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          <pre class="pre tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
Title: The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min
       Chu I

Author: Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger

Release Date: April 2, 2012 [Ebook #39356]

Language: English

Character set encoding: UTF-8


***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF SUN YAT-SEN: AN EXPOSITION OF THE SAN MIN CHU I***
</pre>
        </div>
      </div>

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"></div>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style=
        "font-size: 173%">The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen</span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style=
        "font-size: 120%">An Exposition of the</span> <span class=
        "tei tei-hi" style="text-align: center"><span style=
        "font-size: 120%; font-style: italic">Sun Min Chu I</span></span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style=
        "font-size: 120%">By</span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style=
        "font-size: 144%">Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger, Ph.D.</span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style=
        "font-size: 120%">The Department of Government, Harvard
        University</span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Greenwood Press,
        Publishers</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Westport, Connecticut</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Copyright 1937, The Johns
        Hopkins Press</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style=
        "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">First Greenwood
        Reprinting 1973</p>
      </div>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1>

        <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc">
          <li><a href="#toc1">Foreword.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc3">Preface.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc5">Introduction.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc7">The Problem of the
          <span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 4em"><a href="#toc9">The
          Materials.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 4em"><a href="#toc11">The Necessity of an
          Exposition.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc13">Chapter I. The Ideological, Social, and
          Political Background.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc15">The Rationale of the
          Readjustment.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc17">Nation and State in
          Chinese Antiquity.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc19">The Theory of the
          Confucian World-Society.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc21">The Chinese
          World-Society of Eastern Asia.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc23">The Impact of the
          West.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc25">The Continuing
          Significance of the Background.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc27">Chapter II The Theory of Nationalism.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc29">The Emergence of the
          Chinese Race-Nation.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc31">The Necessity of
          Nationalism.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc33">The Return to the Old
          Morality.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc35">The Return to the
          Ancient Knowledge.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc37">Western Physical
          Science in the New Ideology.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc39">The Consequences of
          the Nationalist Ideology.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc41">Chapter III. The Theory of Democracy.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc43">Democracy in the Old
          World-Society.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc45">Five Justifications
          of a Democratic Ideology.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc47">The Three Natural
          Classes of Men.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc49">Ch'üan and
          Nêng.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc51">The Democratic
          Machine State.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc53">Democratic-Political
          Versus Ideological Control.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc55">Chapter IV. The Theory of <span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc57"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> in the Ideology.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc59">The Economic
          Background of <span style="font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc61">The Three Meanings of
          <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc63">Western Influences:
          Henry George, Marxism and Maurice William.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc65"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> as a Socio-Economic
          Doctrine.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc67"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> as an Ethical
          Doctrine.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc69">Chapter V. The Programs of
          Nationalism.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc71">Kuomintang.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc73">The Dragon Throne and
          State Allegiance.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc75">Economic
          Nationalism.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc77">Political Nationalism
          for National Autonomy.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc79">The Class War of the
          Nations.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc81">Racial Nationalism
          and Pan-Asia.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc83">The General Program
          of Nationalism.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc85">Chapter VI. The Programs of
          Democracy.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc87">The Three Stages of
          Revolution.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc89">The Adjustment of
          Democracy to China.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc91">The Four
          Powers.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc93">The Five
          Rights.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc95">Confederacy Versus
          Centralism.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc97">The <span style=
          "font-style: italic">Hsien</span> in a Democracy.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc99">The Family
          System.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc101">Chapter VII. The Programs of <span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc103">The Three Programs
          of <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc105">The National
          Economic Revolution.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc107">The Industrial
          Revolution.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc109">The Social
          Revolution.</a></li>

          <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc111">The Utopia of
          <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc113">Bibliography.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc115">Chinese-English Glossary.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc117">Index.</a></li>

          <li><a href="#toc119">Footnotes</a></li>
        </ul>
      </div>
    </div>

    <div class="tei tei-body" style=
    "margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
      <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagev">[pg v]</span><a name="Pgv" id="Pgv"
      class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a> <a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Foreword.</span></h1>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The importance of
        introducing Western political thought to the Far East has long been
        emphasized in the West. The Chinese conception of a rational world
        order was manifestly incompatible with the Western system of
        independent sovereign states and the Chinese code of political ethics
        was difficult to reconcile with the Western preference for a reign of
        law. No argument has been necessary to persuade Westerners that
        Chinese political philosophy would be improved by the influence of
        Western political science.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The superior
        qualifications of Sun Yat-sen for the interpretation of Western
        political science to the Chinese have also been widely recognized in
        the West, particularly in the United States. Dr. Sun received a
        modern education in medicine and surgery and presumably grasped the
        spirit of Western science. He read widely, more widely perhaps than
        any contemporary political leader of the first rank except Woodrow
        Wilson, in the literature of Western political science. He was
        thoroughly familiar with the development of American political
        thought and full of sympathy for American political ideals. His
        aspiration to build a modern democratic republic amidst the ruins of
        the medieval Manchu Empire, Americans at least can readily
        understand.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What is only
        beginning to be understood, however, in the West is, that it is
        equally important to interpret Chinese political philosophy to the
        rest of the world. Western political science has contributed a great
        deal to the development of political power. But it has failed
        lamentably to illuminate the ends for which such power should be
        used. Political ethics is by no means superfluous in lands where a
        government of law is supposed to be established in lieu of a
        government of men. The limitation <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
        "pagevi">[pg vi]</span><a name="Pgvi" id="Pgvi" class=
        "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the authority of sovereign states in the
        interest of a better world order is an enterprise to which at last,
        it may be hoped not too late, Westerners are beginning to dedicate
        themselves.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As an interpreter
        of Chinese political philosophy to the West Dr. Sun has no peer.
        Better than any other Chinese revolutionary leader he appreciated the
        durable values in the classical political philosophy of the Far East.
        He understood the necessity for preserving those values, while
        introducing the Western political ideas deemed most proper for
        adapting the Chinese political system to its new place in the modern
        world. His system of political thought, therefore, forms a blend of
        Far Eastern political philosophy and Western political science. It
        suggests at the same time both what is suitable in Western political
        science for the use of the Far East and what is desirable in Far
        Eastern political philosophy for the improvement of the West.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dr. Linebarger has
        analyzed Dr. Sun's political ideas, and also his plans for the
        political rehabilitation of China, with a view to the interests of
        Western students of politics. For this task his training and
        experience have given him exceptional competence. The result is a
        book, which not only renders obsolete all previous volumes in Western
        languages on modern Chinese political philosophy, but also makes
        available for the political scientists and politicians of the West
        the best political thought of the Far East on the fundamental
        problems of Western politics.</p>

        <div class="tei tei-lg" style=
        "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
          <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
            <span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style=
            "font-variant: small-caps">Arthur N. Holcombe</span></span>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
            <span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Harvard University</span></span>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagevii">[pg vii]</span><a name=
      "Pgvii" id="Pgvii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a> <a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Preface.</span></h1>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This book
        represents an exploration into a field of political thought which is
        still more or less unknown. The Chinese revolution has received much
        attention from publicists and historians, and a vast number of works
        dealing with almost every phase of Chinese life and events appears
        every year in the West. The extraordinary difficulty of the language,
        the obscurity—to Westerners—of the Chinese cultural background, and
        the greater vividness of events as compared with theories have led
        Western scholars to devote their attention, for the most part, to
        descriptions of Chinese politics rather than to venture into the more
        difficult field of Chinese political thought, without which, however,
        the political events are scarcely intelligible.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has
        sought to examine one small part of modern Chinese political thought,
        partly as a sample of the whole body of thought, and partly because
        the selection, although small, is an important one. Sun Yat-sen is by
        far the most conspicuous figure in recent Chinese history, and his
        doctrines, irrespective of the effectiveness or permanence of the
        consequences of their propagation, have a certain distinct position
        in history. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, his chief work, not
        only represents an important phase in the revolution of Chinese
        social and political thought, but solely and simply as doctrine, may
        be regarded as a Chinese expression of tendencies of political
        thought current in the Western world.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The personal
        motives, arising out of an early and rather intimate family
        relationship with the Chinese nationalist movement centering around
        the person of Sun Yat-sen, that led the author to undertake this
        subject, have their advantages and disadvantages. The chief
        disadvantage lies in the fact that the thesis must of necessity
        <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageviii">[pg viii]</span><a name=
        "Pgviii" id="Pgviii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> treat of many
        matters which are the objects of hot controversy, and that the
        author, friendly to the movement as a whole but neutral as between
        its factions, may seem at times to deal unjustly or over-generously
        with certain persons and groups. The younger widow of Sun Yat-sen
        (née Soong Ching-ling) may regard the mention of her husband and the
        Nanking government in the same breath as an act of treachery. Devoted
        to the memory of her husband, she has turned, nevertheless, to the
        Left, and works on cordial terms with the Communists. She said:
        <span class="tei tei-q">“... the Nanking Government has crushed every
        open liberal, democratic, or humanitarian movement in our country. It
        has destroyed all trade unions, smashed every strike of the workers
        for the right to existence, has thrown hordes of criminal gangsters
        who are simultaneously Fascist <span class="tei tei-q">‘Blue
        Shirts’</span> against every labor, cultural, or national
        revolutionary movement in the country.”</span><a id="noteref_1" name=
        "noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
        "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a> The
        author, from what he himself has seen of the National Government, is
        positive that it is not merely dictatorial, ruthless, cruel,
        treacherous, or historically unnecessary; nor would he, contrarily,
        assert that the National Government lives up to or surpasses the
        brilliant ideals of Sun Yat-sen. He seeks to deal charitably with all
        factions, to follow a middle course whenever he can, and in any case
        to state fairly the positions of both sides.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The advantages may
        serve to offset the disadvantages. In the first place, the author's
        acquaintance with the Nationalist movement has given him something of
        a background from which to present his exposition. This background
        cannot, of course, be documented, but it may serve to make the
        presentation more assured and more vivid. In the second place, the
        author has had access to certain <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
        "pageix">[pg ix]</span><a name="Pgix" id="Pgix" class=
        "tei tei-anchor"></a> private manuscripts and papers, and has had the
        benefit of his father's counsel on several points in this work.<a id=
        "noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class=
        "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
        "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> The
        author believes that on the basis of this material and background he
        is justified in venturing into this comparatively unknown field.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The primary
        sources for this work have been Sun Yat-sen's own works. A
        considerable number of these were written originally in the English
        language. Translations of his major Chinese works are more or less
        fully available in English, German, French, or Spanish. The author's
        highly inadequate knowledge of the Chinese written language has led
        him to depend almost altogether upon translations, but he has
        sought—in some cases, perhaps, unsuccessfully—to minimize the
        possibility of misunderstanding or error by checking the translations
        against one another. Through the assistance of his Chinese friends,
        <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagex">[pg x]</span><a name="Pgx" id=
        "Pgx" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> he has been able to refer to Sun's
        complete works in Chinese and to Chinese books on Sun wherever such
        reference was imperatively necessary. A list of the Chinese titles
        thus made available is included in the bibliography. The language
        difficulty, while an annoyance and a handicap, has not been so
        considerable as to give the author reason to suppose that his
        conclusions would have been different in any significant respect had
        he been able to make free and continuous use of Chinese and Russian
        sources.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has
        thought of the present work as a contribution to political theory
        rather than to sinology, and has tried to keep the discussion of
        sinological questions at a minimum. In the transliteration of Chinese
        words and names he has adhered more or less closely to the Wade
        system, and has rendered most terms in the <span lang="zh" class=
        "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">kuo
        yü</span></span>, or national language. Despite this rule, he gives
        the name of President Sun in its more commonly known Cantonese form,
        Sun Yat-sen, rather than in the <span lang="zh" class=
        "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">kuo
        yü</span></span>, Sun I-hsien.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In acknowledging
        assistance and encouragement received, the author must first of all
        turn to his father, Judge Paul Myron Wentworth Linebarger, Legal
        Advisor to The National Government of China, counsellor to and
        biographer of Sun Yat-sen during the latter's lifetime. Without his
        patient encouragement and his concrete assistance, this book could
        neither have been begun nor brought to a conclusion after it was
        started. The author desires, however, to make it perfectly clear that
        this work has no relation to the connections of Judge Linebarger with
        the Chinese Government or with the Nationalist Party. No <span class=
        "tei tei-pb" id="pagexi">[pg xi]</span><a name="Pgxi" id="Pgxi"
        class="tei tei-anchor"></a> information coming to the knowledge of
        Judge Linebarger in the course of his official duties has been here
        incorporated. Anxiously scrupulous to maintain a completely detached
        point of view, the author has refrained from communicating with or
        submitting the book to Chinese Government or Party officials, and
        writes purely as an American student of China.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Professor James
        Hart, formerly at The Johns Hopkins University and now at The
        University of Virginia, Professor Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Johns
        Hopkins University, Professor Harley Farnsworth MacNair and Dr.
        Ernest Price, both of The University of Chicago, have rendered
        inestimable assistance by reading the manuscript and giving the
        author the benefit of their advice. Professor Hart has criticized the
        work as an enterprise in political science. Professor Lovejoy
        assisted the author by reading the first third of the work, and
        selections of the later parts, and applying his thorough and
        stimulating criticism; the author regrets that he was unable to adopt
        all of Professor Lovejoy's suggestions in full, and is deeply
        grateful for the help. Professor MacNair read the book as a referee
        for a dissertation, and made a great number of comments which have
        made the book clearer and more accurate; the author would not have
        ventured to present this work to the public had it not been for the
        reassurances and encouragement given him by Professor MacNair. Dr.
        Ernest Price, while at The Hopkins, supervised the composition of the
        first drafts; his judicious and balanced criticism, based upon
        sixteen years' intimacy with the public and private life of the
        Chinese, and a sensitive appreciation of Chinese values, were of
        great value to the author in establishing his perspective and lines
        of study. The author takes this opportunity to thank these four
        gentlemen for their great kindness and invaluable assistance.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is with deep
        regret that the author abbreviates his acknowledgments and thanks for
        the inspiration and the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagexii">[pg
        xii]</span><a name="Pgxii" id="Pgxii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        favors he received in his study of Chinese politics from Dr. C.
        Walter Young; Professor Frederic Ogg, of The University of Wisconsin;
        Professors Kenneth Colegrove, William McGovern, and Ikuo Oyama, of
        The Northwestern University; Dr. Arthur Hummel, of The Library of
        Congress; Professor Frederick Dunn, of Yale University; Professor
        Arthur Holcombe, of Harvard University; Professor Quincy Wright, of
        The University of Chicago; and Dr. Wallace McClure, of The Department
        of State. Many of the author's Chinese friends assisted by reading
        the manuscript and criticizing it from their more intimate knowledge
        of their own country, among them being Messrs. Miao Chung-yi and
        Djang Chu, at The Johns Hopkins University; Professor Jên T'ai, of
        Nankai University; and Messrs. Wang Kung-shou, Ch'ing Ju-chi, and Lin
        Mou-sheng, of The University of Chicago, made many helpful
        suggestions. The author must thank his teachers at The Johns Hopkins
        University, to whom he is indebted for three years of the most
        patient assistance and stimulating instruction, in respect of both
        the present work and other fields in the study of government: Dr.
        Johannes Mattern; Dr. Albert Weinberg; Mr. Leon Sachs; and Professor
        W. W. Willoughby. Finally, he must acknowledge his indebtedness to
        his wife, Margaret Snow Linebarger, for her patient assistance in
        preparing this volume for the press.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Paul M. A.
        Linebarger.</span></span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">December,
        1936.</p>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page001">[pg 001]</span><a name=
      "Pg001" id="Pg001" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a> <a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Introduction.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a> <a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Problem of the</span> <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a> <a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a>

            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">The Materials.</span></h3>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
            played many rôles in the history of his times. He was one of
            those dramatic and somewhat formidable figures who engage the
            world's attention at the very outset of their careers. In the
            late years of the nineteenth century, he was already winning some
            renown in the West; it was picturesque that a Cantonese, a
            Christian physician, should engage in desperate conspiracies
            against the Manchu throne. Sun became known as a political
            adventurer, a forerunner, as it were, of such mutually dissimilar
            personages as Trotsky, Lawrence, and Major-General Doihara. With
            the illusory success of the revolution of 1911, and his
            Presidency of the first Republic, Sun ceased being a conspirator
            in the eyes of the world's press, and became the George
            Washington of China. It is in this rôle that he is most commonly
            known, and his name most generally recalled. After the world war,
            in the atmosphere of extreme tension developed, perhaps, by the
            Bolshevik revolution, Sun was regarded as an enigmatic leader,
            especially significant in the struggle between Asiatic
            nationalisms allied with the Soviets against the traditional
            capitalist state-system. It was through him that the Red
            anti-imperialist policy was pushed to its greatest success, and
            he was hated and admired, ridiculed and feared, down to the last
            moments of his life. When he died, American reporters in Latvia
            cabled New York their reports of Russian comments on the
            event.<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href=
            "#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a> More,
            perhaps, than any other Chinese of modern times, Sun symbolized
            the entrance of China into <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
            "page002">[pg 002]</span><a name="Pg002" id="Pg002" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a> world affairs, and the inevitable
            confluence of Western and Far Eastern history.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is
            characteristic of Sun that he should have appeared in another and
            final rôle after his death. He had been thought of as
            conspirator, statesman, and mass leader; but with the advent of
            his party to power it became publicly apparent that he had also
            been a political philosopher. The tremendous prestige enjoyed by
            him as state-founder and party leader was enhanced by his
            importance as prophet and law-giver. His doctrines became the
            state philosophy of China, and for a while his most zealous
            followers sought to have him canonized in a quite literal
            fashion, and at one stroke to make him replace Confucius and the
            Sons of Heaven. After the extreme enthusiasms of the Sun Yat-sen
            cult subsided, Sun remained the great national hero-sage of
            modern China. Even in those territories where the authority of
            his political heirs was not completely effective, his flag was
            flown and his doctrines taught.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His doctrines
            have provided the theories upon which the Nationalist revolution
            was based; they form the extra-juridical constitution of the
            National Government of China. When the forces hostile to Sun
            Yat-sen and his followers are considered, it is amazing that his
            ideas and ideals should have survived. An empire established with
            the aid of Japanese arms, and still under Japanese hegemony,
            controls Manchuria; parts of north China are ruled by a bastard
            government, born of a compromise between enemies; a largely
            unrecognized but powerful Soviet Republic exists in outer
            Mongolia; the lamaist oligarchy goes on in Tibet; and somewhere,
            in central and western China, a Soviet group, not quite a
            government but more than a conspiracy, is fighting for existence.
            It is quite probable that nowhere else in the world can there be
            found a greater variety of principles, each scheme of principles
            fostered by an armed organization struggling with its
            <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page003">[pg 003]</span><a name=
            "Pg003" id="Pg003" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> rivals. In this
            chaos the National Government has made the most effective bid for
            authority and the greatest effort for the reëstablishment of
            order; through it the principles of Sun Yat-sen rule the
            political life of a population greater than that of the United
            States or of the Soviet Union.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is
            difficult to evaluate the importance of political doctrines. Even
            if <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
            Three Principles</span></span> is judged by the extent of the
            population which its followers control, it has achieved greater
            results in practical politics in fifteen years than has Marxism
            in ninety. Such a criterion may well be disputed, but, whatever
            the test, it cannot be denied that the thought of Sun Yat-sen has
            played a major part in the political development of his native
            land. It may continue into the indefinitely remote future, or may
            succumb to the perils that surround its advocates; in any case,
            these doctrines have been taught long enough and broadly enough
            to make an impress on the age, and have been so significant in
            political and cultural history that they can never sink into
            complete obscurity.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are these
            doctrines? Sun Yat-sen was so voluminous a writer that it would
            be impossible for his followers to digest and codify all his
            writings into one neat and coherent handbook; he himself did not
            provide one. Before printing became common, there was a certain
            automatic process of condensation which preserved the important
            utterances of great men, and let their trivial sayings perish.
            Sun, however, must have realized that he was leaving a vast
            legacy of materials which are not altogether coherent or
            consistent with one another. Certain of his works were naturally
            more important than others, but, to make the choice definitive,
            he himself indicated four sources which his followers might draw
            upon for a definitive statement of his views.<a id="noteref_4"
            name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
            id="page004">[pg 004]</span><a name="Pg004" id="Pg004" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Political Testament</span></span> cites the
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien
            Kuo Fang Lo</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Program of National
            Reconstruction</span></span>), the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Ta
            Kang</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Outline of National
            Reconstruction</span></span>), the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
            I</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Triple Demism</span></span>, also
            translated as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Three Principles of the
            People</span></span>), and the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span> issued by the first
            national congress of the Party.<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5"
            href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a> These
            four items differ quite sharply from one another in form. No one
            of them can be relied upon to give the whole of Sun's
            doctrines.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien
            Kuo Fang Lo</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Program of National
            Reconstruction</span></span>) is in reality three works, only
            remotely related to one another. The first item in the trilogy is
            the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
            Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span> (<span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Philosophy of
            Sun Wên</span></span>); it is a series of familiar essays on the
            Chinese way of thought.<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href=
            "#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a> The
            second is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Min Ch'üan Ts'u Pu</span></span>,
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
            Primer of Democracy</span></span>, which is little more than a
            text on parliamentary law.<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7"
            href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> The
            third is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Shih Yeh Chi Hua</span></span>, known in
            English as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The International Development</span>
            <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name=
            "Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style=
            "font-style: italic">of China</span></span>, which Sun wrote in
            both English and Chinese.<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href=
            "#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a> These
            three works, under the alternate titles of <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“The Program of Psychological Reconstruction,”</span>
            <span class="tei tei-q">“The Program of Social
            Reconstruction,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“The Program
            of Material Reconstruction”</span> form <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Program of
            National Reconstruction</span></span>.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien
            Kuo Ta Kang, The Outline of National
            Reconstruction</span></span>, is an outline of twenty-five
            points, giving the necessary steps towards the national
            reconstruction in their most concise form.<a id="noteref_9" name=
            "noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
            Chu I</span></span> is Sun's most important work. It comprises
            sixteen lectures setting forth his socio-political theories and
            his programs. The title most commonly used in Western versions is
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
            Three Principles of the People</span></span>.<a id="noteref_10"
            name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The last
            document mentioned in Sun Yat-sen's will was the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span> of the first
            national congress of the Kuomintang. This was not written by
            himself, but was drafted by Wang Ch'ing-wei, one of his closest
            followers, and embodies essentially the same ideas as do the
            other three items, even though Borodin—the emissary of the Third
            International—had been consulted in its preparation.<a id=
            "noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun
            undoubtedly regretted leaving such a heterogeneous and
            ill-assembled group of works as his literary bequest.
            <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page006">[pg 006]</span><a name=
            "Pg006" id="Pg006" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Throughout the
            latter years of his life he was studying political science in the
            hope that he might be able to complete a great treatise which he
            had projected, an analysis and statement of the programs of the
            Chinese nationalists. One attempt toward actualization of this
            work was frustrated when Sun's manuscripts and a great part of
            his library were burned in the attack launched against him by
            Ch'en Ch'iung-ming in 1922. His apology for the makeshift volume
            on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> is pathetic:
            <span class="tei tei-q">“As I had neither time to prepare nor
            books to use as references, I could do nothing else in these
            lectures but improvise after I ascended the platform. Thus I have
            omitted and forgotten many things which were in my original
            manuscript. Although before having them printed, I revised them,
            added (passages) and eliminated (others), yet, those lectures are
            far from coming up to my original manuscripts, either in the
            subject matter itself, or in the concatenations of the
            discussion, or in the facts adduced as proofs.”</span><a id=
            "noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a> Sun
            was in all probability a more assiduous and widely read student
            of political science than any other world leader of his day
            except Wilson; he studied innumerable treatises on government,
            and was surprisingly familiar with the general background of
            Western politics, in theory and practice. He was aware of the
            shabby appearance that these undigested occasional pieces would
            present when put forth as the bible of a new China, and earnestly
            enjoined his followers to carry on his labors and bring them to
            fruition.<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href=
            "#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The various
            works included in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Fang Lo</span></span>, while
            satisfactory for the purposes Sun had in mind when he wrote them,
            are not enough to outline the fundamentals both of political
            theory and a governmental plan. The familiar essays have an
            important bearing on the formation of the ideology of a new
            China; the primer <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page007">[pg
            007]</span><a name="Pg007" id="Pg007" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            of democracy, less; the industrial plan is one of those
            magnificent dreams which, in the turn of a decade, may inspire an
            equally great reality. The outline and the manifesto are no more
            suited to the rôle of classics; they are decalogues rather than
            bibles.<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href=
            "#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a>
            There remains the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
            Chu I</span></span> is a collection of sixteen lectures delivered
            in Canton in 1924. There were to have been eighteen, but Sun was
            unable to give the last two. Legend has it that Borodin persuaded
            Sun to give the series.<a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href=
            "#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a>
            Whatever the cause of their being offered, they attracted
            immediate attention. Interest in Sun and in his ideas was at a
            fever heat; his friends turned to the printed lectures for
            guidance; his enemies, for statements which could be turned
            against him. Both friends and enemies found what they wanted. To
            the friends, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> presented a
            fairly complete outline of Sun's political and social thought in
            such a form that it could be preserved and broadcast readily.
