and generous manner in which he shares his
wealth with those not similarly blest.

From Tehama the ride of half a day brings us to Oroville, a city well
named, for situated as it is on the Feather River, it is in the heart
of a rich mining country, where the miners have worked like so many
beavers, and where the water of the Feather River is made to run in
pipes and reservoirs into lakes for hundreds of feet above the level
of the river, at the site of the town. This river is crossed by a
ferry. A steamer is said to have once landed here from Sacramento, but
such occurrences I regard as rare. The river is rapid; boils and
surges over a rocky and rugged bed, and joins the Sacramento at
Marysville--to which point a night's ride brings us--continuing to
pass through a rich agricultural region, under a state of high
cultivation. Marysville is a large, prosperous city--houses, mostly of
brick--at the junction of the Yuba and Feather rivers. Thence on to
Sacramento, (a journey of eight hours' staging,) the road is over a
level, agricultural district, throughout which the piles of drift
timber and the absence of fences, in many places, and the presence of
boats and bateaux, all told that the water had been here supreme not
many months past; barns with their roofs a mile distant; houses
without any; outhouses and dwellings with a watermark up to the second
story--and in many localities no dwellings at all, where commodious
and comfortable tenements had been--all told of the presence and the
power of the waters of Sacramento when charged with fullness on its
way to the ocean. It seems to me that a system of high levees is the
only thing to reclaim hundreds of acres of fine swamp land along the
Sacramento, and to prevent the repetition of these disastrous results,
which made the people poor and retard the growth of the State.
Sacramento is already surrounded by a high levee which may protect it
another season; but the levee should begin at Marysville and extend to
Sacramento. It will, of course, be expensive, but it will repay the
labor in the end.

Between Marysville and Sacramento we passed the large and magnificent
claim called "Sutter's Ranch," though not under a high state of
cultivation. The old pioneer is now poor, but his friends are
sufficiently zealous in his behalf to see that his wants go not
unsupplied. One can not pass over this region and at the same time
observe how rapidly the Sacramento River is being obstructed by the
immense deposits of sand and sediment which its current is daily
bringing down, thus forming bars and deltas destined not only to
intercept but probably to suspend at no distant day navigation to its
upper waters,--without feeling the pressing importance of a railroad
connection between Sacramento and the more northern regions of
California. Already are parties out viewing and prospecting a road
through Noble's Pass, where it is proposed by some to carry the
Pacific railroad line.

That California will be covered with a network of railways is only a
question of time, and that time determined by the low rates of
interest that will cause capitalists to become interested in these
great works of internal improvement. Local trade and travel must
always be great, and must always increase so long as gold shall be
mined, and that period seems to be illimitable.

From Sacramento we took passage on the fine steamer Antelope, for San
Francisco, which in six hours and at a cost of $5 brought us to the
end of one section of our journey. There are no opposition steamers on
now and hence the monopolists command the river. The signs of the
devastation of the flood marked the entire distance from Sacramento to
the bay of San Francisco. But here and there we found the inhabitants
raising their dwellings a story, and by levees and other improvements
trying to reclaim their fields, as well as to defy the freshets of
coming years. No one can pass over this exceedingly interesting region
from Portland to Sacramento without feeling a thrill of pride and of
pleasure to see what American energy and American capital have
accomplished during the past fourteen years of its occupancy; and to
picture in imagination what the next fourteen years may produce, would
almost render oneself liable to such an unjust criticism that I would
forbear to enter upon a theme so pregnant with interest; suffice it to
say, let those who have not made the trip, make it at least once and
see for themselves pleasant homes and well-tilled fields, grand
mountains, useful rivers, forests of orchards, and oceans of grain;
miles of sluice boxes and tons of gold; and the beauty of a region
redolent with the songs of thrift and industry--and if they be not
well repaid for all the fatigues of a mountain journey, the fault will
certainly be theirs, and not the bounty of generous nature, who with
lavish hand has spread so many pictures of the grand and
beautiful--nor yet the fault of the inhabitants by the wayside, who
by culture and improvement have framed these pictures in gilded and
golden casements, and where contentment and happiness are the visible
garments in which everything would seem to be enrobed.




INDIAN WARS OF SOUTHERN OREGON.

ADDRESS OF HON. WILLIAM M. COLVIG DELIVERED AT THE REUNION OF THE
INDIAN WAR VETERANS, AT MEDFORD ON SATURDAY, JULY 26, 1902.


I was first invited to deliver an address of welcome to the Indian war
veterans, who meet here to-day; but within the past few days I was
informed that an historical sketch of early days in southern Oregon,
including an account of the Indian wars, would be my part in the
programme of exercises.

My knowledge of the subject is not very extensive. I lived in southern
Oregon as early as 1852, but was only a boy, not old enough to take
part in any of the stirring incidents which I remember of those days.
I see before me faces that recall events long past, and which left
pictures in the album of memory that time will never efface, and you
will pardon me if I refer to one of those personal recollections.

In 1855 my father, Dr. Wm. L. Colvig, and family lived in a log cabin
on the South Umpqua River, near Canyonville. One bright, clear day in
October of that year, myself and brother, on returning from a trip in
the "cañon," saw standing, in an exhausted condition, a white cayuse
pony before the door of our home. The horse was covered with blood.
Everything seemed quiet about the place. We rushed into the house and
saw a man lying on his back, full length, upon the puncheon floor. His
clothing was partially removed. His body was covered with blood.
Father was kneeling over him on one side and mother on the other. They
were dressing his wounds. He had nine separate bullet holes in his
limbs and body. Doctor Colvig had his case of surgical instruments at
hand, which consisted of a butcher knife and a pair of scissors. The
knife was the one we had used to cut meat when crossing the plains.
Mother was preparing bandages by tearing up some of our old "hickory"
shirts. Well, they patched Uncle Bill Russell--called "Long Bill" in
those days--up in pretty good shape. I see him here to-day, but I
don't think that he is looking for a fight with Indians. At the time
of which I speak, he had been shot by the Indians about five miles
from my father's house but succeeded in riding to our door. His
companion, Weaver, had a close call, but escaped unhurt.

The Indian wars of southern Oregon were stubborn contests. It is a
natural law that the fittest survive, and wherever civilization in its
advance meets barbarian force, the latter must give way. When they
meet there is an "irrepressible conflict," the details of which we can
not always reconcile with the Golden Rule. The tribes who took part in
these several wars in southern Oregon were the Rogue Rivers, Modocs,
Klamaths, Shastas, and Umpquas. The only honest acquisition of the
Rogue River Indians was their name. On account of the thieving and
treacherous habits of the people of that tribe, the river which flows
through the valley was called by the early French trappers "Riviere
aux Coquin," the river of rogues. The Oregon legislature in 1853
sought to change the name, and did name it Gold River, but, as the
boys say, "it didn't take."

It will be impossible for me to do more than mention a few of the more
prominent incidents, and I can not be very accurate in regard to dates
and other matters pertaining to that period, as my information has
been gathered from many sources, some of which are not very authentic.

It may be of interest to know that on December 27, 1850, Congress
passed what is known as the donation land law, which gave to every
American citizen over the age of eighteen years, if single, one half
section of land; if married, one section of land, one half of which
was the absolute property of the wife, the other half of the husband.
There were no settlers in the Rogue River Valley prior to New Year's
day, 1851. In the spring of 1851 a man by the name of Evans
constructed a ferry across Rogue River, just below the town of
Woodville. During the same spring a man by the name of Perkins also
established a ferry on that river. The first donation land claim was
located by Judge A. A. Skinner, an Indian agent, in June, 1851. This
claim is the Walker farm, near Central Point. Upon it he built the
first settler's house ever built in the valley. Chesley Gray, his
interpreter, also located a donation land claim in June, 1851. It is
what is known as the "Constant Farm," near Central Point. The
following named persons filed donation land claims prior to February,
1852: Moses Hopwood, on Christmas day, 1851; N. C. Dean, at Willow
Springs, December, 1851; Stone and Poyntz, at Wagner Creek, December,
1851; L. J. C. Duncan, Major Barron, Thomas Smith, Pat Dunn, E. K.
Anderson, and Samuel Culver had made their locations prior to
February, 1852. I do not pretend that these were all, but the entire
number of claims taken up to that time did not exceed twenty-eight.

In December, 1851, James Clugage and J. R. Poole located the first
mining claim in southern Oregon, at a point near the old brewery in
Jacksonville. They had been informed by a couple of young men who were
passing through the country that they had found gold near that place.
Immediately after this discovery became known in California and by the
incoming immigrants to Oregon, there was a rush made to the mines of
Jacksonville. Old man Shiveley, the discoverer of Shiveley Gulch,
above Jacksonville, inside of eighteen months had taken out over
$50,000, and since that time, from the best statistics obtainable, the
mines of southern Oregon have yielded about $35,000,000 in gold.

During the winter of 1852 flour was sold at $1 per pound, tobacco at
$1 an ounce, and salt was priceless. Jacksonville was laid out as a
town in the summer of 1852 by Henry Klippel and John R. Poole.

I will now speak of the Indian wars in which the people of southern
Oregon were engaged. The first recorded fight between the Indians and
whites in any portion of southern Oregon occurred in 1828, when
Jedediah S. Smith and seven other trappers were attacked by the
Indians on the Umpqua River, and fifteen of the whites were slain,
only Smith and three of his companions escaping. The next fight of
which we have any account was in June, 1836, at a point just below the
Rock Point bridge, where the barn on the W. L. Colvig estate stands.
In this fight there were Dan Miller, Edward Barnes, Doctor Bailey,
George Gay, Saunders, Woodworth, Irish Tom, and J. Turners and squaw.
Two trappers were killed, and nearly all were wounded. Within my
recollection, Doctor Bailey visited the scene of this fight, and
pointed out to my father its location. In September, 1837, at the
mouth of Foots Creek, in Jackson County, a party of men who had been
sent to California by the Methodist mission to procure cattle, while
on their return were attacked by the Rogue River Indians and had a
short, severe fight, in which several of the whites were badly wounded
and some twelve or fourteen of the Indians killed. In May, 1845, J. C.
Fremont had a fight with the Indians in the Klamath country; it may
have been a little over the line in California. Four of Fremont's men
were killed and quite a large number of the Indians. Kit Carson was a
prominent figure in this battle.

As before stated, a few bold adventurers had located in Rogue River
Valley as early as December, 1851. During the spring, summer, and fall
of that year there was a considerable amount of travel through the
valley, by parties from northern Oregon going to and returning from
the great mining excitement of California. Fights between these
travelers and the Indians were of frequent occurrence. On the
fifteenth day of May, 1851, a pack train was attacked at a point on
Bear Creek, where the town of Phoenix is now situated, and a man by
the name of Dilley was killed. On June 3, 1851, a party of Oregonians,
under the leadership of Dr. James McBride, had a severe fight near
Willow Springs with Chief "Chucklehead" and his band. Chucklehead and
six other Indians were killed; several of the whites were severely
wounded.

About this time Maj. Phil Kearny, afterwards General Kearny, who was
killed at the battle of Chantilly in the Civil war, happened to be
passing through the valley on his way from Vancouver to Benicia,
California, with a detachment of two companies of United States
regulars. He remained a short time and assisted in punishing the
Indians for the numerous depredations committed by them during the
year. He had several fights while in the valley, in which about fifty
Indians were killed. One of these fights was on Rogue River, near the
mouth of Butte Creek, where Captain Stuart, of the United States army,
received an arrow wound from an Indian, who was also wounded. The
arrow penetrated the captain's body, and he died the next day at the
camp on Bear Creek, near Phoenix. The camp thenceforth took the name
of Camp Stuart, and Bear Creek in all government records is called
Stuart's Creek. The captain's body was buried at a spot where the
wagon road crosses the mill race in the town of Phoenix. Some years
ago his remains were taken up and sent to Washington, D. C., to be
buried by the side of his mother. Captain Stuart's last words were,
"Boys, it is awful to have passed through all the battles of the
Mexican war, and then be killed by an Indian in this wild country."

At the massacre of emigrants at Bloody Point, Klamath County, in 1852,
thirty-six men, women, and children were murdered. Capt. Ben Wright
and twenty-seven men from Yreka and Col. J. E. Ross and some
Oregonians went out to punish these Modocs. Old Schonchin, who was
afterwards hung at Fort Klamath in 1873, at the close of the Modoc
war, was the leader. Wright gave them no quarter. He and his men,
infuriated at the sight of the mangled bodies of the emigrants, killed
men, women, and children without any discrimination--about forty in
all; and it is said that they asked for a "peace talk," whereupon a
roast ox was prepared. Wright poisoned it, gave it to the Indians, and
then rode away. [This story is now generally discredited.--EDITOR.]

I can not give you the names of all who were killed in Rogue River
Valley during the years 1851, 1852, and 1853. I will mention some that
were killed in 1853. In August of that year Edward Edwards was killed
near Medford; Thomas Wills and Rhodes Nolan, in the edge of the town
of Jacksonville; Pat Dunn and Carter, both wounded in a fight on Neil
Creek above Ashland. In a fight with the Indians on Bear Creek, in
August, 1853, Hugh Smith was killed, and Howell, Morris, Hodgins,
Whitmore, and Gibbs wounded, the last named three dying from their
wounds soon after.

These murders, and many more that could be mentioned, brought on the
Indian war of 1853. Southern Oregon raised six companies of
volunteers, who served under the following named captains, viz, R. L.
Williams, J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A. Owens, and W. W.
Fowler. Capt. B. F. Alden, of the Fourth U. S. Infantry, with twenty
regulars, came over from Fort Jones, California, and with him a large
number of volunteers under Capt. James P. Goodall and Capt. Jacob
Rhoades, two Indian fighters of experience. Captain Alden was given
the command of all the forces. The first battle of the war was fought
on the twelfth day of August, 1853, and was an exciting little fight
between about twenty volunteers under Lieut. Burrell Griffin, of
Miller's company, and a band of Indians under Chief John. The
volunteers were ambushed at a point near the mouth of Williams creek,
on the Applegate. The whites were defeated with a loss of two killed
and Lieutenant Griffin severely wounded. There were five Indians
killed and wounded in the battle. On August 10, 1853, John R. Harding
and Wm. R. Rose, of Captain Lamerick's company, were killed near
Willow Springs. On the sixteenth of August, 1853, Gen. Joseph Lane,
afterwards United States senator from Oregon, and a candidate for vice
president in 1860, came out from his home in Douglas County and
brought fifty men with him, to take part in the war. General Lane was
a man of large experience in Indian warfare and in all military
matters. He had commanded an Indiana regiment in the Mexican war and
enjoyed a well earned reputation for bravery. On the day that General
Lane arrived what is known as the battle of Little Meadows was fought.
Lieutenant Ely and twenty-two men met the Indians near Evans Creek, in
the timber, and a short, but deadly conflict took place. Seven whites
were killed inside of an hour; Lieutenant Ely and three men wounded.
They left the battlefield in charge of the Indians--at least, in the
popular phraseology of that day, "they got up and got out." On August
24, 1853, the battle of Evans Creek was fought. In this fight the
Indians did not fare so well, twelve of them being killed and
wounded. One volunteer named Pleasant Armstrong was killed and Captain
Alden and Gen. Joe Lane were each wounded. During the summer of 1853
several men were shot by Indians in Josephine County. In the fall
General Lane patched up a temporary peace, which lasted till 1855.

The war of 1855-56 was preceded by a great many murders and
depredations by the Indians in different parts of southern Oregon. I
will mention a few: ----. Dyar and ----. McKew, killed while on the
road from Jacksonville to Josephine County on June 1, 1855. About the
same time a man by name of ----. Philpot was killed on Deer Creek,
Josephine County, and James Mills was wounded at the same time and
place. Granville Keene was killed at a point on Bear Creek, above
Ashland, and J. Q. Faber was wounded. Two men, ----. Fielding and
----. Cunningham, were killed in September, 1855, on the road over the
Siskiyou mountains.

On account of these various depredations Maj. J. A. Lupton raised a
temporary force of volunteers, composed of miners and others, from the
vicinity of Jacksonville, about thirty-five in number, and proceeded
to a point on the north side of Rogue River, opposite the mouth of
Little Butte Creek. There he attacked a camp of Indians at a time when
they were not expecting trouble. It is said that about thirty men,
women, and children were killed by Lupton's men. The major himself
received a mortal wound in the fight. This fight has been much
criticised by the people of southern Oregon, a great many of them
believing that it was unjustifiable and cowardly. Two days after this
affair a series of massacres took place in the sparsely settled
country in and about where Grants Pass is now situated. On the ninth
day of October, 1855, the Indians, having divided up into small
parties, simultaneously attacked the homes of the defenseless
families located in that vicinity. I will name a few of those tragic
events. On the farm now owned by James Tuffs, Mr. Jones was killed,
and his wife, after receiving a mortal wound, made her escape. She was
found by the volunteers on the next day and died a few days
afterwards. Their house was burned down. Mrs. Wagner was murdered by
the Indians on the same day. Her husband was away from home at the
time, but returned on the following day to find his wife murdered and
his home a pile of ashes. The Harris family consisted of Harris and
wife and their two children, Mary Harris, aged twelve, and David
Harris, aged ten, and T. A. Reed, a young man who lived with the
family. Mr. Harris was shot down while standing near his door, and at
a moment when he little suspected treachery from the Indians with whom
he was talking. His wife and daughter pulled his body within the door,
and seizing a double-barreled shotgun and an old-fashioned Kentucky
rifle, commenced firing through the cracks of the log cabin. They kept
this up till late in the night, and by heroic bravery kept the Indians
from either gaining an entrance into the house or succeeding in their
attempts to fire it. Just back of the cabin was a dense thicket of
brush, and during a lull in the attack the two brave women escaped
through the back door and fled through the woods. They were found the
next day by volunteers from Jacksonville, our late friend, Henry
Klippel, being one of the number. Mrs. Harris lived to a good old age
in this county. Mary, who was wounded in the fight, afterwards became
the wife of Mr. G. M. Love, and was the mother of George Love of
Jacksonville and Mrs. John A. Hanley of Medford. David Harris, the
boy, was not in the house when the attack was made, but was at work on
the place. His fate has never been ascertained, as his body was never
found. The Indians stated, after peace was made, that they killed him
at the time they attacked the Harris house. Reed, the young man spoken
of, was killed out near the house.

On October 31, 1855, the battle of Hungry Hill was fought near the
present railway station of Leland. Capt. A. J. Smith of the United
States army was at that battle, and a large number of citizens
soldiery. The result of the battle was very undecisive. There were
thirty-one whites killed and wounded, nine of them being killed
outright. It is not known how many of the Indians were killed, but
after the treaty was made they confessed to fifteen. The Indians were
in heavy timber and were scarcely seen during the two days' battle.

In April, 1856, after peace had been concluded between the whites and
Indians, the Ledford massacre took place in Rancherie Prairie, near
Mount Pitt, in this county, in which five white men were killed. This
event was the last of the "irrepressible conflict." Soon afterward the
Indians were removed to the Siletz reservation, where their
descendants now live and enjoy the favors of the government which
their fathers so strongly resisted.

The war in Rogue River Valley had now virtually ended. "Old Sam's"
band, with an escort of one hundred United States troops, was taken to
the coast reservation at Siletz. Chiefs "John" and "Limpy," with a
large number of the most active warriors, who had followed their
fortunes during all these struggles, still held out and continued
their depredations in the lower Rogue River country and in connection
with the Indians of Curry County.

Gen. John E. Wool, commander of the department of the Pacific, in
November, 1855, had stopped at Crescent City while on his way to the
Yakima country. He received full information while here of the
military operations in southern Oregon. Skipping many details, it is
sufficient to state that he ordered Capt. A. J. Smith to move down
the river from Fort Lane and form a junction with the United States
troops under Captains Jones and E. O. C. Ord (afterward a
major-general in United States army), who were prosecuting an active
campaign in the region about Chetco, Pistol River, and the Illinois
River Valley. Captain Smith left Fort Lane with eighty men--fifty
dragoons and thirty infantry. I can only take the time to mention a
few of the fights in that region during the spring of 1856. On March
8th Captain Abbott had a skirmish with the Chetco Indians at Pistol
River. He lost several men. The Indians had his small force completely
surrounded when Captain Ord and Captain Jones with one hundred and
twelve regular troops came to his relief. They charged and drove the
Indians away with heavy loss. On March 20, 1855, Lieutenant-Colonel
Buchanan, assisted by Captains Jones and Ord, attacked an Indian
village ten miles above the mouth of Rogue River. The Indians were
driven away, leaving several dead and only one white man wounded in
the fight. A few days later Captain Angne's [Augur?] company (United
States troops) fought John and "Limpy's" band at the mouth of the
Illinois River. The Indians fought desperately, leaving five dead on
the battlefield. On March 27, 1855, the regulars again met the Indians
on Lower Rogue River. After a brisk fight at close quarters the
Indians fled, leaving ten dead and two of the soldiers were severely
wounded. On April 1, 1855, Captain Creighton, with a company of
citizens, attacked an Indian village near the mouth of the Coquille
River, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty squaws and
children prisoners. About this time some volunteers attacked a party
of Indians who were moving in canoes at the mouth of Rogue River. They
killed eleven men and one squaw. Only one man and two squaws of the
party escaped. On April 29, 1855, a party of sixty regulars escorting
a pack train were attacked near Chetco. In this fight three soldiers
were killed and wounded. The Indians lost six killed and several
wounded.

The volunteer forces of the coast war were three companies known by
the names of "Gold Beach Guards," the "Coquille Guards," and the "Port
Orford Minute Men." I have not the time to enter into the details of
the battle that was fought on the twenty-seventh of May, 1855, near
Big Meadows, on Rogue River. Captain Smith was in command of his
eighty regulars. Old "John" lead the Indians. The operations covered a
period of two days, John using all the tactics of military science in
handling his four hundred braves during the battle. Just as everything
was ready, according to "John's" plans for an attack upon the
regulars, Captain Angne's [Augur?] company was seen approaching. The
Indians were then soon dispersed. Captain Smith lost twenty-nine men
killed and wounded in this battle, and had it not been for the timely
arrival of Angne's [Augur?] company, his men would all have been
killed.

While these operations were being carried on by the United States
troops, the volunteer forces were not idle. They were kept busy with
"Limpy" and "George's" warriors, at points in Josephine County. On
January 28, 1856, Major Latshaw moved down the river with two hundred
and thirteen men. He had several skirmishes and lost four or five men
in killed and wounded. On May 29th "Limpy" and "George" surrendered at
Big Meadows to Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan. On May 31st Governor Curry
ordered the volunteer forces to disband--nearly all the Indians had
surrendered. About one thousand three hundred of the various tribes
that had carried on the war were gathered in camp at Port Orford.
About July 1, 1856, "John" and thirty-five tough looking warriors, the
last to surrender, "threw down the hatchet." I have now gone over, in
chronological order, the principal events connected with the Indian
wars of southern Oregon. I am fully aware that the narrative is very
defective, and that many events of importance have not even been
mentioned. You who took part in these early struggles can easily fill
in the gaps, and correct the errors that I may have unconsciously
made.

There were some men who took part in the Indian wars of southern
Oregon who afterward became prominent in the history of the Nation. I
will name a few, viz, Gen. U. S. Grant, Gen. J. B. Hood (late of
Confederate army), Gen. Phil Kearny, Gen. Wool, Gen. A. J. Smith, Gen.
Geo. Crooks, Gen. A. V. Kautz, Gen. Phil Sheridan, Gen. J. C. Fremont,
Gen. Joe Lane (candidate for vice president of the United States in
1860), Gen. Joe Hooker (who built the military road in the Canyon
Mountains in 1852), and Kit Carson.

We all rejoice that the general government has at last acknowledged
the value of your services to civilization; and has made some
provision of recompense for the privations which you suffered.

I see before me old gray headed mothers who will also share with you
this recognition of the Nation's gratitude. It is well, and to my
comrades of the Civil war, who are here, and who have been the
promotors of this reunion of veterans, let me say that no women of any
war, in which the American people have ever been engaged, are more
deserving of the Nation's bounty than these old, feeble, pioneer
mothers of southern Oregon. When their fathers, brothers, and husbands
went out to meet their savage foes, these women were not left in well
protected cities, villages, and homes, but often in rude cabins,
situated in close proximity to the conflict; and unlike the chances
of civilized warfare, no mercy could be expected from the
enemy--surrender meant not only death, but torture and heartless
cruelty. In every hour of those dark days these women proved
themselves to be fit helpmates to a race of daring men--and worthy all
honors that are accorded the brave.




MINTO PASS: ITS HISTORY, AND AN INDIAN TRADITION.

By JOHN MINTO.


There was a tradition among the Indians of the central portion of the
Willamette Valley at the time when the missionaries of the Methodist
Episcopal Church attempted christianization from 1834 to 1840, that a
trail or thoroughfare through this natural pass had formerly been much
used by their people and that its use was abandoned after, and as one
of the results of, a bloody battle between the Mollalas (who claimed
the western slopes of the Cascades from the Clackamas River south to
the Calapooia Mountains,) and the Cayuses who were originally of the
same tribe, but who had become alienated by family feuds, of which the
battle or massacre of their tradition was the end. The superstitious
belief of the Indians in the transmigration of the souls of dead
warriors into the bodies of beasts of prey, like panthers, bears, and
wolves, would of itself go far to cause the Indians to abandon the use
of such a trail, but the formation of the gorge by which the river
cuts its way through the roughest portion of the range is such as to
give great numbers of opportunities for ambuscades--a common resort of
Indian warfare. Certain is it that for some cause the Indians of
Chemeketa, Chemawa, and Willamette spoke with dread of going up that
river. They did, however, have trails on each side of this natural
pass,--that to the south being first used by a pioneer settler named
Wyley. It became known as the Wyley Trail, and subsequently was
adopted as a general route over which the Willamette Valley and
Cascade Mountain Military Wagon Road was located. The other to the
north comes into the Willamette Valley via the Table Rock and down the
Abiqua. Both these trails were used exclusively by the Indians of the
east side of the range as means of coming into the Willamette Valley
with the exception of the Mollalas, who were intermarried with the
Warm Springs Indians and the Klamaths when the settlement by the
whites began. The free trappers and the retired Canadians, who had
settled as farmers and trading parties of the Hudson Bay Company,
continued to use the trail up the North Santiam Valley until 1844-45,
when, in addition to the country reached by it being "trapped out,"
furs fell in price in the general market so that it temporarily ceased
to be used by the engagees of the Hudson Bay Company. In the summer of
1845 Dr. E. White, then a sub-agent of the United States for the
Indians of Oregon, examined, or claimed to have examined, the route as
a means of getting immigration into western Oregon more easily than by
way of the Columbia River Pass. Either the doctor did not examine
closely or was very easily discouraged; at all events no beneficial
results followed. At this same time Stephen L. Meek was leading a
party of the immigration of that year with the purpose of entering the
Willamette Valley by that way. Meek had trapped on the head waters of
the John Day River a few seasons previous, and had here met Canadians
from the Willamette, who had come over the trail and doubtless thought
he could easily find it; and there is little reason to doubt that he
would have done so had it not been that by reason of their much
wandering in searching the way from the mouth of the Malheur to the
waters of the Des Chutes, the people he led were in such desperate
straits that he had to flee for his life. There was another reason: a
ridge makes out on the east side of the main range, but parallel with
it, which completely shuts the pass from being seen in outline from
the east.

The failure of Meek to get his party through raised the question in
the settlements as to whether there was so easy a means of passing the
Cascade range at that point as the Hudson Bay Company trappers and
traders represented, and in the spring of 1846 a public meeting was
held at Salem and a committee of six citizens was selected to go and
make an examination of the trail. Col. Cornelius Gilliam was the head
of the committee of the American portion of the party, and Joseph
Gervais, a Canadian trapper, preëminent for general intelligence among
his class, went along to show the way. The Hon. T. C. Shaw, nephew of
Gilliam, was of the party (the youngest). He is at present (1887)
county judge of Marion County, and recently went over part of the
ground they then passed. From him it is learned that the trail did not
then pass through the narrow gorge which has been spoken of, but took
over the tops of the most broken and rugged portion of the range. The
party proceeded until they came to what they termed the "scaly rock
mountain," which Colonel Gilliam pronounced impassable for wagons. The
party returned and reported accordingly, and from that date till late
in 1873 that pass way was unused and to a great extent forgotten.

In October, 1873, two hunters in search of good game range penetrated
up the north bank of the river through the gorge before mentioned, and
found that about twelve miles from the then settlement on King's
Prairie that the valley widened out and the mountains seemed lower;
narrow belts of bottom land lay between the mountains and the river,
and appeared to continue up to near the base of Mount Jefferson,
which, in fact, they do. One of these hunters (Henry States) sent for
John Minto, being unable, on account of a sprained ankle, to go to the
latter, and told him of their findings. This rediscovery or new
discovery revived recollections of statements made by Joseph Gervais
and others, and Minto took sufficient interest in the subject to go
before the board of county commissioners of Marion County and repeat
the statements of the hunters, volunteering the suggestion that it was
important if such a natural pass existed as was thus indicated the
county had an interest in making the fact known. One of the
commissioners, Hon. Wm. M. Case, had long lived near neighbor to the
famous Hudson Bay Company's leader, Tom McKay, and had often heard him
speak of that as the shortest and best way across the Cascades. A
short consultation resulted in the "order" that Mr. Minto take two
comrades and proceed up the valley of the North Santiam until he was
satisfied whether it made such a natural cut into the range or not.
After an absence of twelve days the party returned and Minto reported
a deep valley apparently almost dividing the range, and so sheltered
that several varieties of wild flowers were found in bloom on the
eighteenth of November. Upon this representation a petition for the
survey of a road was presented to the board of county commissioners
early in 1874, and the viewing out and survey of such a road ordered,
Porter Jack, Geo. S. Downing, and John Minto to act as viewers, and T.
W. Davenport as surveyor. The survey was made and the viewers' report
in favor of an excellent roadway was made to the county commissioners
of Marion County, August, 1874. The results were got by following up
the north bank of the Santiam River, generally within sight or sound
of its waters, from the point where it enters the Willamette Valley to
its most eastern springs. Starting from the bank of the Willamette
River at Salem, where its course is east of north parallel with the
Cascade range, the survey leads up its Santiam branch eighty-three
(83) miles, to the true summit of the Cascades, here found in a
narrow cut or pass lying across the summit ridge, the general course
of the survey being southeast by east. From the summit thus found it
is an estimated distance of only five (5) miles down to the Matoles
branch of the Des Chutes River, here running east of north parallel
with the range, the same course as that of the Willamette on the west
side; but taking down the eastern declivity with an easy grade for a
wagon road, the plain of the Des Chutes would be reached in about
seven miles and the Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountains Road,
where it skirts the base of Black Butte, three miles into the Des
Chutes plain, in about ten miles. In making this view and survey an
old and deeply worn trail was frequently crossed, and such a trail,
less deep, was found leading over the pass eastward. The first
observed trail gives some support to the Indian tradition of a former
native thoroughfare down the valley.

The trail out of the pass is not so much worn, neither is the Strong
trail leading off towards the west from a point about seven miles
eastward, used by Lieutenant Fremont as he passed the locality in
1843. The trail so noted reaches first the immense springs of Matoles,
where a full grown river rises from under the northeast base of Black
Butte, into which the salmon ascend in July and August for spawning
purposes, at that date and since making a valuable fishery for the
Indians, and scarcely less valuable as fisheries where the numerous
lakes to the westward, which, taken in connection with abundant game
of the entire region, make it a hunter's paradise. At the date of
Fremont's march, of which had Meek been informed in 1845, he would
have almost certainly succeeded in getting the people he led into the
Willamette Valley by that way easier than they reached The Dalles
after he abandoned them.

After the viewing out and survey of the wagon road as before related,
parties incorporated or filed articles of incorporation for a
projected railroad through the pass to Winnemucca. It was a mere
speculation on the part of persons who had neither money nor credit of
any kind. It had the effect of weakening the public interest in having
a common road constructed, so that after the lapse of the legal hold
on the pass thus attained, there was little disposition to spend money
on the opening of a common road which was liable to be destroyed at
any time by a railroad interest. An association was formed, however,
and a stock trail was opened at a cost of $1,800, in labor. As much
more spent at that time would have enabled wagons to pass. For lack of
this small sum the trail constructed did not attract the public use
except in a small measure for horses. In 1880 Hon. John B. Waldo,
while enjoying a summer recreation trip along the summit ridge, came
to a point some seven or eight miles south of the point to which the
survey had been made and over which a trail had been opened, which he
felt confident was lower than it. He spoke of it to Mr. Minto, who,
the next spring, had a small sum ($200) placed at his disposal by
Marion County in order to remove obstructions which had fallen into
the trail. After removing these obstructions that had fallen in during
the previous four years, Mr. Minto had $111 of the money left which he
asked permission of the board of commissioners to use in viewing out
and surveying the most southern of the two main branches of the Upper
North Santiam. The suggestion was made that this arm of the stream
trended so far southward that it would probably be found to reach the
summit by a greater meander and consequently afford a more gradual
approach to this supposed lower point of the summit, and therefore be
more favorable for railroad purposes. The order was made in accordance
with the suggestion, and Capt. L. S. Scott, Geo. S. Downing, and John
Minto were appointed viewers and T. W. Davenport surveyor. After some
loss of time by efforts to locate a line of communication, Minto took
one comrade and went eastward through the old pass, taking the
altitude of it as he went and finding it, according to an ordinary
barometer, such as is used by railroad surveyors, to be five thousand
five hundred and thirty-six feet above the sea, and proceeding
southward and then westward on the same day found the instrument to
read at the point indicated by Judge Waldo, four thousand nine hundred
and eleven feet above the sea. From this point a line was struck and
surveyed, which by way of the southeast branch of the North Santiam,
connects with the original survey by an easy grade for railroad
purposes and of which the projectors of the Corvallis and Eastern
railroad were immediately informed. An examination of the whole route
from Gates to Summit via the last viewed section, was made by Colonel
Eccleson, civil engineer, and Summit was reached by a fraction over a
two per cent grade. Construction began at the Summit with the least
possible delay and rails were hauled by wagon from Albany and laid in
order to hold the pass. From the pass westward more than half of the
right of way was cut and much of the grade made ready for the ties
between this lowest pass and the junction with the original Marion
County survey at what the party making it called Independence Valley,
directly south of and as the bird flies about eight miles from the
apex of Mount Jefferson. From Idanha, the terminal of railroad track
laid, four miles east of Detroit, fully twelve miles of right of way
and grade were constructed when work was suspended by the original
railroad company. From Mill City eastward to the Summit, the company
appropriated fully ninety per cent of the original surveys made at the
cost of Marion County. This need not be objected to, but in addition
to this these railroad promoters often exercised an assumed right to
name points that will be of permanent interest which they did not
discover. This seems hardly fair. From my point of view the Hon. John
B. Waldo, who first observed the apparent lowness of the pass, and
called my attention to it, is more entitled to have his name attached
to it than Col. T. E. Hogg, whose name I understand was given to by J.
I. Blair, the railroad magnate of New York, who was one of the chief
supporters of Colonel Hogg's enterprise.

As a matter of some historical interest I will close this paper by
inserting some of the original names given places and things by the
first white explorers of the valley.

The stream named Breitenbush was named by Henry States, Frank Cooper,
and John Minto on the first legal examination for the pass for John
Breitenbush a hunter who had cut his way to it ahead of them. Detroit
was named by the man from Michigan who first opened a house for
entertainment there. Boulder Creek was named by T. W. Davenport on his
survey notes in 1874. It makes in from the north at Idanha which was a
Muskrat Camp of first surveying party, but renamed by the proprietor
of the first summer resort house. Minto Mountain was named by some one
unknown to the writer, after he had led to the opening of a trail to
Black Butte, in Crook County, in 1879. It was the grass covered
mountains seen by Minto from the top of a fir tree into which he
pulled himself to get a view of their surroundings when first seeking
the pass in November, 1873, and which grass land his associate, Frank
Cooper, asserted was in eastern Oregon, to his, Cooper's, personal
knowledge, though he would not risk climbing the tree to see it, being
a very heavy man. This mountain will for all time be an attractive
object to summer recreationists and the most easily reached from the
center of the Willamette Valley when the railroad is extended twelve
miles farther east. The first stream making in from the northeast of
Boulder Creek was called, by the surveying party of 1874, the White, a
first fork from Jefferson. In August the snow melts from the southwest
slopes of Jefferson and runs through volcanic ash as fine as bolted
flour and it enters the main Santiam like thickened milk, coloring it
down to Mehama sometimes. Custom has adopted the name "Whitewater." In
1879 I gave the name Pamelia Creek to the next stream which flows off
the south face of Mount Jefferson and the same name now attaches to
the lake at its south base. The name was given for Pamelia Ann Berry,
because of her cheerfulness as one of the girl cooks of the working
party, of which her father and sister were valued members.
Independence Valley was so named by the road viewing party in 1874.
Our party rested there on the fourth of July. The first waterfall on
the east branch was named Gatch's Falls for Prof. T. M. Gatch, by
election of the party, the young members all having been his students.
Marion Lake and Orla Falls at the head of it were named at the same
time. The latter by the younger members of the company who had danced
with Miss Orla Davenport, the oldest daughter of our surveyor. The
most of the water of Marion Lake seems to come over these falls from
the northern declivities, a rocky peak of many pinnacles, locally
called "Three-fingered Jack," but to which the name of Mount Marion
was given in the report of this survey. This peak rises from the
summit ridge south of Mount Jefferson and north of Mount Washington
about equal distance of seven miles from each and about fifteen miles
from the most northern of the Three Sisters. There are inviting
situations for delightful summer residences on or near the ridge, both
north and south of Mount Marion, which will in the near future
probably become sites of permanent homes. The climate, as indicated by
plant life, is that of the Highlands of Scotland, as here the American
congener of both purple and white heather is found on and near the
summit ridge.

The writer, who was an active member of these first exploring,
surveying, and road constructing parties, closes this with the
statement that the rugged labor sometimes involved was the very best
kind of summer recreation, where nature in all her varying phases was
enjoyed and the sights of the day made themes of camp fire talks,
intermingled with subjects connected with social, educational,
business, and public interests. There was little difference in this
respect between the camp fires of a party of professional men seeking
rest and that of road makers constructing lines of development.




REMINISCENCES.

Secured by H. S. LYMAN.


ANSON STERLING CONE.

Anson Sterling Cone, who came to Oregon in 1846, and is now--February,
1900,--living upon his donation claim a mile and a half from
Butteville, on one portion of French Prairie, is a native of Indiana,
having been born in Shelby County of that State in 1827. At the age of
seventy-three he is still in good health, and of good memory. He is
carrying on a large farm, and, together with his wife, is supporting
the family of his brother's daughter, as his own. He is a man of
medium size, of rather sandy complexion, with hair and beard now
white. He is plain and straightforward in manner, and remembers
distinctly many details of his early experiences in Oregon. Some of
the most interesting features of his narrative are his meeting with
Whitman; his service as juror on the trial of the Indian murderers of
Whitman; and his trip overland to California in the first wagon train
to the mines. His story, however, will be given as he relates it, and
the reader may then use his own judgment as to the relative importance
of his recollections.

With his father's family, who removed for a short residence from
Shelby to La Porte County, Indiana, he went as a mere lad to Iowa. The
farm occupied by his father was alongside one of the main roads, and
there, year after year, he saw the emigrants in their great wagons on
the way to Oregon. In the course of time he took the fever to go with
them to that enchanted country. The opportunity was not long withheld.

In 1846 a well-to-do neighbor, Edward Trimble, made up a party, in
which an older brother of Anson's, Aaron Cone, was to go. Obtaining
permission of his father, Anson, then but a youth of eighteen,
assisted in helping the train off, and drove with the party for some
distance. When the time arrived for him to return home (his dejected
appearance probably indicating his longing to go on with the
emigrants) Trimble said to him: "Anson, I don't advise or ask you to
go to Oregon; but if you are bound to, you may go with me." "I have no
outfit," said the young man. "I have $1,000," answered Trimble; "and
as long as that lasts you shall have your share of it."

Anson went. His patron, however, never reached Oregon. Trimble was one
of the comparatively few who fell a victim to the treachery of the
Indians. He was killed by the Pawnees, on the Platte River, near the
big island. He had been selected captain of the company of forty-three
wagons which was made up at Saint Joe, where the train crossed the
Missouri, and took the route south of the Platte.

At a point opposite the big island, as then known, the cattle were
stampeded by the Pawnees, and driven away, so that the train was left
entirely without teams. Trimble started out to hunt the animals; but
his wife, seeing that he had no arms, said to him, "Edward, you had
better take your rifle." He answered, "I do not need it; I am only
going to look for the trail." But reaching a knoll and finding the
trail of the lost stock, which led to the river, he and a man named
Harris rode on without stopping, until they discovered the cattle on
the island. Going down to the river side, however, they were suddenly
confronted by a party of armed Pawnees, who had secreted themselves
under the steep bank. Harris then, in his excitement, left his horse,
and Trimble delaying for him was shot by the Indians. His body was not
recovered but arrows stained with blood were found, which had
probably been shot through his body. These were preserved by Mrs.
Trimble, and it is thought that they are still in possession of the
family; a daughter of Trimble, having become Mrs. Pomeroy, of Pomeroy,
Washington.

By the men of the train who saw the affair, Harris was rescued, and
the most of the oxen, though in a sad state of demoralization, were
recovered. A considerable number were never found, and on account of
this seven wagons were compelled to return to Saint Joe, with just
enough cattle to draw them. But the mischief was also played with the
oxen that went forward. After one thorough stampede such animals are
always unreliable. Mr. Cone remembers one serious stampede later, of
the whole train on the road, which was started only by a jack rabbit
driven by the dogs under a wagon. "It was a pretty hard sight," he
says, "to see the wagon hauled off, with oxen on the run. But they had
to stop at last; some fell down and were dragged along. Many an old ox
lost his horns. There were horns flying then--let one catch his tip in
the ground and it was gone!"

However, though under unusual strain from this unlucky incident with
the rascally Pawnees, the plains and mountains were crossed at last.
Fort Bridger, Fort Hall, and the Grande Ronde and Blue Mountains were
passed in due order, and about the middle of October the wagons
descended upon the Umatilla.