            There was danger, before the book appeared, that the intrinsic
            unity in Sun's thinking would be lost sight of by posterity, that
            his ideas would appear as a disconnected jumble of brilliant
            inspirations. The sixteen lectures incorporated a great part of
            the doctrines which he had been preaching for more than a
            generation. To the enemies of Sun, the work was welcome. They
            pointed out the numerous simplifications and inconsistencies, the
            frequent contradictions in matters of detail, the then outrageous
            denunciations of the economic and political system predominant in
            the Far East. They ridiculed Sun because he was Chinese, and
            because he was not Chinese enough, and backed up their criticisms
            with passages from the book.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16"
            href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
            id="page008">[pg 008]</span><a name="Pg008" id="Pg008" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun gave
            the lectures, he was a sick man. He carried an ivory-headed sword
            cane with him on the platform; occasionally, holding it behind
            him and locking his arms through it, he would press it against
            his back to relieve the intolerable pain.<a id="noteref_17" name=
            "noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> The
            business awaiting him after each lecture was vitally important;
            the revolution was proceeding by leaps and bounds. The lectures
            are the lectures of a sick man, given to a popular audience in
            the uproar of revolution, without adequate preparation,
            improvised in large part, and offered as one side of a crucial
            and bitterly disputed question. The secretaries who took down the
            lectures may not have succeeded in following them completely; Sun
            had no leisure to do more than skim through the book before
            releasing it to the press.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These
            improvised lectures have had to serve as the fundamental document
            of Nationalist China. Sun Yat-sen died without writing the
            treatise he had planned. The materials he left behind were a
            challenge to scholars and to his followers. Many persons set to
            work interpreting them, each with a conscious or unconscious end
            in view. A German Marxian showed Sun to be a forerunner of
            bolshevism; an American liberal showed Sun to be a bulwark
            against bolshevism. A Chinese classicist demonstrated Sun's
            reverence for the past; a Jesuit father explained much by Sun's
            modern and Christian background. His works have been translated
            into Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg
            009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            languages without notes; the improvised lectures, torn from their
            context of a revolutionary crisis, have served poorly to explain
            the ideology of Sun Yat-sen, and his long range political,
            social, and economic plans.</p>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a> <a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a>

            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">The Necessity of an
            Exposition.</span></h3>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Followers of
            Sun who knew him personally, or were members of that circle in
            which his ideas and opinions were well known, have found the
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
            Chu I</span></span> and other literary remains helpful; they have
            been able to turn to the documents to refresh their memories of
            Sun on some particular point, or to experience the encouraging
            force of his faith and enthusiasm again. They need not be
            reminded of the main tenets of his thought, or of the fundamental
            values upon which he based his life and his political activities.
            His sense of leadership, which strangers have at times thought
            fantastic, is one which they admire in him, since they, too, have
            felt the power of his personality and have experienced that
            leadership in the course of their own lives. His voice is ringing
            in their consciences; they feel no need of a guide to his mind.
            At the present day many members of Sun's own family, and a
            considerable number of his veteran disciples are still living;
            the control of the National Government is in their hands. They
            are people who need no commentary on Sun Yat-sen; to them, he
            died only yesterday.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Others, who
            met Sun only casually, or who could know him only through his
            writings, have a quite different impression of his thought. They
            perforce assume that he thought as he wrote, and fail to realize
            that virtually all his writings and speeches were occasional
            pieces, improvisations designed as propaganda. One of the most
            respected American authorities on China says that in the
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
            Chu I</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q">“... there is a
            combination of sound social analysis, keen comment on comparative
            political <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg
            010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            science, and bombast, journalistic inaccuracy, jejune
            philosophizing and sophomoric economics.”</span><a id=
            "noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a> This
            view is one which can scarcely be attacked, if one considers only
            the printed lectures, and overlooks the other utterances and the
            personality of Sun. To apply this, or any similar estimate (and
            there are many of them), to all of Sun Yat-sen's thought would be
            woefully inaccurate. It is not the critic's fault that Sun never
            found time to write a sober, definitive political treatise
            expressing his ideas; it is, nevertheless, the critic's
            responsibility to weigh the value of the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
            I</span></span>, and consider the importance which Sun himself
            attached to it, before judging Sun's whole philosophy by a
            hastily-composed and poorly written book.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yet, if the
            Western student of modern Chinese history were to look elsewhere
            for some general exposition of Sun Yat-sen's political ideas, he
            would find none. He could discover several excellent translations
            of the sixteen lectures, and parts of the other work of Sun. He
            would be helped by the prefatory notes to some of these
            translations.<a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href=
            "#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a> A
            few treatises would be available to him on special phases of
            Sun's thought: the influence of Maurice William, and the
            influence of the Russian Communists.<a id="noteref_20" name=
            "noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a> In
            addition, there would be the biographies, of which there are more
            than a dozen, and a few other useful although not general works.
            None of these sifts Sun's thought, seeking to separate the
            transitory from the permanent in his ideas. For this the searcher
            would have to rely on brief outlines of Sun's ideas, to be found
            in <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name=
            "Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> works dealing with
            modern China or the Chinese revolution.<a id="noteref_21" name=
            "noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This relative
            scarcity of exegetic material concerning the ideology and
            programs of Sun is not the result of any inadequacy on the part
            of those persons, both Chinese and Western, who have devoted
            thought and time to his life or to the translation of his works.
            It is one thing to point out a task that has yet to be done; and
            quite another, actually to perform it. An interpretation or
            exposition of Sun's thought, to be worthy of the great
            significance of the original, must be very thorough; but scarcely
            enough time has elapsed to allow a perspective of all the
            materials, let alone an orientation of Sun in the Far Eastern
            scene. Yet the importance of Sun demands that something be done
            to bring his thought to the attention of the world, so that the
            usual distortion of his personality—arising from the lack of
            commentaries—may be avoided in present day works. In a sense, the
            time is not ripe for a definitive treatment of Sun, either as a
            figure in history or as a contributor to the significant and
            enduring political thought of modern times; any work now done
            will, as time passes, fall grotesquely far short of adequacy. On
            the other hand, there is so much material of a perishable
            nature—anecdotes and legends not yet committed to print, and the
            memories of living men—now available, that a present-day work on
            Sun may gain <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg
            012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            in color and intimacy what it loses in judgment and objectivity,
            may gain in proximity what it has to forgo in detachment. And,
            lastly, the complete absence of any systematic presentation of
            Sun's ideas in any Western language is so great a deficiency in
            the fields of Far Eastern history and world political thought,
            that even a relatively inadequate exposition of the thought of
            Sun Yat-sen may prove to be not without value. Sun himself never
            explained his philosophy, whether theoretical or applied, in any
            broad, systematic fashion; nor has anyone else done so.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the
            permissibility of an exposition of Sun Yat-sen's thought be
            conceded, there still remains the vexing problem of a choice of
            method. While the far-flung peripheries of Sun's thought touch
            almost every field of knowledge and opinion, a systematic
            condensation of his views cannot hope to survey the same broad
            ranges. The problem of proportion, of just emphasis, involves the
            nice appraisal of the degree of importance which each of Sun's
            minor rôles had in his intellectual career as a whole. Nor do the
            difficulties concerning method end with the consideration of
            proportion; they merely begin, for there remains the far more
            important and perplexing problem of a technique of
            interpretation.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Interpretation
            obviously relates to the problem of language. The translation of
            theoretical terms from Chinese into English constitutes a
            formidable difficulty which proves, in several instances, to be
            insuperable. No satisfactory equivalent for <span lang="zh"
            class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> (usually rendered
            <span class="tei tei-q">“livelihood”</span>) can be found in
            English; even simpler and less specialized terms are extremely
            difficult to render. Sometimes it would be convenient to employ
            four or five alternative translations for one Chinese term. Sun
            uses the word <span class="tei tei-q">“nationalism”</span> in the
            sense that a Westerner would, in advocating national
            consciousness in a China hitherto unfamiliar with the conception
            of nation-states; but, in <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
            "page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a> a different context, he uses it in the
            sense of <span class="tei tei-q">“patriotism.”</span><a id=
            "noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a>
            These difficulties must be faced and, somehow or other, overcome.
            When the Western reader encounters a familiar term in an
            unexpected place, he must be prepared to meet a shift of meaning.
            No amount of definition can make a Chinese term, which has no
            exact Western equivalent, completely clear. It is simpler to grow
            accustomed to the term, to gather together its connotations, to
            understand something of the frame of reference wherein it is set,
            and thereby to learn it as a child learns a word. A dictionary is
            no help to a baby; in a realm of unfamiliar ideas even scholars
            must learn terms step by step.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Less obviously
            than language, the translation of ideas and of values is also
            involved in interpretation. In dealing with the intellectual
            content of a civilization as alien as that of China, the
            Westerner must be wary of the easy analogy. The full, forceful
            application of Western ideas and values in a world to which they
            are completely irrelevant produced strange results during the
            nineteenth century. Western notions of goodness and
            reasonableness did not fit the Chinese scheme of things. Under
            such a test a wildly distorted image of China was obtained. China
            seemed peculiar, topsy-turvy, fantastic. To themselves the
            Chinese still seemed quite matter-of-fact, and the Westerners
            thought even this odd and ridiculous: not only was China
            upside-down, but the Chinese did not know it! In any case, the
            present-day scholar, to whom so much material concerning the
            Chinese is available and China so near, has little justification
            for applying Western tests of virtue and rationality to things
            Chinese.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the
            application of Western values to China is avoided, there is still
            the danger that the Chinese scheme of things may not be
            interpreted at all. The literal translation <span class=
            "tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id=
            "Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of Chinese terms strips them
            of their contexts. The result may be unintelligibility. The
            Chinese term <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is
            frequently rendered <span class="tei tei-q">“benevolence,”</span>
            a Western word which, while at times an approximate equivalent,
            fails to carry the full burden of meaning. Sun speaks of an
            interpretation of history antagonistic to dialectical
            materialism—the interpretation of history by <span lang="zh"
            class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>. A <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“benevolent”</span> interpretation of history means
            nothing whatever to a Westerner. If <span lang="zh" class=
            "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is translated into a
            different configuration of words, and given as <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“group-consciousness”</span> or <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“social fellow-feeling,”</span> the result, while
            still not an exact equivalent of the Chinese, is distinctly more
            intelligible.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To effect this
            translation of ideas and values, several methods are available.
            The issue cannot be dodged by a denial of its existence; the mere
            act of explanation involves some process, whether deliberate or
            unconscious, of translation and transvaluation. If the
            interpreter refuses to deal with the problem consciously, he will
            nevertheless be guided by his unrevealed assumptions. To give an
            accounting for what he has done, he must, first, admit that he is
            interpreting, and second, seek to make plain what he is doing, so
            that his readers may allow for the process. The demonstration of
            the consequences of interpretation minimizes their possible
            adverse effects. The simplest way to allow for the alterations
            (beyond mere reproduction) arising from interpretation would be
            to adopt a technique so widely known that others could, in their
            own minds, try to re-trace the steps of the process and negate
            the changes. Among such widely known techniques are the Marxian
            and the sociological.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Both these
            scarcely seem adapted to the problems presented by an
            interpretation of Sun Yat-sen. The Marxian terminology is so
            peculiarly suited to the ulterior purposes the Marxians keep in
            mind, and is so esoteric when applied to matters not related to
            the general fields in which the Marxians are interested, that it
            could scarcely <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg
            015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            be applied in the present instance. A non-Marxian would find it a
            hazardous task. The interpreter of Sun Yat-sen must interpret
            <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">into</span></em> something; what, depends on
            the audience. Dialectical materialism, in the abstract excellent
            as a technique, would scarcely make Sun understandable to most
            Americans of the present day. Sun himself rejected the Marxian
            method of interpretation; an American audience would also reject
            it; these two factors outweigh all the conceivable
            advantages.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            sociological technique of interpretation is quite another
            question. The various methods of analysis developed by each of
            the schools of sociologists are still the objects rather than the
            tools of study. Such men as Max Weber and Vilfredo Pareto have
            made contributions to Western social thought which enrich the
            scope and method of the social studies. Their methods of analysis
            are not weighted down by a body of extraneous considerations, as
            is the Marxian, and they promise an objectivity not otherwise
            attainable. On the other hand, they are still at that stage of
            development where the technique obtrudes itself; it has not, as
            has the inductive method in general, become so much taken for
            granted as to be invisible.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            sociological approach need not, however, be carried to the full
            extent thought necessary by its advocates. In the study of law,
            the consideration of extra-juridical materials is called
            sociological in contrast to the strictly juristic. If the legal
            scholar goes beyond the strict framework of the law, and
            considers other elements in man's behavior and knowledge while
            dealing with legal problems, he is apt to be called a
            sociological jurist. In doing so he is not committed, however, to
            belief in or use of any particular form of what is known as the
            science of society or sociology. He may adopt almost any sort of
            social outlook, or may be committed to any one of many doctrines
            of social value and to any one of widely varying methods of
            social study.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg
            016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This negative,
            broad sense of the sociological, when applied to the study of
            politics, has commonly meant that the scholars employing it began
            with the notion of the political, but, finding it too narrow,
            touched upon related fields. An interpretation of Sun Yat-sen's
            politics might be based on this method. It would still be a
            political work, in that it sought to associate his ideas with the
            ideas concerning government to be found in the West, but would be
            free, nevertheless, to touch upon non-political materials
            relevant to Sun's politics. The Chinese have had notions of
            authority and control radically different from those developed in
            the West; a purely juristic interpretation of the various Chinese
            politics would simply scrape the lacquer off the screen.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese
            have not had the sharp distinction of disciplines which runs
            through all Western learning. Since one of the most conspicuous
            ingredients in their thought—conspicuous, that is, to Westerners
            looking in from outside—has been the ethical, many Westerners
            have dismissed Chinese historical, political and more strictly
            philosophical thought as being loosely and amiably ethical but
            never getting anywhere. The Chinese did not departmentalize their
            learning to any considerable degree. Politics was not the special
            activity of a definite group of men, or the study of a select
            body of scholars. Politics ran through and across most of the
            activities in society, and was largely the interest of that
            intellectual élite by which China has been so distinguished on
            the roster of civilizations. In becoming everything, politics
            ceased being politics; that is, those elements in man's thought
            and behavior which Westerners have termed political were not
            separated and labelled. The Westerner must say that politics was
            everything in China, or that it was nothing.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An
            interpretation of Sun Yat-sen must keep in mind these differences
            between Chinese and Western categories. In doing so it will pass
            beyond the limits of what is commonly <span class="tei tei-pb"
            id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a> known as politics, since no sharp
            boundaries of <span class="tei tei-q">“politics”</span> are to be
            found in China. Yet, as an interpretation designed to serve
            Western readers, it must return again and again to Western
            politics, making comparisons when they are justified, pointing
            out differences between China and the West as they become
            relevant and clear. The interpretation will thus weave back and
            forth between conventional Western political science, with its
            state-mindedness, and the wholly different material of traditions
            and customs out of which Sun sought to construct an ideology and
            a system of working politics for China in the modern world.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How can this
            interpretation seek to avoid the misfortunes and errors into
            which so many similar attempts have fallen? It must proceed
            without the aid of such specialized techniques as
            dialectical-materialistic or Paretian analysis, and yet aim at
            the scientific, the rationally defensible, the objective. In
            seeking to apply a method in the interpretation of Sun Yat-sen,
            the work must face criticism of its method, must make the method
            explicit and simple enough to allow criticism. If the thought of
            Sun really is to emerge from the exposition, the exposition must
            allow itself to be judged, so that it can be appraised, and so
            that, one way or another, it may not interfere with the just
            evaluation of the materials which it seeks to present. Sun
            Yat-sen should not be judged poor because of a poor
            interpretation; nor, on the other hand, should his thought be
            adjudged more excellent or more exact than it seems to the
            Chinese, merely because the expositor has suggested an
            interpretation possibly more precise.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The technique
            adopted in the present work is a relatively simple one. It is an
            attempt to start <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">de novo</span></span> with certain concepts
            of society and government. Several simple although novel terms
            are introduced, to provide a foundation upon which the procedure
            may rest. One of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg
            018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
            these, for instance, is <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> which in the present work refers
            to the whole psychological conditioning of a group of
            persons.<a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href=
            "#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a> No
            attempt is made, at the beginning or at any later phase of the
            exposition, to distinguish between the ideology as belief and the
            ideology as truth. Whether the Chinese were and are right, or the
            Westerners, are questions, not for the student of comparative
            political science, but for the philosopher and the psychologist.
            The interpretation seeks, as far as possible, to transpose
            certain parts of the traditional Chinese ideology, as they were,
            and as Sun Yat-sen re-shaped them, into one frame of reference
            provided by the ideology of twentieth-century America. What the
            <span class="tei tei-q">“real truth”</span> is, does not matter;
            the Marxians would say that both ideologies were inexact; so
            might the Roman Catholics. If the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
            "page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a> ideology of old China, and the ideology
            that Sun wished to see developed in the minds of the Chinese
            people of the future, can be made comprehensible in terms of
            contemporary American beliefs, of fact or of value, this venture
            will have been successful.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese
            ideology cannot be explained in its own terms; these exist only
            in the Chinese language. If Sun Yat-sen's own arrangement of his
            works is inadequate for the Chinese, rearrangement is a task for
            the Chinese and not for the Western scholars to perform. The
            Westerners who deal with Sun can contribute substantially only if
            they give what the Chinese cannot—enough of a reference to their
            own ideology to permit a broader scale for the analysis and the
            appreciation of Sun's thought. Their knowledge of their own world
            of ideas is the special tool which justifies their intervention
            in this Chinese field of knowledge.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In avoiding
            the unjustifiable imposition of Western ideas and values upon the
            Chinese, and yet orienting Sun's thought with respect to the
            West, the interpretation will have to resort to several fairly
            evident means. In the first place, it will have to transpose
            Chinese ideas into the Western ideology, and yet avoid
            distortions of meaning. This can be partly done by the use of
            neutral terms, of terms which are simple and clear enough to
            reproduce the Chinese, and nevertheless not so heavily burdened
            with connotations that they will cause a reading-in of Western
            ideas not relevant to the point in question. More simply, the
            Chinese ideas must be represented by terms which approximate the
            same set of values in the West that their originals have in
            China. This will sometimes require the use of unfamiliar
            periphrases: the words <span class="tei tei-q">“music”</span> and
            <span class="tei tei-q">“rites”</span> may be given as
            <span class="tei tei-q">“the rhythm of life”</span> and
            <span class="tei tei-q">“conformity to the ideology.”</span>
            Secondly, the Chinese ideology need not be given as a whole; it
            is improbable that it could, without a terrific expansion
            <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name=
            "Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the Western
            ideology to accommodate it; but enough of the Chinese ideology
            must be given to explain the significant differences between the
            Chinese system of controlling the behavior of men, and the
            Western. This latter involves the choice of material, and is
            therefore by its nature challengeable.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Again, in
            demonstrating significant differences instead of merely seeking
            analogous (and probably misleading) examples, the interpretation
            might turn to certain aspects of Chinese philosophy which appear
            as strikingly illustrative of the point of view of the Chinese.
            Confucius the political thinker is only a small part of Confucius
            the man and the philosopher; Chinese political thought, although
            a vast field, is only a small part of the social thought of the
            Chinese. Only an infinitesimal part of this comparatively minor
            area of Chinese study will suffice to make clear some, at least,
            of the sharp differences of outlook between China and the
            West.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A
            recapitulation of this declaration of technique may be found
            helpful, for an understanding of Sun Yat-sen by Westerners is
            necessary because of the vastly different background of his
            thought. Even apart from the strangeness of his thought to the
            West, it is scattered in the original, and must be pieced
            together. An exposition of his ideas which would, at one and the
            same time, present a systematic outline of his ideas, and
            transpose them into a frame of reference where Western scholars
            might grasp them, might be a labor meriting performance. His
            terms would have to be rendered by neutral words (not overladen
            with particular Western contexts) or by neologisms, or simply
            left in the original, to develop meaning as a configuration of
            related ideas is built up about them. The problem of
            interpretation cannot, however, be solved by settling the
            difficulty of language: there still remains the question of a
            technique which can pretend to the scientific, the exact, the
            rationally defensible. Despite their great <span class=
            "tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id=
            "Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> merits, the Marxian and
            Paretian techniques are not suited to the present task. The point
            of view and means of study of political science may be kept, if a
            few necessary borrowings from sociological thought (not
            necessarily sociology) are introduced. Such borrowing includes
            the use of notions such as non-political society, patterns of
            authority, and ideology, none of which are to be found in the
            more law-minded part of political science. By seeking to point
            out the Chinese, then the Western, ideas involved, without
            confusing the two, the presentation may succeed in transposing
            the ideology of Sun Yat-sen, as well as his beliefs concerning
            working politics, into the English language and into an
            explanatory but not distorting background. To do this, a small
            sampling of certain aspects of old Chinese social thought and
            behavior will be a required preliminary.</p>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name=
      "Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a> <a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter I. The Ideological, Social, and
        Political Background.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a> <a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Rationale of the
          Readjustment.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span> and related works of Sun Yat-sen represent in their
          entirety one of the most ambitious bodies of doctrine ever set
          forth by a political leader. They differ from such a document as
          the Communist Manifesto in that they comprehend a much greater
          range of subject matter and deal with it in much greater detail.
          They pertain not merely to the reconstitution of an economic or
          political system; they propose a plan for the reconstruction of a
          whole civilization, the reformation of a way of thought customary
          among a great part of the human race, and a consequent
          transformation of men's behavior. Conceived in the bold flights of
          a penetrating, pioneering mind, avowedly experimental at the time
          of their first utterance, these works of Sun have already played a
          most significant rôle in the Far East and may continue to affect
          history for a long time to come. They may quite legitimately be
          called the bible of new China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Social change is
          a consequence of maladjustment. The thought of Sun Yat-sen is a
          program of change—change which, if it is to be understood, must be
          seen at its beginning and its end. The background from which Sun
          emerged and which was an implicit condition of all his utterances
          must be mentioned, so that the problems he faced may be understood.
          Only then will it be possible to turn to the plans he devised for
          the rethinking of Chinese tradition and the reorganization of
          Chinese polity. A vast maladjustment between the Chinese and the
          world outside led to the downfall of the Manchu Empire in China and
          has threatened the stability of every government <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> erected since that time; Chinese
          society is in a state of profound unrest and recurrent turmoil. Sun
          Yat-sen contributed to the change, and sought a new order, to be
          developed from the disorder which, voluntarily or not, he helped in
          part to bring about.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old order
          that failed, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">interregnum</span></em> (in the etymological
          sense of the word), and the new order proposed by Sun must be taken
          all together in order to obtain a just understanding of Sun's
          thought. No vast history need be written, no <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Decline and Fall of
          the Chinese Empire</span></span> is necessary, but some indication
          of the age-old foundations and proximate conditions of Sun's
          thought must be obtained.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These may,
          perhaps, be found in a sampling of certain data from the thought
          and behavior of the Chinese as a group under the old system, and
          the selection of a few important facts from the history of China
          since the first stages of the maladjustment. An exposition of Sun's
          thought must not slur the great importance of the past, yet it dare
          not linger too long on this theme lest the present—in which, after
          all, uncounted millions of Chinese are desperately struggling for
          life—come to seem insignificant.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucianism is
          a philosophy so broad and so highly developed that any selection
          does violence to its balance and proportion, which are among its
          chief merits.<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href=
          "#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a> Yet
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name=
          "Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> only those few facts
          can be taken from the history and thought of the Chinese which may
          assist the Westerner in becoming familiar with a few terms which
          recur again and again in the works of Sun Yat-sen. If the present
          work purported to be a study of Chinese history, or a complete
          analysis of the Chinese social system, such an extreme selectivity
          could not be condoned; since it, however, tries only to outline
          Sun's thought, the selection of a few Confucian doctrines and the
          complete ignoring of others, may be forgiven. All the schools of
          the past, and the literary traditions which developed from them,
          and social tendencies that were bound up with these have to be
          omitted, and those few ideas and customs described which bear
          directly on one single point—the most significant ideological
          differences between the Chinese and the West with respect to the
          political order, i. e. the control of men in society in the name of
          all society.<a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href=
          "#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a></p>
        </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name=
        "Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a> <a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a>
          <a name="Section_Nation_and_State" id="Section_Nation_and_State"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Nation and State in Chinese
          Antiquity.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Confucian
          system, against which Sun Yat-sen reacted in part and in part
          sought to preserve, was a set of ideas and institutions developed
          as a reaction against certain conditions in ancient China. These
          conditions may be roughly described as having arisen from a system
          of proto-nationalisms, at a time when the old—perhaps
          prehistorically ancient—Chinese feudal system was rapidly declining
          and an early form of capitalism and of states was taking its place.
          The Chou dynasty (ca. 1150-221 B.C.) was in power at the time of
          this transition; under its rule the golden age of Chinese
          philosophy appeared—Confucius (552-479 B.C.) and Lao Tzŭ (ca.
          570-ca. 490 B.C.) lived and taught.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Their
          philosophies, contrary to the popular Western beliefs concerning
          Chinese philosophies, were protests against a world which seemed to
          them well-nigh intolerable. The old Chinese system, which may seem
          to Westerners a highly mystical feudal organization, was in its
          century-long death-agonies; the virtues it had taught were not the
          virtues of the hour; the loyalties it had set up were loyalties
          which could scarcely be maintained in a time when rising states,
          acting more and more as states have acted in the West, were
          disrupting the earlier organization <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of society, waging struggles—in the manner
          that, centuries later, Machiavelli was to portray—of intrigue and
          warfare for the eventual hegemony over that whole area of eastern
          Asia which the Chinese of that time regarded as the civilized
          world.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The political
          aspects of the transition from the feudal to the proto-national
          system is described by one of the most eminent of the Western
          authorities on China in the following terms: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The aim of all the Leaders was to control western
          Ho-nan. There is the heart of ancient China.... All around about,
          in vaster regions occupied no doubt by less dense and more shifting
          populations, great States formed, increasing first towards the
          exterior, seeking (as we have seen in the case of China) to cut the
          communication of their rivals with the Barbarians, mutually forcing
          each other to change the directions of the expansion, exercising on
          each other a pressure from behind, and a converging pressure on the
          central overlordships. All schemed to conquer them. Thus an
          amalgamation was achieved. Whilst in the centre the Chinese nation
          was coming into being, on the outer borders States were being
          formed which, aiming at annexing the centre of China, ended by
          themselves also becoming Chinese.”</span><a id="noteref_26" name=
          "noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> Not
          only did the newer, political organization of society begin to make
          itself distinct from the family, feudal, and religious
          organization; it began to engage in activities which increased its
          resemblance to the Western system of nations. Tributes of textiles,
          horses, and compulsory labor were demanded. A non-feudal economy
          was encouraged; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg
          027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          the state of Ch'i encouraged artisans and merchants, and favored
          the trade in fish and salt. Mining, metallurgy and currency were
          studied. State monopolies were created out of the products of
          forests, lakes, marshes, shell-fish beds, and salt pans. Mines also
          became <span class="tei tei-q">“treasures of the
          state.”</span><a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href=
          "#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The history of
          these states reads like a page torn out of the history of early
          modern Europe. The struggle was half diplomatic and half military.
          From the beginning of the Spring and Autumn period (722-481 B.C.)
          to the end of the Age of Warring States (491-221 B.C.), China was
          subject to frequent war and unstable peace. The character of war
          itself changed, from a chivalrous exercise almost ritualistic in
          nature, to a struggle of unrestricted force. The units of
          government which were to develop into states, and almost into
          nations, began as feudal overlordships; traditional hatreds and
          sentiments were developed; diplomatic and military policies
          crystallized and became consistent; and activities of a state
          nature became increasingly prominent.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Concurrently,
          other factors operated to prevent an indefinite continuance of
          these struggles of proto-national states and to avoid the
          appearance of a permanent system of armed nations such as that
          which has appeared in modern Europe. The feudal system of China
          left a strong ethnical, linguistic and intellectual heritage of
          unity, which was stronger than the cultural disunities and
          particularities appearing in certain of the states. (The state of
          Chêng was particularly conspicuous in developing a peculiar state
          culture.)<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href=
          "#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a> As the
          states became larger and larger with the passing of time, they
          tended not only to develop certain large differences between
          themselves, but to eradicate the minute local peculiarities of the
          old <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name=
          "Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> system, and in so
          doing to increase the general homogeneity which was also a heritage
          of the past ages. This general homogeneity found a living symbol in
          the persons of the Chou Emperors who, possessed of no more power
          than the Tennos under the Shogunate, acted, as did their Japanese
          analogues two thousand years later, as the quasi-religious
          personifications of the whole general community. It thus occurred
          that the old feudal system was destroyed by the growth of a general
          non-feudal economy and political order, which, in its turn, led to
          the development of the great imperial system under which China
          continued for many centuries. The period of the transition, during
          which the traditional feudal unity had been shaken and the new
          imperial unity not yet established, was a tumultuous and bloody
          one. The presence of a confederation under the hegemony of some one
          state—the so-called Presidency—provided a suitable framework for
          rivalries toward power, without particularly increasing the general
          peace.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The transition,
          as it took place, was neither apparent nor agreeable. The political
          turmoil was but slightly less than the intellectual unrest and
          disturbance. Everywhere faith and acceptance seemed to have been
          lost to humanity; licentiousness and impiety fed discord. The lack
          of harmony, made doubly vivid by the presence of a strong tradition
          of primeval Arcadian peace and unity under the mythological
          Emperors, was bitter to the scholars and men of virtue of the time.
          It was quite inevitable that protests should be raised which would
          hasten the advent, or return, of unity and peace. These protests
          form the subject of the work of Confucius and the other great
          philosophers, and schools of thinkers, of the Chou dynasty. It was,
          in later ages, upon these philosophies that the great structure of
          Chinese society developed and continued down until modern
          times.</p>
        </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name=
        "Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a> <a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Theory of the Confucian
          World-Society.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The various
          types of protest against the development of states and the
          consequent anarchy of the Chinese society considered as a whole
          cannot be considered in this work; many were primarily religious;
          Taoism, while ranking as one of the most conspicuous religions of
          the world, has little bearing on politics. Even Confucianism, which
          merits careful study, must be summarized and re-stated as briefly
          as possible. Confucianism has suffered from an ambiguity and
          exoticism of terms, when presented to the West; its full
          significance as a political philosophy can become fully apparent
          only when it is rendered in the words of the hour.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was it that
          Confucius did in protest against the established discord of the
          world he knew? He struck directly at the foundations of politics.
          His criticisms and remedies can be fully appreciated only by
          reference to a theory of ideology.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius
          perceived that the underlying problem of society was that of
          ideology; he seems to have realized that the character of a society
          itself essentially depends upon the character of the moral ideas
          generally prevalent among the individuals composing it, and that
          where there is no common body of ideas a society can scarcely be
          said to exist.<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href=
          "#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a> He did
          not consider, as did Han Fei-tzŭ and the legalist school of
          philosophers, questions of law the preëminent social problem. He
          realized that state and law were remedies, and that the prime
          questions of organization were those anterior to the political, and
          that the state existed for the purpose of filling out the
          shortcomings of social harmony.<a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30"
          href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In a
          society—such as Confucius dreamed of—where there was no
          disagreement in outlook, policy would not be a governmental
          question; if there were no disharmony of thought and of behavior,
          there would be no necessity of enforcing conformance to the
          generally accepted criteria of conduct. From this standpoint,
          government itself is socially pathological, a remedy for a poorly
          ordered society. Men are controlled indirectly by the examples of
          virtue; they do good because they have learned to do good and do it
          unquestioningly and simply. Whatever control is exercised over men
          is exercised by their ideology, and if other men desire control
          they must seek it through shaping the ideas of others. At its full
          expression, such a doctrine would not lead to mere anarchy; but it
          would eliminate the political altogether from the culture of man,
          replacing it with an educational process. Ideological control would
          need to be supplemented by political only if it failed to cover the
          total range of social behavior, and left loopholes for conflict and
          dispute.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This doctrine is
          framed in quite different terms by Confucius, who spoke and wrote
          in an age when the mystical elements of the old feudal ideology
          still exercised powerful and persuasive influence, and when there
          was no other society than his own which he might make the object of
          his study. The central point of his teachings is the doctrine of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, one of
          the most brilliant modern exponents of ancient Chinese philosophy,
          wrote of this:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">In the simplest terms,</span> <span class=
          "tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">Jen</span><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">means
          fellow-feeling for one's kind. Once Fan Chih, one of his disciples,
          asked Confucius what</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">
            [pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Jen</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style=
            "font-size: 90%">meant. Confucius replied,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">To love fellow-men</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">; in
            other words this means to have a feeling of sympathy toward
            mankind....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Intellectually the relationship becomes common
            purpose; emotionally it takes the form of
            fellow-feeling.</span><a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href=
            "#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This doctrine
          appears more specific in its application when it is realized that
          Confucius regarded his own society and mankind as coterminous.
          Barbarians, haunting the fringes of the world, were unconscious of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>; not being in sympathy with
          mankind, they were not as yet fully human.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Jên</span></span> is a word which cannot be
          exactly translated into English. It is laden with a burden of
          connotations which it has acquired through the centuries; its
          variability of translation may be shown by the fact that, in the
          standard translations of the Chinese classics, it is written
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Benevolence.”</span> It might equally well
          be given as <span class="tei tei-q">“consciousness of one's place
          and function in society.”</span> The man who followed <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> was one who was aware of his
          place in society, and of his participation in the common endeavors
          of mankind.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Jên</span></span>, or society-mindedness,
          leads to an awareness of virtue and propriety (<span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">têh</span></span> and <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yi</span></span>). When virtue and propriety
          exist, it is obligatory that men follow them. Behavior in
          accordance with virtue and propriety is <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span>. Commonly translated
          <span class="tei tei-q">“ethics,”</span> this is seen as the
          fruition of the force of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span> in
          human society. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Jên</span></span> underlies
          and establishes society, from the existence of which spring virtue
          and propriety; these prescribe principles for human conduct, the
          formulation of which rules is <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span>.<a id="noteref_32" name=
          "noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a>
          Auxiliary to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> is
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>. <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span> is the rightness of
          names: <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg
          032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span>, the appropriateness of
          relationships. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, it may be
          noted, is also translated <span class="tei tei-q">“rites”</span> or
          <span class="tei tei-q">“ceremonies”</span>; a rendering which,
          while not inexact, fails to convey the full import of the term.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span>, the rectification of
          names, may be regarded as a protest against the discords in
          language that had developed during the transitional period from
          feudalism to eventual unity. Confucius, of course, did not have as
          sharp an issue confronting him as do the modern Western innovators
          in social and political ideology. Nevertheless, the linguistic
          difficulty was clear to him. The expansion of the Chinese written
          language was so great at that time that it led to the
          indiscriminate coining of neologisms, and there was a tendency
          towards a sophisticated hypocrisy in the use of words.<a id=
          "noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius saw
          that, in obtaining harmony, language needed to be exact; otherwise
          long and fruitless disputes over empty words might be engaged in
          or, what was even worse, words might not conform to the realities
          of social life, and might be used as instruments of ill-doing.
          Confucius did not, however, present a scheme of word-worship. He
          wanted communication to cement society, to be an instrument of
          concord. He wanted, in modern terms, a terminology which by its
          exactness and suitability would of itself lead to harmony.<a id=
          "noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a> In
          advocating the rectification of names, Confucius differed from many
          other founders of philosophies and religions; they, too, wanted
          names rectified—terminology reorganized—to suit their particular
          doctrines; but there they stopped short. Confucius regarded the
          rectification of names as a continuous process, one which had to be
          carried on unceasingly if communication, for the sake of social
          harmony, was to remain just and exact.</p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span> is highly significant
          in Confucian thought, and exhibits the striking difference between
          the Chinese and the older Western political study. If the terms by
          means of which the communication within a society is effected, and
          in which the group beliefs of fact or of value are to be found, can
          be the subject of control, there is opened up a great field of
          social engineering. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Chêng
          ming</span></span> states, in recognizable although archaic terms,
          the existence of ideology, and proposes the strengthening of
          ideology. In recognizing the group (in his case, mankind) as
          dependent upon ideology for group existence, Confucius delivered
          Chinese political thought from any search for an ontology of the
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">real
          state</span></em>. It became possible to continue, in the
          traditional pragmatic manner,<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35"
          href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a>
          thinking of men in simple terms referring only to individual men,
          avoiding the hypostatizations common in the West. In pointing out
          the necessity for the control of ideology by men, Confucius
          anticipated theories of the <span class="tei tei-q">“pedagogical
          state”</span> by some twenty centuries.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, in the terminology of the
          present work, is the conformity of the individual to the moral
          ideology, or, stated in another manner, the control of men by the
          ideology.<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href=
          "#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, conformity to the ideology,
          implies, of course, conformity to those parts of it which determine
          value. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Li</span></span> <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> prescribes the do-able, the thinkable.
          In so far as the ideology consists of valuations, so far do those
          valuations determine <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span>.
          Hsü lists the operations of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> in
          six specific categories:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">(1) it furnishes the principles of
          political organization; (2) it furnishes details for the
          application of the doctrine of ratification; (3) it discusses the
          functions of government; (4) it prescribes the limitations of
          governmental authority; (5) it advances principles of social
          administration; and (6) it provides a foundation for crime and
          lawsuits. These are only the political functions of</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">li</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.
            Its force is to be regarded as equally effective in every other
            type of human behavior.</span><a id="noteref_37" name=
            "noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The approach to
          society contained in the doctrines of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>, and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span> is, therefore, one which
          largely eliminates the necessity for politics. Its influence may be
          estimated from three points of view: (1) to what degree was
          government different from what it might have been had it followed
          the line of development that government did in the West? (2) what
          was the range of governmental action in such a system? and (3) what
          was the relation of government to the other institutions of a
          Confucian society?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In regard to the
          first point, it will be seen immediately that government, once
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span> has been set in
          motion, is not a policy-making body. There is no question of
          policy, no room for disagreement, no alternative. What is right is
          apparent. Politics, in the narrow sense of the word, ceases to be a
          function of government; only administration remains.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Secondly,
          government needs to administer only for two purposes. The chief of
          these is the maintenance of the ideology. Once right views are
          established, no individual is entitled to think otherwise.
          Government must treat the heterodox as malefactors. Their crime is
          greater than ordinary crime, which is a mere violation of right
          behavior; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg
          035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          they pollute right thought, set in motion the forces of discord,
          and initiate evils which may work on and on through the society,
          even after the evil-thinkers themselves are dead. To protect the
          society actively against discord, the government must encourage the
          utterance of the accepted truth. The scholar is thus the highest of
          all the social classes; it is he who maintains agreement and order.
          The government becomes, in maintaining the ideology, the
          educational system. The whole political life is education, formal
          or informal. Every act of the leader is a precept and an example.
          The ruler does not compel virtue by law; he spreads it by his
          conspicuous example.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other
          function of the government in maintaining the ideology lies in the
          necessity of dealing with persons not affected by the ideology.
          Barbarians are especially formidable, since both heretics and
          criminals may be restored to the use of their reason, while
          barbarians may not, so long as they remain barbarians. Accordingly,
          the government is also a defense system. It is a defense against
          open and physical disruption from within—as in the case of
          insurrectionaries or bandits—and a defense against forces from
          without which, as veritable powers of darkness, cannot be taught
          and are amenable only to brute force.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In connection
          with the third point, government itself appears as subject to
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span>. It has no right to do wrong.
          The truth is apparent to everyone, and especially to the scholars.
          In this wise the Chinese governments were at the mercy of their
          subjects. No divine right shielded them when public opinion
          condemned them; ill-doing governments were twice guilty and
          contemptible, because of the great force of their examples. An evil
          emperor was not only a criminal; he was a heresiarch, leading many
          astray, and corrupting the virtue upon which society rested—virtue
          being the maintenance of a true and moral ideology, and conformity
          to it.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg
          036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The consequence
          of these teachings was such that we may say, without sacrificing
          truth to paradox, that the aim of Chinese government was
          anarchy—not in the sense of disorder, but in the sense of an order
          so just and so complete that it needed no governing. The
          <span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span> of the Chinese was
          not only economic; it was political. The Great Harmony of
          Confucius, which was his Utopia, was conceived of as a society
          where the excellence of ideology and the thoroughness of conformity
          to ideology had brought perfect virtue, perfect happiness.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other
          doctrines of Confucius, his practical teachings on statesmanship,
          his discourses on the family—these cannot be entered into here.
          Enough has, perhaps, been shown to demonstrate the thoroughness of
          Confucius' reaction against state and nation.<a id="noteref_38"
          name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> This
          reaction was to continue, and to become so typical that the whole
          Chinese system of subsequent centuries was called Confucian,<a id=
          "noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a> until
          the exigencies of a newer, larger, and more perilous world led to
          Sun Yat-sen's teaching of modern Chinese nationalism. Before taking
          up the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          tsu</span></span>, it may be worthwhile to summarize the manner in
          which Chinese society, deliberately and accidentally, each in part,
          followed out the doctrines of Confucius in its practical
          organization.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a> <a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Chinese World-Society of Eastern
          Asia.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be, of
          course, absurd to pretend to analyze the social system of China in
          a few paragraphs; and yet <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg
          037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          it is necessary to the study of Sun Yat-sen that certain
          characteristics be at least mentioned. Several problems appear
          which are quite outstanding. What was the social position and
          function of each individual? How were refractory individuals to be
          disciplined in accordance with the requirements that the general
          opinion of society imposed? What were the ultimate ends which the
          organization of Chinese society was to realize? How were the
          educational system and the frontier defenses to be maintained? What
          was to be the position and power of the political organization?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the outset it
          is necessary that a working demarcation of the political be
          established. Accepting, by definition, those coercive controls as
          political which are operated for the preservation of society as a
          whole, and are recognized within the society as so doing, we see
          immediately that the range of the political must have been much
          less in old China than it has been in the West. Western societies
          tend, at least in law, to emphasize the relationship between the
          individual and the society as a whole; free and unassociated
          individuals tend to become extraordinarily unstable. In the old
          Chinese society the control of the individual was so much an
          ideological one, that political control was infinitely narrower
          than in the West. But, in order to effectuate ideological control,
          there must be an organization which will permit pressure to be
          exercised on the individual in such a compelling manner that the
          exercise of external coercion becomes unnecessary. In a society in
          which the state has withered away, after an enormous expansion in
          the subject-matter of its control,<a id="noteref_40" name=
          "noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a> the
          totalitarian state is succeeded by the totalitarian <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> tradition, if—and the qualification is
          an important one—the indoctrination has been so effective that the
          ideology can maintain itself in the minds of men without the
          continuing coercive power of the state to uphold it. If the
          ideology is secure, then control of the individual will devolve
          upon those persons making up his immediate social environment,
          who—in view of the uniform and secure notions of right and justice
          prevailing—can be relied upon to attend to him in a manner which
          will be approved by the society in general.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In China the
          groups most conspicuous within the society were the family system,
          the village and district, and the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> (association; league;
          society, in the everyday sense of the word).</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family was
          an intricate structure. A fairly typical instance of family
          organization within a specific village has been described in the
          following terms: <span class="tei tei-q">“The village is occupied
          by one sib, a uni-lateral kinship group, exogamous, monogamous but
          polygynous, composed of a plurality of kin alignments into four
          families: the natural family, the economic-family, the
          religious-family, and the sib.”</span><a id="noteref_41" name=
          "noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a> The
          natural family corresponded to the family of the West. The economic
          family may have had a natural family as its core, but commonly
          extended through several degrees of kinship, and may have included
          from thirty to one hundred persons, who formed a single economic
          unit, living and consuming collectively. The religious family was
          an aggregate of economic families, of which it would be very
          difficult to give any specified number as an average. It
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name=
          "Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> was religious in
          that it provided the organization for the proper commemoration and
          reverence of ancestors, and maintained an ancestral shrine where
          the proper genealogical records could be kept; the cult feature has
          largely disappeared in modern times. The sib corresponded roughly
          to the clan, found in some Western communities; its rôle was
          determined by the immediate environment. In some cases—as
          especially in the south—the sib was powerful enough to engage in
          feuds; at times one or more sibs dominated whole communities; in
          the greater part of China it was a loose organization, holding
          meetings from time to time to unite the various local religious
          families which constituted it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Family
          consciousness played its part in sustaining certain elements of the
          Confucian ideology. It stressed the idea of the carnal immortality
          of the human race; it oriented the individual, not only
          philosophically, but socially as well. The size of each family
          determined his position spatially, and family continuity fixed a
          definite location in time for him. With its many-handed grasp upon
          the individual, the family system held him securely in place and
          prevented his aspiring to the arrogant heights of nobility or
          falling to the degradation of a slavery in which he might become a
          mere commodity. A Chinese surrounded by his kinsmen was shielded
          against humiliations inflicted upon him by outsiders or the menace
          of his own potential follies. It was largely through the family
          system, with its religious as well as economic and social
          foundation, that the Chinese solved the problem of adequate
          mobility of individuals in a society stable as a whole, and gave to
          that stability a clear and undeniable purpose—the continued
          generation of the human race through the continuity of a multitude
          of families, each determined upon survival.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family was
          the most obviously significant of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> groupings within the society, but it was
          equalled if not excelled in importance by the village.<a id=
          "noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Had the family
          been the only important social grouping, it might have been
          impossible for any democracy to develop in China. It so occurred
          that the family pattern provided, indeed, the model for the
          government, but the importance of villages in Chinese life negated
          the too sharp influence of a familistic government. It would have
          been the most awful heresy, as it is in Japan today, to revolt
          against and depose an unrighteous father; there was nothing to
          prevent the deposition or destruction of an evil village elder. In
          times of concord, the Emperor was the father of the society; at
          other times, when his rule was less successful, he was a
          fellow-villager subject to the criticism of the people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The village was
          the largest working unit of non-political administration; that is
          to say, groups within and up to the village were almost completely
          autonomous and not subject to interference, except in very rare
          cases, from outside. The village was the smallest unit of the
          political. The District Magistrate, as the lowest officer in the
          political-educational system, was in control of a district
          containing from one to twenty villages, and negotiated, in
          performing the duties imposed upon him, with the village leaders.
          The villages acted as self-ruling communes, at times very
          democratic.<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href=
          "#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Next in
          importance, among Chinese social groups, after the family and the
          village was the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>. It was in
          all probability the last to appear. Neither ordained, as the family
          seemed to be, by the eternal physical and biological order of
          things, nor made to seem natural, as was the village, by the
          geographic and economic environment, the association found its
          justification in the deeply ingrained propensities of the Chinese
          to coöperate. Paralleling and supplementing the former two, the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> won for itself a definite
          and unchallenged place in the Chinese social structure. The kinds
          of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span> may be
          classified into six categories:<a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44"
          href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a> 1) the
          fraternal societies; 2) insurance groups; 3) economic guilds; 4)
          religious societies; 5) political societies; and 6) organizations
          of militia and vigilantes. The <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> made up, in their economic
          form, the greater part of the economic organization of old China,
          and provided the system of vocational education for persons not
          destined to literature and administration. Politically, it was the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>—under such names as the
          Triad and the Lotus—that provided the party organizations of old
          China and challenged the dynasties whenever objectionable social or
          economic conditions developed.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old Chinese
          society, made up of innumerable families, <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> villages, and <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, comprised a whole
          <span class="tei tei-q">“known world.”</span> Its strength was like
          that of a dinosaur in modern fable; having no one nerve-centre, the
          world-society could not be destroyed by inroads of barbarians, or
          the ravages of famine, pestilence, and insurrection. The ideology
          which has been called Confucian continued. At no one time were
          conditions so bad as to break the many threads of Chinese culture
          and to release a new generation of persons emancipated from the
          tradition. Throughout the centuries education and government went
          forward, even though dynasties fell and the whole country was
          occasionally over-run by conquerors. The absence of any
          juristically rigid organization permitted the Chinese to maintain a
          certain minimum of order, even in the absence of an emperor, or, as
          more commonly occurred, in the presence of several.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The governmental
          superstructure cemented the whole Chinese world together in a
          formal manner; it did not create it. The family, the village, and
          the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span> were fit
          subjects for imperial comment, but there was nothing in their
          organization to persuade the student that the Emperor—by virtue of
          some Western-type <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "de"><span style="font-style: italic">Kompetenz
          Kompetenz</span></span>—could remove his sanction from their
          existence and thereby annihilate them. There was no precarious
          legal personality behind the family, the village, and the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, which could be destroyed by
          a stroke of law. It was possible for the English kings to destroy
          the Highland clan of the MacGregor—<span class="tei tei-q">“the
          proscribed name”</span>—without liquidating the members of the clan
          <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">in
          toto</span></span>. In China the Emperor beheld a family as a
          quasi-individual, and when enraged at them was prone to wipe them
          out with massacre. Only in a very few cases was it possible for him
          to destroy an organization without destroying the persons composing
          it; he could, for example, remove the privilege of a scholarship
          system from a district, prefecture, or province without necessarily
          disposing of all the scholars involved in the <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> move. The government of China—which, in
          the normal run of affairs, had no questions of policy, because
          policy was traditional and inviolable—continued to be an
          administration dedicated to three main ends—the maintenance of the
          ideology (education), the defense of the society as a whole against
          barbarians (military affairs) and against the adverse forces of
          nature (public works on the most extensive—and not
          intensive—scale), and the collection of funds for the fulfillment
          of the first two ends (revenue). The Emperor was also the titular
          family head of the Chinese world.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The educational
          system was identical with the administrative, except in the case of
          the foreign dynasties. (Under the Manchus, for example, a certain
          quota of Manchu officials were assigned throughout the government,
          irrespective of their scholastic rank in contrast to the Chinese.)
          It was a civil service, an educational structure, and a ritualist
          organization. Selected from the people at large, scholars could—at
          least in theory—proceed on the basis of sheer merit to any office
          in the Empire excepting the Throne. Their advancement was graduated
          on a very elaborate scale of degrees, which could be attained only
          by the passing of examinations involving an almost perfect
          knowledge of the literature of antiquity and the ability to think
          in harmony with and reproduce that literature. The Chinese
          scholar-official had to learn to do his own thinking by means of
          the clichés which he could learn from the classics; he had to make
          every thought and act of his life conform to the pattern of the
          ideology. Resourceful men may have found in this a proper
          fortification for their originality, as soon as they were able to
          cloak it with the expressions of respect; mediocre persons were
          helpless beyond the bounds of what they had learned.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The combination
          of education and administration had one particular very stabilizing
          effect upon Chinese society. <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> It made literacy and rulership identical.
          Every educated man was either a government official or expected to
          become one. There was no hostile scholar class, no break with the
          tradition. Struggle between scholars generally took the form of
          conflicts between cliques and were not founded—except in rare
          instances—on any cleavage of ideas. The Throne secured its own
          position and the continuity of the ideology through establishing
          intellectuality as a government monopoly. The consequences of the
          educational-administrative system fostered democratic tendencies
          quite as much as they tended to maintain the status quo. The
          scholars were all men, and Chinese, owing allegiance to families
          and to native districts. In this manner a form of representation
          was assured the government which kept it from losing touch with the
          people, and which permitted the people to exercise influence upon
          the government in the advancement of any special interests that
          could profit by government assistance. The educational system also
          served as the substitute for a nobility. Hereditary class
          distinctions existed in China on so small a scale that they
          amounted to nothing. The way to power was through the educational
          hierarchy.<a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href=
          "#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> In a
          society <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg
          045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          which offered no financial or military short cuts to power, and
          which had no powerful nobility to block the way upward, the
          educational system provided an upward channel of social mobility
          which was highly important in the organization of the Chinese world
          order.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The scholars,
          once they had passed the examinations, were given either
          subsistence allowances or posts, according to the rank which they
          had secured in the tests. (This was, of course, the theory; in
          actuality bribery and nepotism played rôles varying with the time
          and the locality.) They made up the administration of the civilized
          world. They were not only the officials but the literati.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be
          impossible even to enumerate the many posts and types of
          organization in the administration of imperial China.<a id=
          "noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a> Its
          most conspicuous features may be enumerated as follows: China
          consisted of half a million cities, towns, villages, and hamlets,
          each to a large extent autonomous.<a id="noteref_47" name=
          "noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a> These
          were divided among, roughly, two thousand <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, in each of which an
          over-burdened District Magistrate sought to carry out all the
          recognized functions of government in so far as they applied to his
          locality. He did this largely by negotiation with the <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> leaders of the social groups in his
          bailiwick, the heads of families, the elders of villages, the
          functionaries of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>. He was
          supervised by a variety of travelling prefects and superintendents,
          but the next officer above him who possessed a high degree of
          independence was the viceroy or governor—whichever type happened to
          rule the province or group of provinces. Except for their
          non-hereditability, these last offices were to all intents and
          purposes satrapies. The enormous extent of the Chinese civilized
          world, the difficulty of communicating with the capital, the
          cumbersomeness of the administrative organization, the rivalry and
          unfriendliness between the inhabitants of various provinces—all
          these encouraged independence of a high degree. If Chinese society
          was divided into largely autonomous communes, the Chinese political
          system was made up of largely autonomous provinces. Everywhere
          there was elasticity.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the top of
          the whole structure stood the Emperor. In the mystical doctrines
          which Confucianism transmitted from the animism of the feudal ages
          of China, the Emperor was the intermediary between the forces of
          nature and mankind. The Son of Heaven became the chief ritualist;
          in more sophisticated times he was the patron of civilization to
          the scholars, and the object of supernatural veneration to the
          uneducated. His function was to provide a constant pattern of
          propriety. He was to act as chief of the scholars. To the scholars
          the ideology was recognized as an ideology, albeit the most exact
          one; to the common people it was an objective reality of thought
          and value. As the dictates of reason were not subject to change,
          the power and the functions of the Emperor were delimited; he was
          not, therefore, responsible to himself alone. He was responsible to
          reason, which the people could enforce when the Emperor failed.