Here the two young men, Anson and his brother Aaron, thought it
advisable to leave the train and push on to the Willamette. To
accomplish this they went over to the Walla Walla, with the idea of
working for Whitman long enough to pay for a pack horse. At Waiilatpu
they found the doctor at home, and made known their intention. "Boys,"
replied the Old Man (A. S. C.), "you had better take Bob there, and
all the provisions you need, and go at once. At the end of the season
there will be those coming who will have to stay here anyhow, and I
had better save the work for them. I will be down in the Willamette
country next summer, and you can pay me then." The young men
accordingly took "Bob," a trusty old white cayuse horse and a good
pack animal, who had somehow lost his tail, all except a short stump,
just sufficient to hold the crupper.

By this kindness and confidence of Whitman Mr. Cone was greatly
impressed. "He was a good man," he says, "he had a heart like an ox!"
According to his recollections Whitman was about six feet tall,
straight as an Indian and of fine presence. His face was florid, his
hair chestnut, and not noticeably gray. In manner he was quick "for a
big man," and "always in for anything that had life"--sociable, and a
good joker. The horse and provisions, taken from the doctor's door,
amounted to about $25 worth; "and the next summer," says Mr. Cone,
"when I heard that the Old Man was at Oregon City, didn't I rustle
around to have the money ready for him!"

Young Cone arrived at Oregon City on November 6th, his nineteenth
birthday. He began almost immediately to look about the country, and
taking the road to Tualatin Plains, was surprised, but greatly
pleased, to meet on the way--at the house of Mr. Masters, near the
present town of Reedville--an old friend, whom he had known at the
East. This was T. G. Naylor, long a well known resident of Forest
Grove. By this hospitable friend Cone was invited to spend the winter
on the farm on Gale's Creek, and actually spent two months, managing
to find eight working days between showers, out of that time--which
indicates that the climate, even then, was rainy. However the young
immigrant had good health, enjoyed life, and grew fat. For his eight
days of work he received an order for eight bushels of wheat, and
being in great need of new clothes, went back to Oregon City, and
obtaining work at rail splitting, he succeeded in mending his fortunes
sufficiently to procure new garments. He also found work afterwards in
the sawmills. "Many a day," he says, "I worked alongside the Kanakas."
There was at that time a considerable number of these native Sandwich
Islanders in Oregon. They were good workmen, says Mr. Cone, being
especially useful in work about the water. They had their own
quarters, which they kept themselves, and provided their own
sustenance quite independently.

During the dry season of 1847 the two brothers having decided to
return East across the Plains, made a long tour of the Willamette
Valley, in order to tell all about Oregon, with which, however, they
were not fully satisfied as a permanent home; but their preparations
not being complete they were delayed until late in the next season.

It was in August of that year that the Cayuse Indian murderers were
brought down from the upper country, and were tried and hanged at
Oregon City [Mr. Cone was evidently confused in this part of his
recollections as the Cayuse Indian murderers did not give themselves
up until April 1850; and were tried later in that year.--EDITOR.] The
Indians had the benefit of counsel, and the usual motions were made
for acquittal. Among others was rejection of many jurymen, on the
ground of prejudice. As it began to seem that no jury could be found,
Cone, who was present as a spectator at the trial, whispered to a
companion, "Come, let's go; they will be getting us on the jury!"

They quietly slipped out, therefore, and retiring to a big rock on the
bluff, were engaged chatting. A young man soon approached, however,
whom they took to be another like themselves, but they recognized that
he was after them and a deputy sheriff, when he proceeded to summon
them to the jury box. They were accordingly impaneled, with the
necessary number, and listened to the evidence. The case was entirely
clear, the prosecution simply presenting evidence to show that the
accused were the Indians who had committed the crime.

As to the motive of the murder, or the causes back of it, Mr. Cone
inclines to the opinion very prevalent at the time, that it was due to
religious differences; "there was another church there, and this I
know, that none of the other church were hurt." He mentions
particularly Joe Stanbough, who was not injured, yet was a full-blood
white man. This is mentioned here, and indeed is given very cautiously
by Mr. Cone, not as any brand for present sectarian differences, but
as a true reflection of opinion at the time. The precise justice of
that opinion is not discussed here.

Very soon after the trial Cone was told by General Lovejoy, at Oregon
City, of the discovery of gold in California. "If I were you," said
Lovejoy, "I would go as soon as possible." By this advice Cone and his
brother were led to get together three wagons and join the overland
company. This was a most eventful journey and illustrates the capacity
of the trained Oregon men.

According to Mr. Cone's recollections there were forty one wagons;
though Peter Burnett says, in "An Old Pioneer," that there were fifty
and one hundred and fifty men. There was but one family in the train,
the name of which Mr. Cone has forgotten. In this he coincides with
Burnett. Cone also recalls Thomas McKay very distinctly as the guide
and virtual leader; who said that he could take them through to the
Sacramento River without trouble; "and there is only one place that I
am afraid of; that is going down the mountain into the Sacramento
Valley. You may have to let your wagons down with ropes there."

Burnett, in his vivid sketch of this journey, says that he went to
Doctor McLoughlin for advice, and was directed by him to employ McKay,
as this intrepid son of the unfortunate Alexander McKay was acquainted
with every foot of the way and was especially efficient in dealing
with the Indians. But Mr. Cone recollects nothing of Burnett.

As to Indian troubles, Cone says that there was only one Indian
killed. This was in the Umpqua Valley, and the deed was without
provocation, and by an irresponsible young man, of the kind that hung
on to almost every party. McKay read the young man a severe lesson,
and complained to the company, endeavoring to show how reckless such
actions were. The young man made the saucy reply that he must be
still, or else there would be another Indian killed--alluding to
McKay's Indian blood. However, there were no other natives disturbed,
and the way was through the country of the Klamaths, the Modocs, and
the Pitt River Indians. Burnett mentions meeting a very few natives
near the end of the journey, but says there was no trouble whatever.

In the Pitt River Valley the Oregon wagon train came upon the track of
the California immigrants, whom Peter Lawsen--or Lassen, as Burnett
spells the name--was guiding to his great ranch on the Upper
Sacramento. When at last overtaken they were found to be in great
destitution, and so exasperated at Lassen, who had lost the way, and
was wandering in the Sierra Nevadas, trying to find a practicable way
down their stupendous western declivities, that he seemed in danger of
his life. A practicable descent was found at last, however, and then
began the race to see who would be first into the valley. This was
near Lassen's Peak, which is so high as to be spotted with old snow,
even to late autumn.

Here Mr. Cone describes "the maddest man he ever saw." This was the
pioneer, Job McNemee, of Portland. With an extra good team and high
determination of his own he had declared that he would be first in the
valley. He was well on the way to success, having got and held the
lead; but halfway down the mountain side, in his wild career, he ran
his wheel against a protruding bowlder, by which the heavy wagon was
upset, and there it lay, while the other wagons, nine in number, of
that particular section of the train, went bouncing by. But at last,
in spite of all accidents, men and animals reached Lassen's ranch, and
were there treated with royal hospitality. The vaqueros were directed
to slaughter beef, and the Oregon men, as well as the California
party, were invited to the barbecue. The Oregonians, however, were not
likely to wait long. It was now late in November, and though some went
first up to Redding's ranch, all soon struck out for Coloma. Although
not an active participant in the Indian troubles there, these are
recalled by Mr. Cone. He remembers the murder of the party of Oregon
men, recalling the circumstance, however, that the number killed was
five, and that one of the six escaped. The Indians, as he remembers,
were tracked to their camp on the river, and attacked and punished.

His memory was more deeply impressed, however, with the enormous price
of provisions; as, for instance, going down one day to Sacramento, and
seeing some nice little hams, he had a mind to purchase one. On asking
the price he was told four dollars a pound. He concluded he did not
want any. That was late in the season of '48 or early '49. Vast
quantities of stores were shipped in soon, and prices fell.
Misfortunes robbed Mr. Cone of the results of his adventure. His
brother was taken sick and died. He was himself attacked by scurvy,
and finally being unable to work longer, sought passage home on a
sailing vessel, which crossed the Columbia bar late in the fall of
'49, a very smoky season, and of long drouth, the vessel being
becalmed for days together.

Mr. Cone remembers many amusing incidents of the mining life; one of
which was the shooting of Weimer's pig by his partner--the animal
being a nuisance around camp, yet of great value. One morning the
partner of Cone said: "Load the gun and I'll shoot the ---- sow." To
run the bluff, Cone did so, and not to be backed off, the partner shot
and killed. Then to hide their trespass the carcass was hidden in the
brush; but upon returning at evening from their rockers the young men
found that the ravens had taken care of the pork.

In 1850 Mr. Cone, having recovered his health, located a claim on
French Prairie. His father arrived in Oregon in 1851. His brothers,
Oscar and G. A., Jr., came in 1847. Three other brothers also became
Oregonians, Oliver, Francis Marian, and Philander Johnson. All found
claims near each other on French Prairie, or just across the river.
Anson and Oscar are the only ones now living.

Of the old father, G. A. Cone, there are eighteen grandchildren and
thirty-seven great-grandchildren.

Anson Cone was married in 1866 to Sarah A., the widow of his brother
Oliver, whose maiden name was Wade, and who is herself a pioneer of
'53.


MRS. REBEKA HOPKINS.

Mrs. Hopkins, the daughter of Mr. Peter D. Hall, who perished near
Fort Walla Walla--Wallula--after escaping from the Whitman massacre,
is now living on the farm held by her first husband, Philander J.
Cone. Although past the age of fifty she is in good health, of
prepossessing appearance, and of very active habits. Her cosy farm
home, which is on the prairie, but at the edge of the grove, and
shaded by some oak trees in the dooryard, is ornamented also with
choice varieties of flowers, especially of roses, of which she has
many rare kinds.

She was but five years of age when the massacre occurred; and by the
terror of that event all previous recollections seem to have been
completely obliterated. She does not remember anything of her father;
but of the massacre itself, so far as her own observation went, she
still has a vivid picture in her mind. She recalls the upstairs room
where the women and children were huddled together after Whitman was
struck down, and where Mrs. Whitman came after she was shot in the
breast. Mrs. Whitman, she says, was standing, when wounded, at a
window, and was washing the blood from her hands, as she had been
dressing the wounds of her husband. Mrs. Hall was with her. It could
not have been apprehended that further murders would be committed, and
Mrs. Whitman must have been the equal object of the Indians
superstitious rage, as she was the only woman killed.

Mrs. Hopkins remembers the appearance of the upstairs room, and that
the Indians were kept back from coming up for a time by an old gun,
which was probably not loaded, but was laid so as to point across the
stairway. The savages would come to the stairway until within sight of
this gun barrel, and then afraid, or pretending to be afraid, of its
fire, would scamper back. Mr. Rogers was with the women and children.

As to the death of her father, who escaped and sought safety at old
Fort Walla Walla, on the bank of the Columbia River, but was refused
admission, Mrs. Hopkins believes he was killed near the fort. By Mr.
Osborne, who with his family, finally reached the fort, the clothes
of Hall were seen and recognized. It was said to him, when he
exclaimed, "those are Hall's clothes," that Hall had been drowned in
attempting to cross the Columbia.

Mrs. Hopkins considers the account of the massacre as given in the
June number of the _Native Son_ [1899], which was furnished by Mrs. O.
N. Denny, as the most accurate that she has seen. Mrs. Denny, Mrs.
Hopkins' older sister, who was about twelve years old at the time of
the tragedy, has a comprehensive recollection of the whole affair.


MRS. ANNA TREMEWAN.

Mrs. Tremewan, now residing at Champoeg, has many most interesting
recollections of her early life. Although now past middle age she is
of magnificent physique, being about five feet eight inches tall,
straight as an arrow and well proportioned, but at the same time of
that peculiarly supple mold and movement that so distinguishes the
French creoles. Her hair is still jet black, and long and wavy and
very thick; her eyebrows heavy and black, and her features, though
strong and marked, refined and very intelligent.

Her speech is remarkably clear, every word being distinctly
pronounced, with rather an English or Scotch accent, and in a full
rich voice of rather low key. During conversation her features light
up noticeably, and though she speaks deliberately she has no
hesitation, never pausing to think of a word or construction. She
complains of her poor memory for dates, but possesses a large fund of
family information, both of her own people and the Hudson Bay Company.

Her mother was a daughter of Etienne Lucier, of French Prairie; her
father was Donald Manson, a trusted captain of the Hudson Bay Company,
and her first husband was Isaac Ogden, a son of Peter Skeen Ogden,
governor during the latter years of the Hudson Bay Company's
occupation of Fort Vancouver. She is living now at Champoeg, in the
old house built by her father, though now owned by herself with her
husband.

Her brothers are men of education and ability; Donald Manson, Jr.,
being a resident of Portland; James Manson, living at Victoria; and
William Manson, who was educated in Scotland, being principal of a
school at New Westminister, B. C. Another brother, Stephen, no longer
living, who was named by his mother or his grandfather Lucier, is
described by those who knew him as a man of remarkably handsome
appearance, and bright intellect. He was, as a boy, attending the
school at Waiilatpu at the time of the Whitman massacre, and although
uninjured was so shocked by the bloody occurrence that long afterwards
he would start from sleep crying out "The Indians, the Indians!" There
were two daughters besides Anna (Mrs. Tremewan), Isabella and Lizzie.

The following are some of the recollections taken hurriedly at a
morning call of Mrs. Tremewan. In reply to a question about her father
she said: "My father was in the employ of the Hudson Bay Company--you
may have heard of it. We lived until I was fifteen in British
Columbia; no, not at Victoria, but on the head waters of Frazer River,
at Stuart's Lake--you might call that a little ocean. That was a long
way from Victoria, though that was our point of supplies, and my
father made a trip from there every year to carry out the furs--for
that was what he dealt in. He went a part way by river, and a part way
by horses. At Fort Langley he met the steamer from Victoria, and from
that point the goods were brought up the river to our place.

"Yes, he used to leave us all alone at Stuart's Lake every year while
he made the trip, and that would be from April to September. On one
time I remember perfectly well he came back on the seventh of
September. What makes me remember this was because it was then my
sister Lizzie was born, and my mother was still in bed, and when the
cry was made that the boats were coming, we were all so eager to have
papa see the baby.

"Indeed, Stuart Lake was a beautiful place, the loveliest I have ever
seen. The mountains were blue across it, they are so far away. When
the wind blew the waves rolled up like a sea. The water is perfectly
clear. When we used to walk along the shore, or swim in the lake, we
could see to the bottom. It was full of fishes of all kinds; salmon
and sturgeon and trouts. I have often told my husband that I wished I
could see Stuart Lake again.

"But I was born in Alaska,--in the land where the gold is now; at Fort
Stikeen. The cabin was so near the water that the waves rolled up
against it. I have have often heard my mother tell about it.

"Yes, I remember the trip out from Stuart Lake perfectly. Our first
stop was at Fort Alexandria; then we came on by boat to a place called
Kamloops, where we waited a month while the horses were got together
and trained for the rest of the journey. We came on to Fort Hope, and
then by boat to Fort Langley. There we took the steamer _Otter_. There
were two steamers then, the _Otter_ and the _Beaver_; we had the
_Otter_.

"I did not know what a Yankee was. I remember that when I was on the
steamer they used to say to me 'So you are going to be a Yankee!' I
did not like it a bit. We had more the English way of talking, and did
not say 'I guess.' It was a long time before we could talk like the
Yankees.

"When my father first came to Oregon he was pretty wealthy and bought
this place. But he lost so much in the flood of '61 that he was nearly
broken up. He never fully got over this--together with sickness and
other things.

"When the Hudson Bay Company was at Fort Vancouver, and during the
Whitman massacre, Ogden was governor at the fort. Well, his son was my
first husband--his name was Isaac. Peter Skeen Ogden was a wealthy old
man; he was from Montreal. He left considerable money to his children.
He had four; Isaac, who lived at Champoeg, where we were married;
William, who lives in Portland; Emma, who died at the age of thirty;
and Mrs. Sarah Draper, of McMinnville, who has six children.

"My mother was a daughter of Stephen Lewis--I think that would be the
English of it; but the French called it Lucier, Etienne Lucier. What
makes me think it was 'Stephen,'--I have heard mother say she named my
brother Stephen for his grandfather. My grandfather was a Frenchman
from Canada, and my mother was the daughter of his first wife; I think
she came from east of the Rocky Mountains."

Mrs. Tremewan was well acquainted with Archibald McKinley, who settled
just across the river from Champoeg; and the family of Mr. Pambrun,
one of whose daughters was Mrs. Dr. Barclay, of Oregon City; Mrs.
William Pratt, another; and Mrs. Harriet Harger, of Chehalem Valley,
another. Mrs. Harger has a family of six daughters.


LOUIS LABONTE'S RECOLLECTIONS OF MEN.

See Reminiscences of Louis Labonte, Vol. 1, p. 169.

Doctor McLoughlin: Big man, hair white as snow, face ruddy; fine man,
but like a grizzly if he was mad; carried a cane, stood straight as an
arrow; treated him very kindly; got him to school at Vancouver, took
him by the hand, told him he would provide him books and pens; he
went to school to Mr. Ball.

Douglass: Slim, but even taller than McLoughlin; his hands reached
below his knees.

Peter Skeen Ogden: A tall, big man--big as McLoughlin; an American by
birth.

Donald Manson: A large man; face ruddy; white hair.

Jason Lee: Very tall, powerful; not straight.

Doctor Barclay: Medium height, heavy set.

Pambrun: Medium size; his wife from the Red River.

Archibald McKinley: Lived across the river from Champoeg; big man; red
face.

George T. Allen: A small looking man; he was nicknamed Twahalasky,
Indian name for coon; and a small-sized Cascade Indian bearing that
name traded names with Allen.

James Birnie: A powerful, heavy man; very fine looking; exceedingly
hospitable.

Alexander Latty: A fine man; captain of steamer _Beaver_ two years; he
was also mate of the schooner _Cadboro_, built in England.

Captain Scarborough: Medium size, good looking; father of Edward
Scarborough, of Cathlamet; had a Chinook wife; made frequent trips to
England in command of Hudson Bay vessels, and introduced pigs and
Shanghai chickens from China; also took pains to bring ornamental
shrubbery, perhaps introduced the "Mission Rose."

Captain Brotchie: Another sea captain on Hudson Bay vessels;
introduced from England the "Brotchie" potato, an early kidney
variety.

Robert Newell: A very fine man; Labonte's captain when in the Indian
war of '56, stationed at Vancouver.

Calvin Tibbetts: Came with Wyeth.

Alexander Duncan: Captain of the _Dryad_; came in the river when
Labonte lived at Scappoose; particular friend of Birnie's.

Thomas McKay: About six feet tall; walked with a limp; never was
scared; very keen eyes; shot "War Eagle" in Cayuse war.




COMMUNICATIONS.

EARLY SCHOOLS IN LANE COUNTY.


     LATHAM, Oregon, February 6, 1902.

     _Mr. Geo. H. Himes, Assistant Secretary Oregon Historical
     Society, Portland, Oregon_--

     DEAR SIR: Your letter of 3d received [asking for data on
     early schools in Lane County.] In response would say the
     first two schools I remember in our district were taught by
     Mr. James M. Parker and Mr. H. Clay Huston, in a log house
     on my claim in Lane County. The branches taught were A B
     C's, spelling, reading, writing, arithmetic, grammar,
     geography. I do not recollect which of these two gentlemen
     taught first. I taught many terms of three months each in
     various districts. In early days most districts were weak
     financially, and but few could afford more than one term in
     a year. Public money from school funds would not be quite
     enough to pay the bill, and rate bill would be made for
     balance and collected from patrons. The method of making
     rate bills would be to average and find price per day per
     scholar, and number of days' attendance per rate would be
     each scholar's fee. Sometimes a subscription school would be
     gotten [up] at so much per scholar for the term, the teacher
     taking the subscribers for pay.

     The houses were either log, frame, or box, principally log,
     but as fast as district became able improvements were made.
     Some had huge fireplaces where red hot coals assisted the
     teacher's switch to keep the outer boy and girl warm while
     he stored away his A B C's or fed his mind on ab, ib, ob.
     Some were heated by stoves. Some would have long, narrow
     windows, one on each side of the house, and under them long
     desks fastened to the walls to write on, and long benches
     for the writers to sit on; others would be constructed with
     plenty of windows and reasonably comfortable seats and
     desks.

     The books principally used were Sanders' and Webster's
     elementary spelling books, Sanders' first, second, third,
     and fourth readers. I think Montieth's geographies,
     Thompson's arithmetics, Smith's and Clark's grammars.
     Teachers set most of copies for writers, but some copy
     plates were used. Classes would be formed as much as
     possible. A-B-C scholars would have to be heard singly, and
     those just commencing to spell. Those in arithmetic would
     have to be attended to singly except in general exercises on
     blackboard. Four lessons a day in A B C's, spelling, first,
     second, and third readers; two in the fourth reader,
     besides closing spelling classes at noon and night. Often
     these would consist of two classes, one class containing the
     smaller, the other the larger scholars. One geography, one
     grammar, one blackboard exercise for each class--about
     fifteen or twenty minutes, set apart especially in fore and
     afternoon for writers, so teachers could give them close
     attention. Commencing with the A B C's first, after calling
     school to order, then the spellers, next first, second,
     third, and fourth readers; mingled with this would be the
     necessary assistance to the arithmeticians, geographers,
     grammarians. Classes having recited, then write geography,
     grammar,--and blackboard exercise heard, usually in the
     afternoon. Quiet could be better kept by requiring the
     scholars to ask permission to speak when they wanted to
     whisper, to leave their seats when wanting something in
     another part of the room, or to go out when they wanted to
     leave the room. Compositions would be better written,
     speeches committed to memory, and read and delivered at
     stated times; spelling schools in winter at night, and
     sometimes examination or exhibition on last day. Christmas
     times were apt to be jolly times. The scholars made it a
     point to get to the schoolhouse before the teacher and
     either bar him out or catch him before he got in, carry him
     to a pond of water, and make him treat. Teachers would
     sometimes board around among the scholars and sometimes
     board at one place. The easiest, best way to control the
     school was to make no rules only as needed; when
     irregularity occurred, correct as required, with the
     understanding that no such would be allowed the second time.

     Patrons of the school furnished fuel, usually hauling wood,
     wagon lengths, about ten or twelve feet long. Teacher and
     larger scholars would chop it up for fires. Teacher or large
     scholars did the sweeping.

     Respectfully.

     JOS. H. SHARP.




THE MONTURES ON FRENCH PRAIRIE.

In his history, H. S. Lyman speaks of "Montour, a character considered
fabulous by Bancroft, but said to have made a settlement on French
Prairie."

Referring to notes given me by Mr. L. H. Ponjade, one of the old
residents on French Prairie, I found the following:

     My father, the old French doctor, had studied at Montpelier,
     and after receiving his diploma as surgeon and physician,
     was immediately taken into the service of Napoleon, and
     served three years as surgeon on the army of France, mostly
     in Spain. He naturally did not wish to serve in the army
     again, so came to America, found his way to Oregon, and from
     force of associations, made his home on French Prairie.

     Our first camp was at the ranch of old man Monture, that at
     that time looked like an old farm, as it was well improved.
     Peter Depot then owned the claim where Gervais is now
     situated, and I understood that he got it from Monture some
     time previous to that, but do not know the particulars.

     Monture had two sons, named George and Robert. Whether they
     were both sons of the wife he then lived with I do not know,
     as morals were rather loose previous to arrival of the
     missionaries. There was a custom among ex-servants of the
     Hudson Bay Company to claim a wife wherever they might be
     among the Indians. After the arrival of Father Blanchet they
     were allowed to have but one wife.

     I remember that George Monture was a very large man and very
     powerful; must have weighed 350 pounds. I have seen him
     lasso wild cattle and hold them to be branded without any
     cinch or other thing to hold the saddle on the horse. He did
     it by mere weight and bodily strength. He would do this for
     half a day together at a time.

     Bob--as he was called--was not so large, but was stout and
     active. He was a fine shot with his rifle.

When I saw this mention of "Montour," I wrote to my old friend, L. H.
Ponjade, to ask if his mention of Monture meant the same that Lyman
thus referred to, and he confirms it as the same, and adds: "The old
place where they lived was about one quarter of a mile west of
Parkersville. Every man with any knowledge of old settlers knows of
the Montures."

     S. A. CLARKE.




DOCUMENTS.

OREGON MATERIAL TAKEN FROM A FILE OF AN INDEPENDENCE (MO.) AND WESTON
(MO.) PAPER FOR 1844 AND 1845; ALSO SOME MINOR EXTRACTS FROM OTHER
PAPERS IN THAT VICINITY.


During this time these towns were important outfitting points for
Oregon pioneers. The Oregon fever was raging throughout the
surrounding country, the frontier counties of Missouri. The
newspapers, Democratic and Whig, in this vicinity appreciated the
interest in the Oregon Country and in the movement of emigration
thither. Their columns were open to reports of travelers returning
from the Columbia. Letters sent back by pioneers in the Willamette
Valley seemed to be in great demand. The documents printed below
contain two noteworthy letters from persons who were in the great
migration of 1843. Contemporary sources of the history of that epochal
event are especially valuable.

[These extracts were made from the files of these papers in the
possession of the Missouri Historical Society, Saint Louis, Mo.]

     From the _Independence Journal_, September 12, 1844.

     (Vol. I, No. 1, G. R. Gibson, editor.)

     "Civis," in a communication, dwells upon the importance of
     the Independence trade in outfitting Santa Fé traders. One
     hundred and fifty thousand dollars are annually expended at
     Independence for this purpose. There are good reasons for
     believing that in a few years it will quadruple that amount.
     Concerning the outfitting of the Oregon pioneers, he says:

     "The Oregon emigrants will, no doubt, continue to rendezvous
     near this place, and will number annually 1,500 persons, the
     outfit for which number will cost $50,000, and all of which
     our citizens may furnish."

     Mountain trade, now of inconsiderable importance, will be
     worth $10,000 per annum. "Civis" is urging the establishment
     of a turnpike to the Missouri River.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Independence Journal_, September 12, 1844.

     OREGON TERRITORY.

     Last Saturday's _Expositor_ contains a long letter from
     Peter H. Burnett, dated Linnton, Oregon, July 25, 1844,
     which we shall publish in our next; not having received it
     in time for this week's paper.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Independence Journal_, September 12, 1844.

     OREGON EMIGRANTS.

     We have news from the Oregon emigrants up to the 3d of
     August, at which time they left Fort Laramie. They expected
     to reach their destination about the beginning of October.
     They were deficient in breadstuffs and could not procure any
     at the fort without money. They expected to obtain a supply
     at Buffalo, five or six days' journey from the fort. Some
     fears were entertained that the Sioux Indians would steal
     their stock, and otherwise give them trouble. Altogether
     they appear to have got along very well, considering the
     unusual weather they experienced between this and the Big
     Platte.

The _Independence Journal_ of September 19, 1844, gives Peter H.
Burnett's letter, written from Linnton, Oregon, July 25, 1844. [This
letter was printed in the June QUARTERLY, 1903, pages 181-184 of this
volume. It was taken from the _Ohio Statesman_, which quoted it from
the _Washington Globe_.]

In the _Independence Journal_, September 19, 1844, under the caption
of "Independence: Its Trade and Prospects," the high state of
prosperity of the town is spoken of. Wagon makers are employed to
build seventy-five wagons for the Santa Fé traders by next spring, in
place of only fifty made the present year. Santa Fé road within the
State must be improved. United States Government should give it a port
of entry, and the State legislature should locate a branch of State
Bank there to accommodate Santa Fé traders and commerce of western
part of State.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Independence Journal_, October 24, 1844.

     Mr. Gilpin, of this place, who went out to Oregon about
     eighteen months since, arrived on Tuesday last with several
     other persons. They left Bent's Fort on the 22d of
     September. All was quiet and well at the fort, but there
     was a difficulty between the Santa Féans and Eutaw Indians.
     The Spaniards had killed some Eutaws; and the head chief and
     five other principal chiefs went to Santa Fé to receive
     compensation. The Governor gave them what he could, or what
     he thought was enough, and, refusing to give more, the head
     chief, in a passion, pulled his beard, when he seized his
     sword and killed him and another, and the guards, being
     called, fell upon the other four and killed them. The
     Indians who accompanied them immediately left, and killed,
     on their retreat, several Spaniards who were going from Taos
     to Santa Fé. Altogether they had killed ten or twelve
     Spaniards. A war between the Indians and Santa Féans, of
     course, was expected. Some Spaniards, who were out on a
     buffalo hunt, met Colonel Owens' company at the Cimmaron,
     and dispatched immediately an express to Santa Fé. They made
     up a company at Santa Fé, on receipt of the intelligence,
     among whom were Messrs. Chavis, Armigo, and Percas, to
     escort him to Santa Fé; and brought out fresh mules, and
     everything they would probably need. Colonel Owens
     accompanied them to Santa Fé, where a ball was to be given
     him. They met Charles Bent, Mr. Alvarez (our consul at Santa
     Fé), and Mr. Ferguson, at Choteau's [Chouteau's] Island,
     about three days' travel this side of Bent's Fort. Mr. St.
     Vrais [Vrain?] was this side of Corn Creek with waggons,
     going on well. Doctor Connolly, with Lucas, was between Ash
     Creek and Pawnee Fork, twenty-five miles ahead of Mr.
     Speyers' company, which was near Walnut Creek. Mr. Speyers'
     mules were poor and much worn out; they had left several on
     the road, beside ten or fifteen lost shortly after they left
     Independence. All the teams of Messrs. Bent and Connolly
     were in good order, and they were getting along well.

     We are indebted to a Spaniard, who accompanied Mr. Gilpin,
     for the foregoing. We have not heard anything of particular
     importance from Oregon. Mr. Gilpin brought a large number of
     letters, but we have not, as yet, been favored with the
     perusal of any. The emigrants, we understand, were generally
     getting along well.

The _Independence Journal_, October 31, 1844, under the heading
"Oregon and Colonel Polk," gives an extract of a speech delivered by
Colonel Polk in Congress on a bill for extending jurisdiction of the
laws of the United States over all the people of Oregon Territory, and
directing officers of the Government to take possession of the mouth
of Columbia River, and establish a fort there. This, it says, will
show whether he (Polk) is for immediate occupation of it or not; and
that his opinions coincide with Mr. Clay's upon this subject. Gives
an extract of Polk's speech to substantiate its claim that Polk was no
more radical than Clay on this Oregon question. (_Independence
Journal_ was supporting candidacy of Clay.)

_Weston Journal_, January 4, 1845 (Vol. 1, No. 1), Geo. R. Gibson,
editor (the same who edited _Independence Journal_ in 1844), in
leader: "To the Patrons of the _Journal_," he refers to recent
political campaign, and says, among other things:

     We shall advocate the annexation of Texas, but we wish to do
     it without dishonor and by common consent. We shall advocate
     the occupation of the Oregon Territory, and the erection of
     a chain of posts from Missouri to the mountains; to protect
     and extend facilities to companies, etc. Proposes to open
     correspondence as soon as possible with mountain traders and
     the settlers in Oregon.

The _Weston Journal_ prospectus contained regularly this paragraph:

     From the great intercourse between this place and the
     mountains, the editor will pay special attention to the news
     from that quarter, the Oregon Territory, and the whole
     Indian country. The Oregon Territory, attracting at the
     present time the public attention, the patrons of the
     _Journal_ may expect to find in its columns everything of
     interest which may be gathered either from public or private
     resources, relative to a country of such vast extent, varied
     scenery, and diversified soil and climate.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, January 4, 1845.

     LETTER FROM THE SANDWICH ISLANDS, OREGON, CALIFORNIA,
     EMIGRATION, ETC.

     We publish the subjoined letter, received by one of our
     citizens a few days since, from a gentleman who accompanied
     the Oregon emigration last year [1843]. We give it entire,
     that our readers may have all the information that can be
     gathered from this section of the country. It is not so
     favorable, in some respects, of the Oregon Territory, as the
     accounts of others, but it is by no means disparaging. Mr.
     Gilpin thinks that corn can be raised to advantage, and says
     that the reason why they have none, is--because they plant
     none. It is undoubtedly a fine country for all the small
     grains and is unsurpassed as a grazing country. The
     emigrants who went out the past season have made a great
     change in business, and money now circulates on the
     Columbia as well on this side of the mountains, and
     everything begins to assume the appearance of civilization,
     business, trade, and the refinements this side the
     mountains. We see that Mr. Cushing, our minister to China,
     has returned by way of the city of Mexico; and here we have
     a letter from one of our enterprising citizens from the
     _halfway house_--the Sandwich Islands.

     We have been in the habit of looking to Europe for Asiatic
     news; let our government establish a chain of posts from
     this to Oregon, an overland mail will speedily follow, and
     the China and East India trade will pour into our channels
     of commerce from the gorges of the Rocky Mountains: and a
     journey from New York to China, by way of Oregon, will be
     less thought of than it formerly was to Saint Louis. The
     Government should consider that a little enterprise will
     place the East India trade at our door; and the sooner the
     better. We hope Congress, this winter, will take active
     measures to bring about such a state of things. What is a
     few thousand dollars compared with the object to be
     acquired?

     LAHIANA, MAUI, Sandwich Islands, July 17, 1844.

     _J. Wells, Esq._--

     DEAR SIR: In a few days the first ship that has left this
     place for the States, since my arrival here, will sail, and
     I take this opportunity to tell you something of my journey
     and Oregon, etc., though probably you have heard all the
     news long before you get this. I should have written you ere
     this, had an opportunity offered. But to tell you of the
     trip: I left the Shawnee mission on the 29th of May; our
     route was through the Caw Indian country, which is good, has
     considerable timber, and is well watered. It is a bad
     country for wagons to travel through, having so many sloughs
     and bad creeks; the teams were often stalled, and made very
     slow progress. We had three rivers and creeks to cross
     before we reached the Platte River. The Platte River has
     good grass--plenty of it--but is destitute of timber; here
     we saw the first buffalo--they were poor and tough. We saw a
     few of the Pawnee Indians. They are fine looking fellows,
     and no doubt, live well on buffalo meat; they are quite
     treacherous. We reached the crossing of Platte on the
     twenty-sixth day of July, a little more than one month out.
     The traveling up the Platte is very good, level, and hard.
     We struck from this to the north fork of the Platte, one
     day's travel. On the 13th of July we arrived at the crossing
     of Laramie's Fork, at the fort of the American Fur Company;
     before arriving here we saw many splendid sights; also many
     of the dog towns that you have heard of. I saw quantities of
     the dogs; they are small, round animals, the size of a cat.
     Certain it is that there are owls that visit them, also
     rattlesnakes, but for what reason is a matter of dispute.
     After we left Laramie we came to the Black Hills, the worst
     of all traveling,--hilly, sandy, and full of wild sage--'tis
     death on a wagon. The country is all of this barren, sandy
     kind, until we reach Fort Hall and destitute of timber.
     Arrived at Fort Hall the 13th of September, after
     experiencing some cold rains, snow, hail, etc. At Fort Hall
     we could get no provisions, and were obliged to go down the
     river (Snake), and depend on getting fish to subsist on;
     this was the reason of my going to Oregon instead of
     California. The country down Snake River is hilly, rocky,
     sandy, no timber, but an abundance of sage, until we get to
     the Blue Mountains; here is plenty of pine, the country very
     broken, and bad traveling, though the wagons went through.
     After getting through the Blue Mountains we came to a
     splendid country of grass, where there were thousands of
     Indian horses grazing. About twenty miles from this, we come
     to the Walla Walla Valley. There is a missionary
     establishment here. They raise grain and vegetables, but no
     timber, except for firewood. About twenty miles from this we
     came to the Columbia River. Many of the emigrants sold their
     cattle here, and went down the river by water, as they could
     not cross the Cascade mountains with their wagons, though
     they could go down one hundred miles farther and then take
     water, as many did. The country on the Columbia is only fit
     for grazing, being good grass, but sandy soil. On the 3d of
     November arrived at Fort Vancouver, just as the rainy season
     had commenced; and it was very disagreeable and rained most
     of the time I was there. I then went to the Willamette
     Falls; quite a town here--forty houses, four stores, two
     sawmills, one flour mill, and another to be erected soon.
     This country is not capable of half as large a settlement as
     people represent; there is much timber, and it can not be
     cleared in many years, so as to be capable of great
     production; and what prairie there is will not produce as
     much as your land; but the wheat is better. Neither do many
     think the soil will last long, but that it is rather
     shallow; and there is much fever and ague. Besides, the
     winters are so wet 'tis impossible to do much out of doors.
     It has the advantage that grain (wheat) is worth eighty
     cents per bushel, and cattle will winter themselves. Take it
     all in all, 'tis nothing like your country.

     After my arrival there, finding that I could not get to
     California until spring, I concluded to take a vessel for
     the Sandwich Islands, and then go from here to California,
     so I concluded to stay. It [this] is a fine climate--a
     perpetual summer, and little rain. The natives require but
     little clothing, and, in fact, some of them do not wear any.

     I hardly know what to write about Oregon, or what you would
     like to know; though if I was where you are, and should see
     some one from Oregon, I could ask him a hundred questions,
     as you could me. The report of Wilkes that you had is very
     correct. There are thousands of salmon here [Oregon]--some
     wild game, plenty of ducks, geese, and swans, and some good
     wet places to raise more of them--as there must be some wet
     places, being so much rain in the winter, and no snow.

     There is scarcely any corn raised--it will not do well. I
     saw a little, but it was poor. Most other kinds of grains do
     well. There is no money in Oregon; although most of those
     who have been farming a few years have made property, as
     grain is high and cattle take care of themselves, and sell
     high. Oxen are worth $75 to $125 per yoke; beef, six cents
     per pound. Many of the people who went to California have
     left it and gone to Oregon. I saw many of them while there,
     and they gave as one of the reasons of leaving--trouble with
     the Spaniards.

     Truly yours,

     JOHN BOARDMAN.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, January 11, 1845.

     THE OREGON.

     The editor of the _New York Commercial_ has read letters
     from the Oregon Territory, brought overland and mailed at
     the extreme western frontier of the United States. They are
     as late as June 17th, from the Methodist missionary station
     at Willamette. The Rev. Mr. Gary, who was sent out by that
     missionary society, had arrived at Willamette _via_ the
     Sandwich Islands, himself and wife in good health. Mr. Gary
     had been but a short time in Oregon when an opportunity
     offered of sending a communication to the Board of Missions
     by a small party who were about to return to the United
     States. He had, however, seen all the mission family, except
     Rev. Mr. Perkins, who was at a distant post. The
     missionaries and their families were in good health at the
     date above mentioned. No event of special interest regarding
     the mission had taken place since last previous advices. Mr.
     Gary concurs, with several missionaries who have returned
     from that far country, in the opinion that the natives are a
     degraded race of beings, and that there is little prospect
     of doing them permanent good by any ministerial labor which
     may be expended among them.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, January 18, 1845.

     OREGON AND CALIFORNIA.

     A gentleman well qualified for the task has prepared a
     pamphlet, called a guide to Oregon and California, which
     will probably be published during the present winter. The
     readers of the _New Era_ will recollect several well written
     communications on that subject published during the past
     year, which emanated from the same pen. The writer has lived
     in Oregon and California, has traveled different routes to
     and from those regions, and is well qualified to give full
     and satisfactory information to emigrants and other persons.
     Success to his efforts.--_New Era._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, January 25, 1845.

     OREGON.

     (Editorial.)

     Congress may provide for the occupation of it--for the
     formation of a territorial government--they may establish
     posts and a military road across the mountains, and
     encourage emigration in every possible manner, and the whole
     will not contribute so much towards its settlement as the
     negotiations of a treaty with China, opening to us a market
     for our products in that country. If the one now before
     Congress has done so, Great Britain may set her claim to the
     Columbia--it will be a claim for but a short time. Our
     shipping, farmers, merchants, and tradesmen will soon find a
     road to a country possessing the advantages the west side of
     the American continent would possess, in that event, and but
     a short time would elapse before China would be supplied by
     American skill and industry, from the mouth of the Columbia,
     with all she would admit.

The _Weston Journal_, March 1, 1845, under heading, "Oregon
Territory," speaks of a bill introduced into the Senate proposing that
Oregon include: All the territory lying west of the Missouri River
south of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude and east of the
Rocky Mountains, and north of the boundary line between the United
States and Texas, not included within the limits of any State, and
also over the territory comprising the Rocky Mountains, and country
between them and the Pacific Ocean south of fifty-fourth degree and
forty-nine minutes of north latitude, and north of the forty-second
degree of north latitude, etc. [!!!]

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, March 1, 1845.

     RAILROAD TO OREGON.

     The _Philadelphia Ledger's_ Washington correspondent says
     that Mr. Whitney, of New York, contemplates the construction
     of a railroad from the western shore of Lake Michigan, in a
     direct line through to the Columbia River, covering the
     distance of some 2,100 miles, which shall be the point of
     debarkation to China.

     The cost of the road, when completed, is estimated at fifty
     millions of dollars, and twenty-five years would be required
     to perfect the scheme. Eight days would be about the
     traveling time from New York City to the terminus of the
     road, and if [steamship?] facilities were employed, some
     twenty-five more would convey one to Amoy, in China, so that
     by this short cut, a journey across the globe might be
     accomplished within the narrow limit of a single month.

     By the establishment of this means of communication, we
     should be enabled to command the Chinese market, and to
     extend our commerce with South America, Mexico, India, and
     other parts.

     And, in addition to the vast results that would necessarily
     ensue from this work by the force of circumstances, we should
     secure the transportation of the English trade on account of
     the great shortening of time.

     All the coöperation and assistance that Mr. Whitney asks the
     government is a grant of sixty miles wide of the public
     land, from one terminus of the contemplated road to the
     other, for which a full consideration would be given in
     carrying the mails, and transporting ammunition stores,
     soldiers, and all public matters free of cost.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From the _Weston Journal_, March 15, 1845.

     OREGON EMIGRANTS.

     Preparations are making on the whole frontier, by the Oregon
     emigrants, to leave at an early day. One company goes from
     Savannah, another from some point between that and this, and
     the company from this county, we understand, will leave at
     Fort Leavenworth, or its neighborhood. One of the emigrants
     who goes with the Savannah company informs us that not less
     than one hundred families will leave at Elizabethtown, and
     thirty families from the other points. The number from this
     county we do not know. * * * A committee has submitted some
     rules and regulations for the intending emigrants. They have
     not yet had a meeting to adopt them, but they no doubt will
     do so. They go about it in the right way, and the rules and
     regulations are such as to secure order and method. They
     expect to leave about the first of April, if the grass is
     sufficient, or as soon thereafter as it is.