          Popular intervention was regarded as <span lang="la" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">de
          jure</span></span> in proportion to its effectiveness <span lang=
          "la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">de facto</span></span>. The Imperial structure
          might be called, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg
          047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          in Western terms, the constitutionalism of common sense.<a id=
          "noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a> The
          Dragon Throne did not enjoy the mysterious and awful prestige which
          surrounds the modern Tenno of Nippon; although sublime in the
          Confucian theory, it was, even in the theory, at the mercy of its
          subjects, who were themselves the arbiters of reason. There was no
          authority higher than reason; and no reason beyond the reason
          discovered and made manifest in the ages of antiquity.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a> <a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Impact of the West.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mere physical
          shock could not derange the old Chinese society as easily as it
          might some other, dependent for its stability upon complex, fragile
          political mechanisms. China was over-run many times by barbarians;
          the continuity of its civilization was undisturbed. Each group of
          conquerors added to the racial composition of the Chinese, but
          contributed little to the culture. The Ch'in, the Mongols, the
          Manchus—all ruled China as Chinese rulers.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This strength of
          the Chinese society—in contrast to the Roman—must not, however,
          lead us to suppose that there were any extraordinary virtues in the
          Chinese social organization that made Chinese civilization
          indestructible. On the contrary, the continued life of the Chinese
          society may be ascribed, among others, to four conditions acting
          definitely and overwhelmingly in its favor: China's greater
          physical extent, homogeneity, wealth, and culture.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">No barbarian
          conqueror, with the possible exception of the Mongol, would have
          been a match for an orderly and <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> united China. Without exception, the
          barbarian incursions occurred in times of social and political
          disorder and weakness. That this is no freakish coincidence, may be
          shown by the contrast between China and any of the peripheral
          realms. None approached China in extent, in heaviness of
          population. Conquest of China was always conquest by sufferance of
          the Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second, China's
          neighbors were divided among themselves. There was never any
          coalition extensive enough to present a genuine threat to a
          thriving China. The Chinese, in spite of diversities of spoken
          language, were united—so far as they were literate—by a common
          writing and literature; the common ideology had, moreover, fostered
          an extreme sympathy of thought and behavior among the Chinese.
          Persons speaking mutually unintelligible dialects, of different
          racial composition, and in completely different economic and
          geographical environments displayed—and, for all that, still
          display in modern times—an uncanny uniformity of social
          conditioning. China faced barbarians on many fronts; China was
          coördinated, homogeneous; the barbarians of North and South did
          not, in all probability, know anything of each other's existence,
          except what they heard from the Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, China's
          wealth was a socially fortifying factor. In all Eastern Asia, no
          other society or form of social organization appeared which could
          produce a higher scale of living. The Chinese were always
          materially better off than their neighbors, with the possible
          exception of the Koreans and Japanese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, Eastern
          Asia was Chinese just as Europe was Graeco-Roman. The peripheral
          societies all owed a great part, if not all, of their culture to
          the Chinese. China's conquerors were already under the spell of
          Chinese civilization when they swept down upon it. None of them
          were anxious to destroy the heritage of science, arts, and
          invention which the Chinese had developed.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With these
          advantages in mind, it is easy to understand the peculiarity of the
          Westerners, as contrasted with the other peoples whom the Chinese
          met and fought. The formidable physical power of the Chinese was,
          after the first few decades of intercourse, seen to be quite
          unequal to the superior military technique of the West. The
          Westerners, although different from one another at home, tended to
          appear as united in the Far East. In any case, Chinese unity
          availed little in the face of greater military power. The economic
          factor, while a great attraction to the Westerners, was no
          inducement to them to become Chinese; they were willing to gain
          Chinese wealth, and dreamed of conquering it, but not of making
          wealth in the Chinese manner. And lastly, and most importantly, the
          Westerners presented a culture of their own which—after the first
          beginnings of regular intercourse—was quite well able to hold its
          own against the Chinese.<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href=
          "#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To the utter
          certainty of the Chinese way of life, the Westerners presented the
          equally unshakable dogma of Christianity. They regarded the
          Chinese—as did the Chinese them—as outlanders on the edge of the
          known world. They exhibited, in short, almost the same attitude
          toward the Chinese that the Chinese had toward barbarians.
          Consequently, each group regarded the other as perverse. The chief
          distinction between the Chinese and the Westerners lay in the fact
          that the Chinese would in all probability have been satisfied if
          the West had minded its own business, while the West, feverish with
          expansionism, cajoled and fought for the right to come, trade, and
          teach.<a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href=
          "#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At times, the
          two races met on agreeable and equal terms. The Jesuit missionaries
          ingratiated themselves with the Chinese and, by respecting Chinese
          culture, won a certain admiration for their own. The eighteenth
          century in Europe was the century of <span class=
          "tei tei-foreign"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chinoiserie</span></span>, when Chinese models
          exercised a profound influence on the fine and domestic arts of
          Europe.<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href=
          "#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a> The
          great upsurge of economic power in the period of the European
          industrial revolution led to increased self-assurance on the part
          of the Europeans. The new standards of value alienated them from
          those features of Chinese culture which the eighteenth century had
          begun to appreciate, and placed them in a position to sell to the
          Chinese as well as buy. More and more the economic position of the
          two societies changed about; the Westerners had come to purchase
          the superior artizan-made goods of China, giving in exchange metals
          or raw materials. A tendency now developed for them to sell their
          own more cheaply, and, in some cases, better manufactured products
          to the Chinese. The era of good feeling and mutual appreciation,
          which had never been very strong, now drew to a close.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The vassal
          states of China were conquered. The British fought the Chinese on
          several occasions, and conquered each time. The full extent of
          Western military superiority was revealed in the capture of Peking
          in 1860, and in the effectiveness—entirely disproportionate to
          their numbers—that Western-trained Imperial troops had in
          suppressing the Chinese T'ai-p'ing rebels.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun Yat-sen
          was a boy, the country was afire with fear and uncertainty.
          Barbarians who could neither be absorbed nor defeated had appeared.
          Instead of adopting Chinese thought and manners, they were
          vigorously teaching their own to the Chinese. The traditional
          Chinese mechanisms of defense against barbarians were not
          working.<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href=
          "#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a>
          Something was vitally wrong. The Chinese could not be persuaded, as
          some other non-European peoples conquered in the age of Western
          world-dominion seem to have been, that all error lay with
          themselves, and that their own ideology was not worth the saving;
          nor could they, in face of the unfortunate facts, still believe
          that they themselves were completely right, or, at least, that
          their own notions of rightness were completely expedient. In view
          of the pragmatic foundations of the whole Chinese ideology and way
          of life, the seriousness of these consequences cannot be
          over-estimated. Little wonder that China was disturbed! The
          pragmatic, realistic method of organization that the Chinese had
          had, no longer worked in a new environment rising, as it were, from
          the sea.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Western
          impact, consequently, affected China in two ways. In the first
          place, the amorphous Chinese society was threatened and dictated to
          by the strong, clearly organized states of the West. In the second
          place, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg
          052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          the introduction of disharmonious values from the West destroyed,
          in large part, that appearance of universality, upon which the
          effectiveness of the Chinese ideology depended, and shocked Chinese
          thought and action until even their first premises seemed
          doubtful.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This, in short,
          was the dilemma of the Chinese at the advent of Sun Yat-sen. His
          life was to be dedicated to its solution; it is his analyses that
          are to be studied in the explanation of the Chinese society in the
          modern world.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a> <a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Continuing Significance of the
          Background.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Before
          proceeding to the exposition of Sun Yat-sen's theories and
          programs, it is necessary that a superlatively important
          consideration be emphasized: namely, that Sun Yat-sen was a
          Chinese, that the nation he worked for was China, and that the
          intellectual and social background of his labors was one completely
          different from that of the Euramerican world. A great part of the
          vaporous disputation which has hidden Chinese politics in a cloud
          of words has been the consequence of the ignoring, by Westernized
          Chinese as well as by Westerners, of the monumental fact that China
          is in only a few respects comparable to the West, and that the
          ideas and methods of the West lose the greater part of their
          relevance when applied to the Chinese milieu. Political
          dialecticians in China split Marxian hairs as passionately and
          sincerely as though they were in nineteenth-century Germany.<a id=
          "noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen, though accused of this fantastic fault by some of
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name=
          "Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> his adversaries,
          was—as his theories show upon close examination—much less
          influenced by Western thought than is commonly supposed to be the
          case, and in applying Western doctrines to Chinese affairs was apt
          to look upon this as a fortunate coincidence, instead of assuming
          the universal exactness of recent Western social and political
          thought.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the
          features of the Chinese background that must be remembered in order
          to throw a just light upon the beliefs of Sun Yat-sen? Primarily,
          it must have become apparent, from the foregoing discussion of
          Confucianism and the old social order, that China, under the
          leadership of Sun Yat-sen, was beginning to draw away from an order
          of things which the West—or at least a part of the West—aspires to
          achieve: a world-society in which the state had withered away. This
          ideal, while never completely realized in China, was perhaps more
          closely attained than it has ever been in any other society. Modern
          actualities led away from this ideal. The West, dreaming of world
          unity, was divided and armed; China too had to abandon the old
          notions of universal peace, and arm. The West, seeking social
          stability, was mobile; China too had to move.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old society
          was in its controls totalitarian. Diffuse and extensive controls
          operated fairly evenly throughout the system. The West possessed a
          state system which was fundamentally different. By limiting the
          range of law to the reinforcement of certain particular <span lang=
          "la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">mores</span></span>, the Westerners were able
          to obtain a terrific concentration of political power within the
          sphere of what they conceived to be legitimate state control. On
          the other hand the presence of a large number of activities not
          subject to state control led individuals to cherish their freedom—a
          freedom which in most cases did not impair the military and
          political effectiveness of the state in external
          action.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg
          054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Since Fascism
          seeks to reëstablish order and certainty, as does Communism
          (although an order and certainty of a different kind), by the
          extension of state activities; and since Sun Yat-sen proposed to
          improve the political position of China by developing a modern
          state (of narrow, but intense activities in contrast to the loose
          general controls of the old society), the drift in China may be
          regarded, in this respect, as Fascism in reverse. Beginning with
          the same premises—the regeneration of the nation—Mussolini was led
          to a course of policy diametrically opposite to that plotted by Sun
          Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even, however,
          with his plans for developing a <span class="tei tei-q">“machine
          state”</span> in a society where states had long since perished,
          Sun Yat-sen did not propose to destroy Chinese morality and
          non-political discipline for the sake of instituting a sharp
          juristic law-and-order organization. He was anxious that the old
          Chinese morality and social knowledge be applied. In this, he
          differed from most of the other modern leaders of China, who were
          for veneering China with a Parliament and police without delay. Sun
          Yat-sen realized that a state was necessary in China, and hoped to
          establish one; he also hoped that, beyond the limits of the new
          state activity, individualism and disorder would not come to
          prevail, but that the old controls would continue to operate.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accordingly, Sun
          Yat-sen's thought cannot be studied as a mere offshoot of recent
          Western thought. It must be realized that he proposed two ends
          which, of all the countries of the world, would be mutually
          compatible only in China: the development of a state, and the full
          continuation of non-political controls.<a id="noteref_54" name=
          "noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In fostering the
          continuation of ideological control, Sun Yat-sen hoped to modify
          the old ideology so that it would become applicable to the new
          situations. As will be made clear later, he was redefining the old
          world-view so that, without disturbing the consequences to which it
          would lead, it might apply in a novel and unprecedentedly disturbed
          world. He was, in short, switching the premises and trying to
          preserve the conclusions, modifying the actual behavior of the
          Chinese only in so far as it was necessary for the purpose of
          strengthening and invigorating the whole body politic of China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Another strain
          of the ancient thought penetrates Sun Yat-sen's theories.
          Ideological control was not to the Confucians, as some Marxian
          critics aver,<a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href=
          "#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a> a
          rather naïve duplicity by which the gentry of China could maintain
          themselves in power indefinitely. Confucius can not be accused,
          save on the basis of unwarrantable reading-in, of insincerity in
          his teaching of order. He was conservative, and knew what he was
          doing, in seeking for the general self-discipline of men, and the
          rule of precept and virtue; but to believe that he desired one
          public philosophy and another private one goes beyond the realm of
          historically justifiable interpretation. An ideology may, of
          course, be deceptive to its promulgators, but the absence of any
          genuine class-society—as known in the West—must serve as a
          testimonial to the sincerity of Confucian teachings. The Confucian
          ideology was to the ancients not only an instrument for good; it
          was common sense.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg
          056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not, as a Western leader in his position might have done, seek to
          befuddle the masses for their own good. Since he proposed to
          entrust China's destinies to the votes of the masses, he could
          scarcely have believed them liable to fall victims to deceit over a
          great length of time. In teaching of the race-nation, and of the
          nature of Chinese society, Sun Yat-sen was telling the people what
          it would be good for them to believe; it was good for them because
          it was the truth—that is, most in accord with the actual situation
          of China in the general society of the world.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Few today would
          dare say what is really in the minds of European leaders such as
          Stalin, Mussolini, and Hitler. These men may themselves believe
          what they say; or, not believing it, say it nevertheless because
          they think it the right thing for the masses, in the masses' own
          interests, to believe. Their respective enemies accuse them of
          saying what they do in order to mislead the masses and to dominate
          the masses for hidden purposes of their own. No such accusation has
          been levelled against Sun Yat-sen. Apart from his personal
          sincerity, his belief in the qualities of the common people was
          such that he did not consider it necessary to deceive them, even
          for their own good.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Consequently, in
          dealing with the various doctrines that Sun preached, it must be
          remembered that he himself believed what he was saying. He did not
          merely think that the people should regard the Chinese society as a
          race-nation; he thought that China <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">was</span></em> a
          race-nation. The modifications of the Confucian philosophy were to
          be contemplated, as was the original philosophy, as pragmatically
          true.<a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href=
          "#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These two
          factors must be reckoned with—that Sun Yat-sen was teaching and
          working in the Chinese milieu, and that his ideology was an
          ideology not in the older pejorative sense of the word, which
          connoted duplicity, but an ideology in the sense of a scheme of
          exact knowledge which, by its very truthfulness, was a political
          and social instrument.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name=
      "Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc27" id="toc27"></a> <a name="pdf28" id="pdf28"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter II The Theory of
        Nationalism.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc29" id="toc29"></a> <a name="pdf30" id="pdf30"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Emergence of the Chinese
          Race-Nation.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It could, at
          first thought, be supposed that the reconstruction of Chinese
          society might have been necessitated by internal weakness just as
          much as by a changed environment. The process of organizing and
          developing a tight, clear scheme of political control organizations
          within the society (stateification), and delimiting the extent and
          aims of the society (nationalism) were the chief characteristics of
          this reconstruction.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only by
          means of a disregard of actual conditions that the supposition of
          an internal weakness so great as to require radical change can be
          maintained. While the latter days of the Manchu Empire represented
          a decline, it was a decline no more serious than others through
          which Chinese culture had passed and resurged many times in its
          history. It is still a debatable matter as to whether China had
          actually become intellectually and artistically sterile during this
          period. In any event, it is questionable whether the completely
          revolutionary reorganization of Chinese society—of the type that
          Sun Yat-sen found it necessary to support—would have been either
          worth-while or probable in the absence of Euramerican aggression,
          and the appearance, all about China, of a new, hostile, and
          unstable environment. If it had not been for the impact of the West
          it is conceivable—although all comment on this must remain mere
          speculation—that a social revolution such as those which occurred
          under Wang Mang (usurper-founder of the unrecognized Hsin Dynasty,
          9-25 A.D.), Wang An-shih (prime minister, 1069-1076 A.D., under the
          Sung dynasty), or Hung Hsiu-ch'üan (founder of the rebel T'ai P'ing
          dynasty, 1849-1865), <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg
          059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          might have adjusted matters by a general redistribution of wealth
          and administrative reorganization.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In his earliest
          agitations Sun Yat-sen was opposed to the Manchus.<a id=
          "noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a> In
          this connection he developed a peculiar and interesting theory
          concerning nationalism. He held, briefly, that the Chinese had, at
          the noon-day glory of their Empire, fallen under the lure of a
          cosmopolitanism which was not in accord with the realities of
          political existence. It was this lack of distinction between
          themselves and outsiders which had permitted hundreds of millions
          of Chinese to fall prey to one hundred thousand Manchus in the
          early seventeenth century,<a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58"
          href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a> with
          the consequence that the Manchus, once on the throne of China, made
          every effort to erase their barbarian origin from the minds of the
          Chinese, and, with this end in view, did everything possible, as
          modern Japan is doing in Korea, to destroy the national
          consciousness of the Chinese.<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59"
          href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a> China,
          to Sun Yat-sen, had always been a nation, but its inhabitants did
          not believe it a nation. They had lost the precious treasure of
          nationalism. Without contradicting Sun Yat-sen, but differing from
          him only in the use of words, Westerners might say that the Chinese
          had once known nationalism as members of the antique Chinese
          states, but had later formed—in the place of a nation—a
          cosmopolitan society which comprehended the civilized world of
          Eastern Asia.<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href=
          "#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not blame Confucius for cosmopolitanism. There is, indeed, nowhere
          in his works the implication that Confucianism was an evil in
          itself, deserving destruction; why then did Sun Yat-sen believe
          that, even though the old ideology was not invalid for the
          organization of China internally, the old world-view had broken
          down as an effective instrument for the preservation of China?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First of all,
          Sun stated, in terms more general than did the ancients, the
          necessity of establishing the ideology on the basis of pragmatism.
          He stated:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">We cannot say in general that ideas,
          as ideas, are good or bad. We must judge whether, when put into
          practice, they prove useful to us or not. If they are of practical
          value to us, they are good; if they are impractical, they are bad.
          If they are useful to the world, they are good; if they are not
          useful to the world, they are not good.</span><a id="noteref_61"
          name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a>
          </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name=
          "Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He states, also,
          that if the Chinese race is to survive, it must adopt nationalism.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“... if we now want to save China, if we
          wish to see the Chinese race survive forever, we must preach
          Nationalism.”</span><a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href=
          "#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a>
          Hitherto they had been no more conscious of race than were the
          Europeans of the middle ages. To be sure, they were barbarians,
          whose features were strange; but the Chinese were not conscious of
          themselves as a racial unity in competition and conflict with other
          equal or superior racial unities. The self-consciousness of the
          Chinese was a cultural rather than a racial one, and the
          juxtaposition that presented itself to the Chinese mind was between
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Ourselves of the Central Realm”</span> and
          <span class="tei tei-q">“You the Outsiders.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen became intensely conscious of being a Chinese by
          race,<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href=
          "#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a> and so
          did many other of his compatriots, by the extraordinary race-pride
          of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">White Men</span></em> in China. In common with
          many others of his generation, Sun Yat-sen turned to
          race-consciousness as the name for Chinese solidarity.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There is nowhere
          in his works, so far as the writer knows, any attempt to find a
          value higher than the necessity of perpetuating the Chinese race.
          Sun Yat-sen was a Chinese; his followers were Chinese; whatever
          benefits they contemplated bestowing upon the world as a whole were
          incidental to their work for a powerful and continued <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> China. At various times Sun Yat-sen and
          his followers expressed sympathy with the whole world, with the
          oppressed of the earth, or with all Asia, but the paramount drive
          behind the new movement has been the defense and reconstruction of
          China, no longer conceived of as a core-society maintaining the
          flower of human civilization, but regarded as a race abruptly
          plunged into the chaos of hostile and greedy nations.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Throughout his
          life, Sun Yat-sen called China a nation. We may suppose that he
          never thought that Chinese society need not necessarily be called a
          nation, even in the modern world. What he did do, though, was to
          conceive of China as a unique type of nation: a race-nation. He
          stated that races could be distinguished by a study of physical
          characteristics, occupation, language, religion and folkways or
          customs.<a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href=
          "#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a>
          Dividing the world first into the usual old-style five primary
          races (white, black, yellow, brown, and red), he divides these
          races into sub-races in the narrow sense of the term. The Chinese
          race, in the narrow sense of the term, is both a race and a nation.
          The Anglo-Saxons are divided between England and America, the
          Germans between Germany and Austria, the Latins among the
          Mediterranean nations, and so forth; but China is at the same time
          both the Chinese race and the Chinese nation. If the Chinese wish
          their race to perpetuate itself forever, they must adopt and follow
          the doctrine of Nationalism.<a id="noteref_66" name="noteref_66"
          href="#note_66"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">66</span></span></a>
          Otherwise China faces the tragedy of being "despoiled as a nation
          and extinct as a race."<a id="noteref_67" name="noteref_67" href=
          "#note_67"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">67</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen felt
          that China was menaced and oppressed ethnically, politically and
          economically. Ethnically, he believed that the extraordinary
          population increase of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> white race within the past few centuries
          represented a trend which, if not counterbalanced, would simply
          result in the Chinese race being crowded off the earth. Politically
          he observed that the Chinese dependencies had been alienated by the
          Western powers and Japan; that China was at the mercy of any
          military nation that chose to attack; that it was a temporary
          deadlock between the conquering powers rather than any strength of
          China that prevented, at least for the time being, the partition of
          China and that a diplomatic attack, which could break the deadlock
          of the covetous states, would be even more deadly and drastic than
          simple military attack.<a id="noteref_68" name="noteref_68" href=
          "#note_68"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">68</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It must be
          remembered that Sun Yat-sen saw a nation while the majority of his
          compatriots still envisioned the serene, indestructible society of
          the Confucians. Others may have realized that the Western impact
          was more than a frontier squabble on a grand scale; they may have
          thought it to have assumed epic proportions. But Sun Yat-sen,
          oppressed by his superior knowledge of the Western nations,
          obtained at the cost of considerable sympathy with them, struggled
          desperately to make his countrymen aware of the fact, irrefutable
          to him, that China was engaged in a conflict different not only in
          degree but in kind from any other in Chinese history. The Great
          Central Realm had become simply China. Endangered and yet supine,
          it faced the imperative necessity of complete reconstitution, with
          the bitter alternative of decay and extinction—a race tragedy to be
          compounded of millions of individual tragedies. And yet
          reconstitution could not be of a kind that would itself be a
          surrender and treason to the past; China must fit itself for the
          modern <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg
          064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          world, and nevertheless be China. This was the dilemma of the
          Chinese world-society, suddenly become a nation. Sun Yat-sen's life
          and thought were devoted to solving it.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc31" id="toc31"></a> <a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Necessity of
          Nationalism.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An abstract
          theorist might observe that the Chinese, finding their loose-knit
          but stable society surrounded by compact and aggressive nations,
          might have solved the question of the perpetuation of Chinese
          society in the new environment by one of two expedients: first, by
          nationalizing, as it were, their non-national civilization; or
          second, by launching themselves into a campaign against the system
          of nations as such. The second alternative does not seem to have
          occurred to Sun Yat-sen. Though he never ventured upon any complete
          race-war theory, he was nevertheless anxious to maintain the
          self-sufficient power of China as it had been until the advent of
          the West. In his negotiations with the Communists, for example,
          neither he nor they suggested—as might have been done in harmony
          with communist theory—the fusion of China and the Soviet Union
          under a nuclear world government. We may assume with a fair degree
          of certainty that, had a suggestion been made, Sun Yat-sen would
          have rejected it with mistrust if not indignation. He had spent a
          great part of his life in the West. He knew, therefore, the
          incalculable gulf between the civilizations, and was unwilling to
          entrust the destinies of China to persons other than Chinese.<a id=
          "noteref_69" name="noteref_69" href="#note_69"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">69</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Once the
          possibility of a successful counter-attack upon the system of
          nations is discounted, nationalism is seen as the sole solution to
          China's difficulties. It must, however, be understood that, whereas
          nationalism in the West implies an intensification of the already
          definite national consciousness of the peoples, nationalism in
          China might mean only as little as the introduction of such an
          awareness of nationality. Nationalism in China might, as a matter
          of logic, include the possibility of improved personal relations
          between the Chinese and the nationals of other states since, on the
          one hand, the Chinese would be relieved of an intolerable sense of
          humiliation in the face of Western power, and, on the other, be
          disabused of any archaic notions they might retain concerning
          themselves as the sole civilized people of the earth.<a id=
          "noteref_70" name="noteref_70" href="#note_70"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">70</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A brief
          historical reference may explain the apparent necessity of
          nationalism in China. In the nineteenth century <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> foreigners in China generally suffered
          reverses when they came into conflict with a village, a family, or
          a guild. But when they met the government, they were almost always
          in a position to bully it. It was commonly of little or no concern
          to the people what their government did to the barbarians; the
          whole affair was too remote to be much thought about. We find, for
          example, that the British had no trouble in obtaining labor
          auxiliaries in Canton to fight with the British troops against the
          Imperial government at Peking in 1860; it is quite probable that
          these Cantonese, who certainly did not think that they were
          renegades, had no anti-dynastic intentions. Chinese served the
          foreign enemies of China at various times as quasi-military
          constabulary, and served faithfully. Before the rise of Chinese
          nationalism it was not beyond possibility that China would be
          partitioned into four or five colonies appurtenant to the various
          great powers and that the Chinese in each separate colony, if
          considerately and tactfully treated, would have become quite loyal
          to their respective foreign masters. The menace of such
          possibilities made the need of Chinese nationalism very real to Sun
          Yat-sen; the passing of time may serve further to vindicate his
          judgment.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          nationalism, though most vividly clear when considered as a
          practical expedient of social engineering, may also be regarded
          more philosophically as a derivation of, or at least having an
          affinity with, certain older ideas of the Chinese. Confucian
          thinking, as re-expressed in Western terms, implants in the
          individual a sense of his responsibility to all humanity, united in
          space and time. Confucianism stressed the solidarity of humanity,
          continuous, immortal, bound together by the closest conceivable
          ties—blood relationships. Sun Yat-sen's nationalism may represent a
          narrowing of this conception, and the substitution of the modern
          Chinese race <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg
          067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          for Confucian humanity. In fairness to Sun Yat-sen it must,
          however, be admitted that he liked to think, in Christian and
          Confucian terms, of the brotherhood of man; one of his favorite
          expressions was <span class="tei tei-q">“under heaven all men shall
          work for the common good.”</span><a id="noteref_71" name=
          "noteref_71" href="#note_71"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">71</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nationalism was
          to Sun Yat-sen the prime condition of his movement and of his other
          principles. The Communists of the West regard every aspect of their
          lives significant only in so far as it is instrumental in the class
          struggle. Sun Yat-sen, meeting them, was willing to use the term
          <span class="tei tei-q">“class struggle”</span> as an instrument
          for Chinese nationalism. He thought of China, of the vital and
          immediate necessity of defending and strengthening China, and
          sacrificed everything to the effectuation of a genuine nationalism.
          To him only nationalism could tighten, organize, and clarify the
          Chinese social system so that China, whatever it was to be, might
          not be lost.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The early
          philosophers of China, looking upon a unicultural world, saw social
          organization as the supreme criterion of civilization and humanity.
          Sun Yat-sen, in a world of many mutually incomprehensible and
          hostile cultures saw nationalism (in the sense of race solidarity)
          as the supreme condition for the survival of the race-nation China.
          Democracy and social welfare were necessary to the stability and
          effectiveness of this nationalism, but the preservation and
          continuation of the race-nation was always to remain the prime
          desideratum.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc33" id="toc33"></a> <a name="pdf34" id="pdf34"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Return to the Old
          Morality.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          quite unequivocally stated the necessity for establishing a new
          Nationalist ideology in order to effectuate the purposes of China's
          regeneration. He spoke of the two steps of ideological
          reconstitution and political reconstitution <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“In
          order today to restore our national standing we must, first of all,
          revive the national spirit. But in order to revive the national
          spirit, we must fulfill two conditions. First, we must realize that
          we are at present in a very critical situation. Second ... we must
          unite ... and form a large national association.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_72" name="noteref_72" href="#note_72"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">72</span></span></a> He
          evidently regarded the ideological reconstitution as anterior to
          the political, although he adjusted the common development of the
          two quite detailedly in his doctrine of tutelage.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He proposed
          three ideological methods for the regeneration of China, which
          might again make the Chinese the leading society (nation) of the
          world. There were: first, the return to the ancient Chinese
          morality; second, the return to the ancient Chinese learning; and
          third, the adoption of Western science.<a id="noteref_73" name=
          "noteref_73" href="#note_73"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">73</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          never-shaken belief in the applicability of the ancient Chinese
          ethical system, and in the wisdom of old China in social
          organization, is such that of itself it prevents his being regarded
          as a mere imitator of the West, a barbarized Chinese returning to
          barbarize his countrymen. His devotion to Confucianism was so great
          that Richard Wilhelm, the greatest of German sinologues, wrote of
          him: <span class="tei tei-q">“The greatness of Sun Yat-sen rests,
          therefore, upon the fact that he has found a living synthesis
          between the fundamental principles of Confucianism and the demands
          of modern times, a synthesis which, beyond the borders of China,
          can again become significant to all humanity. Sun Yat-sen combined
          in himself the brazen consistency of a revolutionary and the great
          love of humanity of a renewer. Sun Yat-sen has been the kindest of
          all the revolutionaries of mankind. And this kindness <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> was taken by him from the heritage of
          Confucius. Hence his intellectual work stands as a connecting
          bridge between the old and the modern ages. And it will be the
          salvation of China, if it determinedly treads that
          bridge.”</span><a id="noteref_74" name="noteref_74" href=
          "#note_74"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">74</span></span></a> And
          Tai Chi-tao, one of Sun Yat-sen's most respected followers, had
          said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen was the only one among
          all the revolutionaries who was not an enemy to Confucius; Sun
          Yat-sen himself said that his ideas embodied China, and that they
          were derived from the ideas of Confucius.”</span><a id="noteref_75"
          name="noteref_75" href="#note_75"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">75</span></span></a> The
          invocation of authorities need not be relied upon to demonstrate
          the importance of Sun Yat-sen's demand for ideological
          reconstruction upon the basis of a return to the traditional
          morality; he himself stated his position in his sixth lecture on
          nationalism: <span class="tei tei-q">“If we now wish to restore to
          our nation its former position, besides uniting all of us into a
          national body, we must also first revive our own ancient morality;
          when we have achieved that, we can hope to give back to our nation
          the position which she once held.”</span><a id="noteref_76" name=
          "noteref_76" href="#note_76"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">76</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the
          chief elements of the old morality? These are: 1) loyalty and
          filial piety, 2) humanity and charity, 3) faithfulness and justice,
          and 4) peace. These four, however, are all expressions of
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">humanity</span></em>, to which <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">knowledge</span></em> <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">valor</span></em> must be joined, and
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">sincerity</span></em> employed in expressing
          them.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The problem of
          loyalty was one very difficult to solve. Under the Empire it was
          easy enough to consider the Emperor as the father of the great
          society, and to teach loyalty to him. This was easy to grasp, even
          for the simplest mind. Sun Yat-sen urged loyalty to the people, and
          loyalty to duty, as successors to the loyalty once owed to the
          sovereign. He deplored the tendency, which appeared in Republican
          times, for the masses to assume that since there was no more
          Emperor, there was no more loyalty; and it has, since the passing
          of Sun Yat-sen, been one of the efforts of the Nationalists to
          build up a tradition of loyalty to the spirit of Sun Yat-sen as the
          timeless and undying leader of modern China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          also deeply devoted to filial piety in China, which was—in the old
          philosophy—simply a manifestation, in another direction, of the
          same virtue as loyalty. He called filial piety indispensable, and
          was proud that none of the Western nations had ever approached the
          excellence of the Chinese in this virtue.<a id="noteref_77" name=
          "noteref_77" href="#note_77"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">77</span></span></a> At the
          time that he said this, Sun Yat-sen was accused of being a virtual
          Communist, and of having succumbed to the lure of Soviet doctrines.
          It is at least a little strange that a man supposedly infatuated
          with Marxism should praise that most conservative of all virtues:
          filial piety!</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen then
          commented on each of the other virtues, pointing out their
          excellence in old China, and their necessity to modern China. In
          the case of faithfulness, for example, he cited the traditional
          reliability of the Chinese in commercial honor. Concerning justice,
          he pointed out that the Chinese political technique was one
          fundamentally just; an instance of the application of this was
          Korea, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg
          071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          which was-allowed to enjoy peace and autonomy as a Chinese vassal
          state for centuries, and then was destroyed shortly after becoming
          a Japanese protectorate. Chinese faithfulness and justice were
          obviously superior to that of the Japanese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In politics the
          two most important contributions of the old morality to the
          Nationalist ideology of Sun Yat-sen were (1) the doctrine of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, and (2) the social
          interpretation of history.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Wang tao</span></span> is the way of kings—the
          way of right as opposed to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa
          tao</span></span>, the way of might. It consisted, in the old
          ideology, of the course of action of the kingly man, who ruled in
          harmony with nature and did not violate the established proprieties
          of mankind. Sun Yat-sen's teachings afford us several applications
          of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>. In
          the first place, a group which has been formed by the forces of
          nature is a race; it has been formed according to <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>. A group which has been
          organized by brute force is a state, and is formed by <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span>. The Chinese Empire was
          built according to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang
          tao</span></span>; the British Empire by <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa
          tao</span></span>. The former was a natural organization of a
          homogeneous race; the latter, a military outrage against the
          natural order of mankind.<a id="noteref_78" name="noteref_78" href=
          "#note_78"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">78</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Wang tao</span></span> is also seen in the
          relation between China and her vassal states, a benevolent
          relationship which stood in sharp contrast, at times, though not
          always, to the methods later to be used by the Europeans in
          Asia.<a id="noteref_79" name="noteref_79" href=
          "#note_79"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">79</span></span></a>
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name=
          "Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Again, economic
          development on a basis of the free play of economic forces was
          regarded as <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span> by Sun
          Yat-sen, even though its consequences might be adverse. <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Pa tao</span></span> appeared only when the
          political was employed to do violence to the economic.<a id=
          "noteref_80" name="noteref_80" href="#note_80"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">80</span></span></a> This
          doctrine of good and bad aspects of economic relationships stands
          in distinct contrast to the Communist theory. He believed that the
          political was frequently employed to bring about unjust
          international economic relationships, and extenuated adverse
          economic conditions simply because they were the free result of the
          operations of a <span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "fr"><span style="font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span>
          economy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Economically,
          the interpretation of history was, according to Sun Yat-sen, to be
          performed through the study of consumption, and not of the means of
          production. In this he was indebted to Maurice William—at least in
          part.<a id="noteref_81" name="noteref_81" href=
          "#note_81"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">81</span></span></a> The
          social interpretation of history is, however, associated not only
          with economic matters, but with the ancient Chinese moral system as
          well. Tai Chi-tao, whose work has most clearly demonstrated the
          relationship between Confucianism and Sunyatsenism, points out in
          his diagram of Sun Yat-sen's ethical system that <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">humanity</span></em> (<span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>) was to Sun Yat-sen the key
          to the interpretation of history. We have already seen that
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is the doctrine of social
          consciousness, of awareness of membership in society.<a id=
          "noteref_82" name="noteref_82" href="#note_82"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">82</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen, according to Tai Chi-tao, regarded man's development as a
          social animal, the development of his humanity, as the key to
          history. This would include, of course, among other things, his
          methods of production <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg
          073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          and of consumption. The distinction between Sun Yat-sen and the
          Western Marxian thinkers lies in the fact that the latter trace
          their philosophical genealogy back through the main currents of
          Western philosophy, while Sun Yat-sen derives his from Confucius.
          Nothing could be further from dialectical materialism than the
          socio-ethical interpretation that Sun Yat-sen developed from the
          Confucian theories.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The rôle played
          by the old Chinese morality in the ideology of Sun Yat-sen is, it
          is apparent, an important one. First, Sun Yat-sen believed that
          Chinese nationalism and the regeneration of the Chinese people had
          to be based on the old morality of China, which was superior to any
          other morality that the world had known, and which was among the
          treasures of the Chinese people. Second, he believed that, in
          practical politics as well as national ideology, the application of
          the old virtues would be fruitful in bringing about the development
          of a strong China. Third, he derived the idea of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, the right, the royal,
          the natural way, from antiquity. He pointed out that violence to
          the established order—of race, as in the case of the British
          Empire, of economics, as in the case of the political methods of
          imperialism—was directly antithetical to the natural, peaceful way
          of doing things that had led to the supreme greatness of China in
          past ages. Fourth, he employed the doctrine of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, of social-consciousness,
          which had already been used, by the Confucians, and formed the
          cornerstone of their teaching, as the key to his interpretation. In
          regard to the individual, this was, as we have seen, consciousness
          of social orientation; with regard to the group, it was the
          development of strength and harmony. It has also been translated
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">humanity</span></span>, which broadly and
          ethically, carries the value scheme with which <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is connected.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even this heavy
          indebtedness to Chinese antiquity in adopting and adapting the
          morality of the ancients for <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> the salvation of their children in the modern
          world, was not the total of Sun Yat-sen's political traditionalism.
          He also wished to renew the ancient Chinese knowledge, especially
          in the fields of social and political science. Only after these did
          he desire that Western technics be introduced.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc35" id="toc35"></a> <a name="pdf36" id="pdf36"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Return to the Ancient
          Knowledge.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          doctrine of the return to the ancient Chinese knowledge may be
          divided into three parts. First, he praised the ancient Chinese
          superiority in the field of social science, but distinctly stressed
          the necessity of Western knowledge in the field of the physical and
          applied sciences alone.<a id="noteref_83" name="noteref_83" href=
          "#note_83"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">83</span></span></a>
          Second, he pointed out the many practical accomplishments of the
          ancient Chinese knowledge, and the excellence and versatility of
          Chinese invention.<a id="noteref_84" name="noteref_84" href=
          "#note_84"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">84</span></span></a> Third,
          his emphasis upon the development of talents in the material
          sciences hints at, although it does not state, a theory of national
          wealth based upon labor capacity.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          said, <span class="tei tei-q">“Besides reviving our ancient Chinese
          morality, we must also revive our wisdom and ability.... If today
          we want to revive our national spirit, we must revive not only the
          morality which is proper to us, but we must revive also our own
          knowledge.”</span><a id="noteref_85" name="noteref_85" href=
          "#note_85"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">85</span></span></a> He
          goes on to say that the peculiar excellence of the ancient Chinese
          knowledge lay in the field of political philosophy, and states that
          the Chinese political philosophy surpassed the Western, at least in
          clearness.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He quotes
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Great
          Learning</span></span> for the summation, in a few words, of the
          highlights of this ancient Chinese social knowledge: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Investigate into things, attain the <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> utmost knowledge, make the thoughts
          sincere, rectify the heart, cultivate the person, regulate the
          family, govern the country rightly, pacify the world.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_86" name="noteref_86" href="#note_86"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">86</span></span></a> This
          is, as we have seen, what may be called the Confucian doctrine of
          ideological control. Sun Yat-sen lavished praise upon it.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Such a theory, so detailed, minute, and
          progressive, was neither discovered nor spoken of by any foreign
          political philosopher. It is a peculiar intellectual treasure
          pertaining to our political philosophy, which we must
          preserve.”</span><a id="noteref_87" name="noteref_87" href=
          "#note_87"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">87</span></span></a> The
          endorsement is doubly significant. In the first place, it
          demonstrates the fact that Sun Yat-sen thought of himself as a
          rebuilder and not as a destroyer of the ancient Chinese culture,
          and the traditional methods of organization and control. In the
          second place, it points out that his Chinese background was most
          clear to him, and that he was in his own mind the transmitter of
          the Chinese heritage.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In speaking of
          Chinese excellence in the field of the social science, Sun Yat-sen
          did not confine his discussion to any one time. Whenever he
          referred to a political theory, he mentioned its Chinese origin if
          it were one of those known to Chinese antiquity: anarchism,
          communism, democracy. He never attacked Chinese intellectual
          knowledge for being what it was, but only for what it omitted:
          physical science.<a id="noteref_88" name="noteref_88" href=
          "#note_88"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">88</span></span></a> He was
          undoubtedly more conservative than many of his contemporaries, who
          were actually hostile to the inheritance.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The summary of
          Sun Yat-sen's beliefs and position in respect to the ancient
          intellectual knowledge is so well given by Tai Chi-tao that any
          other statement would almost have to verge on paraphrase. Tai
          Chi-tao wrote:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen (in his teachings)
          completely includes the true ideas of China as they recur again and
          again from Yao and Shun, Confucius and Mencius. It will be clear to
          us, therefore, that Sun Yat-sen is the renewal of Chinese moral
          culture, unbroken for two thousand years ... we can see that Sun
          Yat-sen was convinced of the truth of his own words, and at the
          same time we can also recognize that his national revolution was
          based upon the re-awakening of Chinese culture. He wanted to call
          the creative power of China to life again, and to make the value of
          Chinese culture useful to the whole world, and in that way to
          realize cosmopolitanism.</span><a id="noteref_89" name="noteref_89"
            href="#note_89"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">89</span></span></a>
          </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name=
          "Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accordingly, Sun
          Yat-sen's doctrines may not only be regarded as having been based
          upon the tacit premises of the Chinese intellectual milieu, but as
          having been incorporated in them as supports. Sun Yat-sen's
          theories were, therefore, consciously as well as unconsciously
          Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          proud of the accomplishment of the Chinese in physical and applied
          knowledge. He praised Chinese craftsmanship and skill, and extolled
          the talents of the people which had invented the mariner's compass,
          printing, porcelain, gunpowder, tea, silks, arches, and suspension
          bridges.<a id="noteref_90" name="noteref_90" href=
          "#note_90"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">90</span></span></a> He
          urged the revival of the talents of the Chinese, and the return of
          material development. This teaching, in conjunction with his
          advocacy of Western knowledge, leads to another suggestive
          point.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          pointed out that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wealth</span></em> was to the modern Chinese
          what <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">liberty</span></em> was to the Europeans of
          the eighteenth century—the supreme condition of further
          progress.<a id="noteref_91" name="noteref_91" href=
          "#note_91"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">91</span></span></a> The
          way to progress and wealth was through social reorganization, and
          through the use of the capacities of the people. It may be
          inferred, although it cannot be stated positively, that Sun Yat-sen
          measured wealth not merely in metals or commodities, but in the
          productive capacities of the country, which, as they depend upon
          the labor skill of the workers, are in the last analysis cultural
          and psychological rather than exclusively physical in nature.<a id=
          "noteref_92" name="noteref_92" href="#note_92"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">92</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">China, following
          the ancient morality, conscious of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> intellectual and social heritage, and of its
          latent practical talents, needed only one more lesson to learn: the
          need of Western science.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc37" id="toc37"></a> <a name="pdf38" id="pdf38"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Western Physical Science in the New
          Ideology.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The third
          element of the nationalist ideology proposed by Sun Yat-sen was the
          introduction of Western science. It is upon this that his break
          with the past arose; it is this that gives his ideology its
          partially revolutionary character, for the ideology was, as we have
          seen, strongly reconstitutional in two of its elements. Sun Yat-sen
          was, however, willing to tear down if he could rebuild, and rebuild
          with the addition of Western science. These questions immediately
          arise: why did he wish to add Western science to the intellectual
          background of modern China? what, in Western science, did he wish
          to add? to what degree did he wish Western science to play its rôle
          in the development of a new ideology for China?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not have to teach the addition of Western science to the Chinese
          ideology. In his own lifetime the terrific swing from arrogant
          self-assurance to abject imitativeness had taken place. Sun Yat-sen
          said that the Boxer Rebellion was the last surge of the old Chinese
          nationalism, <span class="tei tei-q">“But the war of 1900 was the
          last manifestation of self-confidence thoughts and self-confidence
          power on the part of the Chinese to oppose the new civilization of
          Europe and of America.... They understood that the civilization of
          Europe and of America was really much superior to the ancient
          civilization of China.”</span><a id="noteref_93" name="noteref_93"
          href="#note_93"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">93</span></span></a> He
          added that this superiority was naturally evident in the matter of
          armaments. This illustrates both consequences of the impact of the
          West—the endangered position of the Chinese society, and the
          consequent instability of the Chinese ideology.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not regard the introduction of Western science into Chinese life as
          merely remedial in nature, but, on the contrary, saw much benefit
          in it. This was especially clear to him as a physician; his
          training led him to see the abominable practices of many of the
          Chinese in matters of diet and hygiene.<a id="noteref_94" name=
          "noteref_94" href="#note_94"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">94</span></span></a> He
          made a sweeping claim of Western superiority, which is at the same
          time a sharp limitation of it in fields which the conservative
          European would be likely to think of as foremost—politics, ethics,
          religion. <span class="tei tei-q">“Besides the matter of armaments,
          the means of communication ... are far superior.... Moreover, in
          everything else that relates to machinery or daily human labor, in
          methods of agriculture, of industry, and of commerce, all (foreign)
          methods by far surpass those of China.”</span><a id="noteref_95"
          name="noteref_95" href="#note_95"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">95</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          pointed out the fact that while manuals of warfare become obsolete
          in a very few years in the West, political ideas and institutions
          do not. He cited the continuance of the same pattern of government
          in the United States, and the lasting authority of the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Republic</span></span> of Plato, as examples
          of the stagnation of the Western social sciences as contrasted with
          physical sciences. Already prepossessed in favor of the Chinese
          knowledge and morality in non-technical matters, he did not demand
          the introduction of Western social methods as well. He had lived
          long enough in the West to lose some of the West-worship that
          characterized so many Chinese and Japanese of his generation. He
          was willing, even anxious, that the experimental method, by itself,
          be introduced into Chinese thought in all fields,<a id="noteref_96"
          name="noteref_96" href="#note_96"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">96</span></span></a> but
          not particularly impressed with the general superiority of Western
          social thought.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg
          080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          own exposition of the reasons for his desiring to limit the rôle
          played by Western science in China is quite clear.<a id=
          "noteref_97" name="noteref_97" href="#note_97"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">97</span></span></a> In the
          first place, Sun Yat-sen was vigorously in favor of adopting the
          experimental method in attaining knowledge. He stood firmly for the
          pragmatic foundation of knowledge, and for the exercise of the
          greatest care and most strenuous effort in discovering it.
          Secondly, he believed in taking over the physical knowledge of the
          Westerners, although—in his emphasis on Chinese talent—he by no
          means believed that Western physical knowledge would displace that
          of the Chinese altogether. <span class="tei tei-q">“We can safely
          imitate the material civilization of Europe and of America; we may
          follow it blindly, and if we introduce it in China, it will make
          good headway.”</span><a id="noteref_98" name="noteref_98" href=
          "#note_98"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">98</span></span></a>
          Thirdly, he believed that the social science of the West, and
          especially its political philosophy, might lead the Chinese into
          gross error, since it was derived from a quite different ideology,
          and not relevant to Chinese conditions. <span class="tei tei-q">“It
          would be a gross error on our part, if, disregarding our own
          Chinese customs and human sentiments, we were to try to force upon
          (our people) a foreign type of social government just as we copy a
          foreign make of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg
          081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          machinery.”</span><a id="noteref_99" name="noteref_99" href=
          "#note_99"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">99</span></span></a>
          Fourthly, even apart from the difference between China and the West
          which invalidated Western social science in China, he did not
          believe that the West had attained to anything like the same
          certainty in social science that it had in physical science.<a id=
          "noteref_100" name="noteref_100" href="#note_100"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">100</span></span></a>
          Fifthly, Sun Yat-sen believed that the Chinese should profit by
          observing the experiments and theories of the West in regard to
          social organization, without necessarily following them.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The great break
          between Sun Yat-sen's acceptance of Western physical science and
          his rejection of Western social science is demonstrated by his
          belief that government is psychological in its foundations.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Laws of human government also constitute
          an abstract piece of machinery—for that reason we speak of the
          machinery of an organized government—but a material piece of
          machinery is based on nature, whereas the immaterial machinery of
          government is based on psychology.”</span><a id="noteref_101" name=
          "noteref_101" href="#note_101"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">101</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen pointed out, although in different words, that government
          was based upon the ideology and that the ideology of a society was
          an element in the last analysis psychological, however much it
          might be conditioned by the material environment.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of these three
          elements—Chinese morality, Chinese social and political knowledge,
          and Western physical science—the new ideology for the modern
          Chinese society <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg
          082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          was to be formed. What the immediate and the ultimate forms of that
          society were to be, remains to be studied.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc39" id="toc39"></a> <a name="pdf40" id="pdf40"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Consequences of the Nationalist
          Ideology.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the
          consequences of this Nationalistic ideology? What sort of society
          did Sun Yat-sen envision? How much of it was to be Chinese, and how
          much Western? Were the Chinese, like some modern Japanese, to take
          pride in being simultaneously the most Eastern of Eastern nations
          and the most Western of Western or were they to seek to remain
          fundamentally what their ancestors had been for uncounted
          centuries?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first
          place, Sun Yat-sen's proposed ideology was, as we have seen, to be
          composed of four elements. First, the essential core of the old
          ideology, to which the three necessary revivifying elements were to
          be added. This vast unmentioned foundation is highly significant to
          the assessment of the nature of the new Chinese ideology. (It is
          quite apparent that Sun Yat-sen never dreamed, as did the Russians,
          of overthrowing the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">entire</span></em> traditional order of
          things. His three modifications were to be added to the existing
          Chinese civilization.) Second, he wished to revive the old
          morality. Third, he desired to restore the ancient knowledge and
          skill of the Chinese to their full creative energy. Fourth, he
          desired to add Western science. The full significance of this must
          be realized in a consideration of Chinese nationalism. Sun Yat-sen
          did not, like the Meiji Emperor, desire to add the whole front of
          Western culture; he was even further from emulating the Russians in
          a destruction of the existing order and the development of an
          entirely new system. His energies were directed to the purification
          and reconstitution of the Chinese ideology by the strengthening of
          its own latent moral and intellectual values, and by the innovation
          of Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg
          083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          physical science and the experimental method. Of the range of the
          ideology, of the indescribably complex intellectual conditionings
          in which the many activities of the Chinese in their own
          civilization were carried on, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify only
          those which could be improved by a reaction to the excellencies of
          Chinese antiquity, or benefited by the influence of Western
          science. Sun Yat-sen was, as Wilhelm states, both a revolutionary
          and a reconstitutionary. He was reconstitutionary in the ideology
          which he proposed, and a revolutionary by virtue of the political
          methods which he was willing to sanction and employ in carrying the
          ideology into the minds of the Chinese populace.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the second
          place, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify the old ideology not only
          with respect to content but also with regard to method of
          development. The Confucians had, as we have seen, provided for the
          continual modification and rectification of the ideology by means
          of the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chêng
          ming</span></span>. It is a matter of dispute as to what degree
          that doctrine constituted a scientific method for propagating
          knowledge.<a id="noteref_102" name="noteref_102" href=
          "#note_102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">102</span></span></a>
          Whatever the method of the ancients, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify
          it in three steps: the acknowledgment of the pragmatic foundations
          of social ideas, the recognition of the necessity for knowledge
          before action, and the introduction of the experimental method. His
          pragmatic position shows no particular indication of having been
          derived from any specific source; it was a common enough tendency
          in old Chinese thought, from the beginning; in advocating it, Sun
          Yat-sen may have been revolutionary only in his championing of an
          idea which he may well have had since early childhood. His stress
          upon the necessity of ideological clarity as antecedent
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name=
          "Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> to revolutionary or
          any other kind of action is negatively derived from Wang Yang-ming,
          whose statement of the converse Sun Yat-sen was wont to attack. The
          belief in the experimental method is clearly enough the result of
          his Western scientific training—possibly in so direct a fashion as
          the personal influence of one of his instructors, Dr. James
          Cantlie, later Sir James Cantlie, of Queen's College, Hongkong. Sun
          Yat-sen was a physician; his degree <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Dr.</span></em> was
          a medical and not an academic one; and there is no reason to
          overlook the influence of his vocation, a Western one, in
          estimating the influence of the Western experimental method.<a id=
          "noteref_103" name="noteref_103" href="#note_103"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">103</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The overwhelming
          preponderance of Chinese elements in the new ideology proposed by
          Sun Yat-sen must not hide the fact that, in so stable an ideology
          as that of old China, the modifications which Sun advocated were
          highly significant. In method, experimentalism;<a id="noteref_104"
          name="noteref_104" href="#note_104"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">104</span></span></a> in
          background, the whole present body of Western science—these were to
          move China deeply, albeit a China that remained <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Chinese. There is a fundamental
          difference between Sun's doctrine of ideological extension
          (<span class="tei tei-q">“the need for knowledge”</span>) and
          Confucius' doctrine of ideological rectification (<span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>). Confucius advocated
          the establishment of a powerful ideology for the purpose of
          extending ideological control and thereby of minimizing the then
          pernicious effects of the politically active proto-nations of his
          time. Sun Yat-sen, reared in a world subject to ideological
          control, saw no real necessity for strengthening it; what he
          desired was to prepare China psychologically for the development of
          a clear-cut conscious nation and a powerful government as the
          political instrument of that nation. In spite of the great Chinese
          emphasis which Sun pronounced in his ideology, and in spite of his
          many close associations with old Chinese thought, his governmental
          principles are in a sense diametrically opposed to Confucianism.