       *       *       *       *       *

     REPORT

     Of the committee appointed to draft a constitution for
     "Savannah Oregon Emigrating Company."

     Whereas, in order the better to prepare the way for and to
     accomplish our journey to Oregon with greater harmony, it
     was deemed advisable to adopt certain rules and regulations;
     and whereas the undersigned, having been appointed a
     committee to draft and prepare said rules and regulations,
     and having given the subject that attention which its
     importance demands, beg leave respectfully to report the
     following as the result of their deliberations, viz:

     § 1. This association shall be known by the style and name
     of the "Savannah Oregon Emigrating Company."

     § 2. Any person over the age of sixteen may become a member
     of this company by subscribing to this constitution and
     paying into the treasury the initiation fee of one dollar.

     § 3. No person under the age of twenty-one years can become
     a member without the consent of their legal guardian.

     § 4. No person shall be admitted whose intention is
     obviously apparent to avoid payment of his debts.

     § 5. A majority of the members shall have power to expel any
     member for good cause.

     § 6. The officers of this company shall consist of a
     president, commandant captain, lieutenant, secretary,
     treasurer, and executive council of thirteen, the commandant
     being one thereof, and such other inferior military officers
     as the executive council shall determine.

     § 7. The president shall be elected on the adoption of this
     constitution, and shall continue in office until the
     commandant captain shall be elected, when his functions as
     presiding officer shall cease.

     § 8. The secretary shall be elected on the adoption of this
     constitution, and shall continue in office until the
     completion of the objects of this company; and he shall keep
     a record of the transactions of the company, and perform
     such other duties as usually pertain to his office.

     § 9. The treasurer (ditto as to election) shall collect and
     safely keep, and at the direction of the commandant shall
     disburse all moneys belonging to the company.

     § 10. The commandant captain, lieutenant, and such other
     military officers as the council shall determine, shall be
     elected when the company shall assemble at rendezvous
     preparatory to a final start; and they shall hold office
     until the completion of their journey, and shall perform
     such duties as usually appertain to military officers of
     their respective grades.

     § 11. The executive council, to consist of twelve men,
     beside the commandant, shall be elected when assembled at
     the rendezvous, and shall have general superintendence of
     the affairs of the company, and perform such other duties as
     may be assigned to them.

     § 12. The company shall elect, at least one month before the
     rendezvous, three inspectors (not members of the company),
     whose duty it shall be, after taking oath, to perform all
     duty faithfully, to inspect the wagons, teams, cattle, and
     provisions, and report to the executive council, who shall
     determine upon their report as regards the outfit of all
     members of the company; said inspectors to be paid a sum not
     exceeding one dollar for every day actually engaged in such
     services.

     § 13. The funds of the company shall be faithfully applied
     for contingent expenses in furthering the objects of the
     association.

     § 14. The necessary outfit shall consist of 150 pounds of
     flour, or 200 pounds of meal, and 60 pounds of bacon for
     every person (excepting infants) in the company.

     § 15. The wagons shall be expected to be able to carry
     double the amount of their loads, and the teams to be able
     to draw double the amount the wagons are capable of bearing.

     § 16. All cattle, excepting teams in use, shall be
     considered as common stock; an inventory of age, brand,
     kind, and number, shall be handed in by the contributor to
     the secretary, and at the termination of the journey the
     company shall account to each contributor for the amount
     inventoried.

     § 17. The number of cattle thus inventoried and put in shall
     never exceed fifty to one driver.

     § 18. No ardent spirits to be taken or drank on the route,
     except for medicinal purposes, and if smuggled in shall,
     when discovered, be destroyed under the control of the
     commandant.

     § 19. Every person over the age of sixteen shall furnish
     himself with a good and sufficient rifle, ---- pounds of
     powder, and ---- pounds of lead, to be inspected by the
     inspector, and reported on as in other cases.

     § 20. All members of this association shall assemble at
     ----, and on the ---- day of ----, 1845, and organize for
     the final trip.

     § 21. * * * This constitution may be altered or amended at
     any time by a vote of two thirds of the members present at
     any regular meeting of the company, or at any special
     meeting called by the commandant.

     All of which is respectfully submitted.

     JAMES OFFICER,
     WM. DEAKINS,
     B. M. ATHERTON,
     C. F. HALLY,

     _January 4, 1845._      Committee.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Western Journal_, March 15, 1845.

     LETTER FROM OREGON.

     The following extracts from a letter written by one of the
     emigrants of 1843, will be particularly interesting at this
     time, and should be carefully read by those going out this
     spring. It will be particularly useful to emigrants who
     leave from this part of the country:

     FORT VANCOUVER, November 11, 1843.

     DEAR SIR: We were six months to-day, from the time we left
     home, in getting to this place, though we might have arrived
     one month sooner had we not unnecessarily wasted time on the
     way. To give you a full description of our travels would
     occupy more time than I have to spare. I will, however, give
     you and my friends a short sketch. We left Westport on the
     27th of May, and crossed the Kansas River near the old
     village: thence up the north side of the Kansas, where we
     had a great deal of rain and stormy weather to encounter
     which made it very disagreeable traveling. We then crossed
     over [to] the Platte, about eighty miles above the Pawnee
     village; thence up the Platte about fifty miles above the
     forks, where we crossed the South Fork. We then struck over
     on to the North Fork and traveled up it until we came to
     Fort Laramie. We then crossed Laramie's Fork of Platte,
     which we found very difficult to pass. We still kept up the
     North Fork to within forty miles of the Rocky Mountains,
     where we crossed it. We came to a small stream, called
     Sweetwater, one of the streams of the northern branch of
     Platte; we traveled up this until we passed through the
     Rocky Mountains, which we found to be as good as any part of
     our road. We then came to the waters of Green River, which
     is one of the branches of the Colorado--then to Fort Bridges
     [Bridger], which is on the waters of Green River; from there
     we next struck Bear River, which empties into the Great Salt
     Lake. We traveled several days down this river, then crossed
     over on to the Snake River, and arrived at Fort Hall on the
     25th day of August. Here I found some of the best beef I
     ever saw. From here we traveled down Snake or Lewis River,
     crossing and recrossing the same to Fort Bosie [Boisé];
     thence to Fort Walla Walla, crossing the Blue Mountains in
     our route. We passed them much easier than I expected.

     At Walla Walla myself and Reeves, and many others of the
     emigrants, exchanged cattle [for cattle] at Vancouver. We
     got age for age and sex for sex. Here we found it advisable
     to take [to the] water and travel down the great Columbia,
     which we did with some difficulty. Those who did not
     exchange their stock went to the Methodist mission at the
     foot of the Cascade Mountains. Here they carried their
     wagons by water and drove their stock through by land. A
     large portion of the emigrants have arrived, and the
     remainder will be here in a few days. Those who have been to
     the Willamette Valley say it is a rich and beautiful
     country, but to what extent they know not, as they have not
     had sufficient time to examine it. I find any quantity of
     provisions can be had here. Doctor McLoughlin, of Vancouver,
     has rendered great assistance to the emigrants in loaning
     them his boats and furnishing them with provisions to take
     back to the companies that are yet behind--at the same time
     refusing any compensation for either. We have found the
     Hudson Bay Company at all the forts very accommodating. The
     road from Independence to Fort Hall is as good a road as I
     would wish to travel,--from Fort Hall there is some bad road
     and some good. The reason why we did not try to take our
     wagons across the Cascade Mountains was that the season had
     so far advanced it was thought to be a dangerous undertaking
     through so much snow and cold weather. We will prepare a
     road across these mountains next summer, so that the next
     emigration can bring their wagons through without any
     difficulty. Some of us will meet the next emigration at Fort
     Hall.

     I will now give you a description of the necessary outfit
     each person should have to come to this terrestrial
     paradise. Your wagons should be light, yet substantial and
     strong, and a plenty of good oxen. Though I wrote while on
     the Sweetwater that mule teams were preferable, but after
     seeing them thoroughly tried I have become convinced that
     oxen are more preferable--they are the least trouble and
     stand traveling much the best--are worth a great deal more
     when here. Load your wagons light and put one third more
     team to them than is necessary to pull the load. Bring
     nothing with you except provisions and a plenty of clothes
     to do you one year from the time you leave. They can all be
     had on as good terms here as in Missouri, and even better;
     bring but few bedclothes, for they will be worn out when
     they arrive here--they can be had here on good terms. Your
     oxen will not require shoeing. Bring a plenty of loose
     cattle, cows and heifers particularly, as they are but
     little trouble and are worth a great deal. Bring mules to
     drive your loose stock. Bring a few good American mares, but
     use them very tenderly or you will not get them here.
     American horses are worth considerable in this country.
     Horses can not get here except they are well used, and you
     should have two or three pairs of shoes and nails for them
     and your mules. You should bring 200 pounds of flour, 100
     pounds of bacon, for every member of the family that can
     eat, besides other provisions. Make no calculation on
     getting buffalo or other wild meat, for you are only wasting
     time and killing horses and mules to get it. Have your wagon
     beds made in such a manner that they can be used for boats;
     you will find them of great service in crossing
     streams--have your wagons well covered, so that they will
     not leak, or your provisions and clothes will spoil. Have
     your tents made water tight; start as early as possible; let
     your teams and stock all be in good order. Start as soon as
     your stock can get grass enough to travel on, for the grass
     will be getting better every day until you arrive at Fort
     Hall; after that you will find the grass bad in places until
     you get to the Blue Mountains. You will find plenty of grass
     from there to the Willamette Valley. Our cattle are in
     better order than they were one month ago. Large flintlock
     guns are good to traffic with the Snake Indians. Bring a
     plenty of cheap cotton shirts to trade to the Indians on
     this side of the mountains. You might start with calves and
     kill them on the way, before they get poor, for fresh
     eating. You will find some beans, rice, and dried fruit of
     great use on the road. You should travel in companies of
     forty wagons, and continue together the whole route. You
     will find some ship biscuit to be of great use at times when
     you can not find fuel sufficient to cook with.

     Be sure and bring nothing except what will be of material
     use to you on your journey, for, depend upon it, if you
     overload you will lose your team, wagon, and goods. You will
     find good stout young cows to answer in place of oxen, in
     case you should not have sufficient; let them be about
     middle size; let them be good, sound oxen, that have never
     been injured. I am satisfied from the products of the
     country that a man can live easier here than he can in any
     part of the United States. If he raises any produce he is
     sure of getting a good price for it in anything he may call
     for, money excepted. There is very little money in this
     country, though it is very little use when a man can get
     anything he wants without it. The merchants here will sell
     their goods cheaper for produce or labor than they will for
     cash, because they make a profit on the commodities they
     purchase, while there is no profit on cash. In fact,
     business is done here altogether by exchanging commodities.
     We can purchase anything of the Hudson Bay Company cheaper
     by promising wheat next year than we can for cash in hand.
     Cows are worth (that is, American,) from $30 to $50;
     American horses from $60 to $100; oxen $60 to $80; wheat $1
     per bushel; oats, 40 cents; potatoes, 40 cents; peas the
     same; beef, 6 cents; pork, 10 cents; butter, 20 cents;
     common labor, $1.50; mechanics, $2 to $3.

     The next emigration will get their cattle and wagons through
     quite easy, if they will start early and travel constantly
     though slow; they must not push.

     Persons on the north side of the Missouri should rendezvous
     on the south side of the river, opposite the Blacksnake
     Hills, and go up the Nemaha and strike the Platte near the
     Pawnee village; by so doing they will avoid crossing the
     Kansas, and avoid some bad roads, and go 100 miles nearer.

     We were not troubled with the Indians in the dangerous part
     of the country, for this reason, I have no doubt,--we kept a
     strong guard in nighttime and a sharp lookout in daytime.
     After we passed Green River we abandoned guarding and broke
     up into small companies, though advised to the contrary, and
     in passing from the Blue Mountains to the valley some of the
     emigrants were imposed on, in fact, some of them were
     robbed, though it was their own fault for not sticking
     together. You should start with some medicine, for you will
     have more or less sickness until you get to Fort Hall. Be
     sure and take good care not to expose yourself
     unnecessarily, for people have to go through a seasoning on
     the road, which makes the most of them sick. We are now
     eating apples which grew at Vancouver. They are now
     gathering their apples, peaches, and grapes, etc.; these are
     the only fruits tried as yet; they are fine.

     The missionaries here have done more toward Christianizing
     the Indians in five years than has been done in the States
     in twenty years. Numbers of them who can not speak one word
     of English hold regular family worship. They are members of
     the Methodist Episcopal church. I am convinced it is in
     consequence of not being able to get liquor. The Hudson Bay
     Company and missionaries and settlers have taken a bold
     stand against the introduction of ardent spirits into this
     country, and I am convinced while they continue this
     praiseworthy course we all will see more satisfaction and
     pleasure, and our little colony will profit thereby.

     S. M. GILMORE.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Weston Journal_, April 5, 1845.

     CORRESPONDENCE.

     MR. EDITOR: I desire to recommend, through your paper, to
     all emigrants to Oregon, to pass by the Council Bluffs. The
     road from Weston to the Bluffs is now in fine order. All the
     streams are bridged or have ferries, so that there is no
     obstacle to cause an hour's detention until the company
     shall reach the Bluffs. The best route is that crossing the
     Nishnebatona at Huntseeker's Ferry; thence by the residence
     of Major Stephen Cooper to Port au Poule, where a good
     ferry-boat is now in preparation to cross the Missouri. From
     the Missouri, at that point, to the Pawnee villages, the
     road is much better than on the lower route, and the
     distance is about the same.

     ONE WHO KNOWS.

     _Weston, April 2, 1845._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Weston Journal_, March 15, 1845.

     OREGON! OREGON!! OREGON!!!

     MR. EDITOR: I wish to give notice, through your paper, to
     all those parties who intend to emigrate to Oregon, that
     arrangements have been made to cross the Missouri River at
     two different points, the one in Andrew, the other in
     Buchanan County. Some of the citizens of Andrew have made an
     arrangement with the Sacs Indians for the privilege of
     range, wood, and water, opposite Elizabethtown.

     They have promised the Indians six two-year-old beeves, to
     be paid by that portion of the Oregon company which may
     cross at Elizabethtown. This point is very suitable for
     crossing the Missouri River. The rates of only about half
     what is usual at the common ferries on the Missouri.

     The company expect to rendezvous in the Indian country,
     opposite Elizabethtown, between the first and tenth of
     April. A number of excellent citizens expect to cross at
     this place. This is the point from which a portion of the
     Oregon company started last spring. Taking all things into
     consideration, this is probably the best route to cross the
     Missouri at Elizabethtown (where there is an excellent
     large, new ferry-boat), and fall over on the Platte,
     opposite the Pawnee village, and thence pass along up the
     south side of the Platte River.

     A MEMBER OF THE OREGON COMPANY.

     _March 8, 1845._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Cherokee Advocate_, Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation,
     February 27, 1845.

     LATER FROM THE SANDWICH ISLANDS AND OREGON.

     Advices are to September 4th. The United States ship
     _Warren_, Hull, sailed on the 8th of August from Honolulu
     for Mazatlan, by way of California. The _Delaware_, Carter,
     which arrived at Honolulu with naval stores from Valparaiso,
     September 1st, reports having seen a large vessel, probably
     the United States ship _Savannah_, entering Honolulu Bay.
     The _Polynesian_ contains intelligence from Oregon to August
     2d.

     The legislature of Oregon adjourned a few days before the 3d
     of July, having passed some important laws. One of its acts
     is: "Any person who shall make, sell, or give away ardent
     spirits in Oregon, south of Columbia River, shall forfeit
     and pay $100 for each and every such offense." The
     legislature is called the "Legislative Committee," and
     consists of nine persons elected by the people. The officers
     of the Oregon Territory consist of three governors, called
     the Executive Committee, a Supreme Judge, and a Legislative
     Council. The laws are the same as those governing the
     Territory of Iowa. The government is purely democratic
     republican. Doctor Babcock is the supreme judge. The name of
     only one of the governors, Doctor Bailey, is mentioned. On
     the 1st of August a Belgian brig arrived at the Oregon city,
     having on board a number of nuns and several Catholic
     priests from Antwerp, sent out to Oregon by the church of
     Rome.

     The colony is in a most encouraging condition. The crops
     were giving promise of an abundant harvest.

     People were coming into the territory in large numbers, and
     the country is filling up with thriving and energetic
     colonists. Doctor Babcock, "the supreme judge," went to
     Oregon as physician to the Methodist mission family. Doctor
     Bailey was from this city, where his family now
     resides.--_New York Evening Post._

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Cherokee Advocate_, February 27, 1845.

     A large company of emigrants are expected to leave
     Independence, Missouri, about the first of May for Oregon.

       *       *       *       *       *

     From _Cherokee Advocate_, Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation,
     February 27, 1845.

     PRINTING PRESS FOR OREGON.

     We see by the _Commercial_ that the proprietors of that
     paper forwarded one of Hoe's best printing presses to Oregon
     last week, with type, printing ink, paper, etc., for the
     newspaper about to be established in Oregon. The paper is to
     be connected with the missionary station there.--_New York
     Sun, 27th ultimo._

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Missouri Statesman_, September 1, 1843.

     The _Western Expositor_ is the name of a new Democratic
     paper published in Independence. Editor, Robert G. Smart,
     Esq. It takes the place of the _Western Missourian_.

       *       *       *       *       *

     CORRECTION.

     NOTE.--"William Marshal," on page 11 of the March QUARTERLY,
     should read "James Wilson Marshall."




     THE QUARTERLY
     OF THE
     OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

     VOLUME IV.     DECEMBER, 1903     NUMBER 4




THE ORIGIN AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE BANCROFT PACIFIC STATES PUBLICATIONS:
A HISTORY OF A HISTORY.--I.

By WILLIAM ALFRED MORRIS.


The true student of history, when confronted for the first time with a
statement of what purports to be an historical fact, weighs at the
outset, as all-important, the evidence of its accuracy. If there be at
hand no means of verifying the statement, the only ground of assurance
is a knowledge of who is speaking, how likely he is to know the truth,
and how well fitted he is to tell it; for to be a writer of accurate
history one must not only know facts, but must also be truthful, and
so far above bias upon his subject as to be able to treat it fairly,
openly, and without false coloring of any part. It is therefore the
first canon of historical criticism to accept as authority no
statement unless it be known who is making that statement.

The greater our interest in a given subject, the more important to us
becomes the question of the authority for all statements concerning
that subject. As the field of history is narrowed down to a single
state or to a single locality, where every man may to a certain
extent be an historian, an anonymous written account, though excellent
in itself, will still be viewed with suspicion. The fact that there is
a good local knowledge of the subject by no means removes the
necessity of determining authorship.

Fortunate it is for the Pacific States and Territories of the United
States that data concerning their history from its beginning were
collected during the lifetime of men who laid the foundations of these
commonwealths. It is then a matter of the highest importance to the
people of this vast empire to know who wove this material together,
and wrote the only attempt at a full and connected history of the
Pacific Coast which has ever been published.

The completion of the Bancroft series of Pacific Slope histories, to
which reference is here made, marks an event unique in the annals of
history writing. At no other time and in no other land has there been
carried to completion a work of like character and magnitude. There
had previously been written a few histories of Oregon and California
covering a certain period, and designed chiefly to give a treatment of
a certain institution or political subject, but so far as the thorough
working up of the whole ground was concerned, a virgin field presented
itself.

Moreover, the undertaking was an unusually inspiring one. It was none
other than that of tracing from the days when Europeans first trod the
Pacific shores of America the sequence of events by which these lands
were acquired and occupied by their present holders, political
governments organized, and the development of resources entered upon;
in short, it was the following up of the successive steps by which the
institutions and industries of a nineteenth century civilization were
established in a western wilderness. When we remember that the greater
part of this record could at the time of writing be made from
information furnished directly by the men who made this history, and
that the lack of material which so often embarrasses the writer could
not here be a cause of complaint, we may well conclude that such an
opportunity had never before fallen to the lot of the historian.

Again, in the vast collection of historical sources into one place, as
well as in the newness of the field and inspiring nature of the work,
the undertaking presents a most remarkable feature. The projector of
this enterprise was the first on the coast to undertake such a
collection on a large scale. This fact, together with the recency of
many of the events, which both rendered an unending number of
eye-witnesses easily accessible for procuring personal narratives, and
likewise caused those who possessed papers and books throwing light
upon history, to set slight value upon them, enabled Mr. Bancroft to
collect a library of material such as on the beginning and early
chapters of Pacific Coast history in all probability can never again
be equalled.

Finally, in the amount of material which it presents, and in the
extent of ground which it covers, the Bancroft series has attained
epoch-making proportions. So closely related is the history of the
Pacific states and territories of the United States to that of the
regions north and south, that to insure a complete understanding of it
required the writing also of the History of Mexico, Texas, and Central
America, as well as that of British Columbia and Alaska. When we learn
that two thousand different authorities were consulted in writing the
History of Central America, and ten thousand in arranging the material
for the History of Mexico; that in taking out material for the History
of California eight men were employed for six years; and that in
merely indexing the material for the History of Mexico five men worked
ten years, we are inclined to quote approvingly these words of Mr.
Bancroft:

"I say, then, without unpardonable boasting, that in my opinion there
never in the history of literature was performed so consummate a feat
as the gathering, abstracting, and arranging of the material for this
History of the Pacific States": (Bancroft's Literary Industries, 581).

The history of no American locality would be considered without some
account of its aborigines. The result, then, of this Bancroft plan has
been the writing of the History of the Pacific slope of the continent
from Bering Sea to Darien, with a History of the Native Races in five
volumes as an introduction, and a half dozen volumes of sketches and
essays by way of conclusion, in all thirty-nine octavo volumes.

But this work, the greatest of the kind, few if any of whose separate
divisions have been superseded by later works has suffered greatly in
the estimation of historians because they do not know who is authority
for the statements contained in them. Justice to the people of any
state or territory whose history appears in this series demands that
they should know in whose words it is related. A compliance with the
reasonable expectations of the pioneers who contributed books,
narrations, and documents to aid in the preparation of a standard
history of their respective states calls for a public knowledge of the
identity of the writer to the end that the volume in which their chief
interest centers be not stigmatized as anonymous. And above all, a
conformity with usage, not to mention an observance of the principles
of right, requires that the author of finished work published in this
series, or any other, should receive public acknowledgment of his
labors and whatever of praise or blame is his due.

Ten years ago it was shown in the California press that the Bancroft
histories are not the works of the man who claims to be their author.
But to say that "The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft" were written by
any person other than Hubert Howe Bancroft is such a contradiction as
to startle today the great majority both East and West whose attention
have never been directed to the question. To determine the authorship
of a work we are wont to consult its title page, and the title pages
of these volumes all declare that they are "By Hubert Howe Bancroft."
The advertising matter sent out by the Bancroft publishing
establishment refers to them as "the writings of Mr. Bancroft," with
never a suggestion that any other person wrote a line. The same course
was followed in the reviews of these volumes, which at the time of
their publication were scattered by the press throughout the length
and breadth of the leading countries of Europe, as well as in our
land, although here we must remember that book reviews may be but
another name for advertising matter prepared by the publisher and
inserted at advertising rates. In his Literary Industries, the volume
giving an account of his literary activities, Mr. Bancroft refers to
himself as the author (Lit. Ind., 361, 661), and speaks of his own
writing without a clear reference to that of others (Lit. Ind., 288,
568, 571, 653) in such terms as to give the impression that he was the
only writer who prepared the manuscript as it went to the printer.
True, he mentions assistants, and we can easily see, as he tells us,
that he must have had fifteen or twenty note takers, cataloguers, and
other library aids (Lit. Ind., 582) in order to arrange so vast an
amount of material. When assistants are mentioned it is usually in
words which justify the reader in the inference that these aids are
meant (see Central America I, preface, viii; Literary Industries,
584), and that, therefore, the assistants are in no sense authors.

By a careful reading of the Literary Industries, however, we find that
there was a class of assistants who are differentiated from ordinary
library aids, by the statement that they were "more experienced and
able," and whose work Mr. Bancroft describes as "the study and
reduction of certain minor sections of the history which I employed in
my writing after more or less condensation and change": (Lit. Ind.,
568). But even this passage seems to indicate that the material
prepared by these writers was rewritten by Mr. Bancroft.

As a result, therefore, of the indication of the title page of these
works, of the recognition of the public press, of the statements of
the Literary Industries, and of Mr. Bancroft's connection with the
work widely known through personal means, it happens that today he is
called the "Historian of the Pacific Coast." Furthermore, he is the
only person to whom such a title is given, being so recognized by
newspapers, encyclopedias, and the people at large. In the minds of
the great number, Hubert Howe Bancroft is the historian of the Pacific
states for just the same reason that George Bancroft is the historian
of the United States. Speaking in accord with this popular estimate of
Mr. Bancroft's work, Wendell Phillips once called him "The Macaulay of
the West."

Nowhere, however, can there be found a statement by this historian in
which he lays an unequivocal claim to the authorship of the works
which have been published under his name. By his own words quoted
above he admits that the work was, at least in part, coöperative, and
that he was a compiler of the work of his assistants. And for any one
man to assert authorship of the Bancroft series of histories would be
preposterous. According to actual computation, the mere work of
arranging the material and writing the History of the Pacific States,
after a small army of note-takers had concluded their operations,
represents an equivalent to the labors of one man for a hundred
years: (Frances Fuller Victor in _Salt Lake Tribune_, April 14, 1893.)
Moreover, the use of quotations from foreign languages, of which Mr.
Bancroft had no knowledge, proves that parts of the work are not from
his pen, while the different literary styles (see for example, the
review of Oregon I in the _New York Tribune_, Nov. 26, 1886; in the
_S. F. Argonaut_, Oct. 23, 1886; in the _Sacramento D. Record-Union_,
Oct. 27, 1886; and in the _Portland Oregonian_, Oct. 28, 1886), and
varying degrees of historical workmanship (Compare reviews of Oregon
II in _N. Y. Tribune_, January, 1887; and in _S. F. Chronicle_, Jan.
13, 1887, with reviews of other Bancroft works) clearly reveal the
work of a number of writers.

A little knowledge on this point has proved a dangerous thing for the
reputation of the histories. Some of the newspapers of the coast have
learned that Mr. Bancroft did not do all the writing and have even
published the names of other authors of the series with statements
more or less conjectural as to the writing done by them. In some
cases, wild speculations as to the authorship of the works have been
published. Many are under the impression that those who went about
taking statements of pioneers and in other ways collecting material
were themselves writing the manuscript which was published, and that
consequently much of the history is no more critically written than an
ordinary newspaper article, and as little known about its authorship.
Furthermore, it is believed in some quarters that those who prepared
narrations for Mr. Bancroft were writing history for him to publish,
and that persons not connected with the Bancroft library were authors
of parts of the work. In accordance with this idea, it has been
claimed that a certain tone favorable to the Mormons which runs
through the History of Utah is to be accounted for by the theory that
the volume was written by some one connected with the Mormon church,
whereas the truth is that, although the historian of that church
prepared some data for Mr. Bancroft's use, the work was prepared in
the library by Mr. Bancroft and one of his assistants from the annals
in his possession (Frances Fuller Victor in _Salt Lake Tribune_, April
14, 1893).

In some instances, the histories have lost standing because of the
assumption that Mr. Bancroft was their author. Thus statements in the
History of California supposed to be, but now known not to be from his
pen, have been singled out as reckless, and argument has been made
upon the principle "false in one thing, false in all," that the seven
whole volumes of California history are unworthy of credence (pamphlet
proceedings of the Society of California Pioneers in reference to the
histories of Hubert Howe Bancroft, page 10). Following this lead an
attempt has been made to discredit Bancroft's Oregon on the ground
that his California is said to be unreliable.

Had Mr. Bancroft made public the fact that three persons besides
himself wrote the History of California, that he was in reality the
author of but sixty pages in the entire seven volumes of that set,
that he had not the least claim to the authorship of the History of
Oregon, and that the histories of the two states were in the main
written by different persons, the fallacy of this argument would have
been clear, estimates of the collections of matter in these volumes
would have been made on their own intrinsic merit, and their value
would not have been impaired by false assumptions concerning their
authorship.

A third result of this neglect of Mr. Bancroft to make public
acknowledgment of the extent of the writings of his assistants has
been the accusation "that he is a purloiner of other peoples' brains,"
(_Salt Lake Tribune_, Feb. 16, 1893) and that he has made a
reputation as an author at the expense of his assistants. Concerning
this charge, the most remarkable ever made in the annals of American
historical writing, the reader must be the judge after weighing all
the facts.

The writer's apology for this article is his desire to give such facts
as he has in the hope that they will do something to clear up mistaken
ideas concerning the authorship of these histories, that they may aid
somewhat in forming a correct estimate of the series, and that they
may secure for the other authors as well as for Mr. Bancroft whatever
credit is rightfully theirs. To these ends it is to be hoped that
those who have any additional facts will make them public. The late
Frances Fuller Victor, one of the Bancroft corps of writers, had long
collected material on the authorship of the histories. In preparing
this paper, the writer has depended largely upon information furnished
by her correspondence and papers, and by explanations given by her in
conversation.

The statement of Mr. Bancroft in the Literary Industries to the effect
that his "assistants" merely wrote up minor topics which he then used
in his own writing, must be taken as applying to the work as projected
rather than as actually carried out. In a letter written in 1878
before the final division of labor was made, Mr. Bancroft said, "When
all the material I have is gone over and notes taken according to the
general plan, I shall give one person one thing or one part to write,
and another person another part": (Letter to Mrs. Victor of August 1,
1878.) Here, it will be observed, the plan is for the "assistants" to
do the actual work of writing history and not to prepare material for
their chief to use in his writing. And it will shortly appear that it
was the "assistants" who wrote the work and Mr. Bancroft who wrote the
minor parts. To understand why the intended order was thus reversed,
it is necessary to study the growth of the history project and to
enter into the steps through which it was evolved.

Hubert Howe Bancroft, with whose name these works are linked, and who
has been widely credited as their author, is a native of Granville,
Ohio, where he was born May 5, 1832, a descendent of old New England
families through both the paternal and maternal lines. In his own
account of his life (Literary Industries, 47-244), he tells us that
when but three years old he could read the New Testament without
having to spell many of the words. At the school age, however, he
found it difficult to learn, and after a winter at the brick
schoolhouse under the tutelage of a brother of his mother, the latter
became satisfied that he was not treated judiciously and fairly took
him out of school.

A sister had married George H. Derby, a bookseller of Geneva, New
York, subsequently of Buffalo, and at about the age of fifteen, the
boy was offered the choice of preparing for college or entering the
Buffalo bookstore. He at first chose the former course and spent a
year in the academy of his town, but becoming discouraged in his
study, entered the employ of Derby in August, 1848. Discharged from
the store in six months, he returned to Ohio and acted as a sales
agent for his brother-in-law's goods with such success that he was
invited back to the store and became a clerk with the beginning of the
year 1850. His father, influenced by the gold excitement, decided to
go to California in February of that year, and with George L. Kenny,
his closest friend, he was sent by Derby to handle books in the land
of gold, setting out in December, 1851.

After their arrival in San Francisco, Sacramento was determined upon
as a place of business, and young Bancroft worked in the mines until
arrangements could be made with his brother-in-law. But Derby's death
in the meantime ended the plan, and in 1853, he set out to try his
fortune at the newly-boomed mining town of Crescent City. Here he was
employed as bookkeeper and bookseller, and made six or eight thousand
dollars, most of which he subsequently lost through investing in
Crescent City property. In 1855, Mr. Bancroft made a visit to his old
home in the East, and his sister, in return for his assistance in
recovering the amount of Derby's California investment, let him have
the sum, amounting to $5,500, with which to begin business. Obtaining
credit in New York he shipped a ten thousand dollar stock of goods for
San Francisco, and with Kenny organized the firm of H. H. Bancroft and
Company about December 1, 1856.

From the first, Mr. Bancroft tells us, he had a taste for publishing,
and it was but three years until the inception of what grew into the
historical project. In 1859, Wm. H. Knight, manager of the Bancroft
publishing department, while employed in preparing the Hand Book
Almanac for the next year, asked for the books necessary to carry on
the work. It occurred to the head of the firm that he would again have
occasion to refer to books on the coast states, and he accordingly
transferred to Mr. Knight a copy of each of the fifty or seventy-five
books in stock that had reference to the country. Later he added to
the number by purchases in second-hand stores, and when in the East
secured from the bookstores of New York, Boston, and Philadelphia,
volumes which fell under his observation. By 1862, he had a thousand
volumes, and upon a visit to London and Paris in that year, learned
that much more remained to be done. In 1866, he started on a search
throughout Europe, which resulted in increasing his collection to ten
thousand volumes. As to the field covered by these works, he says:

"Gradually and almost imperceptibly had the area of my efforts
enlarged. From Oregon it was but a step to British Columbia and
Alaska; and as I was obliged from California to go to Mexico and
Spain, it finally became settled in my mind to make the western half
of North America my field": (Lit. Ind. 180). He now began the
collection of Mexican works and the purchase of private libraries in
the United States. In 1869, after ten years' collecting, the library
numbered sixteen thousand volumes, about half of which were pamphlets.
In May of the next year, these were placed on one floor of the
Bancroft building on Market Street, and a young New Englander named
Henry L. Oak, lately editor of a religious journal published by the
firm, was installed as librarian.

(The main facts of Oak's life, as learned by Mrs. Victor, are as
follows: Henry Labbeus Oak was born at Garland, Maine, in 1844. His
ancestry--including the family names of Oak, Merriam, Hastings, Hill,
and Smith--was entirely American from a period preceding the
Revolutionary War, being originally English and Welsh. He was educated
at the public and private schools of his native town until, in 1861,
he entered Bowdoin College, and was graduated at Dartmouth in the
class of 1865. During his college course, he taught in the public and
high schools of different towns in Maine; and after graduation, for a
year in an academy at Morristown, New Jersey.

Mr. Oak came to California by steamer in 1866, and, after some
attempts at commercial life, broken by a long illness, again became a
teacher. A year was spent as principal of the public school at
Haywards, and as instructor in the collegiate institute at Napa, and
in the spring of 1868, he became office editor of the _Occident_, a
Presbyterian paper which the Bancroft house was then publishing for an
association. According to Mr. Bancroft (Lit. Ind. 219), "the whole
burden of the journal gradually fell on him." But when, owing to a
disagreement with the religious association, the firm declined to
publish the paper any longer, the young editor was left without
employment. In the meantime a somewhat erratic Englishman named
Bosquetti had succeeded Knight as custodian of the Bancroft library,
and Oak was appointed to assist him. Upon his decamping a few months
later, at the end of 1868, Mr. Oak was appointed to the position.)

The beginning of a classification of the material in the library had
been made by Mr. Knight, who saved clippings and arranged them in
scrap-books and boxes. It now became Oak's duty to superintend the
extraction of material from the volumes in his custody and to
catalogue new books as they came in. In May, 1871, he prepared for
publication by the firm, two guide-books for tourists. It was at the
same time that Mr. Bancroft took another step toward the history plan.

The plan of publishing a Pacific Coast encyclopedia had been under
consideration for a year or two, and was now adopted. Mr. Bancroft
began to look for contributors. John S. Hittell, publisher of the
Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast, prepared a list of the
principal subjects to be treated, and Oak began to gather statements
from pioneers and contributors of every sort by issuing circulars and
writing letters. For about a year the preparations continued. During
the first half of 1872 Ora Oak, a younger brother of the librarian,
together with others, extracted material on Pacific Coast voyages and
travels. Walter M. Fisher, an educated young Englishman who came to
the library early in the year, wrote out such travels as those of
Bryant, Bayard Taylor, and Humboldt. The librarian, finding inadequate
the system of indexing the library then in use, set to work to devise
a more practical one, and spent three months in bringing it to
perfection. This was apparently the only part of the year's work which
proved abiding.

That the material in the Bancroft library was better adapted to the
preparation of a history than of an encyclopedia gradually appeared to
those who came in contact with it. (Walter M. Fisher was born in
Ulster in 1849, and was the son of a Presbyterian clergyman, a member
of an English and Scotch colony. He was educated at Queen's College,
Belfast. Nemos remembered him as "a handsome fellow, a great eater,
and a hard worker." Together with Harcourt, he left Bancroft's employ
in 1874 to accept the editorship of the _Overland Monthly_. Returning
to London in 1875, he published a clever work entitled the
_Californians_. Subsequently he became a physician). After several
years of suggestion, discussion, and change, Mr. Bancroft decided to
reshape the entire plan of work accordingly. The history of the
Pacific slope of the continent was to be written, beginning at the
Isthmus of Panama with the first appearance of the Spaniards, and then
taking up the successive regions to the north as their history had its
beginning. This work, embracing an account of all the various
republics, provinces, states, and territories along the Pacific, it
was decided to designate as The History of the Pacific States.

Heretofore, Mr. Bancroft had been known only as bookseller and
publisher, and manager of one of San Francisco's large business
houses. His experience in writing had been limited to the preparation
of some material for the proposed encyclopedia. But now, when he had
reached the age of forty years, practically all of them except the
first sixteen, spent in the world of business, the head of the firm of
H. H. Bancroft and Company made his first venture as a literary man,
writing himself and rewriting the work of others. He began by
preparing what he considered a suitable introduction to the history.
The task was not easy, especially for one unaccustomed to write. In
fourteen weeks he had taken out material from which he wrote three
hundred pages of introduction to the History of Central America which
he subsequently reduced to seventy-five pages. This seems to have been
the only part of the work that he considered as exclusively his own
theme: (Lit. Ind., 291). But this matter subsequently had to be
rewritten.

While writing on this volume, Mr. Bancroft became convinced that the
history could not be complete without an account of the original
inhabitants of the coast. To quote his own words, "I did not fancy
them, I would gladly have avoided them. I was no archæologist,
ethnologist, or antiquary, and I had no desire to become such. My
tastes in the matter, however, did not dispose of the subject. The
savages were there, and there was no help for me; I must write them up
to get rid of them." To compile information concerning the manners and
customs, the mythology, the language, and the antiquities of these
aborigines, Mr. Bancroft estimated that two volumes would be required:
(Lit. Ind., 301). The Native Races as completed is a work of five
volumes. So much of an expansion in all of the early historical plan
was necessary.

Mr. Bancroft, wrote but two hundred and seventy out of the four
thousand pages of the Native Races, devoting his time while that
series was in preparation largely to a rewriting of the first volume
of Central America, to a continuation of a summary of early voyages
for other volumes, and to a perfection of the plan and a collecting of
material for the histories. His relation to this work may be likened
to that of a managing editor. He decided upon the division of labor as
suggested by Oak or others, and required changes in the manuscript as
completed if he considered them necessary, either for the sake of
treatment or style, but the extent of his writing as printed in this
work certainly falls far short of that necessary to substantiate the
claim which he has made to its authorship. The chapter which he wrote
was that on the Hyperboreans. As to this work, he tells us in the
Literary Industries that during the first half of the year 1873 he
"was writing on northern Indian matter, giving out the notes on the
southern division to go over the field again and take out additional
notes": (Lit. Ind. 571). As to his further connection with the work,
he says that in December of the same year he became convinced that the
plan of treating Indian languages adopted by Goldschmidt was not the
proper one, and that the latter was "obliged to go over the entire
field again and re-arrange and add to the subject matter before I
would attempt the writing of it." (Lit. Ind., 573.) This passage
ascribes the actual preparation of the volume to Goldschmidt, and the
writing referred to here must have been largely in the nature of
editorial work. It is hardly to be presumed that a man of Mr.
Bancroft's education and slight literary experience would have
attempted at this time anything so ambitious as the complete
preparation of a treatise on Indian languages.

We see, then, that although the influence of Mr. Bancroft was felt in
arrangement and even in style, the Native Races was written almost
entirely by other persons. But one would hardly suppose that such was
the case from reading the words: "During the progress of this work I
succeeded in utilizing the labors of my assistants to the full extent
of my anticipations": (Lit. Ind., 304).

When speaking in the Literary Industries of work done for him by
others, Mr. Bancroft shows a habit which is derived from his long
experience as manager of a business concern. His constant tendency is
to speak of work done by those in his employ as his work, neglecting
a distinction between a publisher and an author, which is a vital one.
The reputation of a publishing house depends upon the workmanship of
its employés, but that of an author depends solely upon his own
talents and the work of his own hands. While a publisher may with all
propriety speak of work done by agents as his printing, for him to say
that writing done for him by others is his writing is a positive
misstatement. When Mr. Bancroft paid his writers for their manuscript,
he became its owner with full rights of publication, but no one will
say for a moment that he thereby became the author. In speaking of the
Native Races, as well as the History of the Pacific States, Mr.
Bancroft often does so in such terms as to indicate that writing was
done by him when it was his only by purchase. (Compare statements in
Literary Industries, 303, 568, 571, and in Native Races I, preface
xiii, with the facts as shown by the statements of different members
of Bancroft's literary corps as to the work actually done by each
writer and as given later in this article.)

The division of responsibility for collating and arranging facts for
the various divisions of the Native Races was made apparently toward
the latter part of the year 1872. We are told that routine work was
laid aside for three or four weeks in the middle of the summer, and
this time devoted to placing the library in order and cataloguing the
new books which had been added. This was obviously done preparatory to
entering upon the new work. To a young Englishman who called himself
T. Arundel-Harcourt, and who entered the library in November, was
assigned the preparation of that portion of the work devoted to the
manners and customs of the civilized nations. (This man's true name he
did not reveal. His collaborator Nemos says that he attended a
boarding school, and then continued his studies in Germany, at
Heidelberg, according to his own account. He claimed to have come to
America with $5,000 in pocket money, and found his way first to
Montana. On his arrival at San Francisco he entered the library.
Leaving in 1874 to assume editorship of the _Overland Monthly_ with
Fisher, he was soon back in Bancroft's employ. Naturally he was the
most able of the library corps. But while he was brilliant, handsome,
and witty, he was at the same time erratic and unreliable. He died in
1884.)