          Confucius sought to establish a totalitarian system of traditional
          controls which would perpetuate society and civilization regardless
          of the misadventures or inadequacies of government. Sun Yat-sen was
          seeking to build a strong liberal protective state within the
          framework of an immemorial society which was largely non-political;
          his doctrine, which we may call totalitarianism in reverse, tended
          to encourage intellectual freedom rather than any rigid ideological
          coördination. The mere fact that Sun Yat-sen trusted the old
          Chinese ideology to the ordeal of free criticism is, of course,
          further testimony to his belief in the fundamental soundness of the
          old intellectual order—an order which needed revision and
          supplementation to guide modern China through the perils of its
          destiny.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Before passing
          to a brief consideration of the nature of the society to be
          developed through this nationalist ideology, it may be interesting
          to note the value-scheme in the ideology. There was but one
          value—the survival of the Chinese people with their own
          civilization. All <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg
          086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          other considerations were secondary; all other reforms were means
          and not ends. Nationalism, democracy, and <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were each
          indispensable, but none was superior to the supreme desideratum,
          Chinese survival. That this survival was a vivid problem to Sun,
          almost any of his lectures will testify. Tai Chi-tao, one of the
          inner circle of Sun Yat-sen's disciples, summarized the spirit of
          this nationalism when he wrote; <span class="tei tei-q">“We are
          Chinese, and those things that we have to change first lie in
          China. But if all things in China have become worthless, if Chinese
          culture no longer has any significance in the cultural history of
          the world, if the Chinese people has lost its power of holding its
          culture high, we might as well wait for death with bound hands—what
          would be the use of going on with revolution?”</span><a id=
          "noteref_105" name="noteref_105" href="#note_105"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">105</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen made concessions to cosmopolitanism, which he saw as ideal
          to be realized in the remote future. First and last, however, he
          was concerned with his own people, the Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was to be
          the nature of the society which would arise from the knowledge and
          application of the new ideology? Sun planned to introduce the idea
          of a race-nation into the Chinese ideology, to replace the definite
          but formless we-you outlook which the Chinese of old China had had
          toward outsiders almost indiscriminately.<a id="noteref_106" name=
          "noteref_106" href="#note_106"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">106</span></span></a> The
          old anti-barbarian sentiment had from time to time in the past been
          very powerful; Sun Yat-sen called this nationalism also, not
          distinguishing it from the new kind of nationalism which he
          advocated—a modern nationalism <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> necessarily connoting a plurality of equal
          nations. The self-consciousness of the Chinese he wished to
          restore, although on a basis of justice and the mutual recognition
          by the nations of each other's right to exist. But this nationalism
          was not to be a complete break with the past, for the new China was
          to continue the traditional function of old China—of being the
          teacher and protectress of Eastern Asia. It was the duty of China
          to defend the oppressed among the nations, and to smite down the
          Great Powers in their oppressiveness. We may suppose that this
          benevolence of the Chinese race-nation would benefit the neighbors
          of China only so long as those neighbors, quickened themselves by
          nationalist resurgences, did not see something sinister in the
          benevolent manifest destiny of the Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It was a matter
          of policy, rather than of ideology, as to what the Chinese nation
          was to include. There were possibilities of a conflict with the
          Communists over the question of Outer Mongolia. Physically, Sun saw
          the Mongols as one of the five component peoples of the Great
          Chung-hua Republic. At another time he suggested that they might
          become assimilated. He never urged the Mongols to separate from
          China and join the Soviet Union, or even continue as a completely
          independent state.<a id="noteref_107" name="noteref_107" href=
          "#note_107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">107</span></span></a> There
          was always the possibility of uncertainty in the case of persons
          who were—by the five principle elements of race (according to Sun
          Yat-sen, blood, livelihood, language, religion, and mores)<a id=
          "noteref_108" name="noteref_108" href="#note_108"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">108</span></span></a>—members
          of the Chinese race-nation but did not consider themselves
          such.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese
          nationalism was to lead to cosmopolitanism. Any attempt to foster
          cosmopolitanism before solving the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> national problem was not only Utopian but
          perverse. The weakness of the Chinese had in great part been
          derived from their delusions of world-order in a world that was
          greater than they imagined, and the true solution to the Chinese
          question was to be found, not in any vain theory for the immediate
          salvation of the world as a whole, but in the diligent and
          patriotic activities of the Chinese in their own country. China was
          to help the oppressed nations of the earth, not the oppressed
          classes. China was to help all Asia, and especially the countries
          which had depended upon China for protection, and had been failed
          in their hour of need by the impotent Manchu Dynasty. China was,
          indeed, to seek the coöperation of the whole world, and the
          promotion of universal peace. But China was to do all this only
          when she was in a position to be able to do so, and not in the
          meantime venture forth on any splendid fantasies which would profit
          no people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The survival of
          China was the supreme aim of Sun Yat-sen. How did he propose that
          China, once conscious of itself, should control itself to survive
          and go onwards to the liberation and enrichment of mankind? These
          are questions that he answered in his ideology of democracy and of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name=
      "Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc41" id="toc41"></a> <a name="pdf42" id="pdf42"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter III. The Theory of
        Democracy.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc43" id="toc43"></a> <a name="pdf44" id="pdf44"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Democracy in the Old
          World-Society.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In describing a
          few of the characteristics of the old ideology and the old society
          which may assist the clarification of the principle of democracy,
          it may prove useful to enter into a brief examination of what the
          word may mean in the West, to refer to some of the ideas and
          institutions of old China that were or were not in accord with the
          Western notion of democracy, and, finally, to see what connection
          Sun Yat-sen's theory of democracy may have either with the Western
          term or with elements in the Chinese background. Did Sun Yat-sen
          propound an entirely new theory as the foundation of his theory of
          democracy for the Chinese race-nation, or did he associate several
          hitherto unrelated ideas and systems to make a new whole?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The European
          word <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">democracy</span></em> may, for the purposes of
          this examination, be taken to have two parts to its meaning; first,
          with regard to the status of individuals in society; second, with
          respect to the allocation of political power in society. In the
          former sense, democracy may refer to an equalitarianism of status,
          or to a social mobility so easy and so general as to encourage the
          impression that position is a consequence of the behavior of the
          individual, and a fair gauge to his merit. In the latter part of
          the meaning, democracy may refer to the identification of the
          governed and the governors, or to the coincidence of the actions of
          the governors with the wishes of the governed. Each of these
          ideas—equalitarianism, free mobility, popular government, and
          representative government—has been referred to as the essence of
          democracy. One of them <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg
          090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          may lead to the discovery of a significance for democracy relevant
          to the scheme of things in the old Chinese society.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Egalitarianism
          and mobility were both present in old Chinese society. The Chinese
          have had neither an hereditary aristocracy equivalent to the
          Western, nor a caste-system resembling that of India or Japan,
          since the breakdown of the feudal system twenty-three centuries
          ago.<a id="noteref_109" name="noteref_109" href=
          "#note_109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">109</span></span></a> The
          extra-legal egalitarianism of the Chinese has been so generally
          remarked upon by persons familiar with that nation, that further
          discussion of it here is superfluous. Birth has probably counted
          less in China than it has in any other country in the world.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
          egalitarianism of intercourse was a powerful aid to social
          mobility. The Chinese never pretended to economic, political, or
          intellectual equality; the mere statement of such a doctrine would
          have been sufficient refutation of it to the members of the old
          society. Yet there were no gradations of weight beyond educational,
          political, and economic distinctions, and the organization of the
          old society was such that mobility in these was relatively free.
          Movement of an individual either upwards or downwards in the
          economic, political, or academic scale was retarded by the
          influence of the family, which acted as a drag either way. Movement
          was nevertheless continuous and conspicuous; a proof of this
          movement is to be found in the fact that there are really no
          supremely great families in China, comparable to the great names of
          Japan or of the Euramerican nations. (The closest approximation to
          this is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">K'ung</span></span> family, the family of
          Confucius; since the family is large, its eminence is scarcely more
          than nominal and it has no political power.).</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mobility in
          China was fostered by the political arrangements. The
          educational-administrative system provided a <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> channel upwards and downwards. The
          government tended, for the most part, to be the way up, while the
          economic system was the way down for prominent official families.
          Few families managed to remain eminent for more than a few
          generations, and—with the great size of families—there was always
          room at the top. If a man were not advancing himself, there was
          always the possibility that a kinsman might win preferment, to the
          economic and political advantage of the whole family group.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Social
          relations—in the narrowest sense of the word—were characterized by
          an extreme attention to form as such, and great contempt for it
          otherwise. Ritualism never became a chivalry or a cult of honor.
          There was always the emphasis upon propriety and courtesy but, once
          the formalities were done with, there was little social distinction
          between members of different economic, political, or academic
          classes.<a id="noteref_110" name="noteref_110" href=
          "#note_110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">110</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In connection
          with control and representation, a great deal more can be said. In
          the first place, the relations between the governing ideologue in
          the Confucian teachings,<a id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111"
          href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></a> and
          the governed accepters of the ideology in the Confucian system were
          to be discovered through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span>, commonly translated
          <span class="tei tei-q">“music”</span> or <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“harmony,”</span> plays a peculiar rôle in the
          Confucian teachings. It is the mass and individual emotional
          pattern, as <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> is the
          behavior pattern. If the people follow the proper behavior pattern,
          their emotional pattern must also be good. Consequently, the
          function of a truly excellent ruler was the scrutiny of <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>. If he were a man of
          superior penetration, he should be able to feel the <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> about him, and thus
          discover the temper of the populace, without reference to electoral
          machinery or any other government instrumentality. <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span> is to be seen in the tone
          of voices, in the rhythm of behavior. If it is good, it will act
          with increasing effect upon itself. If bad, it serves as a warning
          to the authorities. As Prof. Hsü says, <span class="tei tei-q">“For
          rulers and administrators <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>
          has two uses; first, it enables them to ascertain the general
          sentiment of the people toward the government and political life;
          and second, it cultivates a type of individual attitude that is
          most harmonious with the environment. The joint work of <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span> and <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> would produce social
          harmony and social happiness—which is the ultimate aim of the
          State.”</span><a id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href=
          "#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span> is, however, a peculiar
          phenomenon, which can scarcely be called either representation or
          control. It is an idea rooted in the curiously pragmatic-mystical
          world-view of the Confucians, that same world-view which elevated
          virtue almost to the level of a physical substance, subject to the
          same sort of laws of disruption or transmission. Nothing like
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> can be found in Western
          political thought; however significant it may have been in China,
          any attempt to deal with it in a Western language would have more
          than a touch of futility, because of the great chasm of strangeness
          that separates the two intellectual worlds at so many places.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A more concrete
          illustration of the old Chinese ideas of <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> popular control may be found in the
          implications of political Confucianism, as Hsü renders them:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">From the Confucian doctrine of stewardship,
          namely, that the king is an ordinary person selected by God upon
          his merit to serve as the steward of God in the control of the
          affairs of the people for the welfare of the people, there are
          deduced five theories of political democracy. In the first place,
          the government must respect public opinion. The will of the people
          is the will of God, and thus the king should obey both the will of
          the people and the will of God....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">In the second place, government should be based
            upon the consent of the governed....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">In the third place, the people have a duty as
            well as a right to carry on revolution as the last resort in
            stopping tyranny.... Revolution is regarded as a natural
            blessing; it guards against tyranny and promotes the vitality of
            the people. It is in complete harmony with natural
            law.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">In the fourth place, the government exists for
            the welfare of the people.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">In the fifth place, liberty, equality and equity
            should be preserved. The State belong equally to all; and so
            hereditary nobility, hereditary monarchy, and despotism are
            deplored. Confucius and his disciples seem to advocate a
            democracy under the form of an elective monarchy or a
            constitutional monarchy....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Local self-government is recognized in the
            Confucian system of government.... The Confucian theory of
            educational election suggests the distinctly new idea of
            representation.</span><a id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113"
            href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This summary
          could scarcely be improved upon although it represents a
          considerable latitude of interpretation in the subject-matter of
          the classics. The voice of the people was the voice of God. From
          other political writers of antiquity—Mêng Tzŭ, Mo Ti, Han Fei Tzŭ
          and the Legalists, and others—the Chinese received a variety of
          political interpretations, none of which fostered the development
          of autocracy as it developed in Europe.</p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The reason for
          this is simple. In addition to the eventual popular control of
          government, and the necessity for the close attention of the
          government to the wishes of the people, the classical writers, for
          the most part, did not emphasize the position of government. With
          the increasing ideological solidarity of the Chinese world, the
          increasing antiquity and authority of tradition, and the stability
          of the social system, the Chinese states withered away—never
          completely, but definitely more so than their analogues in the
          West. There appeared, consequently, in China a form of
          laissez-faire that surpassed that of Europe completely in
          thoroughness. Not only were the economic functions of the state
          reduced to a minimum—so was its police activity. Old China operated
          with a government in reserve, as it were; a government which was
          nowhere nearly so important to its subjects as Western governments
          commonly are. The government system was one democratic in that it
          was rooted in a society without intransigeant class lines, with a
          considerable degree of social mobility for the individual, with the
          total number of individuals exercising a terrific and occasionally
          overwhelming pressure against the political system. And yet it was
          not the governmental system upon which old China might have based
          its claim to be a democracy. It could have, had it so wished,
          claimed that name because of the weakness or the absence of
          government, and the presence of other social organizations
          permitting the individual a considerable amount of latent pressure
          to exercise upon his social environment.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This arose from
          the nature of the large non-political organizations which sustained
          Chinese civilization even more than did the
          educational-administrative authorities. It is obvious that, in
          theory, a free and unassociated individual in a laissez-faire
          polity would be defenseless against extra-politically organized
          persons. The equities <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg
          095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          of modern democracy lie largely in the development of a check and
          balance system of pressure groups, affording each individual
          adequate means of exercising pressure on behalf of his various
          interests. It was this function—the development of a just statement
          of pressure-groups—which the old Chinese world-society developed
          for the sufficient representation of the individual.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There was no
          illusion of complete personal liberty. Such a notion was scarcely
          thinkable. Every individual had his family, his village,
          and—although this was by no means universally true—his <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, whether one or, less
          commonly, several. He was never left solitary and defenseless
          against powerfully organized interests. No more intimate community
          of interests could be discovered than that of a family, since the
          community of interests there would verge on the total. Ancient
          Chinese society provided the individual with mechanisms to make his
          interests felt and effective, through the family, the village, and
          the association.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the West the
          line of influence runs from the individual, who feels a want, to
          the group which assists him in expressing it, to the government,
          upon which the group exercises pressure, in order that the
          government may use its power to secure what the first group wants
          from some other group. The line runs, as it were, in the following
          manner: individual-group-government-group. In China the group
          exercised its pressure for the most part directly. The individual
          need not incorporate himself in a group to secure the recognition
          and fulfillment of his interests; he was by birth a member of the
          group, and with the group was mobile. In a sense old Chinese
          society was thoroughly democratic.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the basis of
          such a background, Sun Yat-sen did not believe that the Chinese had
          too much government, but, rather, too little. He did not cry for
          liberty; he denounced its excess instead. On the basis of the old
          social organization, which was fluid and yet stable, he sought to
          create a <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg
          096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          democracy which would pertain to the interests of the nation as a
          whole, not to the interests of individuals or groups. These could
          go on in the traditional manner. The qualifications implicit in Sun
          Yat-sen's championship of democracy must be kept in mind, and his
          acquaintance with the democratic techniques of the old society be
          allowed for. Otherwise his advocacy of the recognition of
          nationalist rights and his neglect or denunciation of individual
          liberties might be taken for the dogma of a lover of tyranny or
          dictatorship.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Old China
          possessed a considerable degree of egalitarianism, of social
          mobility, of popular control, and of popular participation, through
          the civil service, in what little government there was. In
          addition, ideological control ensured a minimum of conflicts of
          interests and consequently a maximum facility for self-expression
          without conflict with other individuals, groups, or society as a
          whole. Finally, the protection and advancement of individuals'
          rights and interests were fostered by a system of group
          relationships which bound virtually every individual into a group
          and left none to fall, solitary, at the mercy of others who were
          organized.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Why then did Sun
          Yat-sen advocate democracy? What were his justifications for it, in
          a society already so democratic?</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc45" id="toc45"></a> <a name="pdf46" id="pdf46"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Five Justifications of a Democratic
          Ideology.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen,
          realizing the inescapable necessity of nationalism, did not
          immediately turn to democracy as a necessary instrument for its
          promotion. He hated the Manchus on the Dragon Throne—human symbols
          of China's subjugation—but at first considered replacing them with
          a new Chinese dynasty. It was only after he had found the heirs of
          the Ming dynasty and the descendants <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of Confucius to be unworthy that he turned to
          republicanism and found democracy, with its many virtues.<a id=
          "noteref_114" name="noteref_114" href="#note_114"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">114</span></span></a> He
          early became enamored of the elective system, as found in the
          United States, as the only means of obtaining the best
          governors.<a id="noteref_115" name="noteref_115" href=
          "#note_115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">115</span></span></a> In
          the final stage he had departed so far from his earlier way of
          thinking that he criticized Dr. Goodnow severely for recommending
          the re-introduction of a monarchy in China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, as
          a good nationalist, made earnest efforts to associate his doctrines
          with those of the sages and to avoid appearing as a proponent of
          Western civilization. It is, consequently, not unusual to discover
          him citing Confucius and Mencius on <span lang="la" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">vox populi vox dei</span></span>, and
          saying,</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The government of Yao and Shun was monarchical in name
          but democratic in practice, and for that reason Confucius honored
          these men.”</span><a id="noteref_116" name="noteref_116" href=
          "#note_116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">116</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He considered
          that democracy was to the sages an <span class="tei tei-q">“ideal
          that could not be immediately realized,”</span><a id="noteref_117"
          name="noteref_117" href="#note_117"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">117</span></span></a> and
          therefore implied that modern China, in realizing democracy, was
          attaining an ideal cherished by the past. Democracy, other things
          apart, was a filial duty. This argument, while persuasive in
          Chinese, can scarcely be considered Sun Yat-sen's most important
          one in favor of democracy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His most cogent
          and perhaps most necessary argument was based on his conception of
          national liberty as opposed to the liberty of the individual. He
          delivered a spirited denunciation of those foreigners who
          criticized the Chinese for being without liberty, and in the next
          breath complained that the Chinese had no government, that they
          were <span class="tei tei-q">“loose sand.”</span> (Another
          fashionable way of expressing this idea is by saying that
          <span class="tei tei-q">“China is a geographical
          expression.”</span>) He said: <span class="tei tei-q">“If, for
          instance, the foreigners say that China is <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘loose sand,’</span> what do they finally mean by that
          expression? They mean to say that each individual is free, that
          everybody is free, that each one takes the maximum of liberty, and
          that, as a result, they are <span class="tei tei-q">‘loose
          sand’</span>.”</span><a id="noteref_118" name="noteref_118" href=
          "#note_118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">118</span></span></a> He
          pointed out that the Chinese had not suffered from the loose
          autocracy in the Empire, and that they had no historical
          justification for parroting the cry <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Liberty!”</span> simply because the Westerners, who
          had really lacked it, had cried and fought for it. He cited John
          Millar's definition of liberty, given in <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Progress of
          Science Relative to Law and Government</span></span>, 1787:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“True liberty consists in this: that the
          liberty of each individual is limited by the non-infringement on
          the liberty of others; when it invades the liberty of others, it is
          no longer liberty.”</span><a id="noteref_119" name="noteref_119"
          href="#note_119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">119</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen had himself defined liberty as <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“Liberty
          consists in being able to move, in having freedom of action within
          an organized group.”</span><a id="noteref_120" name="noteref_120"
          href="#note_120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">120</span></span></a>
          China, disorganized, had no problem of individual liberty. There
          was, as a matter of fact, too much liberty.<a id="noteref_121"
          name="noteref_121" href="#note_121"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">121</span></span></a> What
          the Chinese had to do was to sacrifice some of their individual
          liberty for the sake of the organized nation. Here we find a
          curious turn of thought of which several other examples may be
          found in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>: Sun Yat-sen has
          taken a doctrine which in the West applies to the individual, and
          has applied it to the nation. He believes in liberty; but it is not
          the liberty of the individual which is endangered in China. It is
          the liberty of the nation—which has been lost before foreign
          oppression and exploitation. Consequently he preaches national and
          not individual liberty. Individual liberty must be sacrificed for
          the sake of a free nation.<a id="noteref_122" name="noteref_122"
          href="#note_122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">122</span></span></a>
          Without discipline there is no order; without order the nation is
          weak and oppressed. The first step to China's redemption is
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>, the union (nationalism)
          of the people. Then comes <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          ch'üan</span></span>, the power of the people. The liberty of the
          nation is expressed through the power of the people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How is the power
          of the people to be exercised? It is to be exercised by democratic
          means. To Sun Yat-sen, the liberty of the nation and the power of
          the people were virtually identical. If the Chinese race gained its
          freedom, that freedom, exercised in an orderly manner, could mean
          only democracy. It is this close association of nationalism
          (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>) and democracy
          (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>), this consideration
          of democracy as the expression of nationalism, that forms, within
          the framework of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, what is probably
          the best nationalist argument for democracy—best, that is, in being
          most coherent with the Three Principles as a whole.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the view of
          democracy just expressed be considered an exposition of the
          fundamental necessity of democracy, the third argument may be
          termed the dialectical or historical championship of democracy. Sun
          Yat-sen believed in the existence of progress, and considered that
          there was an inevitable tendency toward democracy: the overthrow of
          the Manchus was a result of the <span class="tei tei-q">“... world
          tide. That world current can be compared to the course of the
          Yangtze or the Yellow River. The flow of the stream turns perhaps
          in many directions, now toward the north, now toward the south, but
          in the end flows toward the east in spite of all obstacles; nothing
          can stem it. In the same way the world-tide passes ...; now it has
          arrived at democracy, and there is no way to stem it.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_123" name="noteref_123" href="#note_123"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">123</span></span></a> This
          belief in the inevitability as well as the justice of his cause
          encouraged Sun, and has lent to his movement—as his followers see
          it—something of the impressive sweep that the Communists see in
          their movement.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not devise any elaborate scheme of dialectical materialism or
          economic determinism to bolster his belief in the irreversibility
          of the flow to democracy. With infinite simplicity, he presented an
          exposition of democracy in space and time. In time, he saw a change
          from the rule of force to theocracy, then to monarchy, and then to
          democracy; this change was a part of the progress of mankind, which
          to him was self-evident and inevitable.<a id="noteref_124" name=
          "noteref_124" href="#note_124"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">124</span></span></a> In
          space he perceived that increasingly great numbers of people threw
          off monarchical rule and turned to democracy. He hailed the
          breakdown of the great empires, Germany and Russia, as evidence of
          the power of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg
          101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          democracy. <span class="tei tei-q">“... if we observe (things) from
          all angles, we see that the world progresses daily, and we realize
          that the present tide has already swept into the age of democracy;
          and that no matter how great drawbacks and failures may be,
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">democracy
          will maintain itself in the world for a long time</span></em>
          (<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to
          come</span></em>). For that reason, thirty years ago, we promoters
          of the revolution, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">resolved that it was impossible to speak of
          the greatness of China or to carry out the revolution without
          advocating democracy</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_125" name=
          "noteref_125" href="#note_125"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">125</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A fourth
          argument in favor of democracy, and one which cannot be expanded
          here, since it involves reference to Sun Yat-sen's practical plans
          for the political regeneration of China, was his assertion that
          democracy was an adjunct to appropriate and effective public
          administration. Sun Yat-sen's plans concerning the selection of
          officials in a democratic state showed that he believed the merging
          of the Chinese academic-civil service technique with Western
          democracy would produce a paragon among practicable
          governments.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifthly and
          finally, Sun regarded democracy as an essential modernizing
          force.<a id="noteref_126" name="noteref_126" href=
          "#note_126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">126</span></span></a> In
          the introduction of Western material civilization, which was always
          an important consideration to his mind, he felt that a certain
          ideological and political change had to accompany the economic and
          technological revolution that—in part natural and in part to be
          stimulated by nationalist political interference—was to
          revolutionize the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> of
          China, the economic and social welfare of the Chinese people. While
          this argument in favor of democracy is similar to the historical
          argument, it differs from the latter in that Sun Yat-sen saw the
          technique of democracy influencing not only the political, but the
          economic and social, life of the people as well. The growth of
          corporate responsibility, the development <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of a more rigid ethical system in matters of
          finance, the disappearance of too strict an emphasis upon the
          personal element in politics (which has clouded Chinese politics
          with a fog of conspiracy and intrigue for centuries), a trust in
          mathematics (as shown in reliance upon the voting technique for
          ascertaining public opinion), and the development of a new kind of
          individual aggressiveness and uprightness were among the changes
          which, necessary if China was to compete in the modern world,
          democracy might assist in effecting. While these desiderata do not
          seem large when set down in the vast field of political philosophy,
          they are of irritating importance in the inevitable trivalities
          upon which so much of day-to-day life depends, and would
          undoubtedly improve the personal tone of Sino-Western relations.