Mr. Fisher's part was mythology, while the division of the work
relating to language was given to Albert Goldschmidt, a German, who
had been employed in the library since the end of 1871. (According to
Nemos, Goldschmidt was said to have been the son of a Jewish clothing
dealer at Hamburg. In early life he ran off to sea, and claimed to
have become master of a vessel. He had acquired much general
knowledge, and was musically inclined, often singing in church choirs.
Before coming to the library Nemos says that he led a "vagarious life"
in Nevada. As a linguist he had great ability, and was able to
translate almost any language which he encountered, but was inclined
to fritter away his time. Nemos declared him "the most systematic
idler in the library." This failing brought about his discharge. Later
he became a mining superintendent in Chihuahua.) Mr. Oak took the
subject of Antiquities and Aboriginal History (preface to Native Races
I, p. 13).

The undertaking was an enormous one, because of the vast quantities of
material to be handled, as well as the inexperience of the workers,
which made it necessary for them to devise their own system as they
proceeded. It is said that by an actual calculation the sum total of
all the labor expended upon each of the five volumes of the series
represents an equivalent to the work of one man for ten years.
(Literary Industries, 305). Indeed, Mr. Bancroft's own reason for
entrusting this work to others is that it would have taken him a half
century, leaving his main work untouched. Mr. Oak's indexing system
proved a great labor saver, as by it the indexers went through all the
material, classifying and making references. They were followed
immediately by note-takers, who copied the facts indicated in these
references. The writers then had the data placed before them for
arrangement. When Mr. Bancroft's chapter on the Hyperboreans was
completed he went over it with them, all making criticisms and
suggestions to be adopted in the arrangement of the other divisions as
well as that one. By this means was the library system perfected, a
common method developed, and a corps of library workers trained: (Lit.
Ind., 304).

The Native Races was very much in the nature of a compilation, and our
knowledge concerning the authorship of its various parts is
necessarily less exact than is true of any of the other Bancroft
works. Such facts as are at hand come from two schedules--one of his
own works, the other of that of the corps generally--prepared by
William Nemos, a gifted Swedish writer who entered the library in
1873, subsequently becoming Oak's chief assistant, and ultimately his
successor in the librarian's office; from separate information gained
by Frances Fuller Victor as to the part of the work done by Oak. (This
consists of three different statements, one in a letter to a friend,
another in an autobiographical sketch, and a third in a statement
copied by Mrs. Victor. Mr. Oak himself refuses to give testimony,
doubtless on account of his former intimate personal connection with
Mr. Bancroft and his acquiescence in the plan followed, as well as his
poor health, which renders him unwilling to enter into a discussion
of the question, and from statements in an autobiography of Thomas
Savage, chief Spanish interpreter in the library after August, 1873.)

The facts as deduced from these sources show that Oak wrote more of
the Native Races than any one else, two fifths of the entire work, or
to be exact, fifteen hundred and ninety-seven pages out of four
thousand. While engaged in this writing, it must be remembered that he
also acted as "chief assistant to Mr. Bancroft, manager of all details
of this work, as well as that on the History, overseer of the corps of
workers, and chief proof reader," duties which so engrossed his time
that he wrote principally between eight o'clock in the evening and
midnight. The fourth volume on Antiquities is his work entire, as is
also the fifth on Primitive History, except the introductory chapter
on the Origin of the Americans, in the preparation of which it would
appear that Bancroft had a hand (Lit. Ind., 570), and the last three
chapters dealing with the tribes of Central America, the authorship of
which the writer has no means of determining. Nemos says, however,
that he prepared "a good deal of clean manuscript" for this volume as
well as for some others.

To Harcourt the division of the field as already given points as the
author of the second volume. Oak wrote the introductory chapter
entitled General View of the Civilized Nations, and also the chapter
on the Aztec Picture Writing and Maya Arts Calendar and Hieroglyphics.
Bancroft is the author of the chapter on Savagism and Civilization,
and Nemos is to be credited with the writing of some parts. As
Harcourt wrote six hundred and thirty-six pages of the Native Races,
and there appears but one reference to his writing in connection with
another volume, and that a chapter of a hundred and fifty pages, we
may conclude that the remainder of Volume II is from his pen.

With Fisher rests the credit for the authorship in the main of the
Mythology portion of the third volume. Nemos relates that Fisher
sought his aid for this work soon after he came to the library,
believing that his previous training in philosophy fitted him for
mythology, and that Fisher obtained for him the continuation of the
volume, when in October, 1874, he left it "half finished" to accept
the editorship of the _Overland Monthly_. Nemos then being new to the
work, Harcourt revised his manuscript.

To Goldschmidt had been assigned the task of writing the treatise on
Indian languages for the third volume. The evidence of Nemos shows
that Goldschmidt prepared this part of the work, although the
quotation from the Literary Industries already given seems to show
that it was revised throughout once, and afterward rewritten, in part,
at least, by Bancroft. Goldschmidt also prepared the ethnographical
map of the coast.

Of the first volume, Oak wrote about half of the preface, and the
chapter on the Columbians, Harcourt the chapter on the Californians,
and Nemos and Savage the remainder, with the exception of a few slight
parts prepared by others.

In a compilation like the Native Races, there was of necessity much
matter printed in such a form that those who prepared it could not
claim the authorship. Of this character were the contributions of Mr.
Savage, the Spanish expert. Nemos also claimed to be the author of
parts of every volume except the fourth, but from his own statements
we learn that much of his work, like Savage's, consisted in making
translations.

The public acknowledgment made in the introduction of this work
concerning the part done by the several writers would be fair, if we
overlook the fact that its wording tends to give an exaggerated idea
of Mr. Bancroft's part in it--were the name of the latter but printed
on the title page as editor or compiler. But by omitting either word
he has announced himself to the world as author. His own explanation
for this seems to be that he considers himself responsible for the
work in treatment and style (Native Races I, Preface XIII), but the
real reason is no doubt to be found in a desire to give the work
standing in the literary world by ascribing it to one name already
quite widely known among book dealers and publishers.

As regards scientific merit these volumes can not make great claims.
No serious attempt was made to collect facts concerning the American
Indians of the West at first hand. Mr. Bancroft made no pretensions as
an antiquarian or ethnologist, content with compiling what others had
written and thus discharging his duty toward the introductory part of
his work that he might the sooner take up the more serious task of
writing the histories. Different parts of the Native Races differ
greatly in value. Oak was habitually scholarly and always made an
effort at honest research. Nemos was likewise thoroughly reliable.
Goldschmidt was noted for his shiftlessness, and Fisher and Harcourt
are charged with such uncritical methods as the incorporation in their
writings of statements found in magazine articles which were nowhere
verified. (Mrs. Victor had learned of this.) The last three must,
therefore, be considered clever and brilliant writers rather than
critical historians.

The chief value of the Native Races consisted in the fact that it
presented in accessible form a classified collection of all the facts
known concerning the Indians of the Pacific slope. Philosophers who
made use of these facts in their generalizations, while prizing the
work highly, were not, however, especially concerned as to how it was
written. In the East and in Europe the discovery was not made that it
is merely a compilation. The Native Races was regarded as a work of
great learning (see Literary Industries, 335, 356) and its authorship
ascribed to Hubert Howe Bancroft in accordance with a literal reading
of its title page. The five volumes were published at three-month
intervals between October 1, 1874, and Christmas, 1875. Just before
the first volume appeared, Mr. Bancroft made what he called a literary
pilgrimage to the Eastern States to bring himself and the work to the
notice of the great literary men there. He also made arrangements for
publication in France and Germany simultaneously with the issuing of
the volumes in New York. This was the result as told in his own words:
"Never probably was a book so generally and so favorably reviewed by
the best journals in Europe and America. Never was an author more
suddenly or more thoroughly brought to the attention of literary men
everywhere": (Lit. Ind., 361.)

As director and manager of the Native Races, Mr. Bancroft performed a
literary service of great importance and in such a capacity richly
deserved the unsparing praise which was showered upon him. But the
commendation and honor bestowed upon him as author of the work we must
in all fairness regard as quite a different matter. According to his
own statement (Lit. Ind., 361), this must be considered as the status
generally assigned him and the basis upon which he was presented with
a number of complimentary certificates and honorary diplomas, among
them being honorary membership in the Massachusetts Historical
Society, the American Antiquarian Society, and the Buffalo Historical
Society, and the honorary degree of Master of Arts at Yale.

So far as the question of authorship was concerned, all reviews and
general press mention of subsequent Bancroft publications followed
along the same line as the reviews of the Native Races, recognizing
Mr. Bancroft alone as the author. We may, therefore, conclude as does
he himself (Lit. Ind., 361, 661) that it was his being accredited with
the authorship of the Native Races which made for him his literary
reputation. It has been shown that this credit depended in turn upon
the fact that his own name was on the title page as author instead of
managing editor. The facts show, therefore, that Mr. Bancroft was
assisted largely by his corps of writers even in the revision of
manuscripts, that due credit has never been given Oak, Fisher,
Harcourt, Goldschmidt, and Nemos, who, aided by a number of compilers
and writers of fragmentary bits, are the true authors of the work, and
that the rise of the fame of Hubert Howe Bancroft as an historical
writer was founded upon a popular misconception, both as to the nature
of his first work and his connection with that work.

Just as fast as the members of the library force ended their
respective labors on the Native Races, they were set to work taking
notes for the history, Mr. Oak continuing to act as manager of detail
as heretofore. The system of note-taking was perfected by Mr. Nemos
and now included a boiling down process by which new members could so
prepare rough material as to permit writers to turn out manuscript
more quickly.

Laying aside for the time being the work on Central America and
Mexico, Bancroft and Oak decided to direct the activities of a library
force now thoroughly trained to the material on California, since
California history is the starting point for that of a number of other
states, including Northern Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, and Utah, and more
especially because the mass of original material collected for this
state was greater than for any other, a fact necessitating the
reduction to a minimum of the possibility of its accidental
destruction while yet unused: (Lit. Ind., 583.) The actual
organization of the material on the Southwest, including the writing
of the history of the Northern Mexican states and Texas down to 1800,
together with the Spanish and Mexican annals of Arizona, New Mexico,
California, and the Northwest Coast, was entrusted to Oak as his
special field.

The story of the collection of this California material as told by Mr.
Bancroft (Lit. Ind., 365 and sq.) is one of the most interesting
connected with the history enterprise. In October, 1873, there had
entered his service one Enrique Cerruti, an erratic individual, born
in Italy, but intimately acquainted with the ways of Spanish-Americans
through a long residence in Bolivia, under the government of which
state he had served in a diplomatic capacity. Cerruti's diplomacy was
turned toward the securing of historical facts in the possession of
the old Spanish residents of California, and the first task set for
his craft was to gain the coöperation of General Vallejo, a native
Californian, early alcalde at San Francisco, and colonizer of Sonoma.
After several months' negotiations, his efforts were rewarded by a
personal narrative from Vallejo, by the gift of his papers, and by his
enthusiastic support in gaining the aid of other Californians of his
own race. Among those who furnished dictations at his instance were
two of his brothers, and his nephew Alvarado, Governor of California
under Mexican rule. For two years Cerruti and Vallejo worked together
collecting, their time being divided between Sonoma, San Francisco,
and Monterey, from which centers they made divers excursions. It seems
that the wily Italian, together with other representatives of Mr.
Bancroft, sometimes gained possession of valuable manuscripts by such
indirection as to cause much dissatisfaction on the part of the
original owners.

The official Spanish records of the country which had been turned over
to the United States Surveyor General at San Francisco consisted of
four or five hundred volumes. To copy these, twelve Spaniards worked
for a year under the direction of Mr. Savage,[40] "the greatest single
effort" ever made in connection with the Bancroft enterprise. The
mission records in possession of the archbishop of San Francisco were
copied by Mr. Savage and three assistants in a month. In quest of data
on Southern California, Bancroft and Oak took a trip to San Diego
early in 1874, returning overland and visiting depositories of
records. On this tour, Judge Benjamin Hays of San Diego turned over to
Mr. Bancroft his historical collections, and subsequently directed the
collecting in the south. The most efficient of the assistants employed
by him was Edward F. Murray who, among other services, copied the
records of the Santa Barbara missions. In March, 1877, Mr. Savage
began work on the civil and ecclesiastical archives at Salinas,
continuing the work at San José, Santa Cruz, and Sacramento. With
others, he obtained dictations of the highest importance from native
Californians and others, and in 1877 and 1878 spent eight months in
that work, visiting all the missions from San Diego to San Juan
Bautista with the exception of San Fernando and Purisima.

While his aids were thus gathering the material upon which the History
of California is founded, Mr. Bancroft, as he tells us (Lit. Ind.,
657-663), was devoting his attention more especially to the gaining of
information concerning the proceedings of the two vigilance committees
that held sway in San Francisco in the "fifties," by no means an easy
task, since the acts of both of these organizations were illegal and
their surviving members could not be expected to talk very freely,
even after a lapse of twenty years. After considerable urging,
however, those who had custody of the records were induced in the
interest of history to turn them over for Mr. Bancroft's inspection.
This material was made use of in the supplemental volumes on Popular
Tribunals; in the first writing of which Mr. Bancroft was himself
engaged from 1875 to 1877. Like his manuscript for Central America,
however, this work had to be revised before its publication ten years
later.

At an early date, Mr. Bancroft tells us (Lit. Ind., 623-628), he had
corresponded with the heads of governments lying within his territory.
The presidents of the Mexican and Central American republics and the
governors of all the states had accorded him every facility. In 1874,
especially favorable letters were received from the presidents of
Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, the latter appointing a special
commissioner to secure and ship documents.

The great mass of California matter, at first so voluminous as to be
appalling, was now in hand, and in 1878 Mr. Bancroft turned his
attention to the Northwest. Upon a visit to British Columbia in that
year, he obtained access to the official records of the province, took
the reminiscences of many old fur traders, secured the papers of
others, and had help from several who had undertaken to write a
history of the country: (Lit. Ind., 534; Hist. N. W. Coast, preface,
viii). It was from this data that Mr. Bancroft in the years
immediately following wrote, with the aid of some other writers, the
History of the Northwest Coast, and the History of British Columbia,
volumes constituting the great part of the work of which he can claim
the actual authorship: (See Lit. Ind., 549.)

The history seeker had already secured the writings of Gov. Elwood
Evans of Washington Territory. Crossing the straits from Victoria, he
made some collections about Puget Sound, and then went to Portland and
Salem, accompanied by Amos Bowman, a stenographer who subsequently
became one of the writers in the library and prepared some manuscript
for the History of British Columbia. (Bowman was a Canadian with some
experience in government surveys and mining explorations. Before
joining Mr. Bancroft on this expedition, he was located at Anacortes,
Washington.) The Oregon Pioneer Association was then in session at
Salem, and a number of its members furnished dictations. The
secretary, J. Henry Brown, was engaged to copy documents in the state
archives (Lit. Ind., 540-546). He subsequently made this matter the
basis of a book which he himself published on Oregon history.

After dictations had been secured in passing through Southern Oregon,
the Oregon material at Mr. Bancroft's disposal was further increased
on his return to San Francisco by the employment of Frances Fuller
Victor, a writer of experience and author of several books on Oregon,
who, during a residence of more than ten years in the state, had
collected data with the intention of herself writing and publishing
its history. As by her researches she had become familiar with the
history of the entire northwestern part of the United States, the
working up of this field was assigned her just as the southwest had
been assigned to Oak.

(Frances Fuller was born in the township of Rome, New York, May 23,
1826. She was a near relation of Judge Reuben H. Walworth, Chancellor
of the State of New York, and through her ancestor, Lucy Walworth,
wife of Veach Williams, who lived at Lebanon, Connecticut, in the
early part of the eighteenth century, claimed descent from Egbert,
the first king of England. Veach Williams himself was descended from
Robert Williams, who came over from England in 1637, and settled at
Roxbury, Massachusetts.

When Mrs. Victor was thirteen years of age, her parents moved to
Wooster, Ohio, and her education was received at a young ladies'
seminary at that place. From an early age she took an interest in
literature, and when but fourteen years old, wrote both prose and
verse for the county papers. A little later the _Cleveland Herald_
paid for her poems, some of which were copied in English journals.

Mrs. Victor's younger sister, Metta, who subsequently married a
Victor, a brother of Frances' husband, was also a writer of marked
ability. Between the two a devoted attachment existed, and in those
days they were ranked with Alice and Phoebe Carey, the four being
referred to as Ohio's boasted quartet of sister poets. The Fuller
sisters contributed verse to the _Home Journal_ of New York City, of
which N. P. Willis and George P. Morris were then the editors. Metta
was known as the "Singing Sybil." Both sisters were highly eulogized
by Willis, who regarded them as destined for a great future as
writers.

In her young womanhood Frances spent a year in New York City, amid
helpful literary associations. Being urged by their friends, the two
sisters published together a volume of their girlhood poems in 1851.
In the more rigorous self-criticism of later years, Mrs. Victor often
called it a mistaken kindness which induced her friends to advise the
publication of these youthful productions. But in these verses is to
be seen the true poetic principle, and their earnestness is especially
conspicuous.

Metta Fuller Victor, after her marriage, took up her residence in New
York City, and continued her literary work both in prose and in
verse. Frances' husband, Henry C. Victor, a naval engineer, was
ordered to California in 1863. She accompanied him, and for nearly two
years wrote for the San Francisco papers, her principal contributions
consisting of city editorials to the _Bulletin_, and a series of
society articles under the _nom de plume_ of Florence Fane, which, we
are told, by their humorous hits, elicited much favorable comment.

About the close of the war, Mr. Victor resigned his position and came
to Oregon, where his wife followed him in 1865. She has often told
how, upon her first arrival in this state, she recognized in the type
both of the sturdy pioneers and of their institutions something
entirely new to her experience, and at once determined to make a close
study of Oregon. As she became acquainted with many of the leading men
of the state, and learned more and more about it, she determined to
write its history, and began to collect material for that purpose.

Her first book on the history of Oregon was The River of the West, a
biography of Joseph L. Meek, which was published in 1870. Many
middle-aged Oregonians tell what a delight came to them when in
boyhood and girlhood days they read the stories of Rocky Mountain
adventures of the old trapper Meek as recited by this woman of culture
and literary training, who herself had taken so great an interest in
them. The book was thumbed and passed from hand to hand as long as it
would hold together, and today scarcely a copy is to be obtained in
the Northwest. Intensely interesting as The River of the West is, the
chief value of the work does not lie in this fact, but rather in its
value to the historian. Meek belonged to the age before the pioneers.
It was the trapper and trader who explored the wilds of the West and
opened up the way for the immigrant. Later writers freely confess
their indebtedness to Mrs. Victor's River of the West for much of
their material. The stories of the Rocky Mountain bear killer, Meek,
romantic though many of them are, check with the stories given by
other trappers and traders, and furnish data for an important period
in the history of the Northwest.

In 1872 was published Mrs. Victor's second book touching the
Northwest, All Over Oregon and Washington. This work, she tells us in
the preface, was written to supply a need existing because of the
dearth of printed information concerning these countries. It contained
observations on the scenery, soil, climate and resources of the
Northwestern part of the Union, together with an outline of its early
history, remarks on its geology, botany, and mineralogy, and hints to
immigrants and travelers. Her interest in the subject led her at a
later date to revise this book and to publish it again, this time
under the title Atlantis Arisen.

In 1874 was published Woman's War With Whiskey, a pamphlet which she
wrote in aid of the temperance movement in Portland. Her husband was
lost at sea in November, 1875, and from this time, she devoted herself
exclusively to literary pursuits. During her residence in Oregon she
had frequently written letters for the San Francisco _Bulletin_ and
sketches for the _Overland Monthly_. These stories, together with some
poems, were published in 1877 in a volume entitled The New Penelope.

This last volume was printed by the Bancroft publishing establishment
in San Francisco. The Bancrofts were an Ohio family of Mrs. Victor's
early acquaintance. Hubert Howe Bancroft now laid before her his plan
for writing the history of the Pacific slope, and asked her to work on
the part concerning Oregon. In 1878 she entered the Bancroft library.
Leaving the library at the completion of the work, in 1890 she
returned to Oregon and was employed by the state in 1893 to compile
her History of the Early Indian Wars of Oregon, a volume which was
published by the State Printer the following year. She continued to
write for the Oregon Historical Quarterly up to the time of her death.
Her last published work was a small volume of poems printed in 1900,
and selected from the many metrical compositions which she had written
for newspapers and magazines through a period of sixty years. She was
an able writer of essay, and possessed an insight into the evolution
of civilization and government rare, not only for an author of her
sex, but for any author. Combining the qualities of poet, essayist and
historian, she occupied a position without a peer in the annals of
Western literature. She died at Portland, Oregon, November 14, 1902).

Data on Alaska and the Russian Colony at Fort Ross, California, were
being collected and translated during these years by Ivan Petroff, a
highly educated Russian some time resident at Cook's Inlet. Material
from Russia was furnished by the savant M. Pinart who had made a
special study of Alaska, and Petroff prepared translations. In 1878 he
visited Alaska in search of more material, and spent the year 1879 and
part of 1880 in Washington extracting matter from papers, the
existence of which he had discovered on the northern trip; (Lit. Ind.,
551-561.) Petroff had begun the writing of this material and had done
part of the Alaska volume when he left the library to become
supervisor of the census of 1880 in the Northern Territory, leaving
Mr. Bancroft and others to bring this part of the work to completion.

(The main facts of Petroff's life which had been a very eventful one
are here taken from Bancroft's Literary Industries, 270-272. He was
born at St. Petersburg in 1842, his father being a soldier. His mother
died in his infancy, and at the age of five, he was placed in the
military academy of the first corps of cadets at St. Petersburg. Left
an orphan when but a boy by the death of his father at the battle of
Inkerman, a remarkable talent for languages secured his transfer to
the imperial academy of sciences for training as military interpreter.
A serious illness caused an impediment in his speech which ended such
prospects, but he was nevertheless permitted to continue his studies
and became amanuensis for Professor Bohttink while engaged in the
preparation of a Sanscrit dictionary. Attached subsequently to M.
Brosset, who was making a study of Armenian antiquities and
literature, he became so proficient in the language that he was chosen
to accompany his superior on a two-year scientific expedition through
Georgia and Armenia. He was then sent to Paris to St. Hilaire with
part of the material obtained, thence sailing for New York in 1861.
After working a short time on the _Courier des Etats Unis_, he
enlisted in the seventh New Hampshire regiment. By hard study he
mastered the language, after writing letters for the soldiers as a
means of practice, and acquired a proficiency in the use of English
such as one seldom meets with in a foreigner. From private he became
corporal, then sergeant and color bearer, a rank which he held in
1864, when his company was sent to Florida. He took part in all the
battles fought by Butler's army and was twice wounded. After the
battle of Fort Fisher, he was promoted to a lieutenancy. Mustered out
in July, 1865, he returned to New York, and accepted a position for
five years with the Russian American Company at Sitka, believing that
this region was sooner or later to pass to the United States. On the
way to Alaska he was delayed and improved the time by making a
horseback tour of Northern California, Idaho, Washington, and Oregon.
Finding his position filled when he arrived at Sitka, he was given
charge of a trading post on Cook's Inlet until the transfer of the
territory to the United States in 1867. Subsequently Petroff was
appointed acting custom officer on Kodiak Island and was put in charge
of the seized barkentine Constitution, with which he arrived in San
Francisco in October, 1870. Mr. Bancroft at once sought his services
as Russian interpreter for the library. After his return to the
government service in the north, he distinguished himself both in 1880
and 1890 by his zeal in securing information concerning Alaska desired
by the census bureau, and several times risked his life in this
service. Returning to Washington he was subsequently employed both by
the census bureau and the state department. With one exception, the
Utah volume, this was the last of the series of history proper to the
actual authorship of any considerable part of which Mr. Bancroft can
lay claim.)

So great was the opposition created among Gentiles in Utah by a turn
in the Bancroft history more favorable to the Mormons than they
considered fair, and so many and so fierce the charges against Mr.
Bancroft in consequence, that he has apparently been very careful to
give, in the Literary Industries (pp. 631-640), an extended account of
the manner of collecting the material for the History of Utah. Here he
tells us that, at an early date in the development of the history
project, he realized the difficulty of gaining data on Mormon history,
an obstacle apparently so great as to be insuperable. For though the
Mormon church have a regular historian, whose duty it is to preserve
their archives, the director of the Bancroft project at once perceived
the objections which would be made to the turning of this material
over to be written up by one not in sympathy with their faith. But he
must have seen very clearly that a Gentile history of Utah not
unfavorable to the Mormons was the one thing they desired above all
else. Accordingly, in 1880, he tells us that he succeeded in showing
to their satisfaction that he was not prejudiced against them, and
asked Orson B. Pratt, official historian of the Mormon church, for the
desired information. John Taylor, president of the church, called a
council of its twelve apostles, with the result that it was agreed to
comply with the request, and Franklin D. Richards was sent to San
Francisco as Professor Pratt's representative, to furnish the Bancroft
library with such material as was desired from the official church
records.

The year 1880 is an important one for the history project in another
and more important respect also. The end of that year found definite
plans made for the publication of the History of the Pacific States.
Mr. Bancroft had long since decided that, unlike the Native Races,
this work should be handled exclusively by his own house, and Mr.
Nathan J. Stone was placed in charge of the publication department of
the firm, now A. L. Bancroft and Company, to attend especially to this
matter. The date of commencement of work by the printers Oak sought to
have deferred that there might be no haste in searching out and
digesting facts, but against his advice Bancroft determined to begin
the publication of the series in 1882, impatient doubtless at the
prospect of a deferred return from his large financial investment in
the work, and somewhat fearful, as he tells us, lest through some
calamity it might never come to publication.

This decision for an early beginning of publication with the general
change in plan which it brought, rendered Mr. Oak's complicated tasks
too severe, as he was now in failing health. The work of taking notes
on the vast amount of material on California and the Spanish Southwest
generally had been finished some time before, and, as Oak had now
completed his preliminary researches, he determined to give up part of
his duties that he might have time to write the volume covering his
field. To Mr. Nemos, who up to this time had been employed chiefly on
the Mexican volumes, was accordingly turned over the general direction
of the half-dozen younger writers, together with the plans of writing,
and the management of the note-takers, a change which gave him all
interior supervision except over special departments attended to by
Mr. Bancroft--such as the work of Oak and Mrs. Victor. Nemos had
wonderful ability for drilling men into a common method and served as
director of library detail "with remarkable ability and success."

(This was Oak's expression. All who speak of Nemos have much
commendation for his ability. He was born in Finland, February 23,
1848, the son of a nobleman. German and piano lessons were first given
him by his mother, who belonged to a wealthy family of good stock.
After a year's study in a private school at St. Petersburg, he
returned home to attend school, and later took a course at the
gymnasium, or classic high school, at Stockholm preparatory to
entering Upsala university, where a brother was at the time in
attendance.

This ambition was not to be attained, however, for in his seventeenth
year, family matters compelled him to give up his studies, and a place
for him was found in a London commission and ship-broker's office by a
family friend who believed that the acquisition of English and a
business experience would be of the greatest advantage to the young
man. Rather than drag the family title into the by-ways of trade, he
laid it aside and assumed the name of Nemos.

Evening and leisure hours were now devoted to the study of philosophy
and kindred higher branches under an Upsala graduate. After a business
training of eighteen months, he was transferred to a responsible
position in a house trading with India. When five years had been
spent in this capacity, the fear of consumption induced him to take a
long sea voyage, and in the spring of 1870 he left Liverpool by
sailing vessel for Australia, arriving at Melbourne in the third month
out. A venture at mining resulted disastrously through the dishonesty
of his partners, and after a stop at Sydney, he came to San Francisco,
where he landed in the summer of 1871. He had completed an engagement
as assistant civil engineer on a proposed railroad in Oregon when he
returned to California and accepted a position in the library. Nemos
is described as retiring in all his tastes and enthusiastic as a
student. He was especially fond of philosophy and languages, and had a
knowledge of all the principal tongues of Europe.)

Oak, although he now considered himself chief only in name, still
acted as librarian, business agent for most of the intercourse with
the printing house, and reviser of the final proofs of all the
volumes.

For protection against fire, the library was in October, 1881, moved
to a building constructed for its reception on Valencia Street. At the
same time, the printers began work on the first volume to be
published, Central America I, which was immediately followed by Mexico
I. After that time Mr. Bancroft (Lit. Ind., 585,) gave out for the
press whatever was most convenient, so that frequently parts of
several volumes were in type at one time. When the printing began,
material aggregating fifteen volumes was ready. These included
manuscript for Mexico and Central America, the field assigned Savage
and Nemos, matter prepared by Oak for California, by Mrs. Victor for
Oregon, by Bancroft for Popular Tribunals, Literary Industries, and
The Northwest Coast, and by Petroff for Alaska. Bancroft estimated at
this time that the notes were also taken for three fourths of the
works which were yet to be written.

Material upon which to base the remaining fourth was collected in the
same way as previously, Mr. Bancroft visiting the country to be
written up, ascertaining the nature and location of the materials,
collecting what could be had conveniently, and then leaving the
further ingathering in the hands of agents. A visit to Mexico in 1883
furnished him with some material on social conditions in that country
which he tells us was utilized in the last volume of the Mexican
history: (Lit. Ind., 701). More extensive collections remained to be
made in the regions farther north.

After the completion of the two volumes on Oregon, Mrs. Victor's
attention was next directed to the volume on Nevada, Colorado, and
Wyoming. In the carrying on of this work, a greater number of
suggestions as to manner of treatment were made by Mr. Bancroft, we
may believe, than was usual in the preparation of a volume, for the
reasons that it was hurried more for publication than earlier works,
that it was written under his immediate direction, and that he himself
collected and forwarded material from the field as required. The
record of the progress of the work, as it occurs in Mr. Bancroft's
letters to the writer of the volume, is of unusual interest in that
the methods followed, though in some ways exceptional, may perhaps be
taken as fairly typical of those employed by Mr. Bancroft in the
preparation of the later volumes of the series which he immediately
supervised.

In August, 1884, shortly before the completion of the second volume of
the History of Oregon, Mr. Bancroft went to Salt Lake City, where he
left with Franklin D. Richards a memorandum to guide him in extracting
material on the Mormons in Nevada which, he said, would be about the
first material needed. Pending the arrival of this, on September 11th,
he advised Mrs. Victor to familiarize herself with the history of
Wyoming and Colorado, he himself having done the same for Nevada.

A letter written a few days later presents the idea of making a plan
of the volume "as the men do on Mexico, etc.," and says, "By so doing
you can give each section its due proportion and by working to the
plan save unnecessary labor." As to the method of treating early
expeditions to Colorado and Wyoming, he says to consult the History of
Utah, and the two opening chapters which he himself had already
written on Nevada. When these chapters were prepared, it was the
intention to devote an entire volume to this state. In planning the
work as recommended in this letter, Mrs. Victor ascertained that these
chapters were out of proportion for the volume as now planned, and
wrote to Mr. Bancroft to this effect. On September 21st, however, he
advised her that he recognized the fact, but that they would "have to
do." On the same date he forwarded the dictations of three of the
first Mormons in Nevada, requesting that when the material had been
used for this volume, they be turned over to Mr. Bates, then at work
on the History of Utah. He also suggested a perusal of Benton's City
Saints and other Utah books for light on Nevada, and directed that Mr.
Newkirk search the library thoroughly for Nevada material.

From Colorado Springs on October 7th he wrote announcing that a
package of material on Colorado had been sent, though evidently with
more thought of pleasing those who furnished the dictations than of
affording material for the history of their state. Said he, "Some of
the dictations don't amount to much, but I would like them used for
all they are worth, and more too, putting them in list of authorities,
quoting them freely, and giving biographical notice, etc." On October
11th, he wrote that he would go to Denver in a few days to finish
gathering what material for Colorado he could procure. With reference
to this he says, "I am told that there is no file of the _Rocky
Mountain News_, or any other early paper I can get. Possibly I may
obtain access to one. Still I think we will have stuff enough, all
there will be room for. I will then go to Cheyenne to get what I can
on Wyoming, and that will finish up the business of gathering for that
volume, or any other volume except what the canvassers bring in."

He calls attention to the fact that in the Colorado dictations there
is frequently material on Montana, and in the Utah dictations,
material on Idaho and Nevada. The reason for this he gives in the
typical Bancroft sentence:

"If I strike a man here, as I frequently do, who has been to these
other places in early times I follow him up there for all it is worth
of course, the same as here."

At Colorado Springs Mrs. Helen Hunt Jackson, author of a Century of
Dishonor, asked Mr. Bancroft to adopt her views on the Colorado Indian
wars. With reference to this matter, he wrote on October 13th, the day
of his departure for Denver, as follows:

"She wishing a thing done would be the very reason I would not do it
if I could help it. I speak of it that you may get the work and use
the information. I do not care about mentioning her name one way or
another in the whole work. She has been polite enough here, although
she has a broken leg, but I don't care for her politeness. I should
have had fair recognition for the service I did her in the matter of
her California articles in the _Century_ which I never got."

Writing subsequently from Denver on November 2d, he says: "Everybody
in Colorado, nearly, is against Mrs. Jackson on what some call the
Chevington massacre. That side don't call it a massacre, but a fight.
I should give their side in full, then say some few took exception to
this action, and there let it stand on its merits--that is, I think so
now."

In the same letter Mr. Bancroft announced that he was going over the
_Rocky Mountain News_ with Mr. Byers, the founder and former editor,
"a man of remarkable ability and memory," whose dictation to a
shorthand reporter was given, he said, in such a way that it was
almost pure history and could be taken from his manuscript as fast as
one could write. This he advised Mrs. Victor to take as a basis for
Colorado history, building upon it and giving it the preference in
regard to discrepancy of statement. He also called attention to the
fact that "a lot of people" had in one way and another wandered over
the region before white men settled there, and said he supposed that
what Coronado did should first be considered. As to the wanderings of
Spaniards in Colorado, a schedule sent about this time refers Mrs.
Victor to all Oak had written on the subject, to the first few pages
of the History of Utah, and to the original authorities upon which the
latter was based. After calling attention to some works of travel,
such as Fremont's writings and Renton's Adventures in Mexico and the
Rocky Mountains, he asked Mr. Nemos to see that the material for Mrs.
Victor's use in preparing the volume be taken out more thoroughly than
had heretofore been the case, and upon this point directed him to
consult the early volumes of the series and make this correspond. Mrs.
Victor subsequently asked that she be permitted to take out her own
notes, and the request was granted as Mr. Bancroft had now decided to
reduce the number of his force as fast as possible and bring the work
to a conclusion. Already on October 25th, he had given as his opinion
that Colorado should make about half of the volume, at the same time
inquiring what laws of Colorado and Wyoming were desired, and
recommending a study of "Hepworth Dixon's work on the Great West,
Bonneville's Adventures, and Bayard Taylor's Travels."

Writing from Cheyenne on November 8th, Mr. Bancroft announced the
shipment of a small package of Wyoming stuff, all that he had been
able to secure, and also his intention to have some one take matter
from the office files of the newspapers of that place, the _Sun_ and
_Leader_, the latter of which was very complete. Though returning
himself to Denver, that day, he promised to have more Wyoming
dictations taken.

In a letter dated the next day, he expressed the opinion that a proper
division of the work would be made by devoting three hundred and fifty
pages to Colorado, two hundred and twenty-five to Nevada, and one
hundred and seventy-five to Wyoming, and requested that the writing be
done on that basis until some change should be found necessary. In
closing, he suggests another line of research to be carried through
the volume in the words: "And all the way from the Gulf of Mexico to
British Columbia, I want to pay special attention to the cattle
interest and cattle men, the origin and development of the industry,
one of the most marvelous and important of modern times."

The last letter dealing with the manner of treatment of material dated
October 9, 1885, asks Mrs. Victor to do the best she can with Mackey
and the silver question in order to satisfy Mr. Stone, the publishing
agent, whose work, Mr. Bancroft said, was hard enough at best.

It thus appears that three leading objects were kept constantly in
mind at this time: one, the handling of the various subjects in such a
way as not to displease the people in the district written up, that
the work might be popular and the work of the canvassers easy as they
went about soliciting subscriptions for it; another, the writing of
the various chapters in such a way that the first draft would
constitute finished history and take up no more space than that
assigned in the volume; and finally, and really at the bottom of the
preceding, a desire to have the history written as soon as possible.
Evidence that Mr. Bancroft wished to have the work done in the least
possible time and with the least possible cost is abundant in these
letters.

In October Nemos had been set to counting the pages which Mrs. Victor
had written since entering the library, a proceeding which she
resented, believing that it afforded no just basis for judging her
historical work. The next letter from Mr. Bancroft, on October 20th,
brought the request that she bring the work "at first writing within
the requisite compass so as not to make it so terribly costly." An
intimation that greater haste would be pleasing was again conveyed on
November 1st, when Mr. Bancroft expressed the confidence that if Mrs.
Victor were to write three volumes more, they would be done in three
years instead of six, a view of the case most contrary to hers, since
before entering the library she had already worked out many of the
problems in Oregon history, and now that she was entering upon another
field, found more time necessary. That Mr. Bancroft did not make
allowance for this, however, is shown by a letter written on November
17th. Here he begins the subject by stating that it would be a great
mistake to suppose that he was dissatisfied with Mrs. Victor's work,
or that any one had in the faintest degree criticised it, and says
that all he wants is to practice such economy of time and money as
will enable him to complete the work before he is dead or has failed
in business. Then he proceeds to reckon up results thus:

"I do not know when the present volume will be finished ready for the
printer. But six years have already passed, and, calling this volume
done, it would be two years to a volume. About fifteen hundred of
your pages make a volume, I believe, and counting three hundred days
to the year, would be two and a half pages a day. When you first came,
you started off with ten pages, which we all thought rapid, but the
outcome makes it exceedingly small. This, with what other work has
been done on your volumes, would make every page of your manuscript
ready for the printer cost me considerably over two dollars a page."

After a denial that this is intended as a complaint about the past, he
says:

"Go on and do the best you can. I have written equivalent to six
volumes during the last six years besides devoting my time to revising
and outside matters. But I don't expect any one to work as I do. I am
not satisfied with old hands now, however, who do not give me say,
four or five pages a day all ready for the printer."

According to the printed rules of the library, the hours were from
7.15 sharp to 6 o'clock in the evening, with half an hour for lunch.
When we recall the complexity and minuteness of research and thought
necessary in historical writing, we must consider three hundred such
days a year heavy work. The requirement of an average of a certain
number of pages a day was therefore one which would naturally tend to
increase the worry of the writer. This requirement was also exacted of
Mr. Oak, and we may well conclude that if such pressure were brought
to bear on the two most experienced writers in the library, upon the
junior writers it must have been intense indeed.

The writing of the volume on Colorado, Nevada, and Wyoming, so far as
the material at hand permitted, was completed at the end of the year
1885. With all of the precautions taken, however, the pages on
Colorado had to be condensed nearly a third to bring them within the
space allowed. This was done, as was frequently the case, by throwing
matter into fine type and printing as footnotes, instead of making
many changes in the manuscript.

The system of biographical footnotes as it appears in the history,
Mrs. Victor claimed as her contribution to the general plan of the
work. The idea was followed with excellent results in her own volumes
as well as those written by others, the object being to make
biographical mention for the benefit of posterity of every man who
took a prominent part in the building of a Pacific state or territory.
For carrying out such a purpose, the time of writing during the lives
of at least part of the same generation that founded these
commonwealths, offered unusually good advantages.

The original intention, Mrs. Victor has told us, was for her to
prepare the volume on Utah, since before coming to the coast, she had
had occasion to make a study of early Mormon history through coming in
contact with some refugees from Nauvoo. But so much work had already
been assigned her that when the time came to do the writing, this was
impossible. Mr. Bancroft had already made a study of the early Spanish
history of the territory, and had written this part when he assigned
the work on the bulk of the remainder to Mr. Alfred Bates, a writer of
polished English and a man of scholarly attainments who had previously
assisted Mr. John S. Hittell in his work on The Commerce and
Industries of the Pacific Coast. (From Literary Industries, 267-68, we
learn that Bates was a native of Leeds, England, born May 4, 1840. His
father was a wool stapler who lost his fortune in the panic of 1847.
Compelled at an early age to earn his own livelihood, he began
teaching at the age of fifteen, and later taught at Marlborough
College of which the dean of Westminster was then head. To him young
Bates became private secretary in 1862. While preparing for Cambridge
the following year, he accepted a lucrative position in New South
Wales, where he suffered much from ill health, at one time being given
up by three doctors. An offer of a position as teacher in California
took him thither and he continued at this work for a year. During the
two years spent with Mr. Hittell, he was the most valued of his
assistants.) Those acquainted with the circumstances and the men have
accordingly held that certain incidents in Utah history unfavorable to
the Mormons could not have been toned down by Bates as they are in the
printed volume, and that the Mormon turn to the work was therefore
given by Bancroft in the pages which he wrote and in his revision of
Bates' work. (See article by Frances Fuller Victor in _Salt Lake
Tribune_ of April 14, 1893.) This seems probable from what Mr.
Bancroft tells us of his efforts to secure material for the volume
from the Mormon church, as well as his natural desire to please
subscribers to the work.

Mr. Nemos, who was a foreigner, had no preference as to the field in
which his writing was done, and it was consequently scattered through
different volumes. Besides collaborating with Mr. Savage and others on
the Mexican and Central American volumes, he wrote part of the
material on British Columbia and Alaska. By the time Mrs. Victor's
third volume was completed at the end of the year 1885, Oak had
completed his work on the North Mexican States and the five volumes on
California under Spanish and Mexican rule. The writing of the two
volumes containing the American portion of California history was
thereupon assigned to Mrs. Victor and Nemos, the former assuming
responsibility for the preparation of the political chapters, a field
in which her work had been pronounced especially good, and the latter
taking up the institutional chapters, a part which he had largely
fulfilled toward all the Spanish volumes of the history.

The introduction of the institutional feature is to be accredited to
Nemos. The writing done by Oak was in the form of annals, a form in
general suited admirably to the provincial records which he worked up;
but against such a style throughout the series, Nemos tells us that he
presented suggestions and arguments to Mr. Bancroft for introducing
material which should tell the history of the people, and that in this
he prevailed.

In April, 1886, the burning of the Bancroft business house threatened
temporarily to bring the history project to an abrupt termination at a
time when only the first volumes had been published, but the
enterprise soon recovered from the blow. Under the leadership of Mr.
Bancroft, both business and history writing went on as before, the
firm of Bancroft and Company being organized for the conduct of the
former, while the publication of the history previously carried on as
a department of the general book concern was now turned over to The
History Company, a corporation organized by Mr. Bancroft for the
purpose of handling the work.

At the completion by Oak of his volume on New Mexico and Arizona in
May, 1887, he retired from the library with health very much
shattered, leaving Mr. Nemos at the head of affairs. After spending
some time on a new work now undertaken by Mr. Bancroft, the latter
also severed his connection with library matters in August, 1888.

At the time of Oak's departure, Bancroft was planning a biographical
work to be issued at the conclusion of the task which was then
engaging the attention of the library force. This work, at first
called Chronicles of the Kings, but published under the title
Chronicles of the Builders of the Commonwealths, was to present in
detail the lives of wealthy and influential men who had borne a
prominent part in the affairs of the various Pacific Coast states. For
such notice they were charged from a thousand to ten thousand dollars
according to the length of the published sketch. (This is according to
the printed schedule, the minimum price being paid for three pages
print, the maximum for thirty. This included also the printing of a
portrait engraved on steel.) The attempt to burden the prestige gained
by the histories and their projector with such a load could result
only in crippling both. The volumes printed subsequent to the
inauguration of this scheme could not be received with the same
open-mindedness as former works. The information subsequently made
public that money was accepted for notice in the Chronicles lost for
Mr. Bancroft the regard of the press of the coast, caused grave doubts
to be expressed concerning his disinterestedness as an historian,
called out an expression of many bitter--in some cases utterly
false--statements concerning his work, and sadly damaged the literary
reputation he had been for nearly twenty years building on the work
done under his direction.

While it was inevitable that the publication of the Chronicles as a
parasite upon the history should result thus disastrously and
deplorably for the fame of the latter work, we must not fail to
recognize the fact that the labors of the writers upon both works were
not a whit less conscientious and painstaking than they had always
been. After the sixth and seventh volumes of the California history
were completed in 1888, the volume on Washington, Idaho, and Montana
was written. In 1890, the final volume on California was published,
followed in the next year by the supplementary volumes, Essays and
Literary Industries, which ended twenty years of library work for
Hubert Howe Bancroft and his assistants.

The History of the Pacific States, we have seen, was an evolution,
passing through the stages of handbook and encyclopædia before it
became a history. But when the last idea had been reached, the
development of the project was by no means complete, but rather just
begun. The necessity of the Native Races was demonstrated before work
had proceeded for a twelve-month. As late as 1878, Mr. Bancroft
estimated that the history proper would comprise but fourteen volumes
at the outside.

In his letter to Mrs. Victor, dated August 1st of that year, we get an
interesting glimpse of the plan in an earlier stage. The work is to be
divided, he says, somewhat in the following manner: Conquest of
Darien, one volume; Conquest of Mexico, one volume; Mexico under the
Viceroys, two volumes; Mexican Revolution and Modern History, one or
two; Explorations Northward and the History of California, three or
four; the Northwest Coast, Oregon and British Columbia together, two
or three; Alaska, one. Under the head of California history was to be
included somewhere the histories of Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and
Nevada, and the history of Oregon was likewise to include Washington,
Idaho, and Montana. Oregon and British Columbia he thought could be
written in a year. Not until six more years had passed was it finally
recognized that natural expansion as the work proceeded would
necessitate devoting to the series of history proper a number of
volumes exactly double that which was then contemplated. To this
series were added as a supplement an even half dozen volumes.

If we find that the outline grew from that of a few volumes in 1872 to
one of almost forty in 1884, and that the work expanded fourteen
volumes after it had been definitely laid out, we are not at all
surprised that the part of the whole which Mr. Bancroft intended to
write grew relatively less as time went on, and the part assigned to
others became correspondingly greater. There is some evidence to show
that when writing began on the first volume of the Central American
History in 1873, the director of the project actually had in mind the
plan which he gives in the Literary Industries, that of writing with
the aid of assistants who were to be responsible for "the study and
reduction of certain minor sections" which he was to "employ" in his
own writing. Thus we find, according to the information left by Nemos,
that Bancroft actually wrote half of the volume, that Oak at first
took out notes, and that Nemos prepared his work in the rough, leaving
a considerable part of it to be rewritten. For the next volume
undertaken, the first of the six on Mexico, we see that the chief was
unable to prepare so much material in its final form, and rested with
but two chapters completely to his credit, together with the rewriting
of part of Nemos' work on the remainder. In four or five years, he
expresses the determination of writing what he can himself and leaving
the rest to his aids. This as we shall see amounted in the end to his
doing about one seventh of the history, slightly revising the work of
the other authors, often by the aid of critics in his employ, and
preparing most of the material for the supplementary volumes.

Thus it came about that the original plan, the plan as published, was
exactly reversed, and instead of Mr. Bancroft's doing all the work in
final form, except some minor sections assigned to those whom he
called his assistants, it was the so-called assistants who really
wrote the History of the Pacific States, and Mr. Bancroft who did a
few minor, or at any rate less difficult parts. Nor is it at all true,
as one authority has said (Appleton's Encyclopædia of American
Biography, I, 156), that Mr. Bancroft wrote the most important
chapters. Of course, the surprising thing about this is that Mr.
Bancroft should have stated in the Literary Industries that he had
followed a plan for the division of labor originally intended, but not
followed at all. Especially unfortunate is this, in view of repeated
charges of absorbing the literary reputation of his collaborators and
aids, and appropriating the credit for their work.

It has long since been recognized that the name of Hubert Howe
Bancroft can not be placed in the ranks of great American historical
writers. In the first place, he wrote only parts of volumes. It will
be observed, too, that as a rule he wrote simpler parts, consisting of
synopses of early voyages, or annals easy to handle, such as the
rovings of Spaniards in Utah, or the rise of a provincial government
among the fur-traders of British Columbia. But Mr. Bancroft, as
founder of the library and organizer of the history, has rendered a
real and lasting service to historical literature.

The first great end subserved by his undertaking was the preservation
of a great mass of invaluable historical material, which would
otherwise have been lost. In 1880, he wrote:

"There are men yet living who helped to make our history, and who can
tell us what it is better than their sons, or than any who shall come
after them. A score of years hence few of them will remain. Twenty
years ago, many parts of our territory were not old enough to have a
history; twenty years hence, much will be lost that may now be
secured": (Lit. Ind., 635).

It is thus for the timeliness of his labors in collecting his library
that the Pacific Coast, and the whole world as well, is indebted to
Mr. Bancroft. For this work his qualifications as a successful
business man experienced in handling books were exactly those
required.

A second great end which Mr. Bancroft attained was the founding of a
history of Western North America on the original sources which he had
collected in order that it might constitute a foundation upon which
future histories would be built.

"He who shall come after me," says he in the letter quoted above,
"will scarcely be able to undermine my work by laying another and
deeper foundation. He must build upon mine or not at all, for he can
not go beyond my authorities for facts. He may add to or alter my
work, for I shall not know or be able to tell everything, but he can
never make a complete structure of his own."

That the volumes supervised by Mr. Bancroft should contain
imperfections is in the nature of the case inevitable. Perfect
historical estimates of contemporaries can not as a rule be made, and
history based largely on personal reminiscence must contain errors of
refraction which can be corrected only in the clearer light of later
years. The handling of material by a writer who did not collect it,
and who is likely to find the places and conditions dealt with strange
to his experience, inevitable though it be in so large an undertaking,
results in the writing of faulty history. The hastening of the work
and the editorial revision of manuscripts by a manager desirous of
pleasing subscribers, and impelled by various other motives of his
own, are not circumstances likely to increase the accuracy of the
work. But after allowance has been made for all inaccuracies which
have crept in through these various avenues, we still have the fact
that the histories are based upon sources which may be supplemented
but can never be displaced. No greater mistake could be made,
therefore, than to say that because they contain errors they are
worthless. All must agree with the practical argument made by a
thoughtful old pioneer of the writer's acquaintance that, in spite of
all criticisms which may be passed upon the Bancroft histories, they
contain a great fund of information which is nowhere else to be found
in print.

A third result of the history plan, and one which is of importance to
historical writers everywhere who have large fields to cover, was the
devising of a coöperative method for organizing the vast collections
in the library. Mr. Bancroft makes the claim of having been the first
to resort to such a division of labor; and points out (Literary
Industries, 767) that his method avoids the repetition of details and
insures a more thorough working up of the field than does the
coöperative method as the term is usually understood, under which the
writers work independently of each other after the field is divided.
Such a claim might indeed be granted had Mr. Bancroft announced
himself as editor and reviser instead of author, and had he designated
the part of the work written by each of his collaborators in
accordance with the usual custom in coöperative works. The printing of
his name as author on the title page, and his general recognition as
such in accordance with press notices following those of the Native
Races, have, of course, largely lost for him the credit of originating
a coöperative method for the organizing of large quantities of
material.

Concerning the understanding Mr. Bancroft had with his corps of
writers generally as to the public acknowledgment of their work which
he would make, information is not at hand. Only one had ever before
written and published a book, and perhaps the majority gave no thought
to the rights which would be theirs as authors. Certain it is that
when the greater number of the more prominent writers entered the
library, the work was planned on a much smaller scale than that upon
which it was carried out, and, as they did not know that they were to
become the authors of entire or consecutive volumes, the question was
not then of the importance which it assumed with the later growth of
the series. What the understanding was with those who first entered
the library we can not say definitely, but his ideas on that subject
seems to have been a survival of the encyclopædia project. To Mrs.
Victor, just prior to her entering his service, he wrote on August 1,
1878:

"The work is wholly mine. I do what I can myself, and pay for what I
have done over that; but I father the whole of it and it goes out only
under my name. All who work in the library do so simply as my
assistants. Their work is mine to print, scratch, or throw in the
fire. I have no secrets; yet I do not tell everybody just what each
does. I do not pretend to do all the work myself, that is, to prepare
for the printer all that goes out under my name. I have three or four
now who can write for the printer after a fashion; none of them can
suit me as well as I can suit myself. One or two only will write with
very little change from me. All the rest require sometimes almost
rewriting."

He further adds that it gives him pleasure to acknowledge his
obligations to his assistants, but that this acknowledgment is always
voluntary on his part and not claimed as a right by them, and says
that while he is not sure of mentioning certain persons in connection
with certain parts as he had done in the introduction to the Native
Races, he will certainly not do more than that. The only mention which
he promises definitely to his writers is a biographical notice in the
Literary Industries.

"The work in the library," says he, "good or bad, is mine; were it not
so, I would simply do what I could with my own fingers, or do
nothing."

It is easy enough to see why Mr. Bancroft should wish to have absolute
control of manuscripts to insure good work, and a complete covering of
the field, but it is difficult to see how he could justly make the
claim before the world that manuscripts turned out by other persons
were his writing.

Not only was the myth of Mr. Bancroft's authorship repeated on the
title page of each volume of the history, and in the reviews which
built upon the prestige gained by him as supposed author of the Native
Races, but not a word was printed to show that any one else wrote the
least part of the work. When asked to indicate in the preface the part
done by each person, according to the evidence of a number of his
writers, he always declared that this was just the one thing he wished
to avoid. The only approach to an acknowledgment is the statement in
the preface in words which apparently refer only to indexers and
note-takers, that he has been "able to utilize the labors of others,"
among whom as the most faithful and efficient he mentions Oak, Nemos,
Savage, Petroff, and Mrs. Victor. (History of Central America, I,
preface viii). The promise is made that he will speak of these and
others at length elsewhere, and this promise is redeemed by the
printing of their biographies in the Literary Industries without
indicating who was engaged in writing and who in purely routine work
connected with the library, much less designating what parts of the
work each had done. From a popular edition of this volume subsequently
issued for wider circulation, even these were stricken out.

While the real authors of the history never agreed to keep silence
concerning their right to recognition, it was very well understood
that they would remain in Mr. Bancroft's employ only so long as they
acquiesced in his claiming the work as solely his own and made no
individual claims for themselves. This bread and butter argument for
silence proved effective in all cases. An example of the method in
meeting claims made for any of the library writers occurs in
connection with the publication of the History of Oregon. A notice of
the work just before it was issued was sent to the Oregon press and
the statement made that Mrs. Victor was the author. (Emma H. Adams in
Portland _Oregonian_, October 5, 1886, under the title, "Mrs. Victor
and Her Latest Literary Work.") This was met by Mr. Bancroft with a
letter for publication in the paper printing the notice, in which he
asserted that no entire volume of the series had been written by Mrs.
Victor. Of course the significance of this statement is in the word
"entire," which simply meant that he had interpolated a line here and
there as he went over the manuscript. A note to Mrs. Victor under date
of October 16th explains this apparent denial of her authorship thus:

"I do not want for myself the credit due to my assistants. At the same
time, I do not deem it necessary to explain to the public just what
part of the work was done by each. Everybody knows that you have been
at work on Oregon, and that is all right, although I have done
considerable work on your manuscript for better or worse, or at all
events to make it conform to the general plan."

In view of Mr. Bancroft's persistent refusal to give "assistants"
anything like credit for their work in accord with general custom and
literary ethics as well, and in view of the fact that this refusal
meant that the public would credit him solely as the author, it must
have been a difficult matter for him to convince his corps of writers
that he did not want the credit due them.

The process of making Mrs. Victor's manuscripts conform to the general
plan, which is here regarded as the principal source of alteration,
according to Oak, meant nothing except the condensation of her work,
mainly by the omission of considerable portions, in order to bring it
within the space assigned. That such revision did not affect her
claims to authorship, is of course apparent.

It is sufficiently clear, from what appears above, that Mr. Bancroft's
public justification of himself for publishing under his own name all
the work done in the library is the fact that he reserved the right to
alter all manuscripts and make what changes he saw fit. This made him
managing editor, however, not author. The comparatively few additions
he made to the manuscripts can not justify such a claim. That the
revision of Mrs. Victor's work consisted in the main of nothing more
than leaving out parts appears from two cases already cited, one in
connection with the History of Colorado, Nevada, and Wyoming, the
other with the History of Oregon, as well as from the direct
statements of those who supervised library work. As we have seen he
demanded that his writers turn out a certain number of pages a day
"all ready for the printer," so he could have had little occasion to
revise their work. The writers who Mr. Bancroft said in 1878 wrote
with very little change from him were of course Oak and Nemos. Now Oak
wrote seven and a half volumes of the history, and Nemos and Mrs.
Victor five each, while Bancroft wrote four--a total of at least
twenty-two volumes out of the twenty-eight to the authorship of which
no serious claim could be made on the ground of altered manuscripts.
Moreover, Savage says in his autobiography that, while Bancroft made
additions and amendments to the three volumes which he wrote, in some
of his pages only a word or two was changed and that others remained
intact. What rewriting was occasionally done on the remaining volumes,
was apparently done as often by other persons as by Mr. Bancroft. His
relation toward the work was therefore exactly the same as that of a
managing editor toward the matter printed in a newspaper. The latter
could never claim the authorship of the articles written by his
staff, although altered to a considerable extent by him or by his
direction.

It should be stated here that Mr. Bancroft justified his course to
those in the library by insisting that they furnished him merely with
rough notes, and that it would be necessary for him to rewrite the
work, or at any rate, considerable portions of it. This, had it been
done, would have been strictly in accord with the account of his
connection with the work as printed in the Literary Industries. But it
was not done, and the account as printed is incorrect.

Since the completion of the history, but one of the writers has
publicly claimed the authorship of the volumes written in the library.
Ill health, only too common with those who labored through the work,
has in most cases been a sufficient barrier to such action. Savage and
Bates remained in Mr. Bancroft's employ for a number of years engaged
in other work, and of course under such circumstances could not make
any claims. Nemos as a foreigner could not be expected to take much
interest in such matters, and his early return to Europe and
subsequent residence there have rendered it difficult for him to make
such a statement did he so desire. Mrs. Victor alone has printed a
general statement of the portions of the history written by her, a
course in which she was influenced by years of absolute independence
in directing her literary energies before entering Mr. Bancroft's
employ, and a consequent appreciation of the rights and honors of
authorship. Four volumes of the Bancroft histories were exhibited as
her work at the Mechanics Pavilion in San Francisco during the fair in
January, 1893, and also among a collection of the works of New York
women authors made the same year (_Utica Morning Herald_, May 4,
1893). A special preface over her name inserted in the first volume of
the Oregon history in the exhibit claimed the authorship of the
volumes.

(These are the words of the preface: "It seems not only just, but
necessary to affix my name to at least four volumes of the History of
the Pacific States, although that does not cover all the work done on
the history by myself. The four volumes referred to comprise the
states of Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, Colorado, Wyoming, and
Nevada. My name is therefore placed on the backs of these volumes
without displacing that of Mr. Bancroft.")

As to the shares of the various writers in the history proper, we have
the sources of information which have already been mentioned in
speaking of the Native Races, supplemented by very full data left by
Mrs. Victor concerning her part in the work. It is thus possible to
give in a general way the authorship of each volume, barring
fragmentary writing.

From these sources it is found that during the progress of the work on
the Native Races, Mr. Bancroft had after hard labor and much revision
completed his introduction to the History of Central America, and had
written a half of the first volume. Oak wrote half of the preface and
the fine print summary of explorations, and Nemos was responsible for
a third of the volume from page 460 on, although he prepared material
in the rough, leaving it to be rewritten by a German aid whose name is
not given, but who may have been a man by the name of Kuhn mentioned
as having done work on the second volume.

Of this latter volume, Mr. Bancroft wrote one chapter, apparently the
first, which deals with Pizarro and Peru. Nemos and a writer named
Peatfield (J. J. Peatfield, described by Bancroft [Lit. Ind.,
265-267,] as a "strong man and one of talent," was born in
Nottinghamshire, England, August 26, 1833. His father, a clergyman,
educated him for the church and he took his degree at Cambridge in
1857, being graduated in the classical tripos. The church, however,
was distasteful to him, and he obtained a tutorship, subsequently in
1862 going to Nicaragua to engage in cacao cultivating. This
enterprise proved a failure. After attempting cotton, cacao again, and
finally coffee all in vain, in 1865 he became a bookkeeper at San
José, the capital of Costa Rica. In January, 1868, he was made a clerk
and translator to the legation at Guatemala, and two years later,
British Consul General for Central America. While holding the
consulship of Guatemala a third time, he resigned on account of ill
health and went to San Francisco, where he arrived in November, 1871.
Becoming bookkeeper and cashier for a Nevada mine at White Pine, and
battling much with ill health, he returned to San Francisco, where he
acted as teacher and bookkeeper until February, 1881, when he entered
the library), labored together on the volume and prepared half of it,
and Bates a fourth. Kuhn wrote a fifth which was partly rewritten by
Nemos. The latter claimed about a fourth of a volume as the actual
material written by him for the first and second volumes together.

The third volume, including the history of Central America in the
nineteenth century, was written by Savage, who, nearly all his life
had been engaged in the consular service of the United States in Cuba
and Central America.

(Thomas Savage, according to a biography written by himself, was born
at Havana, Cuba, August 27, 1823, a short time after his parents had
removed thither from Philadelphia. His father, a descendant of the
earliest settlers of Massachusetts and a brother of Savage, the famous
genealogist of New England, was from Boston, and his mother, a native
of Charleston, South Carolina, was the daughter of a French planter
who had escaped the great massacre in San Domingo and a Maryland
woman of Jewish extraction).

In childhood, Savage was several times taken to the United States and
back as the necessities of his father's business demanded. At the age
of fifteen, he had studied the Latin classics, advanced mathematics
and languages, nearly breaking forever his health, which had always
been feeble. Abandoning his studies and taking a long rest in the
country, he regained sufficient strength to enable him to support
himself, for his parents had now lost their fortune. He entered a
commercial house at Havana, and after working a few years as
bookkeeper, in the summer of 1846 joined the United States consulate
as clerk and translator. From that time until the end of the year
1867, he was attached to the consulate, rising successively to the
positions of secretary to the consul general, deputy consul general,
and vice consul general. From 1854 on, there was not a single year
during which the consulate general was not in his charge for several
months. During the War of the Rebellion he was several times in
charge, once for twenty months, and during this trying period won the
confidence of his government by laboring hard to do his whole duty.

He spent the greater part of the year 1868 in the United States, and
then went to Panama, where he was engaged as assistant editor of the
_Star and Herald_, having charge of the Spanish portion of the paper.
Savage had lost a wife in Cuba, and in January, 1870, married a second
time. Shortly afterward, he embarked for Salvador, where he taught
English in the University, became consul-general, and finally started
a newspaper. Just as this last enterprise was beginning to pay, his
wife's precarious health necessitated his removal to a better climate,
and he settled in Guatemala. Here he established a fine printing
office, and began the publication of a newspaper. Though aided by the
government, the business nevertheless proved unprofitable, and after
selling out at a heavy loss, he came to San Francisco in 1873.
Throughout life, Savage was a constant reader, with a special fondness
for history. He once said that he believed he had read the histories
of all the world.

From a perusal of what Nemos says concerning the History of Mexico, we
are led to infer that Bancroft again wrote the introduction, as the
former librarian credits his chief with two chapters of the first
volume. Nemos wrote the remainder, but Bancroft rewrote some of his
work, he said only a fifth, much of the revision consisting in a mere
change of words. Oak differed with him on this point, holding that
Bancroft did more rewriting, but Nemos persists that this is an
exaggeration.

The second volume was done by Nemos, Savage, and Peatfield, Nemos
writing the first half and some later chapters, two thirds of the
volume in all, Savage one fourth, and Peatfield a little.

Of the third volume, Nemos wrote between a third and a half,
including, as he tells us, the leading institutional and political
parts, Savage a third, a writer named Griffin (George Butler Griffin
was a native of New York state, and a graduate of Yale. He was a
linguist, and had been an engineer in South America. Apparently early
in the eighties, his connection with the library had ceased. He died
by his own hand.) two or three chapters, and Peatfield a part.

Of volume four, Bancroft did one chapter, Peatfield a fourth of the
whole, and Savage a third. Nemos "assisted on parts," his work
aggregating a fourth of the volume.

The fifth volume of the Mexican History, embracing the period from
1804 to 1861, was known as Savage's volume. Of the manuscript, he
actually wrote about two thirds. Nemos did about a fourth, including
the fall of Mexico and the leading war episodes. Some of the writing
was done by Peatfield. (In conversation he claimed to have written a
large part of the Mexican War chapters.)

The last volume of the Mexican History was prepared chiefly by Nemos
and Savage, the latter writing the first and last chapters, the former
about two thirds of the volume, including the history of Maximilian
and the institutional chapters. Peatfield did a little work on this
volume. Oak's contribution to the History of Mexico, according to his
own statement, consisted of a "few slight parts."

The history of the northern part of Mexico, and the Southwest of the
United States was Oak's special field, designated by him as The
Spanish Northwest. The entire first volume of the History of the North
Mexican States is his work. The history of Lower California in this
volume, as well as that in the next, was based on a manuscript on
Lower California written several years before by Harcourt. But this
work was so altered by both Oak and Nemos in their respective volumes
through condensation, the changing of conclusions, and the adding of
new material, as to amount to a rewriting.

The History of Texas in North Mexican States, second volume, is the
work of Peatfield; the remainder of the volume, between a third and a
half, that of Nemos. (The Texas part was subsequently extended by
Peatfield for the edition now in circulation, that it might find a
better sale in that state.)

The volume on Arizona and New Mexico is the work of Oak alone.

Spanish and Mexican California likewise belonged to Oak's field and
the first five volumes of the History of California are from his pen.
(Nemos adds, "though he neglected to put in institutions, leaving
them for W. N. [himself] and Savage." In view of Oak's oft-repeated
assertion that he was sole author of these five volumes, this must
mean that they were supplied in other volumes. Moreover, there are no
institutional parts properly speaking in these five volumes, and if
such parts as "Mission Progress," "Commercial Affairs," and the like
are to be regarded, they make up half the work.)

The early American history of California was a topic in which Mr.
Bancroft was naturally interested because of his own mining experience
during the early gold days. Nemos' schedule shows that he wrote sixty
pages for the sixth volume of California, a circumstance which taken
with our knowledge of fields of research into which he entered in the
preparation of California Pastoral and Popular Tribunals makes us
reasonably sure that he wrote the first, second, and twenty-fifth
chapters. Mrs. Victor, who in her work on Oregon had been found
especially strong as a writer on political subjects, was assigned the
task of working up the political history of California, and, according
to her own statement, wrote two hundred and thirty-four pages for this
volume. We can positively identify chapters twelve, thirteen,
twenty-three, and twenty-four as her work. From the similarity of
their subject-matter to some already treated by her in the Oregon
history, and from the fact that their addition to the work just
indicated brings the total almost exactly to the figures given, we may
conclude that she also wrote the third, fourth, and fifth chapters.
The chapter entitled Mexican Land Titles is Oak's work, and the
remainder of the volume, almost two thirds, is that of Nemos.

Information given by Mrs. Victor shows that she wrote for the final
volume of the History of California four hundred and eighty-nine pages
on politics and railroads. We are thus enabled to designate as her
work chapters nine to twenty-one inclusive, and chapter twenty-five.
This still leaves to her credit eighteen pages to be located in some
other chapter. The rest of the volume, embracing the portions dealing
with commerce, manufactures, agriculture, and mining, was written,
Nemos says, by himself. Before publication, the sheets on California
judiciary were submitted to Justice Stephen J. Field for his approval.
The estimate of certain pioneer characters in the California history,
together with the adopting of the Mexican view of the conquest of that
state by Americans, brought down upon Mr. Bancroft the condemnation of
the California Society of Pioneers, who, in 1894, expelled him from
honorary membership in their body. (See pamphlet proceedings of the
Society of California Pioneers in reference to the History of Hubert
Howe Bancroft.) It is a curious fact, however, that the passages which
were made the basis of the society's indictment are almost entirely in
the first five volumes of the California history, which were written
by Oak. He has declared that even the revisions were his own and not
Bancroft's.

The History of Utah, another storm-center among the histories, was
written by Bates and Bancroft, the former, according to Nemos,
preparing twice as much manuscript as the latter. The earlier chapters
are by Bancroft, but no more certain assignment of their respective
shares in the work can be made from the information at hand.

The History of Nevada, Colorado, and Wyoming, as already noticed, was
written by Mrs. Victor, with the exception of the first two chapters
on Nevada, which were by Bancroft. Mrs. Victor's statement of her work
includes these also, perhaps by inadvertence. It is possible that she
rewrote them, however, as Mr. Bancroft had admitted that they were out
of proportion.

In the work on the Northwest Coast, we again see Bancroft's
predilection for early voyages. The first half of Volume I, including
the Spanish explorations of the coast, belonged to Oak's field, and
was written by him. Bancroft wrote most of the remainder of the two
volumes, which included the maritime fur trade, the Lewis and Clark
expedition, the Astor enterprise, the Northwest and Hudson Bay
companies, and the later American fur trade.

A hundred pages on the "Oregon Question" written by Mrs. Victor for
Oregon were incorporated in the second volume of the History of the
Northwest Coast. She had taken the American side of the case, a view
with which Mr. Bancroft was not in sympathy. By his order, Mr. Oak
rewrote the subject from an English standpoint. He added chapter
fifteen, but to some extent made use of her work in preparing chapter
sixteen. Mrs. Victor always claimed that he merely altered it, Oak
himself that he rewrote it. The remainder of her manuscript was
retained and printed as chapter eighteen.

The volume on Washington, Idaho, and Montana, was written wholly by
Mrs. Victor, a task for which she was fitted by her work on early
Oregon history.

The History of Oregon was also her work, a fact which has been known
and fully recognized by prominent Oregonians since the day of its
publication. She had contemplated writing such a work even before the
beginning of Mr. Bancroft's project, and it was only a realization of
her inability to compete single handed with the capital and other
resources at his disposal which caused her to enter his employ. In
collecting material within the state, she had the assistance of such
pioneer families as her friends the Applegates and McBrides, and among
others, of Judge Deady and Elwood Evans. Valuable data concerning
Hudson Bay rule in Oregon were furnished her in a correspondence with
Mr. A. B. Roberts and Mr. Allen, formerly of the Hudson Bay Company.
(This correspondence is now in the possession of Mr. E. H. Kilham, of
Portland, Or.) The work as written made more than two volumes, and
condensation was necessary. A chapter on geology and mining was
omitted by Mr. Bancroft; the disposal of the manuscript on the "Oregon
Question" has already been noticed, and matter on the San Juan
boundary dispute and the Modoc war was also incorporated in other
volumes. Mrs. Victor considered the first volume of the History of
Oregon as perfect as it could be made at the time. With certain
features of the second she was not so well satisfied, the most
prominent being the omission of the history of the Oregon Steam
Navigation Company, necessitated by Mr. Bancroft's failure to secure
material, and certain changes made by him in her manuscript on Indian
Wars in Southern Oregon in such a way as to throw blame upon the
settlers (Mrs. Victor in [Salem] _Oregon Statesman_ February 24,
1895). It is worthy of note that her history is the first to pass over
the political results attributed to Whitman's ride by previous
writers. The sheets of the Oregon history before they were issued were
submitted to Judge Deady for his approval.

In the half of the History of British Columbia which he wrote, Mr.
Bancroft utilized some of the material that he had collected in
person. Bates prepared a fourth of the manuscript, and Nemos and
Bowman together the remainder, Nemos writing some of the chapters and
revising others.

The History of Alaska afforded Mr. Bancroft an opportunity for further
research in the field of early voyages. He is credited with half of
the volume, Bates with a third, Nemos a little, and Petroff about a
fourth. Nemos places all of his own writing on this work and British
Columbia together at a third of a volume.

A review of the facts shows that if we exclude the comparatively few
interpolations and changes made by Mr. Bancroft, we can with assurance
declare the authorship of all portions of the third volume of Central
America, of the volumes on California, and of those on the North
Mexican States, Arizona and New Mexico, Nevada, Colorado, and Wyoming,
the Northwest Coast, Oregon and Washington, Idaho and Montana, and
that we can give in general terms, though without being able to locate
the exact parts done by individuals, the names of the authors of two
volumes of Central America, and all of Mexico, Utah, British Columbia,
and Alaska. In these works Oak and Nemos were agreed that there were
scattered fragmentary bits aggregating several volumes so worked over
by different writers in different ways as to render it impossible to
determine the exact authorship.

Turning to a consideration of the individual field of writing, we find
that of the twenty-eight volumes of history proper, Bancroft is to be
credited with four, no one entire, Oak with seven and a half, Nemos
five, no one entire, Mrs. Victor a little less than five, Savage over
three, Peatfield one and a half, principally in small parts, and Bates
one and a fourth. (This is a computation based exactly upon the facts
as given, except in Bancroft's case.) Nemos upon the same basis makes
the shares, except Savage's and Bancroft's, all slightly greater. He
assigns to Oak between seven and a half and seven and two thirds
volumes, to himself and Mrs. Victor over five each, to Peatfield about
two, and to Bates one and a half. An actual count of the parts of
volumes written by Bancroft gives a total of three and a half, but
Nemos said that he took four as the number upon the authority of Oak.
This would allow him a half volume of interpolations in the
twenty-four and a half volumes done by others. Griffin, Petroff, Kuhn,
and a man named Rasmus were the authors of fragments. Oak thought that
the name was Erasmus, but said that Nemos who gave Rasmus was the
better authority.

Concerning these facts in their main features, there is a complete
agreement between Oak and Nemos, who together knew all the details
which were to be known, and the evidence of the other writers fits
exactly with their statements. The popular estimate of Hubert Howe
Bancroft as the historian of the Pacific Coast, is founded upon the
vague references and indefinite assertions of the Literary Industries
within the pages of which there is nowhere to be found a
straightforward statement that this man wrote more than a part of the
works to which his name is attached. On the other hand, his own
statements over his own signature admit that he did not pretend to be
the author of what went out under his name. The ranking of Mr.
Bancroft among historians of the United States is, therefore, an
error, and what has appeared in the public press concerning an
"Historian of the Pacific Coast," and a "Macaulay of the West," is
legend pure and simple. Instead of one Pacific Coast historian who
wrote the Bancroft volumes, there were eight.

As to the six supplementary volumes of the "Works of Hubert Howe
Bancroft," which ended the series, Mrs. Victor had some means of
determining the authorship. According to her notes, Savage and Nemos
did a great deal of writing and revising. The Modoc War in _inter
pocula_, a part of the chapter entitled Some Indian Episodes, was
written by Mrs. Victor from notes obtained by herself on the ground.
She also wrote some other matter for this volume. The remainder was
done by Bancroft and his family, who also aided him much on Popular
Tribunals.

Pastorals was produced chiefly by Bancroft. Of the Literary
Industries, Nemos wrote several chapters or parts, Savage a little,
and Oak three or four bits of a few paragraphs each. It must be
remembered that Bancroft's writing in these private volumes was
subjected to criticism, revision, and retouching by the best literary
talent which the library afforded.

Concerning the Chronicles of the Builders, the biographical series
which followed the histories, with such unfortunate results, some
notes in Mrs. Victor's handwriting taken in 1888, about a year before
work finally ended, give us the following facts: The introductory
essay is by Nemos, as are also the reflective chapters and reviews,
together with most of the historical text. Peatfield wrote Oregon,
Washington, and Texas, though some of the latter was rewritten by
Nemos. Mrs. Victor wrote "Routes and Transportation," and a number of
the leading biographies, making nearly a volume. Savage wrote about a
third of a volume.

Mr. Bancroft as a writer of history was subject to certain influences
likely to be felt in his treatment of facts, which did not affect his
coworkers. One great object was of course to make the work popular. It
was with this end in view that much attention was given to literary
finish and typographical features. It was his practice to have a
writer employed for the purpose go over his own manuscripts and
sometimes those of his assistants to add "classical allusions," as he
termed them, for rhetorical effect. He himself was given to the
reading of English classics--Carlyle's works are especially mentioned
by his friends--as a means of acquiring a good literary style. To
stimulate the reader's attention, he occasionally made a side remark
of such a ludicrous character as to be startling when one comes upon
it in a perfectly serious paragraph. Mrs. Victor often laughed over
the interlineation in a paragraph written by her on the Oregon
boundary question of the words:

"Man is a preposterous pig; probably the greediest animal that crawls
upon this planet": (Oregon, I, 592.)

In passing upon the work of his corps of writers, one who combined the
duties of financier as well as editor of the work either consciously
or unconsciously must have been influenced by the question whether the
treatment of the subject before him was such as would please the
people in the locality whose history was being written. The Mormon
turn given the History of Utah by the toning down of certain incidents
which other historians have "shrunk from contemplating" occurs to us
as a case in point: (Frances Fuller Victor in _Salt Lake Tribune_,
April 14, 1893; _New York Mail and Express_, November 23d).

The publication of the Chronicles before all of the volumes of history
were out could hardly have lessened this tendency, as a favorable
mention of a man in the history would naturally tend to make him more
approachable upon the subject of contributing to that work. Upon the
back of the letter to Mrs. Victor instructing her to give prominence
to certain dictations, which he admits are practically worthless, is
written in her hand the legend, "Ways that are dark and tricks that
are vain." As a result of complaint, changes were sometimes made in
the text, even after the first edition was out: (Pamphlet, Proceedings
of the Society of California Pioneers in Reference to the Histories of
Hubert Howe Bancroft).

In the History of Montana occurs an example of a change made directly
for business reasons. Several pioneers justly entitled to a place in
the history of their territory disagreed with the agent of the
Bancroft house concerning the number of volumes of the history which
their contract required them to take. As a punishment for their
refusal to comply with the demands of the publisher, their biographies
were stricken from their place in the footnotes after the volume was
set up, and other matter was substituted. (The original sheets with
marginal annotations as to amounts paid and biographies to be omitted
are in the possession of Mr. E. H. Kilham of Portland, Oregon.) In
view of these facts, we are forced to conclude that the business man
in Mr. Bancroft, developed by the experiences and associations of a
lifetime, sometimes got the better of the historical editor of
scarcely fifteen years' standing.

A second factor to be considered in Mr. Bancroft's writing was
sometimes expressed by his acquaintances as a mistaking of
contrariness for originality. As already indicated, his tendency is
toward a form of writing such as will attract the reader's attention.
This tendency frequently asserts itself in sweeping statements and
striking characterizations, many of them apparently impelled by a
desire to give a turn to an incident or an estimate of a character
different from that given by any previous writer. Thus Bancroft wrote
an estimate of General Grant, which was startling because of the
general hostility of its tone, and was considered so unjust by Mrs.
Victor and Oak that they persuaded him to leave it out. (Letter of
Mrs. Victor of July 25, 1892. The paragraph which was originally
intended as a footnote in the History of Oregon, II, 246, is printed
on page 18 of the Pamphlet of the Society of California Pioneers,
which gives their proceedings with reference to Bancroft's histories.)

Again, in making an effort to avoid following Washington Irving, he
has given in the part of the Northwest Coast which he wrote a
treatment of the Astor enterprise, and an estimate of the character of
Captain Bonneville, which later historians have shown to be
prejudiced and in error. (See Chittenden's History of the American Fur
Trade in the Far West, I, 432-33.)

A third influence affecting the treatment of facts of history which
passed under Mr. Bancroft's editorship, as well as those which he
presented in the scattered portions of volumes of which he could claim
real authorship, is that of personal bias. The manager of the Bancroft
enterprise was a man, who in the course of a thirty years' business
career had many business rivalries and personal enmities. His strong
dislikes frequently assert themselves in his writings, if we are to
take his own statements. (Lit. Ind., 374.)

Again, the personal equation must be accounted for in the value which
he sets on the work of historians who wrote before him. He not
infrequently disparages their writings in the strongest terms, his
depreciation of Washington Irving being one of the most palpable
cases. (Chittenden's History of American Fur Trade in the Far West, I,
244-46), has forcibly revealed the extent of the injustice done by
Bancroft in this one case. That there are others like it will readily
appear. For the effort to demonstrate the superiority of the Bancroft
histories over others, we must accordingly make due allowance when
attempting a critical estimate.

Furthermore, the editor-manager began the work with certain theories
and notions of history that have found their way into the pages which
he has published. From the beginning, he adopted the British side in
dealing with the dispute over the Oregon boundary. In his treatment of
Indian wars, the same tendency to adopt ready-made theories asserted
itself. In the manuscript of Mrs. Victor's History of Oregon, treating
of Indian Wars in Southern Oregon which "gave great credit to the
veterans of that struggle and the settlers generally for their
forbearance," the editor interlined some expressions, throwing the
blame upon the settlers. When it was pointed out to him that this was
not true, he replied that he had begun his History of Central America
with this theory of Indian wars, and must be consistent throughout the
entire series (Communication of Frances Fuller Victor to the [Salem]
_Oregon Statesman_, February 24, 1895).

To such errors as those just enumerated the work of Mr. Bancroft's
collaborators was not subject. The dislike inspired by some of the
measures of their chief has sometimes resulted in their disparagement
as historians by a public press, absolutely ignorant of the parts of
the work for which they were responsible. (In the _Salt Lake Tribune_,
February 16, 1893, is a very striking example. Occasional utterances
of the San Francisco papers of about the same time follow along the
same line.) It must be remembered that they were not only able and
educated, but that the competitive wage system under which they worked
offered every inducement to search for the truth and to make it known
as they found it in the best collection of books, pamphlets, and
newspapers on Pacific Coast history that was ever made. The only
characteristics which were common to the library corps, as shown by a
study of their biographies, were good education, ill health, and
liberal religious views.

In general, these writers had special qualifications which adapted
them for work in their respective fields. To Oak there was a
fascination in the study of documents from which the usually
uninteresting and sometimes tedious details of events in Spanish and
Mexican provincial localities were derived. His contributions to
history he could honestly claim were better than other writings on the
same subject because of the exhaustiveness of his research through the
great amount of material at his disposal. While he admired the finer
qualities of style in the writings of others, they were not required
in his work. He frankly declared that he had little natural ability in
this line, and in the writing of provincial annals found no
opportunity for the cultivation of what he had. Oak once asserted in a
joking mood that he had found of great service a thorough knowledge of
Spanish and French, together with a useful smattering of other
languages, including English. None of his chapters were rewritten or
even reread with a view to polish, for the reason that he believed his
works had their chief value merely as records, and that an attempt to
make them fascinating to general readers could but result in impairing
their value for reference. The fact that the superintendent of
literary activities in the Bancroft library was an enthusiast in
original research who cared vastly more what was said than how it was
said is a circumstance favoring the accuracy of the histories which
must not be overlooked. Oak could say that from the first he had
exercised an important influence in the direction of honest research
and against superficial work, and that he opposed undue haste in
bringing the work to a conclusion.

Nemos, unlike Oak, was a writer of smooth, flowing English. On account
of his foreign birth he had no preference in the selection of a field,
and wrote for more different volumes than any other member of the
library force. His great ability, and his consequent position of
all-round man, are to be accounted for by great natural endowment
supplemented by a thorough training in youth in his own country, a
schooling during his London residence in the philosophy of his own
country as well as that of the German universities, and a wide
acquaintance with European languages. With a remarkable faculty for
systematizing work, he was useful, honorable, and trustworthy.

To Mrs. Victor was assigned the agreeable task of working up the field
in which she had long taken special interest. She was the only member
of the staff who had a literary reputation before entering the
library. Noted as a poetess of unusual promise in her earlier days,
she had also written excellent prose for different journals, among
them a magazine history of the United States published in serial form
by the Harpers, until the beginning of the Civil War compelled the
discontinuance of the publication in which it appeared. As a
contributor to the San Francisco papers in the early "sixties," she
had met with pronounced success, while her work on her projected
History of Oregon and her publication of two works on the Northwest
fitted her for her special field. She had the enviable faculty of
putting life into her writings, and it was partially on account of her
graceful style that Mr. Bancroft sought her services, for his eye was
always attracted by good literary work. But the volumes written by
Mrs. Victor were of a far different stamp from the popular literary
history. The late Mary Sheldon Barnes, professor of history in
Stanford University, declared that she had done her work well. All who
were acquainted with her personally recognized the fact that she
placed the truth as she conceived it before all else. The leading
opponents of the stand she took on disputed questions freely
recognized the fact that she had striven to do conscientious,
painstaking work. Given to speaking what she believed was the whole
truth, even when it was contrary to her immediate interest to do so,
she was the last of all persons whom a regard for literary effect
would swerve from the path of historical accuracy.