          Sun never divorced the theoretical aspects of his thought from the
          practical, as has been done here for purposes of exposition, and
          even the tiniest details of everyday existence were the objects of
          his consideration and criticism. In itself, therefore, the
          modernizing force of democracy, as seen in Sun's theory, may not
          amount to much; nevertheless, it must not be forgotten.<a id=
          "noteref_127" name="noteref_127" href="#note_127"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">127</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Democracy,
          although secondary in point of time to his theory, is of great
          importance in Sun's plans for the political nature of the new
          China. He justified democracy because it was (1) an obligation laid
          upon modern China by the sages of antiquity; (2) a necessary
          consequence of nationalism, since nationalism was the self-rule of
          a free people, and democracy the effectuation of that self-rule,
          and democracy the effectuation of that self-rule; (3) the
          government of the modern age; China, along with the rest of the
          world, was drawn by the tide of progress into the <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> age of democratic achievement; (4) the
          political form best calculated for the obtaining of good
          administration; and (5) a modernizing force that would stir and
          change the Chinese people so as to equip them for the competitions
          of the modern world.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the lecture
          in which he criticized the inadequacies of democracy as applied in
          the West, Sun Yat-sen made an interesting comment on the
          proletarian dictatorship which had recently been established in
          Russia. <span class="tei tei-q">“Recently Russia invented another
          form of government. That government is not representative; it is
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">absolute
          popular government</span></em>. In what does that absolute popular
          government really consist? As we know very little about it, we
          cannot judge it aright, but we believe that this (absolute popular
          government) is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">evidently much better than a representative
          government</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_128" name=
          "noteref_128" href="#note_128"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">128</span></span></a> He
          went on immediately to say that the Three Principles were what
          China needed, and that the Chinese should not imitate the political
          systems advocated in Europe and America, but should adapt democracy
          in their own way. In view of his objection to a permanent class
          dictatorship, as opposed to a provisional party dictatorship, and
          the very enthusiastic advocacy of democracy represented by the
          arguments described above, it appears unlikely in the extreme that
          Sun Yat-sen, had he lived beyond 1925, would have abandoned his own
          plan of democracy for China in favor of <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“absolute popular government.”</span> The phrase was,
          at the time, since Sun Yat-sen was seeking Russian assistance,
          expedient for a popular lecture. Its importance might easily be
          exaggerated.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc47" id="toc47"></a> <a name="pdf48" id="pdf48"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Natural Classes of
          Men.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Having in mind
          the extreme peril in which the Chinese race-nation stood, its
          importance in a world of Western or <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> Western-type states, and seeing nationalism
          as the sole means of defending and preserving China, Sun Yat-sen
          demanded that the Chinese ideology be extended by the acquisition
          of knowledge. If this modernizing and, if a neologism be permitted,
          stateizing process were to succeed, it must needs be fostered by a
          well-prepared group of persons within the society.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the case of
          the Confucian social theory, it was the scholars who took the
          ideology from the beliefs and traditions of the agrarian masses or
          whole people, rectified it, and gave it back to them. This
          continuous process of ideological maintenance by means of
          conformity (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span>) and, when
          found necessary, rectification (<span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>) was carried on by an
          educational-political system based upon a non-hereditary caste of
          academician-officials called <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Mandarins</span></span> by the early Western
          travellers. In the case of those modern Western states which base
          their power upon peculiar ideologies, the philosophy-imposing caste
          has been a more or less permanent party- or class-dictatorship.
          Superficially, the party-dictatorship planned by Sun Yat-sen would
          seem to resemble these. His theory, however, presents two bases for
          a class of ideologues: one theoretical, and presumably based upon
          the Chinese; and one applied, which is either of his own invention
          or derived from Western sources. The class of ideological reformers
          proposed in what may be called the applied aspect of his theory was
          to be organized by means of the party-dictatorship of the
          Kuomintang. His other basis for finding a class of persons whose
          influence over the ideology was to be paramount was more
          theoretical, and deserves consideration among the more abstract
          aspects of his doctrines.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He hypothecated
          a tripartite division of men:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">Men may be divided into three classes
          according to their innate ability or intelligence. The first class
          of men may be called</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
            xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien
            cho</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the</span>
            <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">geniuses.</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">The
            geniuses are endowed with</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
            "page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">unusual
            intelligence and ability. They are the creators of new ideas,
            fathers of invention, and originators of new achievements. They
            think in terms of group welfare and so they are the promoters of
            progress. Next are the</span> <span lang="zh" class=
            "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hou chih hou
            cho</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the</span>
            <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">followers.</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Being less intelligent and capable than
            the</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hsien chih
            hsien cho</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, they do not
            create or invent or originate, but they are good imitators and
            followers of the first class of men. The last are the</span>
            <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pu chih pu
            cho</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, or the</span>
            <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">unthinking,</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style=
            "font-size: 90%">whose intelligence is inferior to that of the
            other two classes of men. These people do what the others
            instruct them to do, but they do not think about it. In every
            sphere of activity all three classes of men are present. In
            politics, for example, there are the creators or inventors of new
            ideas and movements, then the propagators of these ideas and
            movements, and lastly the mass of men who are taught to practice
            these ideas.</span><a id="noteref_129" name="noteref_129" href=
            "#note_129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">129</span></span></a>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The harmony of
          this conception with the views of Confucius is evident. Presbyter
          is Priest writ large; genius is another name for scholar. Sun,
          although bitterly opposed to the mandarinate of the Empire and the
          pseudo-Republic, could not rid himself of the age-old Chinese idea
          of a class organization on a basis of intellect rather than of
          property. He could not champion a revolutionary creed based upon an
          economic class-war which he did not think existed, and which he did
          not wish to foster, in his own country. He continued instead the
          consistent theory of an aristocracy of intellect, such as had
          controlled China before his coming.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The aristocracy
          of intellect is not to be judged, however, by the old criteria.
          Under the old regime, a scholar-ruler was one who deferred to the
          wisdom of the ancients, who was fit to perpetuate the mysteries of
          the written language and culture for the benefit of future ages,
          and who was <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg
          106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          meanwhile qualified by his training to assume the rôle of
          counsellor and authority in society. In the theory of Sun Yat-sen,
          the genius leader is not the perpetuator but the discoverer. He is
          the social engineer. His work is similar to that of the architect
          who devises plans for a building which is to be built by workers
          (the unthinking) under the guidance of foremen (the
          followers).<a id="noteref_130" name="noteref_130" href=
          "#note_130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">130</span></span></a> In
          this guise, the new intellectual aristocrat is a figure more akin
          to the romantic Western pioneers and inventors than to the serene,
          conservative scholars of China in the past.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The break with
          Western thought comes in Sun's distinguishing three permanent,
          natural classes of men. Though in their aptitudes the <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien cho</span></span> are more
          like modern engineers than like archaic literary historians, they
          form a class that is inevitably the ruling class. To Marxism this
          is anathema; it would imply that the Communist party is merely the
          successor of the bourgeoisie in leading the unthinking masses
          about—a more benevolent successor, to be sure, but still a class
          distinct from the led proletariat of the intellect. To Western
          democratic thought, this distinction would seem at first glance to
          invalidate any future advocacy of democracy. To the student
          interested in contrasting ideological control and political
          government, the tripartite division of Sun Yat-sen is significant
          of the redefinition in modern terms, and in an even more clear-cut
          manner, of the Confucian theory of scholarly leadership.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How were the
          geniuses of the Chinese resurgence to make their knowledge useful
          to the race-nation? How could democracy be recognized with the
          leadership and ideological control of an intellectual class? To
          what <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name=
          "Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> degree would such a
          reconciliation, if effected, represent a continuation, in different
          terms, of the traditions and institutions of the old Chinese world?
          Questions such as these arise from the fusion of the old traditions
          and new necessities.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc49" id="toc49"></a> <a name="pdf50" id="pdf50"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Ch'üan and Nêng.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The contrast
          between <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> and
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span> is one of the few aspects
          of Sun Yat-sen's theory of democracy which persons not interested
          in China may, conceivably, regard as a contribution to political
          science. There is an extraordinarily large number of possible
          translations for each of these words.<a id="noteref_131" name=
          "noteref_131" href="#note_131"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">131</span></span></a> A
          version which may prove convenient and not inaccurate, can be
          obtained by translating each Chinese term according to its context.
          Thus, a fairly clear idea of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> may be obtained if one
          says that, applied to the individual, it means <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“power,”</span> or <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“right,”</span> and when applied to the exercise of
          political functions, it means <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“sovereignty”</span> or <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“political proprietorship.”</span> <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Nêng</span></span>, applied to the individual,
          may mean <span class="tei tei-q">“competency”</span> (in the
          everyday sense of the word), <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“capacity”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“ability
          to administer.”</span> Applied to the individual, the contrast is
          between the ability to have political rights in a democracy, and
          the ability to administer public affairs. Applied to the nation,
          the contrast is between sovereignty and administration.<a id=
          "noteref_132" name="noteref_132" href="#note_132"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">132</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Without this
          contrast, the doctrine of the tripartite classification of men
          might destroy all possibilities of a practical democracy. If the
          Unthinking are the majority, how can democracy be trusted? This
          contrast, furthermore, serves to illuminate a further problem: the
          paradoxical necessity of an all-powerful government which the
          people are able to control.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If this
          distinction is accepted in the establishment of a democracy, what
          will the consequences be?<a id="noteref_133" name="noteref_133"
          href="#note_133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">133</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first
          place, the masses who rule will not necessarily govern. Within the
          framework of a democratic constitution, they will be able to
          express their wishes, and make those wishes effective; but it will
          be impossible for them to interfere in the personnel of government,
          whether merely administrative or in the highest positions. It will
          be forever impossible that a <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“swine-representative”</span> should be elected, or
          that one of those transient epochs of carpet-baggery, which appear
          from time to time in most Western democracies, should corrupt the
          government. By means of the popular rights of initiative,
          referendum, election and recall, the people will be able to control
          their government in the broad sweep of policy. The government will
          be beyond their reach insofar as petty political interference,
          leading to inferiority or corruption, is concerned.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the second
          place, the benefits of aristocracy will be obtained without its
          cost. The government will be made up of men especially fit and
          trained to govern. There will, hence, be no difficulty in
          permitting the government to become extraordinarily powerful in
          contrast with Western governments. Since the masses will be able to
          choose between a wide selection of able leaders, the democracy will
          be safeguarded.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          regarded this as one of the cardinal points in his doctrines. In
          retaining the old Chinese idea of a scholar class and
          simultaneously admitting Western elective and other democratic
          techniques, he believed that he <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> had found a scheme which surpassed all
          others. He saw the people as stockholders in a company, and the
          administrators as directors; he saw the people as the owner of an
          automobile, and the administrators as the chauffeur.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A further
          consequence of this difference between the right of voting and the
          right of being voted for, but one to which Sun Yat-sen did not
          refer, necessarily arises from his postulation of a class of
          geniuses leading their followers, who control the unthinking
          masses. That is the continuity which such a group of ideological
          controllers would impart to a democracy. Sun Yat-sen, addressing
          Chinese, took the Chinese world for granted. A Westerner, unmindful
          of the background, might well overlook some comparatively simple
          points. The old system, under which the Empire was a sort of
          educational system, was a familiar feature in the politics which
          Sun Yat-sen criticized. In arguing for the political acceptance of
          inequality and the guarantee of government by a select group, Sun
          was continuing the old idea of leadership, modifying it only so far
          as to make it consistent with democracy. Under the system he
          proposed, the two great defects of democracy, untrustworthiness and
          lack of continuity of policy, would be largely eliminated.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc51" id="toc51"></a> <a name="pdf52" id="pdf52"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Democratic Machine
          State.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Throughout
          pre-modern Chinese thought there runs the idea of personal behavior
          and personal controls. The Chinese could not hypostatize in the
          manner of the West. Looking at men they saw men and nothing more.
          Considering the problems and difficulties which men encountered,
          they sought solutions in terms of men and the conditioning
          intimacies of each individual's life. The Confucian Prince was not
          so much an administrator as a moral leader; his influence,
          extending itself through imitation on the part of others, was
          personal and social rather than <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> political.<a id="noteref_134" name=
          "noteref_134" href="#note_134"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">134</span></span></a> In
          succeeding ages, the scholars thought of themselves as the leaven
          of virtue in society. They stressed deportment and sought, only too
          frequently by means of petty formalities, to impress their own
          excellence and pre-eminence upon the people. Rarely, if ever, did
          the scholar-official appeal to formal political law. He was more
          likely to invoke propriety and proceed to exercise his authority
          theoretically in accordance with it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not feel that further appeal to the intellectual leaders was
          necessary. In an environment still dominated by the past, an
          exhortation for the traditional personal aspect of leadership would
          probably have appeared as a centuries-old triteness. The far-seeing
          men, the geniuses that Sun saw in all society, owed their
          superiority not to artificial inequality but to natural
          inequality;<a id="noteref_135" name="noteref_135" href=
          "#note_135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">135</span></span></a> by
          their ability they were outstanding. Laws and customs could outrage
          this natural inequality, or conceal it behind a legal facade of
          artificial inequality or equally artificial equality. Laws and
          customs do not change the facts. The superior man was innately the
          superior man.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nevertheless,
          the geniuses of the Chinese revolution could not rely upon the
          loose and personal system of influence hitherto trusted. To
          organize Chinese nationalism, to give it direction as well as
          force, the power of the people must be run through a machine—the
          State.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A distinction
          must be made here. The term <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“machine,”</span> applied to government, was itself a
          neologism introduced from the Japanese.<a id="noteref_136" name=
          "noteref_136" href="#note_136"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">136</span></span></a> Not
          only was the word but the thing itself was alien to the Chinese,
          since the same term (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'i</span></span>)
          meant machinery, tool, or instrument. The introduction of the view
          of the state as a machine does not imply that <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Sun Yat-sen wished to introduce a
          specific form of Western state-machine into China—as will be later
          explained (in the pages which concern themselves with the applied
          political science of Sun Yat-sen).</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun was careful,
          moreover, to explain that his analogy between industrial machinery
          and political machinery was merely an analogy. He said,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The machinery of the government is
          entirely composed of human beings. All its motions are brought
          about by men and not by material objects. Therefore, there is a
          very great difference between the machinery of the government and
          the manufacturing machine ... the machinery of the government is
          moved by human agency whereas the manufacturing machine is set in
          motion by material forces.”</span><a id="noteref_137" name=
          "noteref_137" href="#note_137"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">137</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even after
          allowance has been made for the fact that Sun Yat-sen did not
          desire to import Western governmental machinery, nor even to stress
          the machine and state analogy too far, it still remains
          extraordinarily significant that he should have impressed upon his
          followers the necessity of what may be called a mechanical rather
          than an organic type of government. The administrative machine of
          the Ch'ing dynasty, insofar as it was a machine at all, was a
          chaotic mass of political authorities melting vaguely into the
          social system. Sun's desire to have a clear-cut machine of
          government, while not of supreme <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> importance in his ideological projects, was
          of great significance in his practical proposal. In his theory the
          state machine bears the same resemblance to the old government that
          the Chinese race-nation bears to the now somewhat ambiguous
          civilized humanity of the Confucians. In both instances he was
          seeking sharper and more distinct lines of demarcation.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In putting forth
          his proposals for the reconstitution of the Chinese government he
          was thinking, in speaking of a state-machine, of the more or less
          clearly understood juristic states of the West.<a id="noteref_138"
          name="noteref_138" href="#note_138"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">138</span></span></a> His
          concrete proposals dealing with the minutiae of administrative
          organization, his emphasis on constitution and law, and his
          interest in the exact allocation of control all testify to his
          complete acceptance of a sharply delimited state. On the other
          hand, he was extraordinary for his time in demanding an unusual
          extent, both qualitative and quantitative, of power for the state
          which he wished to hammer out on the forges of the nationalist
          social and political revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In summarizing
          this description of the instrument with which Sun Yat-sen hoped to
          organize the intellectual leaders of China so as to implement the
          force of the revolution, it may be said that it was to be a
          state-machine, as opposed to a totalitarian state, based upon
          Western juristic theory in general but organized out of the
          materials of old Chinese political philosophy and the Imperial
          experience in government.<a id="noteref_139" name="noteref_139"
          href="#note_139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">139</span></span></a> The
          state machine was to be <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg
          113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          built along lines which Sun Yat-sen laid out in some detail. Yet,
          even with his elaborate plans already prepared, and in the midst of
          a revolution, he pointed out the difficulty of political
          experimentation, in the following words:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">... the progress of human machinery,
          as government organizations and the like, has been very slow. What
          is the reason? It is that once a manufacturing machine has been
          constructed, it can easily be tested, and after it has been tried
          out, it can easily be put aside if it is not good, and if it is not
          perfect, it can easily be perfected. But it is very difficult to
          try out a human machine and more difficult still to perfect it
          after it has been tried out. It is impossible to perfect it without
          bringing about a revolution. The only other way would be to regard
          it as a useless material machine which can easily be turned into
          scrap iron. But this is not workable.</span><a id="noteref_140"
          name="noteref_140" href="#note_140"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">140</span></span></a>
          </div>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc53" id="toc53"></a> <a name="pdf54" id="pdf54"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Democratic-Political Versus
          Ideological Control.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          accepted an organization of society based upon intellectual
          differences, despite his belief in the justifiability and necessity
          of formal democracy, and his reconciliation of the two at first
          contradictory theses in a plan for a machine state to be based upon
          a distinction between <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>
          and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>. It may
          now be asked, why did Sun Yat-sen, familiar with the old method of
          ideological control, and himself proposing a new ideology which
          would not only restore internal harmony but also put China into
          harmony with the actual political condition of the world, desire to
          add formal popular control to ideological control?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The answer is
          not difficult, although it must be based for the most part on
          inference rather than on direct citation of Sun Yat-sen's own
          words. In the consideration of the system of ideological control
          fostered by the Confucians, <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> ideological control presented two distinct
          aspects: the formation of the ideology by men, and control of men
          by the ideology. The ideology controlled men; some men sought to
          control the ideology; the whole ideological control system was
          based upon the continuous interaction of cause and effect, wherein
          tradition influenced the men who sought to use the system as a
          means of mastery, while the same men succeeded in a greater or less
          degree in directing the development of the ideology.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the old
          Chinese world-society the control of the ideology was normally
          vested in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> who were either
          government officials or hoped to become such. The populace,
          however, acting in conformity with the ideology, could overthrow
          the government, and, to that extent, consciously control the
          content and the development of the ideology. Moreover, as the
          efficacy of an ideology depends upon its greater acceptance, the
          populace had the last word in control of the ideology both
          consciously and unconsciously. Politics, however, rarely comes to
          the last word. In the normal and ordinary conduct of social
          affairs, the populace was willing to let the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> uphold the classics and
          modify their teachings in accordance with the development of the
          ideology—in the name of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chêng
          ming</span></span>. The old ideology was so skilfully put together
          out of traditional elements that are indissociable from the main
          traits of Chinese culture, together with the revisions made by
          Confucius and his successors, that it was well-nigh
          unchallengeable. The whole Confucian method of government was
          based, as previously stated, on the control of men through the
          control of their ideas by men—and these latter men, the ideologues,
          were the scholar administrators of successive dynasties. The
          identification of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> and officials, the
          respect in which learning was held, the general distribution of a
          leaven of scholars through all the families of the Empire, and the
          completeness—almost <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg
          115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          incredible to a Westerner—of traditional orthodoxy, permitted the
          interpreters of the tradition also to mould and transform it to a
          considerable degree. As a means of adjusting the mores through the
          course of centuries, interpretation succeeded in gradually changing
          popular ideas, where open and revolutionary heterodoxy would have
          failed.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Now, in modern
          times, even though men might still remain largely under the control
          of the ideology (learn to behave rightly instead of being
          governed), the ideology was necessarily weakened in two ways: by
          the appearance of men who were recalcitrant to the ideology, and by
          the emergence of conceptions and ideas which could not find a place
          in the ideology, and which consequently opened up extra-ideological
          fields of individual behavior. In other words, <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span> was no longer all-inclusive,
          either as to men or as to realms of thought. Its control had never,
          of course, been complete, for in that case all institutions of
          government would have become superfluous in China and would have
          vanished; but its deficiencies in past ages had never been so
          great; either with reference to insubordinate individuals or in
          regard to unassimilable ideas, as they were in modern times.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hence the
          province of government had to be greatly extended. The control of
          men by the ideology was incomplete wherever the foreign culture had
          really struck the Chinese—as, for instance, in the case of the
          newly-developed Chinese proletariat, which could not follow the
          Confucian precepts in the slums of twentieth-century industry. The
          family system, the village, and the guild were to the Chinese
          proletarians mere shadows of a past; they were faced individually
          with the problems of a foreign social life suddenly interjected
          into that of the Chinese. True instances of the interpenetration of
          opposites, they were Chinese from the still existing old society of
          China <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name=
          "Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> suddenly transposed
          into an industrial world in which the old ideology was of little
          relevance. If they were to remain Chinese they had to be brought
          again into the fold of the Chinese ideology; and, meanwhile,
          instead of being controlled ideologically, they must be controlled
          by the sharp, clear action of government possessing a monopoly of
          the power of coercion. The proletarians were not, indeed, the only
          group of Chinese over whom the old ideology had lost control. There
          were the overseas Chinese, the new Chinese finance-capitalists, and
          others who had adjusted their personal lives to the Western world.
          These had done so incompletely, and needed the action of government
          to shield them not only from themselves and from one another, but
          from their precarious position in their relations with the
          Westerners.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Other groups had
          not completely fallen away from the ideology, but had found major
          sections of it to be unsuitable to the regulation of their own
          lives. Virtue could not be found in a family system which was
          slowly losing its polygynous character and also slowly giving place
          to a sort of social atomism; the intervention of the machine state
          was required to serve as a substitute for ideological regulation
          until such a time as the new ideology should have developed
          sufficiently to restore relevance to traditions.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Indeed,
          throughout all China, there were few people who were not touched to
          a greater or less degree by the consequences of the collision of
          the two intellectual worlds, the nationalistic West and the old
          Chinese world-society. However much Chinese might desire to
          continue in their traditional modes of behavior, it was impossible
          for them to live happy and progressive lives by virtue of having
          memorized the classics and paid respect to the precepts of
          tradition, as had their forefathers. In all cases where the old
          ideas failed, state and law suddenly acquired <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> a new importance—almost overwhelming to
          some Chinese—as the establishers of the new order of life. Even
          etiquette was established by decree, in the days of the
          parliamentary Republic at Peking; the age-old assurance of Chinese
          dress and manners was suddenly swept away, and the government found
          itself forced to decree frock-coats.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Successive
          governments in the new China had fallen, not because they did too
          much, but because they did too little. The sphere of state activity
          had become enormous in contrast to what it had been under more than
          a score of dynasties, and the state had perforce to intervene in
          almost every walk of life, and every detail of behavior. Yet this
          intervention, although imperative, was met by the age-old Chinese
          contempt for government, by the determined adherence to traditional
          methods of control in the face of situations to which now they were
          no longer relevant. It was this paradox, the ever-broadening
          necessity of state activity in the face of traditional and
          unrealistic opposition to state activity, which caused a great part
          of the turmoil in the new China. Officials made concessions to the
          necessity for state action by drafting elaborate codes on almost
          every subject, and then, turning about, also made concessions to
          the traditional non-political habits of their countrymen by failing
          to enforce the codes which they had just promulgated. The leaders
          of the Republic, and their followers in the provinces, found
          themselves with laws which could not possibly be introduced in a
          nation unaccustomed to law and especially unaccustomed to law
          dealing with life in a Western way; thus baffled, but perhaps not
          disappointed, the pseudo-republican government officials were
          content with developing a shadow state, a shadow body of law, and
          then ignoring it except as a tool in the vast pandemonium of the
          tuchunates—where state and law were valued only in <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> so far as they served to aggrandize or
          enrich military rulers and their hangers-on.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This tragic
          dilemma led Sun Yat-sen to call for a new kind of state, a state
          which was to be democratic and yet to lead back to ideological
          control. The emergency of imperialism and internal impotence made
          it imperative that the state limit its activities to those
          provinces of human behavior in which it could actually effectuate
          its decrees, and that, after having so limited the field of its
          action, it be well-nigh authoritarian within that field. Yet
          throughout the whole scheme, Sun Yat-sen's deep faith in the common
          people required him to demand that the state be democratic in
          principle and practice.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It may begin to
          be apparent that, at least for Sun Yat-sen, the control of the
          race-nation by the ideology was not inconsistent with the political
          control of the race-nation by itself. In the interval between the
          old certainty and the new, political authority had to prevail. This
          authority was to be directed by the people but actually wielded by
          the geniuses of the revolution. The new ideology was to emerge from
          the progress of knowledge not, as before, among a special class of
          literary persons, but through all the people. It was to be an
          ideology based on practical experience and on the experimental
          method, and consequently, perhaps, less certain then the old
          Confucian ideology, which was in its foundations religious. To fill
          in the gaps where uniformity of thought and behavior, on the basis
          of truth, had not been established, the state was to act, and the
          state had to be responsible to the people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At this point it
          may be remembered that Sun Yat-sen was among the very few Chinese
          leaders of his day who could give the historians of the future any
          valid reasons for supposing that they believed in republican
          principles. Too many of the militarists and scholar-politicians of
          the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name=
          "Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> North and South paid
          a half-contemptuous lip-service to the republic, primarily because
          they could not agree as to which one of them should have the Dragon
          Throne, or, at the least, the honor of restoring the Manchu
          Emperor—who stayed on in the Forbidden City until 1924.<a id=
          "noteref_141" name="noteref_141" href="#note_141"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">141</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen had a deep faith in the judgment and trustworthiness of the
          uncounted swarms of coolies and farmers whom most Chinese leaders
          ignored. He was perhaps the only man of his day really loved by the
          illiterate classes that knew of him, and was always faithful to
          their love. Other leaders, both Chinese and Western, have praised
          the masses but refused to trust them for their own good. Sun's
          implicit belief in the political abilities of the common people in
          all matters which their knowledge equipped them to judge, was
          little short of ludicrous to many of his contemporaries, and
          positively irritating to some persons who wished him well
          personally but did not—at least privately—follow all of his
          ideas.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To return to the
          consideration of the parts played by ideology and popular
          government in social control: there was another point of great
          difference between the old ideology and the new. The old was the
          creation, largely, of a special class of scholars, who for that
          purpose ranked highest in the social hierarchy of old China. Now
          even though the three natural classes might continue to be
          recognized in China, the higher standard of living and the
          increased literacy of the populace was to enlarge the number of
          persons participating in the life of ideas. The people were to form
          the ideology in part, and in part control the government under
          whose control the revolutionary geniuses were to form the rest of
          the ideology, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg
          120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          and propagate it through a national educational program. In all
          respects the eventual control was to rest with the people of the
          Chinese race-nation, united, self-ruling, and determined to
          survive.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How, then, does
          the pattern of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> fit
          into the larger scheme of the continuation of Confucian
          civilization and ideological control? First, the old was to
          continue undisturbed where it might. Second, those persons
          completely lost to the discipline of the old ideology must be
          controlled by the state. Third, those areas of behavior which were
          disturbed by the Western impact required state guidance. Fourth,
          the machine state was to control both these fields, of men, and of
          ideas, and within this limited field was to be authoritarian
          (<span class="tei tei-q">“an all-powerful state”</span>) and yet
          democratic (<span class="tei tei-q">“nevertheless subject to the
          control of the people”</span>). Fifth, the ideology was to arise in
          part from the general body of the people. Sixth, the other parts of
          it were to be developed by the intellectuals, assisted by the
          government, which was to be also under the control of the people.