A better man for chief Spanish authority than Thomas Savage could
scarcely have been found. Thoroughly acquainted with the language by a
life-long residence in Spanish America, he had a natural fondness for
history, to which his long continuance in the consular service had
added a habit of accuracy, and a capacity for hard work. The fifth
volume of the History of Mexico, embracing the history of that country
from 1824 to 1861, and the third volume of the Central American
history which threads out the tangled skein of the history of the five
little republics in the nineteenth century, serve as examples of the
vast amount of detail which his writing covered, to say nothing of his
labors in collecting and extracting an overwhelming mass of material
on Spanish American history. All agree that he was a polished and
sound man.

In the writers of smaller parts of the history, we find that the
qualifications and fitness for the individual field of writing were no
less than in those who prepared more manuscript. Peatfield's
connection with the British consular service bespeaks his reliability
and capability; Bates' occupancy of a responsible position under a
prominent English educator, and the high regard in which his work was
held by Hittell bear witness that he was competent to write history;
and Petroff's standing as a scholar in his own country, together with
his thorough acquaintance with Alaska, vouch for the character of his
work.

While the Bancroft corps of writers were not infallible, they were a
class of persons in whose integrity and accuracy we may have as great
confidence as in the average historian. We can only regret that we can
not point out all parts of the work done by each, and that we can not
show in detail the extent of Mr. Bancroft's editorial alterations of
their work. This latter feature, inherent in the Bancroft plan of
writing history, is its greatest weakness, since it of necessity
involves some uncertainty as to whether the words we are reading are
those of the author who wrote the volume, or the interpretation of Mr.
Bancroft. A comparative study of the style of what we know to be the
work of the respective writers may suffice to settle a given case. We
may state as a fact that the majority of alterations in the
manuscripts of the chief assistants were due to the necessity of
condensation; and that, aside from this, the revision of their work
usually consisted merely in the suppression of radical utterances and
the interlineation of a few lines occasionally for literary effect.
The somewhat rough estimate given of the number of volumes written by
the respective writers indicates that Mr. Bancroft's revisions
constitute about one page in fifty of the work in fields assigned to
his assistants, although the average may be lower. In view of these
facts, the knowledge that those who wrote the Bancroft histories were
capable, honest persons, must tend decidedly toward the increasing of
our general confidence in the series.


FOOTNOTES:

[40] This is on the authority of Savage.




PIONEER PAPERS OF PUGET SOUND.

By CLARENCE B. BAGLEY.


The trapper, the trader, the missionary, and the printer were the
pioneers of "Old Oregon," as the original territory lying between the
Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean, and extending northward from
California to the British possessions may be properly called. A mere
handful of patriotic Americans founded a provisional government for
this vast wilderness in 1843, and the American Government enclosed it
safely in the national fold in 1846 by treaty with Great Britain, and
organized it into a territory August 14, 1848.

Those who are the leading spirits in the several historical societies
of the Northwest, and the writers of its history, realize the true
value to be placed upon the labors of the pioneer printers and
newspaper men of "Old Oregon." This expression is tautological. There
were no newspaper men who were not printers in the pioneer days.

It has been my good fortune, as child, boy, and man, to know nearly
all the old newspaper men of Oregon and Washington of that period by
sight, and to be on terms of friendship with most of them, as well as
most intimate with the majority. Among them were:

Ashael Bush, W. L. Adams, Thomas H. Pearne, T. J. Dryer, Harvey W.
Scott, H. L. Pittock, Beriah Brown, James O'Meara, W. Lair Hill, Wm.
G. T'Vault, Samuel A. Clarke, Mrs. Duniway, D. W. Craig, John
Atkinson, E. M. Waite, L. Samuels, John Burnett, J. M. Baltimore,
William Newell, P. B. Johnson, R. R. Rees, E. T. Gunn, Charles
Besserer, Eugene Semple, A. M. Poe, John Miller Murphy, Randall H.
Hewitt, L. G. Abbott, Thornton F. McElroy, James N. Gale, J. R.
Watson, David Higgins, Charles and Thomas W. Prosch, John F. Damon, D.
C. Ireland, Francis H. Cook, S. L. Maxwell, H. C. Patrick, R. F.
Radebaugh, and many of their contemporaries, as well as a host of
their successors.

Nearly all these were practical printers, and most of them skillful at
the case, capable of taking entire charge of the mechanical department
of the early day printing offices.

This training made them accurate in their literary work. While some of
them might not have been on intimate terms with the rules of grammar,
they made up for any such deficiency by untiring and conscientious
efforts to give their readers good newspapers, in the face of the
gravest difficulties. In the matter of politics full allowance had
ever to be made for the personal bias of the writer, but in the matter
of news, especially that of a local character, the most absolute
fidelity to the truth was ever maintained. No efforts were made for a
"good story" at the expense of truth. The head of the paper always had
a personal knowledge of the facts and usually prepared the account of
them. If he found he had made a mistake he usually corrected it in the
next issue, if it was of sufficient importance. For this reason the
writer of the present day who delves among the old newspaper files of
pioneer days, and even down to within twenty or twenty-five years ago,
can rely upon the fairness and truthfulness of their local columns.
They were all writing history but few of them realized it.

Life was too strenuous with the pioneers of the "forties" and
"fifties" for them to spend much time in keeping diaries or other
records of passing events. If they had done so, the unsettled
conditions under which they lived, the lack of substantial buildings,
the migration to new countries, and the rush to new mines, would have
resulted in the loss or destruction of most of such manuscripts.

Of the early Oregon papers, I doubt if more than two or three perfect
files exist. Of the early papers of Washington, not more than three or
four complete files remain of any of them. Of the first Seattle
papers, there is but one file. It I began collecting more than forty
years ago. How much care, then, should be exercised in gathering these
old papers from the garrets and the closets where they have lain fifty
years or more, perhaps--as well as to observe the most painstaking
care for their preservation.

When the missions among the Indians of Oregon were established by
Messrs. Whitman and Spalding in 1836, the First Native Church of
Honolulu decided to send to it a small printing press and some type
and material that had been in use for some time there in printing
spelling books and religious matter, thinking the work of the mission
in Oregon would be advanced by its aid.

Edwin O. Hall had been one of the printers of the Honolulu mission and
he was engaged to accompany the printing outfit to Oregon. With the
press, type, fixtures, a stock of paper and binding apparatus in his
charge he, accompanied by his wife, arrived at Vancouver, on the
Columbia River, early in the month of April, 1839. In a few days the
press and party started up the Columbia River in a canoe and reached
Wallula on the 30th. From there the press was sent on pack animals to
Lapwai, on the Clearwater River, not far from the present City of
Lewiston, Idaho, while the rest of the outfit and the party went on up
the river by canoe.

May 18, 1839, the first proof sheet in the original Oregon Territory
was struck off amid great rejoicing among the missionary party. A
large number of publications in the Flathead, Spokane, Cayuse, and Nez
Percé language was printed by the mission people. In fact, the press
was in use a great deal until in 1846, when Doctor Whitman sent it to
The Dalles, where it remained until after the Whitman massacre,
November 29-30, 1847.

In 1848 it was in use near Hillsboro, on Tualatin Plains, for several
months, where eight numbers of the _Oregon American and Evangelical
Unionist_ appeared, which was the third paper in chronological order.

By this time more modern presses, apparatus and types had reached
Oregon and the pioneer outfit was laid aside. Years later it came into
the possession of the Oregon Historical Society at Portland.

The _Oregon Spectator_ was the first newspaper in Old Oregon, and the
initial number appeared at Oregon City on Thursday, February 5, 1846.
A new plant had been procured for it in New York, whence it was sent
around "The Horn." Col. William G. T'Vault was its editor and John
Flemming the printer. This paper passed through many vicissitudes in
the ensuing years--numerous changes of editors and publishers with
frequent alterations in size, now larger and again smaller, until it
finally suspended in 1855.

The second paper was the _Oregon Free Press_, which appeared in March,
1848, under the control of George L. Curry, who later became Governor
of Oregon.

The fourth in order was the _Western Star_, first issued at Milwaukie
November 21, 1850, by Lot Whitcomb. At that time Milwaukie, on the
east side of the Willamette, a few miles above Portland, was a rival
of the latter place for commercial supremacy, but in May, 1851,
Milwaukie had fallen behind in the race, and the _Star_ was moved to
Portland, and its name changed to the _Oregon Weekly Times_. It lived
much longer than most of the early newspaper ventures of the
Northwest. Among its numerous editors were A. C. Gibbs, Governor of
Oregon during the Civil War period, and also W. Lair Hill, with whom
all lawyers of Oregon and Washington are familiar personally or by
reputation. He was the author of the well-known code of this state
bearing his name, and for a considerable period a resident of Seattle.

The fifth was the _Weekly Oregonian_ and the only one of all the
newspapers of Oregon and Washington appearing prior to 1860 to survive
with its original name and without periodical suspensions.

The _Oregonian_ had to struggle for existence during all its early
years. Rivals unnumbered went to the newspaper graveyard during the
succeeding quarter century. It is a conservative estimate to place the
aggregate at a $1,000,000 sunk during that period by ambitious
printers, dissatisfied politicians, and by corporations who could not
control its editorials, in the various attempts to break the
_Oregonian_ down. The most notable contest was between the _Oregonian_
and the _Bulletin_, when Ben. Holladay was the great magnate in
railroad and steamship affairs of the Northwest. He established, about
1872, a first-class newspaper and job printing office that cost not
less than $50,000. He employed the best newspaper talent he could
secure, and the _Bulletin_ at once became a dangerous rival for the
_Oregonian_, which had to depend solely on its own resources for its
support, while the weekly deficit in the _Bulletin_ office was made
good by a check from Ben. Holladay.

The _Oregonian_ had at that time about seven thousand subscribers at
$3 per year to its weekly paper, while the _Bulletin_ had only a few
hundred. The _Weekly Oregonian_ saved the day, and the _Bulletin_ died
the death. Its backer is reputed to have sunk not less than $100,000.
This left the _Oregonian_ master of the field, and it became the
overshadowing journalistic power of the Northwest until the great
dailies of Seattle forced it to the rear in the State of Washington.

Thomas J. Dryer was its first editor and A. M. Berry the first
printer. Henry L. Pittock became a printer in its office in November,
1853, and was admitted to partnership in 1856, and only four years
later became its sole owner. Mr. Harvey W. Scott went on its editorial
staff in May, 1865. In 1877 he bought an interest in the paper and
became editor-in-chief. He and Mr. Pittock still own the paper, and it
need not be added that it has made them immensely wealthy.

The _Daily Oregonian_ made its first appearance February 4, 1861. It
consisted of four pages, each page about 11½x18 inches, four columns
to the page.

March 26, 1851, the _Oregon Statesman_ was launched on the newspaper
sea at Salem, the state capital, with Joseph S. Smith at the helm. In
later years Smith went to Congress from that state and was always a
conspicuous figure in Democratic circles. In September, 1852, when we
arrived in Salem from across "the plains," Asahel Bush had become
owner and editor. He soon became public printer, then an exceedingly
profitable billet, and in six or eight years was quite wealthy. The
_Statesman_ was the leading Democratic journal for a long period and
wielded a powerful influence until Joseph Lane and the Democratic
party under him lost the state, when Abraham Lincoln was elected
President. After that its influence gradually declined. It underwent
the usual changes of ownership and temporary suspensions.

It will be difficult for the younger men in the newspaper offices of
today, with their many departments and special work, to realize the
many cares and duties devolving upon the pioneer newspaper men. The
successful one was a capable printer who could "set type," run a
press, make up the forms, make a roller, and wash it if need be. He
was editorial writer, local reporter, business manager, and mailing
clerk. A "job office" was usually a part of the printing establishment
and he, perforce, must be his own job printer and pressman as well.

During all the earlier years there were no telegraphic dispatches, the
"news" being selected from the weekly issues of the _Tribune_ or
_Herald_ of New York City, which came by mail steamer to the Isthmus
of Panama, thence across and by steamer to San Francisco, and thence
with the utmost irregularity by steamer to Portland, from there down
the Columbia and up the Cowlitz River and by pack animal or mud wagon
to Olympia.

Under all these adverse circumstances it is remarkable what good
newspapers were issued. They were usually on paper 24x36 inches in
size, which was about the limit for hand presses then in use. The
editorial matter was vigorous and able, the typography and presswork
equal to that of the present day, the selection of news and literary
matter unexceptionable. It is not a matter of surprise that men
capable of accomplishing such good work in the face of such
difficulties should have wielded a powerful influence in the pioneer
work of the territory.

Of the pioneer newspaper men of Oregon and Washington there are many
in Seattle. First in age and experience is Charles Prosch, with over
forty years to his credit. Rev. John F. Damon comes next in seniority
of service. Judge Orange Jacobs had much editorial experience in
Oregon before coming here. Henry G. Struve, Esq., was an editorial
writer for years prior to 1873, in Vancouver, Clarke County, and in
Olympia. Ex-Governor Semple spent many years in all kinds of newspaper
work in Oregon and Washington, beginning about 1870. Thomas W. Prosch
learned to be a printer as he learned to read on the _Herald_ at
Steilacoom and the _Tribune_ in Olympia. C. B. Bagley began newspaper
work in 1868 and continued it with little intermission for twenty
years. Samuel C. Crawford began as printer's devil for John Miller
Murphy on the Olympia _Standard_ thirty years or more ago. Beriah
Brown, the senior of them all, recently died here, and his son Berry
began "at the case" and other newspaper work as early as 1868.

The _Columbian_ was the "pioneer newspaper west of the mountains,
between the father of Oregon waters and Kamstkatka," as an editorial
paragraph in the first number puts it. Messrs. Wiley & McElroy
established it in Olympia September 11, 1852. Later its name was
changed to the _Pioneer_, and not long afterward it was merged with
the _Democrat_, a rival paper, under the name of _Pioneer and
Democrat_. From the above date Olympia has never been without one or
more weekly papers, and at times has enjoyed two daily papers at the
same time.

The _Puget Sound Courier_ was the pioneer paper at Steilacoom, which
was started by Affleck & Gunn, May 19, 1854. It was Whig in politics,
and as the population was overwhelmingly Democratic it soon died for
lack of sustenance.

Mr. Charles Prosch, the dean of newspaperdom on Puget Sound, whose
erect form and snow-white hair are familiar on the streets of Seattle,
published the _Puget Sound Herald_ at Steilacoom, beginning March 12,
1858, for about six years, and later other papers at Olympia.

The _Northern Light_ appeared at Whatcom in 1858, under the management
of W. Bausman & Co., during a few weeks of the height of the Fraser
River gold rush, but its light was soon snuffed out.

The _Port Townsend Register_ was started January 4, 1860, by a young
man named Travers Daniels, but the field was not an encouraging one,
and at the end of ten weeks he sold out to William T. Whitacre, who
kept it alive until August, when it suspended.

July 5 of the same year the _Northwest_ was started in Port Townsend
by E. S. Dyer, publisher, and John F. Damon, editor. Mr. Damon
continued with the paper until it suspended, before the second volume
was completed.

Rev. John F. Damon, the Congregational clergyman of Seattle, is too
widely known to require extended mention here.

The _Register_ was resuscitated late in 1860 and run a violent career
for several months, and later was followed by the _Message_, which ran
several years under different management.

In 1874 C. W. Philbrick purchased the press on which the last-named
paper was printed, changed the name to _Puget Sound Argus_, and
succeeded in placing it on a paying basis, a hitherto impossible
achievement in Port Townsend. In 1877 Philbrick, after accumulating
considerable property, sold the _Argus_ to Mr. Allen Weir.

July 29, 1861, the _Overland Press_ was started in Olympia. A short
time before the pony express had been put on the route between the
Missouri River and Sacramento, carrying the news and a few letters,
thus placing San Francisco and New York in communication with each
other in from ten to twelve days. This suggested the name of the
paper. It was enabled to give a brief summary of Eastern news only
three weeks old. Prior to this it had been from six weeks to three
months old when it reached Olympia.

The great Civil War had broken out only a few weeks earlier and the
manager of the _Press_ of Victoria, British Columbia, with commendable
business sagacity, determined to establish a paper in Olympia
containing the latest war news, and have it ready to distribute at all
Puget Sound ports and have a supply to distribute to its own readers
in Victoria and other parts of British Columbia on the arrival of the
weekly mail. The Eliza Anderson, then the crack steamer of Puget Sound
waters, made weekly trips, leaving Olympia early on Monday morning,
arriving at Seattle about 4 P. M., and at Victoria early Tuesday
morning. The paper at once became very popular and gained an immense
circulation for those days.

Early in the fourth volume its name was changed to the _Pacific
Tribune_. Randall H. Hewitt, now living in Los Angeles, owned and
published it for a time, when Charles Prosch acquired it and continued
its publication at Olympia until 1873. By this time his son, Thomas W.
Prosch, had manifested much newspaper ability and had become the owner
of the paper. He moved it to Tacoma, the new railroad town, that year
and continued there until the almost total death of the place forced
another move and he came to Seattle with it. In 1878 Thaddeus Hanford
bought it and merged it with the _Post-Intelligencer_. With but one
change of name it had lived about seventeen years, or longer than any
other of the early Washington papers, with one exception.

This exception was and is the _Washington Standard_ of Olympia, the
most notable instance of newspaper longevity, with the exception of
the _Oregonian_, in old Oregon. Its first number was largely written,
set up and printed by its founder, John Miller Murphy, and now, almost
forty-three years later, it is his proud boast that it has never
missed an issue, has never changed its name and that not a single one
of its weekly issues has failed to have more or less editorial matter
from his pen. It was "Union" in sentiment during the war of the
rebellion, but espoused the cause of Andrew Johnson in his contest
with a Republican Congress, and since then has always been
consistently Democratic. Mr. Murphy has always been too proud of his
independence to subordinate his will or the expressions of his journal
to the control of his party leaders, and has often refused preferment
at their hands on that account. He still superintends the mechanical
department of his office, as well as attending to his editorial
duties. He had achieved a competence but the panic of 1893 and the
ensuing period of financial depression made great inroads upon his
fortune, so that necessity compels him to remain in the harness,
though nearly a half century of continuous work has certainly earned
him rest.

The _Seattle Gazette_ was the name under which the first paper
published in Seattle appeared, dated December 11, 1863, nearly forty
years ago. It was edited, set up, published, and with the assistance
of an Indian for roller boy, printed by J. R. Watson. The office was
in the second story of one of Yesler's buildings, then standing near
the present north line of the Scandinavian Bank Building. The paper
consisted of four pages, the printed matter on each page measuring
9½x14½ inches. The type and other material were destroyed many years
ago, but the old Ramage[41] printing press is a relic highly prized at
the State University. The _Seattle Gazette_, _Puget Sound Gazette_,
and _Puget Sound Weekly_ continued nearly four years with frequent
changes in form and ownership.

Pioneer printers have taken a great deal of interest in regard to the
antecedents of this old press. Mr. George H. Himes was an Olympia boy,
who served his apprenticeship in the office of the _Washington
Standard_ under John Miller Murphy. From there he went to Portland and
in time "Himes the Printer" became a household word in Oregon and
Washington. He has of late years been prominent in the pioneer and
historical societies of Oregon. He has given much time to research
regarding this old press, and as a result gives it as his opinion that
it was first sent from New York to Mexico, thence to Monterey,
California, in 1834, where it was used by the Spanish governor for a
number of years in printing proclamations, etc., and on August 15,
1846, the _Californian_, the pioneer paper of California, was printed
on it. Late in 1846 it was sent from Monterey to San Francisco and
used in printing the _Star_, the first paper of that city, issued in
January, 1847. These two papers were combined at a later date, and in
the fall of 1848 the first number of the _Alta California_ was issued
from it. From San Francisco it went to Portland and the first number
of the _Oregonian_ was taken off it. In 1852 it and the old plant of
the _Oregonian_ was bought by Thornton F. McElroy and J. W. Wiley, who
brought it around on the schooner Mary Taylor to Olympia, where the
first number of the _Columbian_ was printed on it. In 1863 J. R.
Watson brought it to Seattle, and December 10th the first paper, the
Seattle _Gazette_, was printed on it. Again in 1865 S. L. Maxwell used
it to print the earlier numbers of the _Intelligencer_.

There seems to be no doubt that it was used to print the first
newspapers on the Pacific Coast, the first in Monterey, San Francisco,
Portland, Olympia, Seattle.

Although Seattle's first paper was of much more modest proportions
than any of its predecessors or contemporaries, it had the honor of
starting the first daily paper in the territory, which appeared April
23, 1866, and continued to August 11th of the same year.

The Western Union Telegraph line was completed to Seattle October 26,
1864, and at 4 P. M. of that date the _Gazette_ issued its "Citizen's
Dispatch," giving the first published dispatch coming by wire to this
place. It gave the Eastern war news to October 24th, from Kansas City
and from Chattanooga of the operations of Sherman against Hood in the
Atlanta campaign.

Occasionally telegraphic dispatches appeared in succeeding papers, but
not until about July 1, 1872, when the _Puget Sound Dispatch_ was
established by Larrabee & Co., Beriah Brown, editor, was any regular
publication of the press dispatches undertaken here.

In June, 1867, a suspension took place, and August 5th next S. L.
Maxwell sent to press the first number of the _Weekly Intelligencer_.
The plant had come into the ownership of Messrs. Daniel and C. B.
Bagley, and Mr. Maxwell was permitted to use the same and pay for it
as he could out of the earnings of the paper. The type, rules, press,
and much of the advertising matter of the older paper, still standing
in the forms, was used in the makeup of the new paper, so that it may
properly be considered a lineal successor of the _Seattle Gazette_.
Mr. Maxwell proved to be a good newspaper and business man, and as the
town and surrounding country was having a vigorous growth, it did not
take him long to pay off the small debt and to add much needed
material to the office, which was moved across Yesler Way to a small
wooden building, and, later, up Yesler Way to near the southwest
corner of Second Avenue South. It gained influence as it grew, made
money for its owner almost from the start, and had the local field to
itself until the _Dispatch_ was started.

In the latter part of 1878 some of the prominent local office-holders
and business men organized a company to start another paper, and
November 21, 1878, the _Seattle Weekly Post_ made its first
appearance, being made up from the _Daily Post_, which started on the
15th of the month. Its first quarters were in the two-story wooden
building owned by Hillory Butler that stood on the ground now occupied
by the southwest corner of the Hotel Butler. In passing it may be
added that this building was, from time to time, the home of more
early papers than any other in town--_Dispatch_, _North Pacific
Rural_, _Chronicle_, _Post_, _Times_, _Press_, and others with single
and hyphenated titles long since forgotten.

In the meantime the _Intelligencer_ had been installed in a larger
two-story building then standing on the west side of First Avenue
where it deflects into First Avenue South, and remained there several
years.

About 1879 Thomas W. Prosch and Samuel L. Crawford had acquired
ownership of it. Both had been printers from boyhood, and Mr. Prosch
had gained much experience as a newspaper man in Olympia and Tacoma,
and under their management it continued to grow in value and
influence.

In 1881 the Post Publishing Company began the erection of a
substantial brick building, two stories and basement on the northeast
corner of Yesler Way and Post Street. As it was nearing completion
negotiations were opened for a consolidation of the _Post_ and
_Intelligencer_, and this was effected October 1, 1881, with Thomas W.
Prosch owner of one half and John Leary and George W. Harris each one
quarter. The basement and lower story of the new building were used by
the company and the upper story rented for offices.

This building continued to be the home of the paper under several
managements, until the great fire of June 6, 1889, destroyed it and
most of its plant.

Early in 1886 a joint stock company, consisting of Frederick J. Grant,
C. B. Bagley, Griffith Davies, Jacob Furth, John H. McGraw, E. S.
Ingraham, W. H. Hughes, Thomas Burke, and Dr. Thomas T. Miner, bought
the _Post-Intelligencer_ from T. W. Prosch. Grant continued
editor-in-chief, Bagley was business manager, S. L. Crawford city
editor and reporter, and E. S. Meany had charge of the carrier
service.

Near the close of the same year L. S. J. Hunt purchased the
controlling interest in the paper and assumed management at once. He
had come to Seattle with large financial backing, determined to go
into the newspaper field, and the majority of the stockholders,
fearing he might establish another paper and make it a powerful rival,
sold him their interests. He proceeded to spend money most lavishly
upon it and soon built it up into a great paper.

In May, 1871, a small printing outfit that had been in use at Sitka,
Alaska, was brought to Seattle, and for a few months the _Seattle
Times and Alaska Herald_ was printed from it.

Later this material became the nucleus of the office of the _Puget
Sound Dispatch_, which was established by Beriah Brown and Charles H.
Larrabee. The latter was then a prominent attorney in Seattle. He was
among the killed at the time of an appalling tragedy at Tehachipe
Pass, on the line of the Southern Pacific, between Los Angeles and San
Francisco. He soon retired from the paper, leaving Beriah Brown in
sole control, which he retained with an occasional intermission until
about 1878, when it was merged with the _Intelligencer_.

Mr. Brown was one of the old school newspapermen, who were writers of
editorials worthy of the greatest papers of the United States. He was
a friend of Horace Greeley, the elder Bennett and others of the noted
editors of a half century ago. He rarely wrote anything for his own
paper. His custom was to go to the case and put his articles in type
as he composed them. Few can realize the difficulties occasioned by
the dual processes of thought thus brought into play. Local news is
the life of all newspapers in young communities. This he could not
purvey, nor was his business management a success.

Thaddeus Hanford, the eldest of the brothers of that name, in his
early boyhood showed ability as a writer and after he had passed
through college with honor he returned to Seattle and engaged in
newspaper work. For a year or more he was the owner of the
_Intelligencer_, but sold it about 1879 as is noted elsewhere.

One of the most widely known as well as popular of the old-time
newspaper men was E. T. Gunn. He worked in the _Oregonian_ office as
early as 1851 and was one of its owners for a time. In 1855 he was
engaged in newspaper work at Steilacoom. November 30, 1867, he started
the _Olympia Transcript_ and its publication was continued regularly
until his death in 1883. The _Transcript_ was the neatest and
best-printed of all the early papers and for many years exerted much
influence in political affairs of the territory. A split in the
Republican party occurred in 1867 and was the cause of the
_Transcript_ being started, and for about six years while this schism
continued it championed the cause of the "bolting wing" of the party.
In 1872 an alliance between the bolters and the Democrats resulted in
the overwhelming triumph of the fusion party, Judge O. B. McFadden
being elected to Congress over Selucius Garfield, the Republican
candidate. All the newspapers in Olympia were in sympathy with the
fusionists, and this led to the organization of a company which
established the _Puget Sound Courier_.

This company was under the leadership of Elisha P. Ferry, then
Surveyor-General, who became Territorial Governor in 1873, and the
first Governor of the State of Washington in 1889.

The _Daily Courier_ made its first appearance January 2, 1872, and
the weekly later in the week. During that year H. G. Struve, then
practicing his profession in Olympia, did much editorial work, while
the late Fred Prosch had charge of the mechanical department. In
December C. B. Bagley became business manager and city editor, and in
June, 1873, he bought the office and newspaper. The daily was
discontinued at the close of 1874. Mr. Bagley was appointed
Territorial Printer in 1873, and held that position for ten years. He
continued the _Weekly Courier_ until late in 1884, when he sold out to
Thomas H. Cavanaugh, who changed the name of the paper to the
_Partisan_.

During the period between 1873 and 1883 Olympia had four weekly
newspapers most of the time, while several small dailies appeared from
time to time, but never for more than a few months. Until the Seattle
papers began to take telegraphic dispatches the Olympia papers had
most of their circulation at Seattle and points further down Sound,
but this gradually ceased, and long before the admission of the state
their patronage had become almost wholly local in character.

Steilacoom, until about 1880, when Tacoma began its second growth, was
a favorite field for newspaper ventures. Mr. Charles Prosch held the
field there nearly six years, much longer than anyone else, and while
some of his early contemporaries manifested more vigor and
belligerency in their editorial columns, none of them gave so much
local news or possessed one half the literary merit of the _Herald_.

Francis H. Cook also moved from Olympia to Tacoma, with a newspaper
plant, on which he had for a time published the _Echo_. This paper was
started in 1868 by Randall H. Hewitt, and that year in its office the
writer began work as a printer. James E. Whitworth, now of Seattle,
Nathan S. Porter, of Olympia, and Ike M. Hall worked together in that
office. Hundreds of the older residents of Seattle remember Judge
Hall, who died here about ten years ago. Early in 1869 C. B. Bagley
became the owner and publisher of the _Echo_ for about a year. Like
most of its fellows, it underwent all manner of changes of ownership,
of form and place of publication during an erratic career of about
eight years.

During the eight or ten years following the founding of Tacoma in
1873, many attempts were made to establish newspapers there, but most
of them were far from profitable to their backers. In fact, it has
been frequently reported that their more pretentious successors have
not been far from financial stress.

The _Beacon_ was brought from Kalama by Mr. and Mrs. Mooney, which had
been the organ of the Northern Pacific Railroad. This soon died. In
1880 there started the _North Pacific Coast_, but its life was brief.

R. F. Radebaugh, of San Francisco, and H. C. Patrick, of Sacramento,
came to Tacoma and started the _Weekly Ledger_ April 23, 1880. April
7, 1883, the _Daily Ledger_ was started, and both the weekly and daily
are still appearing regularly, having long passed the usual period
that has been fatal to so many papers on Puget Sound.

Mr. Patrick left the _Ledger_ in 1882 and bought the _Pierce County
News_, which had been started August 10, 1881, by George W. Mattice.
Mr. Patrick changed the name to _Tacoma News_, and it appeared as a
weekly paper until September 15, 1883, when he started the _Daily
News_. It continues to occupy the evening field, while the _Ledger_
retains the morning field.

The limits of this article do not permit mention of many papers which
have appeared from time to time in every town and almost every
village. In the writer's collection there are not less than one
hundred publications, daily, weekly, or monthly, that have sprung
into life since 1852. Most of them are forgotten in the communities
where they appeared. Success has come to but here and there one.

Kirk C. Ward was a fluent writer and a promoter of no small sagacity.
Having lost control of the _Post_, he soon induced some friends to
back him and started the _Chronicle_. It had a variegated career and
finally became the property of one of the leading law firms of the
city, McNaught, Ferry, McNaught & Mitchell. They employed a Bohemian
from Kansas, named Frank C. Montgomery, as editor, who conducted it
until May 1, 1886, when Homer M. Hill, who is now engaged in other
business in Seattle, bought it.

The Hall brothers were conducting the _Call_ and the two papers were
consolidated, and on Monday, May 3, 1886, the paper came out with Vol.
1, No. 1 of the Seattle _Daily Press_. A weekly paper was also run in
connection with the daily. Mr. Hill ere long acquired the entire
ownership of the paper. He was a shrewd, capable business man of
untiring industry, and under his management the paper became a
valuable property. Interests in it had been sold and bought back from
time to time, and at the time Mr. Hill closed out his ownership Harry
White held some of its shares. At that time the paper was absolutely
free from debt and had a good bank account and was making money for
its owners.

Mr. W. E. Bailey, a wealthy young man from Philadelphia, had large
interests here, and he became the victim to an ambition to conduct a
big newspaper. Under these circumstances Mr. Hill had no difficulty in
getting his price for the _Press_. Mr. L. S. J. Hunt of the
_Post-Intelligencer_ conducted the negotiations and made the purchase
and at once transferred the property to Mr. Bailey. He made important
additions to the mechanical department and engaged a large news and
editorial force, whose chief instructions were to make a clean, live
newspaper.

At the time Mr. Hill bought the _Chronicle_ it owned the Associated
Press evening franchise, which was its most valuable asset.

In passing, it is proper to note the fact that the present _Times_ is
the lineal successor of the _Chronicle_, and while for a brief period
there was a break in the legal succession, it may be truthfully said
that the historical succession to the Associated Press franchise is
derived from the _Chronicle_ down through the _Press_ and the
_Press-Times_ to _The Times_ of to-day.

The consolidation of the _Chronicle_ and _Call_ threw a lot of
printers and newspaper men out of employment, including Thomas H.
Dempsey, the foreman of the _Chronicle_ office. The latter was a keen
business man and a competent printer. He and the late Col. George G.
Lyon and James P. Ferry at once organized a new company, and secured a
printing outfit that served their purpose temporarily. The same day,
May 3, 1886, that the _Press_ was issued, No. 1, Vol. 1 of the _Daily
Times_ also appeared. Seattle, then a little city of about 10,000
population, was thus the proud possessor of three daily papers.

The starting of these two papers just preceded the "boom" in Seattle
real estate, when the volume of advertising was vastly increased as
well as population of the city, and both papers made money rapidly.

February 10, 1891, Mr. Bailey bought the _Times_ from Lyon and
Dempsey, paying for it $48,000. He had paid somewhere from $20,000 to
$25,000 for the _Press_. He consolidated the two under the name of the
_Press-Times_.

The period of financial depression which followed a couple of years
later bore heavily upon Mr. Bailey and and he was finally compelled
to give up the paper to his creditors, having lost not less than
$200,000 during his journalistic career.

The history of its subsequent vicissitudes and difficulties would fill
a volume, but can be touched upon but briefly here. The paper was on
the market for a long time. John Collins had it for a time and sunk a
lot of money in it, having acquired it through a mortgage of $15,000.
John W. Pratt, whose recent lamented death is fresh in the memories of
a host of friends, secured control of it for a time. At times it was
published by a receiver. Hughes and Davies came into possession of it
through ex-Sheriff James Woolery, who had taken it over under the
mortgage given to John Collins.

During this troubled period among other happenings the name was
changed back to _The Times_, and also the Associated Press franchise
was surrendered and that of the United Service taken over. Later, and
subsequent to the mortgage of $15,000 given to John Collins, the
Associated Press franchise was again secured, and this was a vital
point in the legal contest that arose, The Times Printing Company,
headed by Col. A. J. Blethen on one side, and Hughes & Davies on the
other.

Colonel Blethen bought _The Times_ August 7, 1897, and his first
editorial appeared in it three days later. He came well equipped for
newspaper work and management by reason of wide experience in other
fields, and month by month he and his sons, Joseph and Clarence B.,
have made it better and better, and to-day is one of the most valuable
newspaper properties on the Pacific Coast and one of the great dailies
of the United States.


FOOTNOTES:

[41] The Ramage was so called because it was constructed by Adam
Ramage, who went to Philadelphia about 1790, and is believed to have
been the first press builder in America. For many years he constructed
all the presses used in this country. The posts and cross-pieces of
the larger sizes of his early presses were made of wood, and the bed,
platen, tracks, springs, screw, lever, etc., of iron. The largest
Ramage press I ever saw had a bed 22x32 inches, with platen 16x22
inches. This was used in printing the _Oregonian_ for the first four
months of its life, December, 1850, to April, 1851, and required four
impressions to perfect a paper--an impression for each page. Sixty to
seventy perfect papers per hour was the limit of a pressman's
capacity. During the summer of 1853 a wooden extension was added to
the platen of the press by an Olympia (Wash.) mechanic, thus doubling
its capacity. The extra strain upon the muscles of the pressman as a
result of this enlargement caused the old machine to be dubbed a
"man-killer."--GEORGE H. HIMES.




IN MEMORIAM OF WILLARD H. REES.


It is a labor of love to say that when the writer first met W. H. Rees
in 1844, the latter was, for a man in his twenty-fifth year, in
advance of his general surroundings. His intelligence and manner of
telling what he knew on any subject drew men near his own age to him
strongly. There were, I found on riper acquaintance, family reasons
for part of this. His father (then a citizen of Hamilton County,
Ohio), had been a member of the legislature of his native state of
Delaware, and his mother had a place in the _literati_ of her day. The
father was of Welsh stock, and judging by the son, an active, ardent
member of the Whig party at the time. Willard and I were thrown
together in the tide of emigration setting out from Saint Louis
towards the rendezvous of proposed emigrants to Oregon. The boat we
were on landed at Weston, and from thence we hired a team belonging to
other emigrants to haul our effects, and we walked to Saint Joseph.
From thence Rees and I footed it ten miles higher up the Missouri to
the camp of the emigrants under Gilliam's leadership. Learning there
that a man living but three miles off needed two assistants to get his
family and effects to Oregon, we were at his residence next morning as
he rose from breakfast, and within five minutes were engaged to come
to Oregon with him as his assistants. Within twenty-five minutes,
mounted on a good horse, with gold coin to purchase breadstuffs for
ten persons for three months' journey, Rees was on his way back to
Saint Joe. He and I then began a year of such intimate relations to
each other as leads me to say Capt. R. W. Morrison, our employer, made
no mistake in trusting Mr. Rees with the most important acts in
conducting his preparations for the journey to Oregon. When we
effected a military organization for the trip, no mistake was made in
the election of Rees as first sergeant, with the duties of adjutant.
And when, after arrival in Oregon, fifteen of us near the same age
were employed logging and running Hunt's saw mill, on the Lower
Columbia, Rees was easily our leader. Leaving that in June, 1845, and
coming to Oregon City to vote, he still, without effort on his part,
was by common consent in the first place. There were at Oregon City
two young men I might claim as his peers at that date--Charles E.
Pickett and J. W. Nesmith. It was the former and Rees, I believe, who
led to the formation of the first literary association. Mr. Pickett
was at that time reader from the public news box. The contents were
volunteer contributions, each writer choosing his subject, and of
course extending from harmless fun to the most serious questions. This
suggested the formation of the literary society, naturally.

J. W. Nesmith stood among the young men of 1843 immigration to Oregon
as W. H. Rees stood among those of 1844. Both observers and helpers in
the history being made, the former watching and participating
personally in almost every forward movement, the latter wielding
perhaps a greater personal influence, but manifesting no ambition for
personal advancement. Mr. Rees worked as a carpenter at Oregon City
from June, 1845, to June, 1846 (the exact dates are not remembered),
but between these dates had purchased a claim in the northern portion
of Champoeg, [Marion] County. At the finishing of Doctor McLoughlin's
flouring mill he with other American mechanics celebrated the occasion
with a ball, which was attended by most of the leading people of
parties having interest in the Oregon Boundary Question. Lieut. Wm.
Peel was there using his tongue, eyes and ears, we may suppose, to
give reliable information in regard to Americans in Oregon to his
father, then premier of the British Government. Lieutenant Peel was of
the British navy, but not of the _Modeste_ whose officers generally
were in company with him when mingling with Americans as on this
occasion. There was no dancing going on. It was a time of social
relaxation. Doctor Newell, a Rocky Mountain doctor, and a man of
sterling good sense, had been giving his opinion of some of Peel's
social behavior as not such as was beyond criticism among Americans.
Peel replied, "Well, Doctor, Americans believe in the rule of
majorities, and I think the British are in a majority here." Mr.
Newell thought not. A Britisher will settle any question by a bet, and
Mr. Peel offered the bet of a bottle of wine that a majority of those
then present were for the British side of the Oregon Boundary
Question. Doctor Newell took the bet. A count was made and Mr. Newell
won. Peel on this, looking at a man across the mill floor, offered
another bottle on that particular man fighting for the British side in
the contingency of war over Oregon. William Penland, an Englishman,
put the question: "Sir, which flag would you support in the event of
war over Oregon?" Rees replied, "I fight under the Stars and Stripes,
sir." Mr. Rees, no matter what his garb, was always comparatively
neat, and might well be taken for a middle class Welshman.

Newell and he already neighbors, from this time forward had a potent
influence among the French-Canadian farmers. Both were admirers of
Doctor McLoughlin, and Rees' influence was greatly enhanced by his
taking the finishing of the Catholic Church at Saint Louis, and by
writing brief tributes to their lives as they passed to the other
side. From his genial social nature it was easy for Mr. Rees to give
these retired engagees of the Hudson Bay Company information as to
what these newly formed relations to the United States Government
required of them, in which he was aided by neighbors and
friends--Doctor Newell and F. X. Mathieu. It was his pleasure and
pastime to learn of the later life, death and burial in the French
settlement of two of the gallant band, Philip Degrett and Francis
Rivet, [The authoritative lists of the Lewis and Clark Company does
not contain these two names.--ED.] who followed the lead of Lewis and
Clark from the sources of the Columbia to the ocean in 1805, and to
give to the historian a transcript of the first Catholic parish
registry, including the names and ages of Gervais, Lucier, Cannon,
Labonte, and Dubruil, who came with Hunt in 1811.

In 1847 Mr. Rees was elected as a colleague of his friend Dr. Newell.
Wm. H. Rector, A. Chamberlain and Anderson Cox being the other members
representing Champoeg County in the lower house of the Oregon
legislature. From the foregoing causes and his steady patriotism Mr.
Rees became a potent influence in sending young men from the French
settlement to the fighting field in the Cayuse country on the Whitman
massacre, himself going as regimental commissary agent.

As the troops were retiring from the Cayuse country, gold was
discovered in California and many of the soldiers were amongst the
first to go to the mines, Willard H. Rees of the number. A larger
proportion of the French half-breeds never returned than of the
Americans, and from 1849 the Canadian settlement began to
disintegrate. As the pioneer settlement died, Rees's ready pen gave
them kindly notice. In the period between 1850 and 1860 he was
watchful and active, but never for himself; being of Whig antecedents
it was natural for him to help in the formation of the Union party,
and that he did; also, being a leader in the formation of the Pioneer
Association, the pages of its annual publications will furnish the
future historical gleaner many valuable points there inserted by the
pen of Willard H. Rees.

The death of his body at 83 years is not reasonable cause of mourning;
his nearest friends have had cause for sadness in the slow and gradual
mental decay which was perceptible to them for many years before the
final end. A change, slight and unperceived by ordinary observers,
was noted by his intimate friends as far back as 1879, when a few
lines in the annual address to the pioneers prepared by him but which
he was unable to attend and deliver, and were well read by F. M.
Bewley, seemed unlike the Rees of 1859. Yet in that address he
characteristically goes to the very beginning of social free and easy
interchange of personal views on the life of the times of 1845-6. This
early social life expressed itself through an organization called the
Pioneer Lyceum and Literary Club, and he thus speaks of it: "The
following are the names Charlie Pickett had on the membership roll.
They were at times widely scattered and are designated upon the roll
as regular and visiting members:

"John H. Couch, F. W. Pettygrove, J. M. Woir, A. L. Lovejoy, J.
Applegate, S. W. Moss, Robert Newell, J. W. Nesmith, Ed Otie, H. A. G.
Lee, F. Prigg, C. E. Pickett, Wm. C. Dement, Medorum Crawford, Hiram
Strait, J. Wambaugh, Wm. Cushing, Philip Foster, Ransom Clark, H. H.
Hide (Hyde?), John G. Campbell, Top McGruder, W. H. Rees, Mark Ford,
Henry Saffren, Noyes Smith, Daniel Waldo, P. G. Stewart, Isaac W.
Smith, Joseph Watt, Frank Ematinger, A. E. Wilson, Jacob Hoover, S. M.
Holderness, John Minto, Barton Lee, General Husted, and John P.
Brooks.

"Perhaps a more congenial, easy-going, self-satisfying club has never
since congregated in the old capital city and under changed condition
of affairs, especially in fashions so strikingly different from the
unique and richly colored costumes of that day, never will the good
people of our spray-bedewed old city rest upon the like again." The
names are given as history, the last quotation as a sample of Mr.
Rees's quiet humor.

Now an end of life by natural law is not a proper subject of mourning.
Willard H. Rees did not so regard it, when his generous kindness led
him to collect the most praiseworthy incidents of very earliest and
most unlettered of the pioneers from those coming with Lewis and Clark
and Astor's enterprise to those better informed who came after he
himself was here. The contributions of Willard H. Rees, J. W. Nesmith,
and M. P. Deady to the Oregon Pioneer Association publication would
alone constitute no mean volume of the history of Oregon, beginning
with retired Canadian hunters and trappers who by cultivating the soil
of Oregon and creating a magazine of supplies to the American
homebuilders unawares were cultivating the seeds of civilization aided
and foreseen by the Applegates, Burnetts, Waldos, Nesmiths, Rees, and
others who managed a bloodless victory over the pro-British occupation
of Oregon.




SHORT BIOGRAPHY OF JOSEPH HOLMAN.


Joseph Holman was born at Little Torrington, Devonshire, England,
August 20, 1815. His parents were John and Elizabeth Holman. His
father was a mechanic, and manufacturer of agricultural implements,
and died when Joseph was quite young, leaving two older sons. The
eldest son carried on his father's business, the younger brothers
living with him to learn the trade.

When Joseph was sixteen years of age, the second brother emigrated to
Canada and sent such good reports of large wages for mechanics that
when Joseph was eighteen his elder brother allowed him to follow,
though bound to him until twenty-one. In 1833 Joseph took passage on
the ship "Eliza" for Canada and landed at Prince Edward's Island where
the ship was seized for debt, which detained the passengers some
weeks, the creditors furnishing codfish and potatoes only, for food.
The ship finally sailed for Quebec and to London, in Canada, where
Joseph found his brother, and worked in that place for several years,
but disliked the rough ways of that early time. He went alone to New
Lisbon, Ohio, where he worked at wagon making for a year. Hearing much
of the so-called West at that time, he went to Peoria, Illinois, found
work and lived two years there. During that time, Jason Lee, on his
way from Oregon to the East, stopped at Peoria and lectured on Oregon.
In the spring of 1839 eighteen persons agreed to go to Oregon and
settle there. Joseph Holman had ideas of a large city at the mouth of
the Columbia River, and he wanted to be one to help take the claim.
The party started west with horses and wagons. At Independence,
Missouri, they sold the wagons and bought mules to carry packs. Mr.
Farnham was chosen captain. They traveled to Bent's Fort on the
Arkansas River without mishap, and to Bent's Fort on the Platte River
[generally called St. Vrain's] became demoralized. Some went back, Mr.
Farnham went to Santa Fé, others went through the next year, but
Joseph Holman, with Cook, Fletcher and Kilbourn, determined to go to
Oregon. While away from the fort to get dry buffalo meat for food the
Indians stole their horses. They worked at the fort until they earned
more horses, and late in the fall the four started alone and reached
Green River, in the Rocky Mountains, and camped in a sheltered place
called "Brown's Hole," also Joe Meek, Doctor Newell, Cary and others.
Joseph Holman's mechanical knowledge helped him here, for he stocked
guns, made saddles for Indians, and received an extra horse and beaver
skins (as good as money) in return. Doctor Newell decided to start
early in the spring, with the beaver skins to Fort Hall, in Idaho, to
avoid Indian war parties who would be out later on. They were caught
in the snow and nearly perished. Where Doctor Newell expected to see
buffalo they did not see one. They were four days without any food,
until they met a Digger Indian woman who sold them her two dogs. After
that they now and then killed an antelope until they reached Fort Hall
where they remained three weeks to recuperate themselves and horses.
Doctor Newell remained here. The four young men left with a Hudson Bay
agent for Fort Boise, but went alone from there to Walla Walla,
arriving there May 1, 1840; from there down the Columbia River to Fort
Vancouver, was the hardest part of the trip, especially from The
Dalles to Fort Vancouver, on the north side of the Columbia. The water
was high at that season of the year, had covered the Indian trail on
the bank of the river, and they were obliged to lead their ponies over
the bluffs to Fort Vancouver, a fact Doctor McLaughlin could hardly
believe when they arrived, at 11 o'clock June 1, 1840. In the
afternoon of the same day a ship arrived at Fort Vancouver from New
York, with forty Methodist missionaries to teach and convert the
Indians. A Miss Almira Phelps, from Springfield, Massachusetts, was
one, to whom Joseph was married in less than a year. He was twenty-six
years of age, and even then showed a progressive spirit. The four, Mr.
Cooke, Mr. Fletcher, Mr. Kilbourn, and Joseph Holman, rode around
looking for places to settle. They took up land and built a cabin. The
Methodist mission employed them for a time and paid them in stock.

Joseph Holman cut the first stick of timber on the present town site
of Salem, and just back of the asylum for the insane he took up his
claim of land, which was a mile square. He rode a horse to the east,
to the north, to the west, to the south, and staked it. Years
afterward surveyors said he surveyed it correctly on his horse, a mile
square. Mrs. John H. Albert, now living, was born on this land, Joseph
Holman's eldest daughter. His only son, George Phelps Holman, was the
first white child born in Salem, or the county.

Joseph Holman's heart and soul were for Oregon, for its building up,
its prosperity. His loyalty was unbounded. He was honest,
affectionate, and true.

       *       *       *       *       *

This short statement was dictated by Mr Joseph Holman to his wife
during his last illness in 1880. He was on a lounge, and told these
facts, and she penciled them down and copied them June 27, 1902, in
the present form.




DOCUMENTS.


Letter of fur traders Jedediah S. Smith, David E. Jackson, and Wm. L.
Sublette--1830.

Gives an account of the taking of the first wagons to the Rocky
Mountains and of the Hudson's Bay Company post, Fort Vancouver, and
its operations in the Oregon Country. An argument for the termination
of the convention of 1818.

     The letter of Smith, Jackson, and Sublette forms part of
     Senate Executive Documents 39, 21st Congress, 2d session,
     pp. 21-23. The whole document is taken up with a
     consideration of "the state of the British establishments in
     the valley of the Columbia, and the state of the fur trade,
     as carried on by the citizens of the United States and the
     Hudson's Bay Company," as shown in the communications of
     Gen. W. H. Ashley, Joshua Pilcher, J. D. Smith, David E.
     Jackson, and W. L. Sublette, and William Clark and Lewis
     Cass.

     ST. LOUIS, October 29, 1830.

     SIR: The business commenced by General Ashley some years
     ago, of taking furs from the United States territory beyond
     the Rocky Mountains has since been continued by Jedediah S.
     Smith, David E. Jackson, and William L. Sublette, under the
     firm of Smith, Jackson, and Sublette. They commenced
     business in 1826, and have since continued it, and have made
     observations and gained information which they think it
     important to communicate to the government. The number of
     men they have employed has usually been from eighty to one
     hundred and eighty; and with these, divided into parties,
     they have traversed every part of the country west of the
     Rocky Mountains, from the peninsula of California to the
     mouth of the Columbia River. Pack horses, or rather mules,
     were at first used, but in the beginning of the present
     year, it was determined to try wagons, and in the month of
     April last, on the 10th day of the month, a caravan of ten
     wagons, drawn by five mules each, and two dearborns, drawn
     by one mule each, set out from St. Louis. We have eighty-one
     men in company, all mounted on mules, and these were
     exclusive of a party left in the mountains. Our route from
     St. Louis was nearly due west to the western limits of the
     state and thence along the Santa Fé trail about forty miles,
     from which the course was some degrees north of west, across
     the waters of the Kanzas, and up the Great Platte River, to
     the Rocky Mountains, and to the head of Wind River, where it
     issues from the mountains. This took us until the 16th of
     July, and was as far as we wished the wagons to go, as the
     furs to be brought in were to be collected at this place,
     which is, or was this year, the great rendezvous of the
     persons engaged in that business. Here the wagons could
     easily have crossed the Rocky Mountains, it being what is
     called the Southern [South] Pass, had it been desirable for
     them to do so, which it was not for the reason stated. For
     our support, at leaving the Missouri settlements, until we
     should get into the buffalo country, we drove twelve head of
     cattle, beside a milk cow. Eight of these only being
     required for use before we got to the buffaloes, the others
     went on to the head of Wind River. We began to fall in with
     the buffaloes on the Platte, about three hundred and fifty
     miles from the white settlements, and from that time lived
     on buffaloes, the quantity being infinitely beyond what we
     needed. On the fourth of August, the wagons being in the
     meantime loaded with furs which had been previously taken,
     we set out on the return to St. Louis. All the high points
     of the mountains then in view were white with snow, but the
     passes and valleys, and all the level country, were green
     with grass. Our route back was over the same ground nearly
     as in going out, and we arrived at St. Louis on the 10th of
     October, bringing back the ten wagons, the dearborns being
     left behind; four of the oxen and the milk cow were also
     brought back to the settlements in Missouri, as we did not
     need them for provision. Our men were all healthy during the
     whole time, we suffered nothing by the Indians, and had no
     accident but the death of one man, being buried under a bank
     of earth that fell in upon him, and another being crippled
     at the same time. Of the mules, we lost but one by fatigue,
     and two horses stolen by the Kanzas Indians; the grass
     being, along the whole route going and coming, sufficient
     for the support of the horses and mules. The usual weight in
     the wagons was about one thousand eight hundred pounds. The
     usual progress of the wagons was from fifteen to twenty-five
     miles per day. The country being almost all open, level, and
     prairie, the chief obstructions were ravines and creeks, the
     banks of which required cutting down, and for this purpose a
     few pioneers were generally kept ahead of the caravan. This
     is the first time that wagons ever went to the Rocky
     Mountains, and the ease and safety with which it was done
     prove the facility of communicating overland with the
     Pacific Ocean. The route from the Southern Pass, where the
     wagons stopped, to the Great Falls of the Columbia, being
     easier and better than on this side of the mountains, with
     grass enough for horses and mules, but a scarcity of game
     for the support of men. One of the undersigned, to wit,
     Jedediah S. Smith, in his excursion west of the mountains,
     arrived at the post of the Hudson's Bay Company, called Fort
     Vancouver, near the mouth of Multnomah River. He arrived
     there in August, 1828, and left the 12th of March, 1829, and
     made observations which he deems it material to communicate
     to the government. Fort Vancouver is situated on the north
     side of the Columbia, five miles above the mouth of the
     Multnomah, in a handsome prairie, and on a second bank about
     three quarters of a mile from the river. This is the fort as
     it stood when he arrived there; but a large one, three
     hundred feet square about three quarters of a mile lower
     down, and within two hundred yards of the river, was
     commenced the spring he came away. Twelve pounders were the
     heaviest cannon which he saw. The crop of 1828 was seven
     hundred bushels of wheat, the grain full and plump, and
     making good flour, fourteen acres of corn, the same number
     of acres in peas, eight acres of oats, four or five acres of
     barley, a fine garden, some small apple trees, and grape
     vines. The ensuing spring eighty bushels of seed wheat were
     sown. About two hundred head of cattle, fifty horses and
     breeding mares, three hundred head of hogs, fourteen goats,
     the usual domestic fowls. They have mechanics of various
     kinds, to wit, blacksmiths, gunsmiths, carpenters, coopers,
     tinner, and baker. A good saw mill on the bank of the river
     five miles above, a grist mill worked by hand, but intended
     to work by water. They had built two coasting vessels, one
     of which was then on a voyage to the Sandwich Islands. No
     English or white woman was at the fort, but a great number
     of mixed blood Indian extraction, such as belong to the
     British fur trading establishments, who were treated as
     wives, and the families of children taken care of
     accordingly. So that everything seemed to combine to prove
     that this fort was to be a permanent establishment. At Fort
     Vancouver the goods for the Indian trade are imported from
     London, and enter the territories of the United States
     paying no duties, and from the same point the furs taken on
     the other side of the mountains are shipped. The annual
     quantity of these furs could not be exactly ascertained, but
     Mr. Smith was informed indirectly that they amounted to
     about thirty thousand beaver skins, besides otter skins and
     small furs. The beaver skins alone, at New York prices,
     would be worth above two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
     To obtain these furs, both trapping and trading are resorted
     to. Various parties, provided with traps, spread over the
     country south of the Columbia to the neighborhood of the
     Mexican territory, and in 1824 and 1825 they crossed the
     Rocky Mountains and trapped on the waters of the Missouri
     River. They do not trap north of latitude 49 degrees, but
     confine that business to the territory of the United States.
     Thus this territory, being trapped by both parties, is
     nearly exhausted of beavers, and unless the British can be
     stopped, will soon be entirely exhausted, and no place left
     within the United States where beaver fur in any quantity
     can be obtained.

     The inequality of the convention with Great Britain in 1818
     is most glaring and apparent, and its continuance is a great
     and manifest injury to the United States. The privileges
     granted by it have enabled the British to take possession of
     the Columbia River, and spread over the country south of
     it; while no Americans have ever gone, or can venture to go
     on the British side. The interest of the United States and
     her citizens engaged in the fur trade requires that the
     convention of 1818 should be terminated, and each nation
     confined to its own territories. By this commercial interest
     there are other considerations requiring the same result.
     These are, the influence which the British have already
     acquired over the Indians in that quarter, and the prospect
     of a British colony, and a military and naval station on the
     Columbia. Their influence over the Indians is now decisive.
     Of this the Americans have constant and striking proofs, in
     the preference which they give to the British in every
     particular.

     In saying this, it is an act of justice to say, also, that
     the treatment received by Mr. Smith at Fort Vancouver was
     kind and hospitable; that, personally, he owes thanks to
     Governor Simpson and the gentlemen of the Hudson's Bay
     Company, for the hospitable entertainment which he received
     from them, and for the efficient and successful aid which
     they gave him in recovering from the Umquah Indians a
     quantity of fur and many horses, of which these Indians had
     robbed him in 1828.

     As to the injury which must happen to the United States from
     the British getting the control of all the Indians beyond
     the mountains, building and repairing ships in the tide
     water region of the Columbia, and having a station there for
     their privateers and vessels of war, is too obvious to need
     a recapitulation. The object of this communication being to
     state _facts_ to the Government, and to show the facility of
     crossing the continent to the Great Falls of the Columbia
     with wagons, the ease of supporting any number of men by
     driving cattle to supply them where there was no buffalo,
     and also to show the true nature of the British
     establishments on the Columbia, and the unequal operation of
     the convention of 1818.

     These _facts_ being communicated to the Government, they
     consider that they have complied with their duty, and
     rendered an acceptable service to the administration; and
     respectfully request you, sir, to lay it before President
     Jackson.

     We have the honor to be sir, yours, respectfully,

     JEDEDIAH S. SMITH,
     DAVID E. JACKSON,
     W. L. SUBLETTE.

     To the Hon. John H. Eaton, _Secretary of War_.

Excerpts from St. Louis papers, 1832-1848, on the migration to and
settlement of Oregon.

     The _Missouri Republican_, July 5, 1831.

     The American Society for encouraging the settlement of
     Oregon Territory, propose to enlist 1000 men for the
     purpose, to rendezvous in this city January next. Each man
     will receive gratuitously a lot of land. There is said to be
     "an immense water power up the Wallamott or Mulnomah."

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, November 8, 1831.

     An unlucky little paragraph of ours in relation to the
     prosperous colony at the mouth of the Columbia River has
     been the source of much trouble to us. We have been
     frequently addressed both by letter and in person for
     information upon the subject, without having the means of
     replying satisfactorily to querists. * * * We cannot now
     state whether the plan has been abandoned, but time has
     passed by when the adventurers were to have assembled here.
     The project originated in Boston, where, we believe, the
     principal officers of the society reside.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, April 24, 1832.

     OREGON COLONY.

     Thirty-six persons attached to this colony arrived in this
     city Friday last. They have since proceeded on their way.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _St. Louis New Era_, February 14, 1843.

     OREGON, THE NEW ELDORADO.

     We derive from a long letter in the _National Intelligencer_
     the following sketch of the Territory beyond the Rocky Mts.,
     which is now the theme of debate in the U. S. Senate.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Newark Advertiser._

     "Within a few years several Americans, of whom the writer is
     one, have crossed the Rocky Mts., to the mouth of the
     Columbia, with objects entirely unconnected with trade or
     commerce. Mine was a desire to see a new country, a love of
     adventure for its own sake, and an enthusiastic fondness for
     natural history. The party with which I traveled left
     Independence, Mo., about the latter part of April, 1834, and
     arrived at the British Fort, Vancouver, in September, having
     performed the whole journey on horseback. From this time
     until October, 1836, with the exception of the first winter
     which I passed at the Sandwich Islands, my residence was in
     the Territory of Oregon. Dr. McLoughlin, chief factor,
     treated me with uniform and singular kindness, supplying all
     my wants and furnishing me with every facility in the
     prosecution of my plans. This is, I believe, the uniform
     character of the Superintendents of British forts in that
     country. Travelers, naturalists, and all who are not traders
     are kindly and hospitably treated, but the moment a visitor
     is known to trade a beaver skin from an Indian, that moment
     he is ejected from the community. The company has a sum of
     money amounting to several thousand pounds sterling, laid
     aside at Vancouver for the sole purpose of opposing all who
     may come to interfere with its monopoly, by purchasing at
     exhorbitant prices all the furs in possession of the
     Indians, and thus forcing the settler to come to terms or
     driving him from the country. If it be an individual who is
     thus starved into submission he then usually clears a piece
     of land on the Willamette River, takes an Indian wife, and
     purchases furs of the natives, which, by previous contract,
     he is bound to sell to the company at an advance which is
     fixed by the governor.

     Ft. Vancouver, the principal trading post of the Oregon,
     stands on the north bank of the river, about 90 miles from
     the mouth. The fort consists of several dwellings,
     storehouses, workshops, etc., all of frame arranged together
     in quadrilateral form, and surrounded by a stockade of pine
     logs about 20 ft. high. The Ft. has no bastions, and
     contains no armament. There are, to be sure, 4 great guns
     frowning in front of the governor's mansion, 2 long 18s and
     2 9-pounders, but two of them have long been spiked and the
     others are unfit for service.

     The rainy season begins here about the middle of October and
     continues until the first of April. During this period the
     weather is almost uniformly dull, foggy, or rainy. Sometimes
     rain falls incessantly for the space of 2 or 3 weeks.
     Occasionally, during the winter months, there will be a
     light fall of snow, and in the winter of 1835-6 the river
     was frozen over. The intensity of cold, however, continued
     but a few days and was said to be very unusual. The general
     range of the thermometer, (Fahr.) during that season was
     from 36-48 degrees, but for 3 or 4 days was as low as 25
     degrees.

     In the vicinity of Ft. Vancouver, the cattle graze during
     the whole winter; no stabling or stall feeding is ever
     requisite, as the extensive plains produce the finest and
     most abundant crops of excellent prairie grass. In choosing
     a site for settlement on the main river, it is always
     necessary to bear in mind the periodical inundations. Ft.
     Vancouver itself, though built on a high piece of land at a
     distance of 600 yards from the common rise of the tides, is
     sometimes almost reached by the freshets of early spring.
     The soil here, on both sides of the river is a rich black
     loam, the base being basaltic rock.

     The face of the country from Ft. George, (Astoria,) to
     Vancouver, a distance of 80 miles, is very much of a uniform
     character, consisting of alluvial meadows, along the
     river-side, alternating with forests of oak, pine, etc.,
     while behind are extensive plains, some of which receive
     estuaries of the river, while others are watered by lakes or
     ponds. The pine forests are very extensive, the trees being
     of great size, and the timber extraordinarily beautiful. All
     the timber of the genus pinus is gigantic. I measured with
     Dr. Gairdner, surgeon of the fort, a pine of the species
     _Douglass_, which had been prostrated by the wind. Its
     height was above 200 ft., and its circumference 45 feet.
     Large as was this specimen, its dimensions are much exceeded
     by one measured by the late David Douglas. The height of
     this tree was nearly 300 ft., and the circumference 56 ft.
     Cones of this pine, according to Mr. D., were 12 to 15
     inches long, resembling in size and form sugar loaves. Oak
     timber of various kinds is abundant along the river, as well
     as button wood, balsam, poplar, ash, sweet gum, beech, and
     many other useful kinds, but no hickory or walnut. The
     governor of Ft. Vancouver, who is an active agriculturist,
     has exerted himself for several years in raising whatever
     appears adapted to the soil. Wheat, rye, barley, pease, and
     culinary vegetables of all kinds are raised in ample
     quantity. Fruits of various kinds, apples, peaches, plums,
     etc., do remarkably well. I remember being particularly
     struck, upon my arrival at Vancouver in the autumn, with the
     display of apples in the garden of the fort. Trees were
     crowded with fruit, so that every limb had to be sustained
     with a prop. Apples were literally packed along the
     branches, and so closely that I could compare them to
     nothing more aptly than ropes of onions. In the vicinity of
     Walla Walla or the Ney [z] Perce's Fort, the country in
     every condition for many miles exhibits an arid and
     cheerless prospect. The soil is deep sand, and the plain
     upon which the fort stands produces nothing but bushes of
     aromatic wormwood. Along the borders of the small streams,
     however, the soil is exceedingly rich and productive, and on
     these strips of land the superintendent raises his corn and
     the vegetables necessary for the consumption of his people.
     The prong-horned antelope occasionally ranged these plains;
     black-tailed or mule deer is found in the vicinity; grouse
     of several species are very abundant, and large prairie hare
     is common. In autumn and winter, in the vicinity of Ft.
     Vancouver, ducks, geese, and swans swarm in immense numbers.
     These are killed by the Indians and taken to the Ft. as
     articles of trade. For a single duck, one load of powder and
     shot is given; for a goose, 2; and for a swan, 4 loads. For
     deer 10 loads of ammunition, or a bottle of rum is the usual
     price. Early in May salmon are first seen entering the
     river, and the Columbia and all its tributaries teem with
     these delicious fish. The Indians take great numbers by
     various modes, subsisting almost wholly on them during their
     stay, and drying and packing them away in thatched huts to
     be used for their winter store. Salmon also forms a chief
     article of food for the inmates of the fort, and hundreds of
     casks are salted down every season.

     About 20 miles above this, in the Wallamet Valley, is the
     spot chosen by the Methodist missionaries for their
     settlement, and here also, a considerable number of retired
     servants of the company had established themselves. The soil
     of this delightful valley is rich beyond comparison, and the
     climate considerably milder than that of Vancouver. Rain
     rarely falls, even in the winter season, but dews are
     sufficiently heavy to compensate for its absence. The
     epidemic of the country, ague, is rarely known here. In
     short, the Wallamet Valley is a terrestrial paradise, to
     which I have known some to exhibit so strong an attachment
     as to declare that notwithstanding the few privations which
     must necessarily be experienced by settlers of a new
     country, no consideration would ever induce them to return
     to their former homes."

     J. K. T. [TOWNSEND].

     Washington, Jan. 26, 1843.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _St. Louis New Era_, Tuesday, February 28, 1843.

     OREGON.

     The following is an extract from a letter dated Honolulu,
     Oct. 30, 1842. "The town is now full of strangers, the
     Chenamus having brought some 19 passengers from the Oregon,
     who are returning home, disgusted with the people and the
     country. Then again, the Victoria brings a few families here
     on their way to the river to settle. They must be encouraged
     by meeting so many here, returning."

       *       *       *       *       *

     _New Era_, Thursday, March 9, 1843.

     (Contains notice of "Travels in the Great Prairie
     Wilderness, the Anahuac and Rocky Mts., and in Oregon
     Territory," by T. J. Farnham; said to contain full account
     of a journey overland and the Methodist missions in the
     Territory. Notice copied into "_Era_" from _N. Y. Tribune_,
     from which office it is issued.)

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, July 22, 1843.

     We learn from Maj. Albert Wilson who has just returned from
     the Mountains, that he met the Oregon emigrants on the big
     Arkansas [Platte], one month after they had left the
     settlements, and that they were cheerfully wending their way
     onwards. There were 1150 emigrants, 175 wagons, and a great
     number of cattle, horses, mules, etc., etc. Lord Stewart and
     his party of pleasure, consisting of 100 persons, were three
     days in advance of the Oregon emigrants.

     Copied into _Rep._ from "_Liberty Banner_."

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, August 7, 1843.

     A letter received from the emigrants, at Iowa City, some
     days since:

     OREGON EMIGRATING CO.

     June 10, 1843.

     The return of a company of mountain traders to the
     settlements presents an opportunity for writing which I feel
     much inclined to embrace. We are now between 2 and 300 miles
     west of Independence, on the Blue river, a tributary of the
     Kansas, in good health and spirits. I regret to say that a
     division has taken place in the company, in consequence of
     the number of cattle driven by some, those having no cattle
     refusing to stand guard over stock belonging to others. The
     result of all this was that Capt. Burnett resigned command
     of the company, and the commander, in accordance with our
     regulations, ordered a new election, and so altered the
     by-laws that the commander should be called colonel, and
     also authorized the election of 4 captains, and 4 orderly
     sergeants. The cattle party selected myself as their
     candidate, those opposed selected Mr. Wm. Martin, an
     experienced mountaineer. There being a majority in
     opposition to the cattle party, Mr. Martin was elected, and
     a division of the company ensued. About 50 wagons, with
     those who had large droves of loose cattle, now left, with a
     general request that all in favor of traveling with them
     should fall back. I was particularly solicited to leave
     Martin's party, but as it would travel much the fastest, and
     Col. Martin was a very clever fellow, I declined. The new
     company, it is expected, will be commanded by Capt.
     Applegate. Our roads, since leaving the settlements have
     been very fine, except within the last few days, during
     which period they have been almost impassable in consequence
     of the tremendous rains, but they are again improving. We
     have had no trouble with the Indians, with the exception of
     horse and cattle stealing, and this business they have
     carried on pretty lively. I had a very fine mule and an ox
     stolen from me on the Kansas river, and we lost in all some
     8 or 10 head of horses and mules. I believe there is not a
     case of sickness in camp, though old Mr. Stout, from Iowa,
     has a violent swelling in his eyes. Tell the boys from Iowa
     to come on with all the cattle and sheep they can get, and a
     company large enough to drive them.

     Truly yours, etc.,

     M. M. M. [MCCARVER].

     P. S.--My friend, Mr. Henry Lee, from Iowa, has just been
     elected Capt. of one of the divisions. While writing, news
     has been brought in of the discovery of a dead Indian about
     one mile from this place, and freshly scalped, and nearly
     all the company have gone to see him. He was shot with
     arrows and is supposed to be a Pawnee, killed by a party of
     the Kansas Indians whom we met the other day, consisting of
     200, with fresh scalps and fingers, which they said had been
     taken the day before.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, Friday, September 6, 1843.

     We have been favored with the perusal of a private letter
     from Bent's Fort, dated July 26. The writer is one of Mr.
     Fitzpatrick's party, and says that thus far their trip has
     been a severe one. The party has been delayed since the 14th
     inst., waiting for the arrival of Mr. Fremont, who left them
     on the 17th of June with 18 men. After progressing ahead
     some distance, he despatched an express back, requesting the
     rear party with Fitzpatrick not to move until he joined
     them, alleging as a reason that there were hostile Mexicans
     on their route. On the morning of the date of the letter,
     the writer says, they were dividing into two parties again,
     with the intention of meeting at Ft. Hall, Oregon, in about
     4 days [weeks]. Fitzpatrick's party intended crossing the
     Platte that morning, and would take up its line of march
     over the mountains. He speaks of a slight difficulty with
     the Indians, but furnishes no particulars.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, Friday, September 29, 1843.

     We have received from Mr. Edward Hutwa a very handsome, and,
     as far as we have any means of judging, a correct lithograph
     map of the Oregon Territory, as claimed by the U. S., with a
     portion of the adjacent territory. The principal rivers,
     mountains, routes, trading depots, and the trading depots
     and forts of the Hudson's Bay Co., are laid down with
     accuracy. To those migrating to the Columbia, or to those
     wishing to study the topography of the country, this map
     will be of importance.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, Wednesday, December 13, 1843.

     A postscript to a letter from a gentleman in the Indian
     country, dated October 19, received by a gentleman of this
     city, says: "Ft. Hall, on the Oregon has been delivered up
     to Lt. Fremont, and it is believed that Ft. Vancouver soon
     will be." How far the report is reliable, we have no means
     of knowing, except that he and his party are in Oregon by
     the authority and direction of the United States Government.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, Thursday, December 14, 1843.

     We yesterday noticed a postscript of a letter from the
     Oregon country. We have since seen letters from Lt. Fremont
     and other men of his party, written at Ft. Hall, and bearing
     date of 20th September, which do not confirm the report
     alluded to. The silence of these letters as to the
     surrender of Ft. Hall is full assurance to us that the
     report is not correct. The letter before us, the statements
     of which are corroborated by Lt. Fremont, himself, says:--

     "I arrived at this place (Ft. Hall) on the 13th inst., with
     my part of the caravan all safe and in tolerable order. * * *
     (Unimportant part skipped). Lt. Fremont, whom I parted
     with on the South fork of the Platte, and expected to meet
     at this place, joined us yesterday after making a survey of
     the Salt Lake, which he has done much to his satisfaction.
     The exploration and new routes which we have taken have made
     our trip tedious and very laborious, but, I hope it will be
     satisfactory to the Department. We leave tomorrow for the
     lower country, and find it necessary to let some of our men
     off on account of the scarcity of provisions, which are not
     to be had at this place. The full objects of the expedition,
     will, I hope, be completed ere we return. I shall leave the
     party in a few days for Walla Walla, or perhaps lower down,
     to provide necessary supplies for the completion of the
     business in that quarter. I can not say what time we will
     return to St. Louis; it is to be hoped before the
     adjournment of Congress. The emigrants passed this place
     some short time since, pretty well worn down and scarce of
     food. The Indians on the Columbia are expected to become
     troublesome to these newcomers. It is supposed they are
     induced to acts of violence by some persons as yet unknown.
     They have already burned Dr. Whitman's mill, and I fear it
     is not the last spark which will be kindled in the
     settlement and occupation of this country. The Hudson's Bay
     Company are improving and pushing their business, perhaps
     with greater energy than usual, Dr. McLoughlin is laying off
     towns on the Willamette, selling lots, etc. This is the
     report, and you can see that the Dr. is in advance of Dr.
     Linn's bill."

     The foregoing is the latest news from Oregon, and may be
     relied upon as correct. Not the least interesting part of it
     is that which relates to the disposition of the Indians
     towards the emigrants. We have always believed that the
     Indians, backed and incited as they will be by agents and
     emissaries of the Hudson's Bay Co., and furnished as they
     doubtless will be, with arms and means of warfare from some
     source, would oppose the emigrants in making their
     settlements. That the country must be conquered before it is
     attained, we hardly entertain a doubt, and if we did, the
     supineness of our Government would only strengthen the
     belief. Why is it that our Government is so indifferent to
     the claims of the nation upon this territory, its wealth and
     possessions?

       *       *       *       *       *

     St. Louis _Reveille_, Oct. 21, 1844.

     The Platte _Argus_ contains a letter from "Multnomah City,"
     Oregon, from which we make the following extracts. The
     killing of the Indian has been briefly mentioned
     heretofore.

     "When I first came here, 19 months ago, there were but 4 or
     5 houses, now there is upwards of 80 good buildings, nearly
     all of two stories, and 4 or 5 of three stories high. If
     there had been plenty of nails we should have had a number
     more up. If a supply of nails reaches us this spring, we
     shall have 200 houses before this reaches you, and some of
     these of brick, for a company from Baltimore are now
     building a brickyard. A tanyard is also being established.
     The fact is, we have mechanics of all kinds here, though not
     a tenth of the number of each kind required. The winter is
     past, but it was no winter. It was rather a blooming spring,
     for we had but little rain and no snow, and grass green all
     the time. We have had but two days' rain in the last 45. I
     saw cattle yesterday which had run all winter, in finer
     condition than I ever saw any in your state. Uncle Sam had
     better be doing something for this country, for if not,
     within three years _it will be too late_. You laugh, but if
     you live you will see it. Therefore stir them up, Mac, for
     we do not want trouble here, and would all rejoice if the
     star-spangled banner embraced us within its ample folds. Our
     flag flying by authority would make a vast difference here.

     An Indian committed some outrages lately, and our sheriff
     endeavored in vain to arrest him; then offered $100 reward
     for the Indian, and went to his own house, 30 miles from
     this place. On Monday the Indian came into Oregon City,
     close to Dr. McLoughlin's mill, where some 25 or 30 men were
     at work. Winslow and some white men went to take him, and
     got close to him. He saw Winslow, fired his gun, which
     missed its mark, the ball lodging in a tree on this side of
     the river within 2 feet of me, for I was at work at my
     garden at the time. The Indian then fired his pistol, 2
     balls from which lodged in the shoulder of G. W. LeBreton,
     clerk of the court, tearing his arm dreadfully. Mr. LeB.
     seized the Indian with the other hand, and then threw him
     down. Winslow then ran up and knocked out his brains. In the
     meantime, 5 other Indians fired their guns, and then their
     arrows, and wounded two men."

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Reveille_, November 4, 1844.

     NEWS FROM OREGON.

     The _Western Expositor_ of Saturday last announces the
     arrival of Mr. Wm. Gilpin, formerly of this place, from
     Oregon. Mr. Gilpin passed the winter among the American
     settlements of the Willamette and the adjacent sea coast,
     and he describes them as enjoying prosperity when he left
     them in April last. The emigrant party of '43, which he
     accompanied, arrived at their destination in November last,
     "after having braved and overcome unparalleled dangers and
     difficulties from savages, from hunger, from thirst,
     crossing parched treeless plains, fierce angry rivers, and
     forcing their wagons through 1000 miles of mountains,
     declared impassable by the most experienced guides and
     voyageurs."

     This accession swelled the population of Oregon to upwards
     of 2000, and they had formed a government, elected officers,
     established courts, and a record of land titles. "Farms," he
     says, "freckle the magnificent plains, towns are springing
     up at convenient points upon the rivers, a dozen of
     excellent mills supply lumber and flour for home use and
     export; the fisheries are not neglected, and lands are
     surveyed. A college, numerous schools, and several churches
     are scattering education amongst the young. Money has been
     sent from New York for a printing press and steam engine,
     cattle and stock of all kinds are accumulating and rapidly
     increasing under a mild climate and unfailing pastures.
     Provisions of all kinds are abundant, of most excellent
     quality and moderate prices."

     Mr. Gilpin passed the trading fort of Bridger and Vasquez on
     the 19th of August. This fort is 100 miles west of Green
     River, and exactly half way from Independence to the
     Willamette. The American trappers scattered among the
     mountains had there collected to meet the emigrants of last
     spring; an advanced party of 30 of whom, with their wagons
     and cattle, passed on the 17th, two days later than the
     emigrants of the preceding year. Two larger companies
     behind, under the command of Gen. Gilliam and Col. Ford,
     passed subsequently, and all in good time reached the
     settlements before the setting in of winter.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Reveille_, January 20, 1845.

     OREGON.

     We learn from a letter published in the _Weston Journal_,
     dated at the Sandwich Islands, that the Oregon emigrants who
     went out during the past season, have made great changes in
     business, money now circulating, and everything begins to
     assume the appearance of the civilization, business, trade,
     and refinements this side of the mountains.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, February 8, 1848.

     OREGON.

     We see it stated in up-country papers that the late arrivals
     from Oregon furnished information that two parties of
     emigrants, dissatisfied with their prospects in that
     country, attempted to return home last winter, but were
     prevented by the difficulties of road and weather. We have
     never entertained a doubt that this disposition was
     uppermost with all the best portions of the emigration to
     that region; but obstacles are presented of such a character
     as to deter many persons from attempting to return.
     Emigrants from the states find the greatest difficulty in
     descending the mountain declivities into the valley of the
     Columbia River, but then their wagons have been relieved of
     a great part of the provisions and surplus weight, and they
     do get along. If they should attempt to return to the United
     States, however, a different prospect is presented. They
     must start amply provided with provisions and everything
     necessary for the journey, and thus loaded it has been
     deemed impossible to get wagons along over the mountains
     which they necessarily have to ascend in their progress.
     This cause alone has deterred many persons from making the
     attempt, and they have been compelled to accommodate
     themselves to a country and a condition of things in no
     respect better than they originally left. No man, in our
     opinion, who has a comfortable home in any of the states can
     be justified in giving it up in the expectation of bettering
     himself in Oregon. If he has a family, he does a gross
     injustice to them in exposing them to the hardships of so
     long and perilous a journey with no prospect of returning to
     their friends, should they become discontented; and even if
     an emigrant has nobody to care for but himself, he had
     better stay at home and earn an honest living, than go to
     Oregon and run the risk of working out a precarious one. For
     this reason we have never countenanced any one for whom we
     had the least respect in a journey to Oregon or California
     with a view to a fixed residence there. Neither country
     presents half the inducements to be found in any one of the
     Western states, and an adventure of this kind is prima facie
     evidence of a restless and discontented spirit, not likely
     to be pleased anywhere.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, May 19, 1848.

     On the 20th of November the Governor appointed Columbia
     Lancaster to be Supreme Judge of Oregon Territory, in place
     of J. Quinn Thornton, resigned. From some proceedings of the
     legislature of a subsequent period, we infer that Judge
     Thornton had left Oregon on a visit to Washington City, as a
     sort of general agent, to attend to the distribution of
     offices in the new territory. Of his arrival we have not
     heard, and it is probable that Mr. Meek may reach Washington
     before him.

     [Then follows proceedings of legislature, resolutions, etc.,
     intended to keep J. Q. T. from leaving the territory, quoted
     in full. Also Governor's message, expressing the
     disappointment at the failure of Congress to extend
     jurisdiction over that country, etc.]

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, July 26, 1848.

     ARRIVAL OF MR. KIT CARSON FROM CALIFORNIA.

     Information has been received by Gov. Mason in California of
     the difficulties between the Oregon settlers and Indians,
     but it does not appear to come down to a later date than
     that which we have received from Oregon direct.

       *       *       *       *       *

     _Republican_, August 2, 1848.

     LATE FROM OREGON.

     [General account of defense of Oregon regiment against
     Indians; death of Col. Gilliam, etc.]


     NOTE--A CORRECTION.

     The name "L. H. Ponjade" occurring on pages 268 and 269 of
     the September number of THE QUARTERLY should be L. H.
     Poujade.




INDEX




INDEX TO VOL. IV.


     Abbott, Captain, 237.

     Abbott, L. G., 365.

     Abrams, W. P., 60.

     Abrams, C., 63.

     Academy, Bishop Scott's, opened, 66.

     Academy, St. Mary's, opened, 66.

     Adair, Col. John, first collector customs at Astoria, 134, 135.

     Adams, Henry, wrote history of United States, 7.

     Adams, Emma H., 342.

     Adams, W. L., 365.

     Affleck & Gunn, publishers of _Puget Sound Courier_, 372.

     Agriculture in United States, table of, 118.

     Agriculture, 118-122;
       values, table of, 121.

     Aiken, ----, 139.

     Albert, Mrs. John H., 394.

     Allen, Capt. B. F., wounded, 234.

     Allen and Lewis, 197.

     Allen, ----, 353.

     Allen, George T., 265.

     "All Over Oregon and Washington";
       purpose of, 317.

     _Alta California, The_, 376.

     Alvarez, ----, consul at Santa Fé, 272.

     Alvarado, Governor of California under Mexican rule, 311.

     Alvord, General, 105.

     Anderson, E. K., 229.

     Angne [Augur?], Captain, 237.

     Ankeny, Captain, 196.

     American Antiquarian Society, 309.

     Applegate, Jesse, 106, 390.

     _Argonaut, The San Francisco_, 292.

     _Argus, The Puget Sound_, 373.

     Armstrong, Pleasant, 234.

     Arundel, Harcourt T., employed by Bancroft, 303.

     Astoria and Columbia River Railroad Company, 146.

     Astoria and Willamette Barge Company, 136.

     Astoria, Social and Economic History of, by Alfred A.
       Cleveland, 130.

     Astor, John Jacob, 8, 9, 131.

     _Astorian, The_, 28, 29, 30, 138;
       quotation from, 141, 142, 143.

     Atkinson, John, 365.

     "Atlantis Arisen," revision of "All Over Oregon and Washington,"
       317.

     Augur, General, 105.


     Babcock, Doctor, supreme judge of Oregon Territory, 285.

     Badollet, and Company, 140.

     Bagley, Clarence B., pioneer papers of Puget Sound, 365, 371,
         377, 378, 379;
       business manager _Courier_, 381;
       owner and publisher _Echo_, 382.

     Ball, John, teacher, 265.

     Bailey, Doctor, 230;
       governor Oregon Territory, 1845, 285.

     Bailey, W. E., purchased the _Press_, 383;
       purchased the _Times_, 384.

     Baker, Colonel E. D., candidate for United States senator, 72, 93;
       elected United States senator, 94, 99;
       mustered into service, 101;
       reply to Breckinridge, 102;
       death of, 103.

     Baker, Florence E., 84.

     Baker and Boyer, 195.

     Baker, D. S. & Company, 195.

     Baker, Dr. D. S., the pioneer railroad builder, sketch of life,
       195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200.

     Baker Mills, The, 217.

     Baltimore, J. M., 365.

     Bancroft Pacific States Publications: The origin and authorship of,
       A History of A History, by William Alfred Morris, 289.

     Bancroft, Hubert Howe, "The Macaulay of the West," 292;
       a sketch of early life and of growth of history project, 296;
       first venture as a literary man, 301;
       fame as historical writer, 310;
       method of collecting material, 324;
       three leading objects kept in mind in preparation of histories,
         328;
       plan for works, 335;
       not a great American historical writer, 337;
       errors in works, 358.

     Bancroft, H. H. & Company, firm of, organized, 297.

     Bancroft's histories, vastness of the enterprise, 289;
       not all his own work, 291;
       parts written by assistants, 330.

     Barclay, Mrs. Dr., 264.

     Barclay, Doctor, 265.

     Barnes, Mary Sheldon, 362.

     Barnes, Edward, 230.

     Barron, Major, 229.

     Bates, Alfred, employed by Bancroft, 325, 363;
       sketch of life, 331.

     Bausman, W., and Company, printers, of _Northern Light_, 372.

     _Beacon, The_, 382.

     Berry, A. M., first printer on the _Oregonian_, 370.

     Berry, Pamelia Ann, 249.

     Bent, Charles, 272.

     Benton, Senator, 91, 157.

     Bewley, F. M., 390.

     Black, Capt. H. M., 99.

     Blair, J. I., 248.

     Besserer, Charles, 365.

     Bidwell, Major, 222, 223.

     "Blue Book, The Big," name for Iowa code of laws, 188.

     "Blue Book, The Little," 188.

     Bigelow, Daniel R., elected commissioner to draft code of laws
       for Oregon, 190, 191, 192.

     Bernie, James, 132, 265.

     Blakeley, James, 74.

     Blanchet, Archbishop, 66, 269.

     Blethen, Col. A. J., purchased _The Times_, 385.

     Boelling, V., 22, 32.

     Boardman, John, letter from, 276.

     Boise, Reuben P., 167;
       elected commissioner to draft code of laws for Oregon, 190;
       elected state representative, 192, 194.

     Bonneville, Captain, 359.

     Boon, John L., 104.

     Booth, A., & Company, 140.

     Bohttink, Professor, 319.

     Bowman, Amos, employed by Bancroft, 314.

     Border Ruffians, 42.

     Bosquetti, librarian for Bancroft, 299.

     Boyer, John F., 195, 196.

     Boyle, ----, 145.

     Breckinridge, John C., nominated for president, 94, 101.

     Breitenbush, John, 248.

     Bridger, Jim, 113.

     Brotchie, Captain, 265.

     Brooks, John P., 390.

     Brosset, M., 319.

     Brown, ----, 26.

     Brown, Miss, teacher, 29.

     Brown, John, 42.

     Brown, Hugh, founder of Brownsville, 74.

     Brown, F. M., 74.

     Brown, Beriah, 365, 372;
       editor _Puget Sound Dispatch_, 377;
       publisher _Puget Sound Dispatch_, 379.

     Brown, J. Henry, employed by Bancroft, 314.

     Buchanan, Lieutenant Colonel, 99, 237, 238.

     Buchanan, President, 126.

     Buffalo Historical Society, 309.

     _Bulletin, The_, 317, 369.

     Burnett, Peter H., 11, 78, 256, 271;
       letters of taken from _Ohio Statesman_ and _St. Louis Reporter_,
         180.

     Burnett, John, 365.

     Bush, Asahel, territorial printer, 192, 193, 365;
       editor _Oregon Statesman_, 370.

     Burke, Thomas, 379.

     Butler, Hillory, 378.

     Butler, Henry, 104.

     Butterfield, John, 126.

     Byers, ----, founder _Rocky Mountain News_, 327.


     Calapooia, The Upper, by George O. Goodall, 70.

     _Call_ and _Daily Press_ consolidated, 383.

     California Pioneers, Society of, 294, 351.

     California material, how collected by Bancroft, 311.

     _Californian, The_, pioneer paper of California, 376.

     Campbell, John G., 390.

     Carey, Alice and Phoebe, 315.

     Carson, Kit, 230, 239.

     Carter, Miss Julia, 64.

     Carter, ----, 232.

     Cartwright, Charlotte Moffett, Glimpses of Early Days in Oregon,
       69.

     Carey, ----, 393.

     Case, Hon. Wm. M., 244.

     Casey, General, 105.

     Cavalry, The First Oregon, recruited, 100, 103.

     Cavender, A. B., 74.

     Cavendish, McDonald and, 74.

     Cavanaugh, Thomas H., purchased _Courier_, 381.

     Cerruti, Enrique, employed by Bancroft, 311.

     Chamberlain, Governor George E., 12.

     Chamberlain, A., state representative, 389.

     Chapman Code, The, 186, 188, 190.

     Chapman, Hon. W. W., 186.

     Chittenden, Captain, the American Fur Trade in the Far West
       (quoted), 6, 9.

     _Chronicle, The San Francisco_, 293.

     Chronicles of the Builders of the Commonwealth, plan of, 334.

     Clark, George Rogers, proposed expedition of, 5.

     Clark, Harvey, 59.

     Clark, ----, 167.

     Clark, Ransom, 390.

     Clarke, S. A., The Montures on French Prairie, 265, 268, 365.

     Clay, Henry, 273.

     Cleveland, Alfred A., The Educational History of Astoria, Oregon,
       21.

     Cleveland, Alfred A., The Social and Economic History of Astoria,
       130.

     Clugage, James and Poole, located first mining claim in Southern
       Oregon, 229.

     Coffin, Stephen, 65.

     Columbia River, discovery of, 5.

     _Columbian, The_, pioneer newspaper north of the Columbia River,
       372, 376.

     Colvig, Hon. Wm. H., Indian Wars of Southern Oregon, 227.

     Colvig, Dr. Wm. L., 227, 228, 230.

     Collins, John, 385.

     Commerce, 123.

     Cone, Aaron, 252.

     Cone, Anson Sterling, 251.

     Cone, Philander J., 259.

     Connelly, Dr., 272.

     Connelly, Owen, 66.

     Cook, Captain, off the Oregon coast, 4.

     Cook, Francis H., 366; publisher _The Echo_, 381.

     Cooper, Frank, 248.

     Coquille Guards, 238.

     Corbett, H. W., 63, 64;
       senator, 196.

     Cornelius, Thomas R., appointed colonel, 99, 101, 135.

     Corvallis and Eastern Railroad, 247.

     Couch, John H., 390.

     _Courier, The Puget Sound_, 372, 380;
       the daily, first appearance, 380.

     Courtnay, Mrs. Agnes B., 74.

     Courtnay, Isaac B., 75.

     Coues, Dr. Elliott, 6.

     Cowles, Captain R., 100.

     Cox, Anderson, state representative, 389.

     Craig, D. W., 365.

     Crawford, Medorum, 390.

     Crawford, P. V., 71, 167.

     Crawford, Samuel C., 372.

     Crawford, Samuel L., 378;
       city editor _Post Intelligencer_, 379.

     Creighton, Captain, 237.

     Crooks, General George, 239.

     Crosby, Captain, 59.

     Culver, Samuel, 229.

     Cunningham, ----, 234.

     Currey, Captain George B., 100.

     Curry, Governor George L., 238, 368.

     Cushing, William, 390.

     Cushing, ----, minister to China, 274.


     Dall, Captain W. L., appointed lieutenant in navy, 104.

     Damon, John F., 365, 371;
       editor _The Northwest_, 373.

     Daniels, Travers, publisher Port Townsend _Register_, 372.

     Daniel, ----., 377.

     Davenport, T. W., An Object Lesson in Paternalism, 33, 244, 247,
       248.

     Davenport, Miss Orla, 249.

     Davis, ----, secretary of war, 157.

     Davis, H. W., appointed captain volunteer company, 61.

     Davis, A. L., 63.

     Davies, Griffith, 378.

     Deady, Judge M. P., 352, 353;
       contributions to Oregon Pioneer Association, 391.

     Deakins, William, 280.

     Dean, N. C., 229.

     Deardorff, J. D., and wife, 26, 27.

     Degrett, Phillip, 389.

     Dement, William C., 390.

     Dempsey, Thomas H., publisher _Times_, 384.

     Dennison, A. P., 99.

     Denny, Mrs. O. P., 261.

     Dent, Captain F. T., 99.

     Depot, Peter, 269.

     Derby, George H., 296.

     Devlin and Nygant, 140.

     Dilley, ----, 231.

     _Dispatch, The Puget Sound_, 377, 379.

     Dixon, Hepworth, 327.

     Doane, Rev. N., 65.

     Documents, 78;
       Oregon material taken from a file of an Independence, Mo., and
         Weston, Mo., paper for 1844 and 1845, 270, 395.

     Dodge, Hon. A. C., 78.

     Douglas House Bill of 1846, 90.

     Douglas, Stephen A., candidate for president of United States, 94.

     Douglass, ----, 265.

     Downing, George S., 244, 247.

     Draper, Doctor, 34.

     Draper, Mrs. Sarah, 264.

     Drew, C. S., Major First Oregon Cavalry, 100.

     Dryer, Thomas J., 64, 93, 365;
       first editor of _Oregonian_, 370.

     Duncan, L. J. C., 229.

     Duncan, Alexander, 266.

     Dunlap, John A., 75;
       representative, 76.

     Duniway, Mrs., 365.

     Dunn, Pat, 229, 232.

     Dyar, ----., 234.

     Dyer, E. S., publisher _Northwest_, 373.

     Dyson, George, 74.


     Eberman, N., 132.

     Eccleson, Col. E., 247.

     Edison, Thomas A., 39.

     Edwards, Edward, 232.

     Ely, Lieutenant, 232.

     Ematinger, Frank, 390.

     Emigration of 1843, experiences of, 177.

     Evans Creek, battle of, 233.

     Evans, Mr., constructed a ferry on Rogue River, 229.

     Evans, General Elwood, 314, 352.

     Everett, ----., 43.

     _Expositor, The Western_, 74.

     _Express Advance, The_, 74.


     Faber, J. G., 234.

     Failing, Josiah, 63.

     Fairweather, H. W., 199.

     Fessenden, Mr., 102.

     Ferguson, Mr., 272.

     Ferry, Elisha P., first governor of Washington, 380.

     Ferry, James P., published _Times_, 384.

     Field, Justice Stephen J., 351.

     Fielding, ----., 234.

     Fields, Thomas, 75.

     Fillmore, President, 187.

     Finance, 126.

     Findlay, John, 75.

     Finlayson, Mr., and wife, 28.

     Finley, R. C., 70, 71, 72, 74.

     Fisher, Walter M., 299;
       sketch of life, 300.

     Flavel, Captain George, 32.

     Flemming, John, printer _Oregon Spectator_, 368.

     Foard and Stokes Company, 143.

     Ford, Mark, 390.

     Foster, Phillip, 390.

     Fowler, W. W., 232.

     Frazer, Thomas, 63.

     Fremont, Captain, 11, 78;
       colonel, 157, 158, 230;
       general, 239, 245.

     Fur and Trading Company, 80.

     Fur Company, The American, 274;
       The Northwest, 130, 137;
       The Missouri, organized, 8;
       The Pacific, 8.

     Furth, Jacob, 378.


     Gale, James N., 366.

     Garfield, Selucius, defeated for congress, 380.

     Gary, Rev. Mr., 276.

     Gatch, Prof. T. M., 249.

     Gay, George, 230.

     _Gazette, The Marine_, 31, 138.

     _Gazette, The_, published first dispatch coming by wire to
         Seattle, 377;
       first paper in Seattle, 375.

     Gervais, Joseph, 243, 244.

     Gibbs, Addison C., was governor of Oregon, 108, 214, 217.

     Gibbs, A. C., editor _Oregon Weekly Times_, 368.

     Gibbs, ----., 232.

     Gibson, George R., 273.

     Gilliam, Colonel Cornelius, 243.

     Gilmore, S. M., letter from, 284.

     Gilpin, Mr., 271.

     Glass, Robert, 72.

     Gold, discovery of, in California, prices of products in Oregon,
       49, 60.

     "Gold Beach Guards," 238.

     Goldschmidt, Albert, employed by Bancroft, 304.

     Goodall, George O., the Upper Calapooia, 70.

     Goodall, Captain James P., 233.

     Grace Church Parish School started, 23, 27.

     Grant, General, 105, 109, 239.

     Grant, Frederick J., 378.

     Gray, Captain, sent to North Pacific Coast, 5, 9, 131, 205.

     Gray, Chesley, 229.

     Green, Wm. O., 196.

     Greenwood, Mary, 161.

     Griffin, Lieutenant Burrell, 233.

     Griffin, George Butler, sketch of life, 348.

     Gunn, E. T., newspaper man, 380.

     Gunn, Affleck &, 372.

     Gwin, Senator, plan for slave-holding republic on Pacific Coast,
       105, 106.


     Hall, Peter D., 259.

     Hall, Edwin O., 367.

     Hall, Ike M., 381.

     Hally, C. F., 280.

     Hamilton, S. M., 67.

     Hamilton, Louis, reference to, 190.

     Hand Book Almanac, 297.

     Hanford, Thaddeus, 374, 380.

     Hanley, Mrs. John A., 235.

     Hanthorn & Company, cannerymen, 141.

     Harding, Captain E. J., 100.

     Harding, Benjamin F., quartermaster First Oregon Cavalry, 100.

     Harding, Senator, 214, 217.

     Harding, John R., killed by Indians, 233.

     Harger, Mrs. Harriet, 264.

     Harker, Charles, 104.

     Harris, Captain T. S., 100.

     Harris, David, 235.

     Harris, Mary, 235.

     Harris, ----, 252.

     Harris, George W., 378.

     Hathaway, Major J. S., 135.

     Hawthorne, Doctor, 61.

     Hays, Judge Benjamin, 312.

     Hazen, Captain, 105.

     Helm, George, "Lion of Linn," 73.

     Hensill, Mrs. Mary J., 66.

     _Herald, Puget Sound_, 372, 381.

     _Herald, The Cleveland_, 315.

     Hewitt, Miss, teacher, 24, 29.

     Hewitt, Randall H., 365;
       publisher _Pacific Tribune_, 374;
       published _Echo_, 381.

     High School, The Astoria, 31.

     Higgins, David, 366.

     Hill, Mrs., 26.

     Hill, W. Lair, 365;
       editor _Oregon Weekly Times_, 369.

     Hill, Homer M., purchased _Chronicle_, 383.

     Himes, Geo. H., 375.

     History of the Preparation of the First Code of Oregon, by James
       K. Kelly, 185.

     History of the Early Indian Wars of Oregon, 318.

     History Company, The, 333.

     Hittell, John S., 299, 331.

     Hobson, John, 32.

     Hobson, Mr., and family, 132.

     Hodgins, ----, 232.

     Hogg, Col. T. E., 248.

     Holderness, S. M., 390.

     Holman, Joseph, Short Biography of, 392.

     Holman, George Phelps, first white child born in Marion County,
       394.

     Holladay, Ben, published _The Bulletin_, 369.

     _Home Journal_, of New York, 315.

     Hood, Gen. J. B., 239.

     Hooker, Colonel Joseph, 104;
       builder of military wagon road, 239.

     Hoover, Jacob, 390.

     Hopkins, Mrs. Rebeka, 259.

     Hopwood, Moses, 229.

     Hosford, Rev. C. O., opened first school in Astoria, 21.

     Houston, Sam, 151.

     Howell, ----., 232.

     Hudson Bay Company, possession of the Northwest, 9, 78, 81, 82,
         83, 89;
       and Northwest Fur Company consolidated, ----, ----, 132, 153,
         154, 156, 242, 261.

     Hughes, W. H., 378.

     Hughes and Davies, purchased _The Times_, 385.

     Humason, Judge, 217.

     Hume, R. D., and Company, 140.

     Hungry Hill, battle of, 236.

     Hunt, L. S. J., 383.

     Hunter, Col. George, "Reminiscences of an Old Timer," quotation
       from, 97.

     Hunt's Astor party, route of, 10.

     Heisler, William, 71.

     Husted, General, 390.

     Hustler, Captain, 134, 139.

     Huston, H. Clay, 267.

     Hyde, Aaron J., 65.

     Hyde, H. H., 390.

     Hyland, Rev. T. H., 23.

     Hyland, Mrs. T. H., 23.


     Indian Wars of Southern Oregon, an address by William H. Colvig,
       227.

     Indians: Umpquas, 228;
       Klamaths, 228;
       Rogue Rivers, 228;
       Modoc, 228;
       Shasta, 228;
       Mollalas, 241;
       Cayuses, 241, 255;
       Klamaths, 242;
       Warm Spring, 242;
       Pawnees, 252.

     Infantry, The First Oregon, 108.

     _Informant, The_, 74.

     Ingalls, Rufus, 105.

     Ingalls, David, 133, 136.

     Ingraham, E. S., 378.

     _Intelligencer, The Weekly_, 377.

     _Iowa Gazette_, 78.

     Iowa Code, 188.

     Ireland, D. C., 366.

     Irish, Tom, 230.

     Irving, Washington, 358.


     Jack, D. N., elected assessor of Linn County, 76.

     Jack, Porter, 244.

     Jackson, Stonewall, 42.

     Jackson, Mrs. Helen Hunt, 326.

     Jackson, P. B., 365.

     Jackson, David E., letter of, 395.

     Jacobs, Judge Orange, 371.

     Jefferson, President, trading posts with Indians, 5, 12, 110.

     Jefferson, Delos, 65.

     Johns, James, 79.

     Johnson, Miss, 24.

     Johnson, Doctor, 38.

     Johnson, Mr., 63.

     Johnson, P. B., 365.

     Jones, Mr., killed by Indians, 235.

     Jones, Captain, 237.

     _Journal, The Independence_, 270, 277.


     Kautz, General A. V., 239.

     Kearny, Major Phil, 231, 239.

     Keene, Granville, 234.

     Keeney, Johnathan, 74.

     Kelley, Hall J., agitating colonization of Oregon, 9.

     Kelly, Captain William, 100.

     Kelly, James K., History of the Preparation of the "First Code
         of Oregon," 185;
       elected commissioner to draft code of laws for Oregon, 189;
       nominated and elected member of council, 192.

     Kendrick, Captain, sent to North Pacific coast, 5.

     Kenny, George L., 296.

     Kirchoff, Louis, 137.

     Kilham, E. H., 353, 358.

     Killin, Hon. Benton, 188

     Kincaid, Mr., night school taught by, 24.

     King, Colonel William, 60, 65.

     King, Wm. H., 66.

     Kingsley, C. S., 67.

     Kinney's cannery, 140.

     Kinney, R. C., & Sons, 139.

     Kinney, M. J., 141.

     Kirk, Alexander, 74;
       elected county judge of Linn County, 76.

     Kirk, W. R., 74.

     Klippel, Henry, laid out Jacksonville as a town, 230, 235.

     Knights of the Golden Circle, 73, 106, 108.

     Knight, Wm. H., Manager Bancroft Publishing Department, 297.

     Kuro-shiwo of Japan (Japan current), 39.


     La Bonte, Louis, Recollections of Men, 264.

     Ladd, W. S., 61, 63.

     Lamerick, Captain J. K., 232.

     Lampson, Roswell C., 104.

     Land Law, The Donation, 37, 38, 229.

     Lane, General Joseph, appointed governor of Oregon, 91;
       nominated for vice president, 94, 95, 101, 105, 106, 233, 234,
         239, 370

     Larkin, T. N., 63.

     Larrabee, Charles H., publisher _Puget Sound Dispatch_, 380.

     Larrabee & Company, publishers _Puget Sound Dispatch_, 377.

     Latshaw, Major, 238.

     Latty, Alexander, 265.

     Lawrence, Miss, 28.

     Lawson, Peter, 257.

     Leary, John, 378.

     Ledford Massacre, 236.

     _Ledger, The Philadelphia_, 277.

     _Ledger, The Weekly_, 382.

     Lee, Jason, 265, 393.

     Lee, Barton, 390.

     Lee, H. A. G., 390.

     Leinweber, Christian, 137.

     Lewis and Clark Centennial, The, by F. G. Young, 1.

     Lewis and Clark Expedition--Relation to the Northwest, 1;
       primary inception of, 6.

     Lewis and Clark, exploring expedition, 5;
       the trail, 10, 12, 13, 115.

     Lewis and Clark Centennial, mission of, 2;
       possibilities of, 16;
       duties of its authorities, 16-18.

     Lewis, Mr., 9, 130.

     Lewis and Clark, 8.

     Lewis, Stephen (Etienne Lucier), 264.

     Limerick, L., 63;
       appointed county school superintendent, 64.

     Lincoln, Miss Liza, 26.

     Lincoln, Abraham, 74, 97, 99, 101, 108, 370.

     Lindgren, Waldemar, 124.

     Lingenfelter, James W., 104.

     Linn, Senator Lewis F., 151.

     Literary Club, The Pioneer Lyceum, 390.

     Little Meadows, Battle of, 233.

     Lorraine, Lieutenant, 105.

     Lorrea, Doctor, 61.

     Louisiana Purchase Exposition, purpose of, 14.

     Love, George, 235.

     Love, G. M., 235.

     Lovejoy, Hon. A. L., appointed postal agent for Oregon, 192, 256,
       390.

     Lownesdale, D. H., 59.

     Lucier, Etienne, 261, 264.

     Luelling, H., 59.

     Lugenbeel, Major, 99.

     Lumber Industry, The, 124.

     Lupton, Major J. A., 234.

     Lyman, Rev. Horace, 65.

     Lyman, H. S., Some Corrections, 86.

     Lyman, H. S., Reminiscences, 251, 268.

     Lyon, Colonel George G., published _Times_, 384.


     Madison, President, 9.

     _Mail and Express, The New York_, 357.

     Manufacturing, 122.

     Marshall, J. W., discoverer of gold in California, 11.

     Massachusetts Historical Society, 309.

     Massacre at Bloody Point, 232.

     Mason, Robert, & Company, 141.

     Masters, ----, 254.

     Mathieu, F. X., 167, 389.

     Matthews, Captain Wm., 100.

     Mattice, George W., purchased _Pierce County News_, 382.

     Maulsby, G. T., 26.

     Manson, Donald, 261, 265.

     Manson, James, 262.

     Manson, Jr., Donald, 262.

     Manson, Wm., 261, 262.

     Manson, Stephen, 262.

     Maury, R. F., Lieutenant Colonel First Oregon Cavalry, 100.

     Maxwell, Mr., 26.

     Maxwell, S. L., 366;
       publisher _Weekly Intelligencer_, 377.

     Mead, Elwood, chief of Division of Irrigation, 17.

     Meany, E. S., 379.

     Medary, Col. Samuel, 174.

     Meek, Joseph, 85, 90;
       United States Marshal, 91, 160, 316, 393.

     Meek, Stephen L., 242, 245.

     "Message, The," 373.

     McBride, Dr. James, 231.

     McCarver, M. M., 78;
       letter of, 403.

     McClure, Colonel John, 132, 137.

     McDonald & Cavendish, 74.

     McElroy, Thornton F., 365, 376.

     McFadden, Judge O. B., elected to congress, 380.

     McCaw, William, elected clerk of Linn County, 76.

     McGraw, John H., 378.

     McGregor, Miss, teacher, 29.

     McGruder, Top, 390.

     McHargue, James, 75.

     McKay, Tom, 244, 256, 266.

     McKay, Alexander, 257.

     McKean, S. T., 32;
       and family, 133.

     McKew, ----, 234.

     McKinley, Archibald, 264, 265.

     McLoughlin, Dr. John, in charge of Fort George, 131, 154, 257,
         264, 281;
       flouring mill completed, 387.

     McNaught, Ferry, McNaught & Mitchell, law firm of, 383.

     McNemee, Mr., 64.

     McNemee, Job, 258.

     Miller, Dan, 230.

     Miller, Captain John F., 232.

     Mills, James, 234.

     Mineral Productions, 123, 124.

     Miner, Dr. Thomas T., 379.

     Minto Pass: Its History and an Indian Tradition, by John Minto,
       241.

     Minto, John, 167: Minto Pass: Its History and an Indian Tradition,
       241, 243, 244, 247, 390.

     Missouri Historical Society, 270.

     Mofras' description of Astoria in 1841, 131.

     Monnastes, David, 61.

     Money, Beaver, coined at Oregon City, 62.

     Montgomery, Robert, 75.

     Montgomery, Frank C., editor _Chronicle_, 382.

     Monture, George and Robert, 269.

     Montures on French Prairie, The, by S. A. Clarke, 268.

     Mooney, Mr. and Mrs., publishers _The Beacon_, 382.

     Moore, Mr., 26.

     Moore, Asa, 70, 74.

     Moore, Robert, 71, 76.

     Moore, Miles C., on A Pioneer Railroad Builder, 195.

     Moore, Charles, 196.

     Moore, Paine Brothers &, 196.

     Morrison, Captain R. W., 386.

     Morris, ----, 232.

     Morris, William Alfred, The Origin and Authorship of the Bancroft
       Pacific States Publications: A History of a History, 287.

     Morris, George P., editor _New York Home Journal_, 315.

     Morse, Mrs. H. B., 22.

     Moss, S. W., 390.

     "Mountain Men," 9.

     Mullan, Captain John, From Walla Walla to San Francisco, 202.

     Municipal Exposition, Dresden, Germany, 18.

     Murphy, John Miller, 365;
       publisher _Standard_, 372, 374, 376.

     Murray, Edward F., assistant to Bancroft, 312.

     Muscovite, the advance of in the Pacific Northwest, 4.


     Nash, Isaac M., 84.

     Native Races, The, preparation of material, 308.

     Naylor, T. G., 254.

     Neale, Miss, teacher, 29.

     Nelson, Thomas chief justice supreme court, 187, 188;
       relieved of office of supreme judge, 189.

     Nemos, William, employed by Bancroft, 305;
       sketch of life, 322;
       severed connections with Bancroft library, 333.

     Nesmith, Senator Jas. W., 47, 167, 387;
       contributions to Oregon Pioneer Association, 390, 391.

     _New Era, The_, 277;
       extract from, 399.

     Newell, ----, 205.

     Newell, Robert, 265, 388, 390, 393.

     Newell, Wm., 365.

     Newkirk, Mr., employed by Bancroft, 325.

     _New Penelope, The_, 317.

     _News, The Pierce County_, 382.

     Nolan, Rhodes, 232.

     _North Pacific Coast_, 382.

     _Northern Light_, 372.

     _Northwest Coast_, 81.

     _Northwest, The_, 378.


     Oak, Ora, employed by Bancroft, 299.

     Oak, Henry L., Bancroft's librarian, 298;
       main facts of his life, 298, 305;
       retired from Bancroft's library, 333.

     O'Bryant, Hugh D., first mayor of Portland, 61.

     _Occident, The_, Presbyterian paper, 298.

     Officer, James, 280.

     Ogden, Isaac, 262.

     Ogden, William, 264.

     Ogden, Emma, 264.

     Ogden, Peter Skeen, 262, 264, 265.

     _Ohio Statesman_, 78.

     Olney, Judge Cyrus, the Olney lottery, 137.

     O'Meara, James, 365.

     Oregon, Glimpses of Early Days in, by Charlotte Moffett
       Cartwright, 55.

     _Oregon Spectator, The_, 81;
       first newspaper in old Oregon, 368.

     Oregon and Its Share in the Civil War, by Robert Treat Platt, 89.

     Oregon, a territory of United States, 91;
       became a state, 93;
       voted for Lincoln, 94;
       railroad to, 277;
       printing press, 286.

     "Oregon Country, The," 111.

     Oregon--Pittsburgh meeting and Dr. White's report, 170.

     Oregon Historical Society, 167;
       old mission press, 368.

     Oregon Territory, confused condition of statutory laws, 185.

     Oregon Bar Association, 185.

     Oregon Emigration Movement, documents relating to, 170.

     Oregon Steam Navigation Company, 196, 197, 198;
       bought six sevenths stock Walla Walla and Columbia River Railroad
         Company, 199, 204, 206, 353.

     Oregon, Provisional Government of, adoption of Iowa laws, 185.

     Oregon Reports, 187.

     Oregon Country and Its Earlier Conditions, Letters descriptive of,
       178.

     Oregon Code, 194.

     Oregon Emigrating Company, 177.

     Oregon Emigrants, extract from _Independence Journal_, 271.

     Oregon Pioneer Association, 314.

     _Oregon Weekly Times_, 368.

     _Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, The_, 368.

     Oregon Emigrating Company, 403.

     Oregon Railway and Navigation Company, 139, 143, 199, 200.

     _Oregon Free Press_, 368.

     _Oregonian_, first published, 64, 293, 369;
       Daily, 370, 376.

     Ord, General, 105.

     Ord, Captain E. O. C., 237.

     Osborne, ----, 260.

     Otie, Ed, 390.

     _Overland Monthly, The_, 300, 304, 317.

     _Overland Press, The_, 373.

     Owens, Adair, Mrs. Dr., 26.

     Owens, Captain Elias A., 232.

     Owens, Colonel, 272.


     Paine Brothers & Moore, 196.

     Pambrun, ----., 264, 265.

     Parker, Mrs. H. B., 32.

     Parker, Mrs. W. W., 29.

     Parker, W. W., 32, 133, 135.

     Parker, James M., 267.

     Parrish, Rev. J. L., 132.

     _Partisan_, 381.

     Paternalism, An Object Lesson In, by T. W. Davenport, 33.

     Patrick, H. C., 366;
       started _Weekly Ledger_, 382.

     Pearne, Thomas H., 365.

     Peatfield, J. J., employed by Bancroft, 345;
       sketch of life, 346, 363.

     Peel, Lieut. William, 387.

     Perry, ----, 132.

     Pettygrove, F. W., 390.

     Perkins, Dr. J. N., 71.

     Perkins, T., constructed a ferry on Rogue River, 229.

     Petroff, Ivan, sketch of life, 318;
       employed by Bancroft, 318, 363.

     Phelps, Almira, 394.

     Philpot, ----., 234.

     Philbrick, C. W., published _Puget Sound Argus_, 373.

     Phillips, Wendell, 292.

     Pickett, Charles E., 387, 390.

     Pierce, President, 192.

     Pinart, M., furnished Bancroft's Alaska material, 318.

     Pioneer and Historical Society, 138.

     Pioneer Captain of Industry in Oregon, A, by James R. Robertson,
       150.

     Pioneer Railroad Builder, A, by Miles C. Moore, 195.

     Pioneer Papers of Puget Sound, by Clarence B. Bagley, 365.

     Pittock, H. L., 365;
       printer of the _Oregonian_, 370.

     Poe, A. M., 365.

     Polk, President James K., 90, 91, 187.

     Polk, Colonel, 272.

     Pomeroy, Mrs., 253.

     Poujade, L. H., 268.

     Poole, J. R. and Clugage, located first mining claim in Southern
       Oregon, 229.

     Poole, John R., laid out Jacksonville as a town, 230.

     Pope, Miss, teacher, 22.

     Population, increase of, in West, 114;
       table of, for United States, 116.

     Porter, Nathan S., 381.

     Portland founded, 59.

     Port Orford Minute Men, 238.

     _Post Intelligencer, The_, 374.

     _Post, The Seattle Weekly_, 377;
       _The Daily_, 378.

     _Post_ and _Intelligencer_ consolidated, 378.

     Powell, Joab, 71.

     Powers, T. P., 22, 29, 136.

     Poyntz, Stone &, 229.

     Pratt, O. C., justice supreme court, 187, 188.

     Pratt, Orson B., appointed historian Mormon Church, 321.

     Pratt, Mrs. William, 264.

     Pratt, John W., 385.

     _Press, The_, 373;
       Daily, 383.

     Prigg, F., 390;
       publisher of _Pacific Tribune_, 374.

     Prosch, Thomas W., 366, 371, 378;
       published _Puget Sound Herald_, 372.

     Prosch, Charles, 366, 371, 374, 381.

     Prosch, Fred, in charge mechanical work of _Courier_, 381.

     Provisional Government of Oregon, 89.

     Public School, The, of Astoria, 25.

     Public buildings, transferred from Oregon City to Salem, trouble
       caused, 186.


     Radebaugh, R. F., 366;
       started _Weekly Ledger_, 382.

     Railroad, Astoria and Willamette Valley, 135.

     Railroad, Astoria and Columbia River, 136.

     Railroad, Astoria and South Coast, 116.

     Railroad Transportation, 125, 126.

     Railroad Bill, The Pacific, 219.

     Railroad, Corvallis and Eastern, 247.

     Raleigh, P., 63.

     Rasmus, employed by Bancroft, 355.

     _Record-Union, Sacramento_, 292.

     Rector, William H., state representative, 389;
       head of Salem Woolen Mill, 215.

     Reed, C. A., 60, 65.

     Reed, Henry E., The Great West and The Two Easts, 129.

     Reed, T. A., 235.

     Rees, Willard H., In Memoriam of, 386.

     Rees, Willard H., elected state representative, 389, 390;
       contribution to Oregon Pioneer Association, 391.

     Rees, R. R., 365.

     _Register, The Port Townsend_, 372.

     Reminiscences secured by H. S. Lyman, 251.

     _Reporter, Saint Louis_, 78.

     _Republican, The Missouri_, extracts from, 399, 402.

     Reynolds, General, 105.

     Rhoades, Captain Jacob, 233.

     Rice, J. N., 72.

     Richards, Franklin D., 321, 324.

     Riggs, T. A., 70, 72;
       copy letter of, 74.

     Riley and Ginder, 144.

     Rinearson, J. S., junior major First Oregon Cavalry, 100.

     River of the West, The, 316.

     Rivet, Francis, 389.

     Robb, Professor, 28.

     Robertson, James R., on A Pioneer Captain of Industry, 150.

     Roberts, A. B., 353.

     Robnett, Wm., 75.

     _Rocky Mountain News, The_, 327.

     Roosevelt, Theodore, "Winning of the West," (quoted), 7.

     Rose, Wm. R., death of, 233.

     Ross, Colonel J. E., 232.

     Ruckle, Colonel, 207.

     Russell, General, 105.

     Russell, Uncle Bill, 228.

     Russian-American Company, 319.


     Saffren, Henry, 390.

     Samuels, L., 365.

     Saunders, Mr., 230.

     Savage, Thomas, employed by Bancroft, 306;
       sketch of life, 346, 362.

     Savannah Oregon Emigrating Company, report of committee, 278.

     Sawmill, first in Oregon, 60.

     Scarborough, Captain, 265.

     School History of Astoria, what it reveals, 32.

     School, The Wilcox, first in Portland, 64.

     Schools in Lane County, Early, letter by Joseph H. Sharp, 267.

     Scott, Harvey W., 365;
       editor _Oregonian_, 370.

     Scott, General, 101.

     Scott, Captain L. S., 246.

     Semple, Eugene, 365, 371.

     Sutter's Ranch, 224.

     _Seattle Times_ and _Alaska Herald_, 379.

     Seward, William H., 110.

     Sharpstein, B. L., 196.

     Sharp, Joseph H., Early Schools in Lane County, 268.

     Shelby, A. D., 63.

     Sheridan, General, 68, 105, 109, 164, 239.

     Sherman, General, 109, 200.

     Shaw, Hon. T. C., 243.

     Shively, Mr., 84, 229.

     Shively, J. M., 132;
       first postmaster west of Rocky Mountains, 133, 136.

     Shortess, Robert, 132.

     Skinner, Mrs. Judge A. A., 26.

     Skinner, Judge A. A., 26;
       located first donation land claim, 229.

     Small, D. W., 197.

     Smart, Robert G., editor _Western Expositor_, 283.

     Smith, Gerritt, 36.

     Smith, Delazon, 72, 94, 104.

     Smith, Volney, 104.

     Smith, Solomon, 132.

     Smith, Jedediah, attacked by Indians, 230;
       letter of, 395.

     Smith, Thomas, 229.

     Smith, Hugh, 232.

     Smith, Gen. A. J., 105;
       Captain, 236, 238, 239.

     Smith, Joseph S., editor of the _Oregon Statesman_, 370.

     Smith, Noyes, 390.

     Smith, Isaac W., 390.

     Snooks, Major, 104.

     South Pass, The, discovery of, 10.

     Spalding, Rev. H. H., 71, 76, 367.

     Spanish, Advance of, in Pacific Northwest, 4.

     Speyers, ----., 272.

     Stanbough, Joe, 256.

     _Standard, The Washington_, 374.

     _Star, The_, first paper in San Francisco, 376.

     States, Henry, 243, 248.

     _Statesman, The Washington_, article of Captain John Mullan, 202.

     _Statesman, The Oregon_, 353, 360, 370.

     Steen, Major, 99.

     Stein, Mr., 74.

     Stephens, J. B., 59.

     Stephens, Wm., 195, 196.

     Steptoe, Colonel, 69.

     Stewart, C., 64.

     Stewart, P. G., 390.

     Stevens, General, 105.

     Stone, B. F., 196.

     Stone & Poyntz, 229.

     Stone, Nathan J., charge of publication department, A. L. Bancroft
       & Company, 321.

     Strait, Hiram, 390.

     Strong, Judge, 134, 187, 188.

     Struve, Henry G., 371, 381.

     Stuart, Captain, death of, 231.

     St. Vrain, Mr., 372.

     Sublette, William L., letter of, 395.

     Supreme Court, decisions of, 187.

     Summers, Doctor, 132.

     Sumner, Brigadier General E. V., 99.


     Tarbox, a Wisconsin lumberman, 197.

     Taylor, Colonel James, 32.

     Taylor, Judge F. J., 135.

     Taylor, President, 187.

     Taylor, John, 321.

     Templeton, ----., 71.

     Templeton, William T., 75.

     Terwilliger, L. L., 66.

     Tibbetts, Mr., 132.

     Tilden, of Washington, 106.

     Times Printing Company, 385.

     _Times, Daily_, 384.

     Thompson, Frank W., 104.

     Thompson, Captain D. P., 100.

     Thornton, Judge, 91, 96.

     Thurston, Samuel R., first delegate Oregon territorial government,
       47.

     _Transcript, The Olympia_, 380.

     Trask, Mr., 132.

     Tremewan, Mrs. Anna, 261.

     _Tribune, The New York_, 293.

     _Tribune, Salt Lake_, 293, 294.

     _Tribune, The Pacific_, 374.

     Trimble, Edward, 251.

     Truax, Captain S., 100.

     Tuffs, James, 225.

     Turner, Professor F. J., 8.

     Turners, J., 230.

     T'Vault, Colonel William G., 365;
       editor _Oregon Spectator_, 368.


     Union League, The, 73.

     _Unionist, The_, 360.


     Vallejo, General, 311.

     Vancouver, Fort, 83.

     VanDusen, Miss Cora, 24.

     Van Voast, Captain, 99.

     Victor, Frances Fuller, 293, 294, 295, 305;
       employed by Bancroft, 314;
       sketch of life, 314, 324;
       volume on Nevada, Colorado, Wyoming, 324.

     Victor, Meta Fuller, 315.

     Victor, Henry C., 316.

     Vigilante committee, 107.

     Villard, Henry, bought Walla Walla and Columbia River Railroad,
       199, 200.


     Wagner, Mrs., murdered by Indians, 235.

     Wait, Hon. A. E., 188.

     Waite, E. M., 365.

     Waldo, Hon. John B., 246, 247, 248.

     Waldo, Daniel, 390.

     Waller, Rev. Alvan F., letter of, 178.

     Wallace, General Lew, 104.

     Walla Walla and Columbia River Railroad Company, 196.

     Walla Walla to San Francisco, From, by Capt. John Mullan, U. S. A.,
       202.

     Walworth, Lucy, 314.

     Walworth, Judge Reuben, 314.

     Wambaugh, J., 390.

     Ward, Kirk, a fluent writer, 383.

     Warren, Miss Emma C., conducted private school in Astoria, 24.

     Warren, Mr. R. K., 27.

     Warren, F. M., 66.

     Washington, Territory of, organized, 192.

     Watt, John, 150.

     Watt, Miss, 28.

     Watt, Joseph, Sr., 150;
       early life, 150, 159, 166, 390.

     Watson, J. R., 366, 375, 376.

     Wayne, J. W., 26.

     Weaver, ----, 228.

     Webster, Daniel, 43.

     Weir, Allen, bought _Puget Sound Argus_, 373.

     Welch, James, 26, 133.

     Wells, J., Letter to, 274.

     West, The Great and The Two Easts, by Henry E. Heed, 110.

     West, future of, 127;
       The Great, table of comparisons, 114.

     _Weston Journal_, 368.

     _Western Star_, 368.

     Western Union Telegraph, 140;
       completed to Seattle, 377.

     Whitacre, William T., 372.

     Whiteaker, Governor John, 99.

     White, Captain, 134.

     White, Dr. E., Indian sub-agent, 242.

     White, Harry, 383.

     Whitcomb, Lot, published _Western Star_, 368.

     Whitman, Doctor, 78, 79, 84, 254, 260, 367.

     Two Whitman Sources, 168.

     Whitmore, ----., 232.

     Whitney, ----., 277.

     Whitworth, James E., 381.

     Wilbur, J. H., 59, 64.

     Wilcox, Dr. Ralph, 64.

     Wiley & McElroy, publishers _Columbian_, 372.

     Wiley, J. W., 376.

     Willamette Valley and Cascade Mountain Military Wagon Road, 242.

     Williams, Geo., 104.

     Williams, Hon. George H., appointed chief Justice of Oregon
       Territory, 189.

     Williams, Captain R. L., 232.

     Williams, Robert, 315.

     Williams, Veach, 314.

     Williamson, ----., 26.

     Willis, N. P., editor _New York Home Journal_, 315.

     Wills, Thomas, 232.

     Wilson, A. E., 132.

     Wilson, Joseph G., 191.

     Woman's War With Whiskey, one of Mrs. Victor's books, 317.

     Woir, J. M., 390.

     Wood, Tallmadge B., copy of letters from, 80, 84, 132.

     Woodfin, Thomas S., 75.

     Woodworth, Mr., 230

     Wool, General John E., 236, 239.

     Woolery, James, 385.

     Worthington, Professor, 24, 28, 29.

     Wright, Colonel, 99, 105.

     Wright, Captain Ben, 232.

     Wyeth, Nathaniel J., expedition to the Columbia, 9.

     Wyley, ----., pioneer settler, 241.


     Yellowstone Expedition, failure of, 7.

     Young, F. G., The Lewis and Clark Centennial, 1.

     Young, Mrs. Maxwell, 24.





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