          Seventh, since the world was generally in an unstable condition,
          and since many wrongs remained to be righted, it was not
          immediately probable that the Chinese would settle down to
          ideological serenity and certainty, and consequently State policy
          would still remain as a governmental question, to be decided by the
          will of the whole race-nation.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To recapitulate,
          then the people was to rule itself until the reappearance of
          perfect tranquility—<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta
          t'ung</span></span>—or its nearest mundane equivalent. The
          government was to serve as a canalization of the power of the
          Chinese race-nation in fighting against the oppressor-nations of
          the world for survival.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The last
          principle of the nationalist ideology remains to be studied.
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min tsu</span></span>, nationalism, was to
          provide an instrumentality for self-control and for external
          defense <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg
          121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          in a world of armed states. But these two would remain ineffectual
          in a starved and backward country, if they were not supplemented by
          a third principle designed to relieve the physical impotence of the
          nation, to promote the material happiness of its individual members
          and to guarantee the continued survival of the Chinese society as a
          whole. Union and self-rule could be frustrated by starvation. China
          needed not only to become united and free as a nation; it had also
          to become physically healthy and wealthy. This was to be effected
          through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, the
          third of the three principles.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name=
      "Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc55" id="toc55"></a> <a name="pdf56" id="pdf56"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter IV. The Theory of</span>
        <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
        xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 173%; font-style: italic">Min
        Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 173%">.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc57" id="toc57"></a> <a name="pdf58" id="pdf58"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">in the
          Ideology.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The principle of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> has been the one most
          disputed. Sun Yat-sen made his greatest break with the old ideology
          in promulgating this last element in his triune doctrine; the
          original Chinese term carried little meaning that could be used in
          an approach to the new meaning that Sun Yat-sen gave it. He himself
          stated that the two words had become rather meaningless in their
          old usage, and that he intended to use them with reference to
          special conditions in the modern world.<a id="noteref_142" name=
          "noteref_142" href="#note_142"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">142</span></span></a> He
          then went on to state the principle in terms so broad, so seemingly
          contradictory, that at times it appears possible for each man to
          read in it what he will, as he may in the Bible. The Communists and
          the Catholics each approve of the third principle, but translate it
          differently; the liberals render it by a term which is not only
          innocuous but colorless.<a id="noteref_143" name="noteref_143"
          href="#note_143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">143</span></span></a> Had
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name=
          "Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Sun Yat-sen lived to
          finish the lectures on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>, he might have succeeded in rounding off his
          discussion of the principle.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are two
          methods by means of which the principle of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be examined. It
          might be described on the basis of the various definitions which
          Sun Yat-sen gave it in his four lectures and in other speeches and
          papers, and outlined, point by point, by means of the various
          functions and limits that he set for it. This would also permit
          some consideration of the relation of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to various other
          theories of political economy. The other approach may be a less
          academic one, but perhaps not altogether unprofitable. By means of
          a reconsideration of the first two principles, and of the structure
          and meaning of the three principles as a whole, it is possible to
          surmise, if not to establish, the meaning of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, that is, to discover
          it through a sort of political triangulation: the first two
          principles being given, to what third principle do they lead?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This latter
          method may be taken first, since it will afford a general view of
          the three principles which will permit the orientation of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with reference to the
          nationalist ideology as a whole, and prepare the student for a
          solution of some of the apparent contradictions which are to be
          found in the various specific definitions of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accepting the
          elementary thesis of the necessary awakening of the race-nation,
          and its equally necessary self-rule, both as a nation <span class=
          "tei tei-foreign"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> other nations, and as
          a world by itself, one may see that these are each social problems
          of organization which do not necessarily involve <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page124">[pg 124]</span><a name="Pg124" id="Pg124"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the physical conditions of the country,
          although, as a matter of application, they would be ineffectual in
          a country which did not have the adequate means of self-support.
          Sun Yat-sen was interested in seeing the Chinese people and Chinese
          civilization survive, and by survival he meant not only the
          continuation of social organization and moral and intellectual
          excellence, but, more than these, the actual continued existence of
          the great bulk of the population. The most vital problem was that
          of the continued existence of the Chinese as a people, which was
          threatened by the constant expansion of the West and might
          conceivably share the fate of the American Indians—a remnant of a
          once great race living on the charity of their conquerors. Sun
          Yat-sen expressly recognized this problem as the supreme one,
          requiring immediate attention.<a id="noteref_144" name=
          "noteref_144" href="#note_144"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">144</span></span></a>
          Nationalism and democracy would have no effect if the race did not
          survive to practise them.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old Chinese
          society may be conceived as a vast system of living men, who
          survived by eating and breeding, and who were connected with one
          another in time by the proper attention to the ancestral cults, and
          in space by a common consciousness of themselves as the
          standard-bearers of the civilization of the world. Sun Yat-sen,
          although a Christian, was not unmindful of this outlook; he too was
          sensible of the meaning of the living race through the centuries.
          He dutifully informed the Emperor T'ai Tsung of Ming that the
          Manchus had been driven from the throne, and some years later he
          expressed the deepest reverence for the ancestral cult.<a id=
          "noteref_145" name="noteref_145" href="#note_145"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">145</span></span></a> But
          in facing the emergency with which his race was confronted, Sun
          Yat-sen could not overlook the practical question of physical
          survival.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg
          125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was,
          therefore, materialistic in so far as his recognition of the
          importance of the material well-being of the race-nation made him
          so. At this point he may be found sympathetic with the Marxians,
          though his ideology as a whole is profoundly Chinese. The
          destitution, the economic weakness, the slow progress of his native
          land were a torture to his conscience. In a world of the most
          grinding poverty, where war, pestilence, and famine made even mere
          existence uncertain, he could not possibly overlook the problem of
          the adequate material care of the vast populace that constituted
          the race-nation.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span>, accordingly, meant
          primarily the survival of the race-nation, as nationalism was its
          awakening, and democracy its self-control. No one of these could be
          effective without the two others. In the fundamentals of Sun
          Yat-sen's ideology, the necessity for survival and prosperity is
          superlative and self-evident. All other features of the doctrine
          are, as it were, optional. The first two principles definitely
          required a third that would give them a body of persons upon which
          to operate; they did not necessarily require that the third
          principle advance any specific doctrine. If this be the case, it is
          evident that the question of the content of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, while important, is
          secondary to the first premises of the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span>. The need for a third principle—one of popular
          subsistence—in the ideology is vital; the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span> would be crippled without it.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc59" id="toc59"></a> <a name="pdf60" id="pdf60"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Economic Background of</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was the
          nature of the background which decided Sun Yat-sen to draw an
          economic program into the total of his nationalist ideology for the
          regeneration of China through a nationalist revolution? Was Sun
          Yat-sen dissatisfied <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page126">[pg
          126]</span><a name="Pg126" id="Pg126" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          with the economic order of the old society? Was he interested in a
          reconstitution of the economic system for the sake of defense
          against Western powers?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was
          unquestionably dissatisfied with the economic order of things in
          the old society, but it was a dissatisfaction with what the old
          order had failed to achieve rather than a feeling of the injustice
          of the Chinese distributive system. He was bitter against a
          taxation system which worked out unevenly,<a id="noteref_146" name=
          "noteref_146" href="#note_146"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">146</span></span></a> and
          against the extortions of the internal-transit revenue officials
          under the Empire.<a id="noteref_147" name="noteref_147" href=
          "#note_147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">147</span></span></a> He
          was deeply impressed by his first encounter with Western mechanical
          achievement—the S. S. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Grannoch</span></span>, which took him from
          Kwangtung to Honolulu.<a id="noteref_148" name="noteref_148" href=
          "#note_148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">148</span></span></a> But
          he had served in the shop of his brother as a young boy,<a id=
          "noteref_149" name="noteref_149" href="#note_149"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">149</span></span></a> and
          knew the small farm life of South China intimately. On the basis of
          this first-hand knowledge, and his many years of association with
          the working people of China, he was not likely to attack the old
          economic system for its injustice so much as for its
          inadequacy.<a id="noteref_150" name="noteref_150" href=
          "#note_150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">150</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That there were
          injustices in the old system of Chinese economy, no one can deny,
          but these injustices were scarcely sufficient to provoke, of
          themselves alone, the complete alteration of economic outlook that
          Sun Yat-sen proposed. Chinese capitalism had not reached the state
          of industrial capitalism until after its contact with the West; at
          the most it was a primitive sort of usury-capitalism practised by
          the three economically dominant groups of old China—landholders,
          officials, and merchant-usurers.<a id="noteref_151" name=
          "noteref_151" href="#note_151"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">151</span></span></a> The
          disturbances which hurt the economic condition <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the country, and thereby led to
          greater disturbances, had involved China in a vicious cycle of
          decline which could scarcely be blamed on any one feature or any
          one group in the old economy. The essential fault lay with the
          condition of the country as a whole, directly affected by the
          economic consequences of Western trade and partial
          industrialization.<a id="noteref_152" name="noteref_152" href=
          "#note_152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">152</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          positive dissatisfaction with the economy of his time arose from
          the position which he felt China had in the modern business world.
          He believed that, by virtue of the economic oppression of the
          Chinese by the Western powers, China had been degraded to the
          position of the lowest nation on earth—that the Chinese were even
          more unfortunate than <span class="tei tei-q">“slaves without a
          country,”</span> such as the Koreans and the Annamites.<a id=
          "noteref_153" name="noteref_153" href="#note_153"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">153</span></span></a> The
          particular forms of this oppression, and Sun Yat-sen's plans for
          meeting it, may be more aptly described in the consideration of his
          program of economic national regeneration.<a id="noteref_154" name=
          "noteref_154" href="#note_154"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">154</span></span></a> The
          Chinese nation occupied the ignominious position of a sub-colony
          or—as Sun himself termed it—<span class="tei tei-q">“a
          hypo-colony”</span>; <span class="tei tei-q">“Our people are
          realizing that to be a semi-colony is a national disgrace; but our
          case is worse than that; our country is in the position of a
          sub-colony (since it is the colony of all the Great Powers and not
          merely subject to one of them), a position which is inferior to an
          ordinary colony such as Korea and Annam.”</span><a id="noteref_155"
          name="noteref_155" href="#note_155"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">155</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What, then, were
          the positive implications of the principle of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> in the nationalist
          ideology?</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc61" id="toc61"></a> <a name="pdf62" id="pdf62"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Meanings of</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is the doctrine
          leading the nationalist democracy on its road to a high position
          among the nations of the earth; only through the material strength
          to be found in <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> can
          the Chinese attain a position by which they can exert the full
          force of their new-formed state against the invaders and
          oppressors, and be able to lift up the populace so that democracy
          will possess some actual operative meaning. <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“... the center of politics, of economics, of all kinds
          of historical movements; it is similar to the center of gravity in
          space.”</span><a id="noteref_156" name="noteref_156" href=
          "#note_156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">156</span></span></a> It
          provides the implementation of nationalism and democracy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Secondly,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> means national
          enrichment. The problem of China is primarily one of poverty. Sun
          wanted consideration of the problem of the livelihood of the people
          to begin with the supreme economic reality in China. What was this
          reality? <span class="tei tei-q">“It is the poverty from which we
          all suffer. The Chinese in general are poor; among them there is no
          privileged wealthy class, but only a generality of ordinary poor
          people.”</span><a id="noteref_157" name="noteref_157" href=
          "#note_157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">157</span></span></a>
          However this enrichment was to be brought about, it was
          imperative.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thirdly,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, as the doctrine of
          enrichment, was also the doctrine of economic justice. If the
          nation was to become economically healthy, it could only do so on
          the basis of the proper distribution of property among its
          citizens. Its wealth would not bring about well-being unless it
          were properly distributed.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">More briefly,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be said to be the
          thesis of the indispensability of: 1) a national economic
          revolution against imperialism and for democracy; 2) an industrial
          revolution for the enrichment of China; and 3) a prophylactic
          against social revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The significance
          of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as
          the economic implementation of nationalism and democracy is clear
          enough to require no further discussion. Its significance as a
          doctrine for the promotion of the industrial revolution is
          considerable, and worth attention.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Western science
          was to sow the seed. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min
          shêng</span></span> economy was to reap the harvest. By means of
          the details in Sun Yat-sen's programs which he believed sufficient
          for the purposes, the modernization of China, which was to be a
          consequence of Western science in the ideology, was to lead at the
          same time to the actual physical enrichment of the economic goods
          and services of the country. The advocacy of industrial development
          is, of course, a commonplace in the Western world, but in China it
          was strikingly novel. Sun Yat-sen did not regard industrialism as a
          necessary evil; he considered it a positive blessing, as the means
          of increasing the material welfare of the Chinese people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Time and time
          again, Sun Yat-sen emphasized the necessity of modernization. His
          theory of nationalism led him to urge the introduction of Western
          physical science into the ideology. His theory of democracy was
          justified in part by the fact that democracy was to be regarded as
          a modernizing force. Now his principle of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was also to lead to
          that great end—the modernization of China to a degree to permit the
          race-nation to regain in the modern world, which encompassed the
          whole planet, the position it had once had in the smaller world of
          Eastern Asia.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The wealth of
          old China had been one of the factors enabling it to resist
          destruction at the spear-points of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> barbarian conquerors. Sun Yat-sen knew this,
          and knew also that the position of the United States—which had
          probably the greatest concentration of social and physical wealth
          and power under one political system that the world had ever
          known—made that nation impregnable in the modern world. Seeing that
          wealth was not only a blessing to individuals, but to nations as
          well, he was anxious that his beloved China should be guarded and
          assisted by the strength that the ideology of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, once accepted and
          effectuated, could give it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is more than a vague
          aspiration for national welfare. The general theory of nationalism
          and democracy required an additional point to make them effective
          in the realities of international politics, and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to supply the
          hygienic and economic strength that the Chinese race-nation needed
          for competition and survival; but it was to do more.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is at the same time
          the last step of Chinese resistance and the first of Chinese
          submission to Western culture. In seeking an economic policy and an
          ideology which would lead to increased wealth of the nation, the
          Chinese were preparing to resist the West with its own weapons.
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is a submission in
          that it is a deliberate declaration of industrial revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is beside the
          point to consider the ideological bases of the Western industrial
          revolution. It was perhaps neither a voluntary nor a deliberate
          process at all; no man in the first few decades of the nineteenth
          century could have foretold what the end of a process of
          mechanization would bring, or was likely to advocate the
          intentional following of a policy which would transform the
          orientation and organization of man more thoroughly than had any
          previous religious, political, and economic transition. The
          industrial revolution of Euramerica, when viewed from the outside,
          presents the appearance of a colossal accident, whether for good or
          for bad, which was but half-perceived <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> by the participants in it. Even today, when
          the ideology and the institutional outline of the
          agrarian-handicraft past is fading swiftly away in the new
          brilliance of Western machine-culture, the new certainty, the new
          order have not yet appeared. The great transition works its way
          beyond the knowledge or the intervention of individual men.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This was
          decidedly not the case in China. Industrialism was something which
          could be studied from the outside, which could be appraised, and
          then acclaimed or resisted. Emperor Meiji and his Genro, with a
          flash of intuition or an intellectual penetration almost
          unparalleled in the political history of the world, guided Japan
          into the swift current of mechanical progress; the island empire
          swept ahead of Asia, abreast of the most powerful states of the
          world. The Chinese court, under the resolute, but blind, guidance
          of the Empress Dowager, made a few feeble gestures in favor of
          modernization, but vigorously opposed any change which might
          seriously modify the order of Chinese society or the position of
          the Manchus. In the shadow of the foreign guns, industrialism crept
          into China, along the coasts and up the banks of the navigable
          rivers. One might suppose that the Chinese were in a position to
          choose, deliberately, for or against industrialism. They were not;
          in China, as in the West, the machine age first appeared largely as
          an accident.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is here that
          the significance of Sun Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> becomes apparent.
          Above all other subsidiary meanings, it is a deliberate declaration
          of the industrial revolution. Modernism had been an accident; Sun
          Yat-sen wished to transform it into a program. What would be the
          ideological consequences of such an attitude?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first
          place, a plan was indicated for almost every type of human
          behavior. Sun Yat-sen himself drafted a <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> preliminary scheme for a modern manufacturing
          and communications system.<a id="noteref_158" name="noteref_158"
          href="#note_158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">158</span></span></a> The
          road that China was to take would not be the miserable, halting
          progress of industrialism, complicated by delays and wars, which
          the West had known in the painful centuries of readjustment from
          the medieval to modern civilization; China would not stumble
          forward, but would deliberately select the swiftest and easiest way
          to a sound industrialism, and then take it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> thus not only provides
          the Chinese with a way to make their nationalism, their democracy,
          and their stateification felt in the hour of their ultimate
          triumph; it gives them something to do to bring about that
          triumph.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the basis of
          the outlines of the ideology and the social system that Sun Yat-sen
          proposed, viewed from the perspective of the old Confucian
          world-society, the reader will realize that this declaration of the
          industrial revolution is the boldest of Sun Yat-sen's acts, and
          that the meaning of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> as a program of complete modernization and
          reconstruction is superior to other possible meanings it may have,
          in regard to theoretical national or social revolution. There is
          nothing remote or philosophical about the significance of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> when so viewed; it is
          a plan to which a Lenin or a Henry Ford might subscribe with equal
          fervor—although a Tagore would deplore <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> it. It is here that Sun Yat-sen appears as
          the champion of the West against the traditional technological
          stagnation of China. Yet just there, at the supreme point of his
          Westernism, we must remember what he was fighting for: the life of
          a race-nation and a civilization that was contradictory to the
          West. The stability of Confucianism could not serve as a cloak for
          reaction and stagnant thought. For its own good, nay, its own life,
          Chinese civilization had to modernize (i. e., Westernize
          economically) in order to compete in a West-ruled world. But what,
          more specifically, was the socio-economic position of Sun Yat-sen?
          Was he a Marxian? Was he a liberal? Was he neither?</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc63" id="toc63"></a> <a name="pdf64" id="pdf64"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Western Influences: Henry George,
          Marxism and Maurice William.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As previously
          stated there are three parts which may be distinguished in the
          ideology of the principle of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is, first, the
          economic aspect of the national revolution—the creation of an
          active race-nation of China implementing its power by, second,
          technological revolution. Third, it connotes also the necessity of
          a social revolution of some kind. Western commentators have been
          prone to ignore the significance of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> in the first two of
          these meanings, and have concentrated on disputation concerning the
          third part. The question of the right system of distribution has
          become so prominent in much Western revolutionary thought that, to
          many, it sums up the whole moral issue concerning what is good and
          bad in society.<a id="noteref_159" name="noteref_159" href=
          "#note_159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">159</span></span></a> They
          are uninterested in or ignorant <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page134">[pg 134]</span><a name="Pg134" id="Pg134" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the great importance that the first two
          aspects of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          possess for the Chinese mind. The third part, the application of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to the problems that
          are in the West the cause of social revolution, and to the possible
          application of social revolution to China, is important, but is by
          no means the complete picture.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In attempting to
          state the definitive position of Sun Yat-sen on this question
          several points must be kept in mind. The first is that Sun Yat-sen,
          born a Chinese of the nineteenth century, had the intellectual
          orientation of a member of the world-society, and an accepter of
          the Confucian ideology. Enough has been shown of the background of
          his theories to demonstrate their harmony with and relevance to
          society which had endured in China for centuries before the coming
          of the West. The second point to be remembered is that Westerners
          are prone to overlook this background and see only the Western
          influences which they are in such a good position to detect. Sun
          Yat-sen's mind grew and changed. His preferences in <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Western beliefs changed frequently. A
          few Westerners, seeing only this, are apt to call Sun unstable and
          devoid of reason.<a id="noteref_160" name="noteref_160" href=
          "#note_160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">160</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would,
          indeed, be strange to find any Western political or ideological
          leader who thought in precisely the same terms after the world war
          and the Russian revolution as before. Sun Yat-sen was, like many
          other receptive-minded leaders, sensitive to the new doctrines of
          Wilson and Lenin as they were shouted through the world. He was,
          perhaps, less affected by them than Western leaders, because his
          ideology was so largely rooted in the ideology of old China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Apart from the
          winds of doctrine that blew through the world during Sun's
          life-period, and the generally known Western influences to which he
          was exposed,<a id="noteref_161" name="noteref_161" href=
          "#note_161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">161</span></span></a> there
          were three writers whose influence has been supposed to have been
          critical in the development of his thinking. These three were Henry
          George, Karl Marx, and Maurice William of New York. A much greater
          amount of material is needed for a detailed study of the influences
          of various individual theories on Sun Yat-sen than for a general
          exposition of his political doctrines as a whole. At the present
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page136">[pg 136]</span><a name=
          "Pg136" id="Pg136" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> time scarcely enough
          has been written to permit any really authoritative description of
          the relations between the ideology of Sun Yat-sen and the thought
          of these three men. It is possible, nevertheless, to trace certain
          general outlines which may serve to clarify the possible influence
          that was exercised on Sun, and to correct some current
          misapprehensions as to the nature and extent of that influence.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          opposition to the <span class="tei tei-q">“unearned
          increment”</span> shows the influence of the thought of Henry
          George. Sun proposed an ingenious scheme for the government
          confiscation of unearned increment in an economy which would
          nevertheless permit private ownership of land. (Incidentally, he
          terms this, in his second lecture on <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> which indicates a use of the word
          different, in this respect at least, from the conventional Western
          use.)<a id="noteref_162" name="noteref_162" href=
          "#note_162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">162</span></span></a> The
          land problem was of course a very old one in China, although
          accentuated in the disorders resulting from the impact of the West.
          There can be little question that Sun's particular method of
          solving the problem was influenced by the idea of unearned
          increment.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He knew of Henry
          George in 1897, the year the latter died,<a id="noteref_163" name=
          "noteref_163" href="#note_163"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">163</span></span></a> and
          advocated redistribution of the land in the party oath, the
          platform, and the slogans of the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tung Meng
          Hui</span></span> of 1905.<a id="noteref_164" name="noteref_164"
          href="#note_164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">164</span></span></a>
          Since, even at the time of the Canton-Moscow Entente, his land
          policy never approached the Marxist-Leninist program of
          nationalization or collectivization of land, but remained one of
          redistribution <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg
          137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          and confiscation of unearned increment, it is safe to say that Sun
          kept the theory of George in mind, although he by no means followed
          George to the latter's ultimate conclusions.<a id="noteref_165"
          name="noteref_165" href="#note_165"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">165</span></span></a> It
          may thus be inferred that the influence of Henry George upon the
          nationalist ideology of Sun Yat-sen was slight, but permanent. An
          idea was borrowed; the scheme of things was not.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          encountered Marxism for the first recorded time in London in 1897,
          when he met a group of Russian revolutionaries and also read in the
          subject. The fact that Sun was exposed to Marxism proves little
          except that he had had the opportunity of taking up Marxism and did
          not do so.<a id="noteref_166" name="noteref_166" href=
          "#note_166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">166</span></span></a>
          Again, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Tung Meng Hui</span></span> manifesto of 1905
          may have been influenced by Marxism. It was not, however, until the
          development of his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Three Principles</span></span> that the
          question of Marxian influence was raised. Sun Yat-sen made his
          first speech on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Principles</span></span> in Brussels in the
          spring of 1905.<a id="noteref_167" name="noteref_167" href=
          "#note_167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">167</span></span></a> By
          1907 the three principles had taken on a clear form: nationalism,
          democracy, and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>,
          which the Chinese of that time seem to have translated <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">socialism</span></span> when referring to it
          in Western languages.<a id="noteref_168" name="noteref_168" href=
          "#note_168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">168</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most careful
          Marxian critic of Sun Yat-sen, writing of the principle of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and its two main
          planks, land reform and state capitalism, says: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“This very vague program, which does not refer to class
          interests nor to the class struggle as the means of breaking
          privileged class interests, was objectively not socialism at all,
          but something <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page138">[pg
          138]</span><a name="Pg138" id="Pg138" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          else altogether: Lenin coined the formula, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘subjective socialism,’</span> for it.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_169" name="noteref_169" href="#note_169"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">169</span></span></a> He
          adds, later: <span class="tei tei-q">“Hence Sun's socialism meant,
          on the lips of the Chinese bourgeoisie, nothing but a sort of
          declaration for a <span class="tei tei-q">‘social’</span> economic
          policy, that is, a policy friendly to the masses.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_170" name="noteref_170" href="#note_170"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">170</span></span></a> T'ang
          Liang-li declares that the third principle at this time adopted
          <span class="tei tei-q">“a frankly socialistic
          attitude,”</span><a id="noteref_171" name="noteref_171" href=
          "#note_171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">171</span></span></a> but
          implies elsewhere that its inadequacy was seen by a Chinese
          Marxist, Chu Chih-hsin.<a id="noteref_172" name="noteref_172" href=
          "#note_172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">172</span></span></a> This
          evidence, as far as it goes, shows that Sun Yat-sen had had the
          opportunity to become acquainted with Marxism, and that even on the
          occasion of the first formulation of the principle of <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> he used none of its
          tenets. The revolutionary critic, T'ang Liang-li, who, a devoted
          and brilliant Nationalist in action, writes with a sort of European
          left-liberal orientation, suggests that the Third Principle grew
          with the growth of capitalist industrialism in China.<a id=
          "noteref_173" name="noteref_173" href="#note_173"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">173</span></span></a> This
          is true: economic maladjustment would emphasize the need for
          ideological reconstruction with reference to the economy. There is
          no need to resort to Marxian analysis.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That the third
          principle meant something to Sun Yat-sen is shown by the fact that
          when Sung Chiao-jen, who a few years later was to become one of the
          most celebrated martyrs of the revolution, suggested in the period
          of the first provisional Republic at Nanking that the Third
          Principle had better be omitted altogether, Sun was enraged,
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name=
          "Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> and declared that if
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were to be given up,
          the whole revolution might as well be abandoned.<a id="noteref_174"
          name="noteref_174" href="#note_174"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">174</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Since
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, in its third
          significance, that of the development of a socially just
          distributive system, was not Marxian nor yet unimportant, it may be
          contrasted once again with the communist doctrines, and then
          studied for its actual content. In contrasting it with Marxism, it
          might be of value to observe, first, the criticism that the
          Marxians levy against it, and second, the distinctions that
          nationalist and European critics make between <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and communism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dr. Karl
          Wittfogel, the German Marxist whose work on Sun Yat-sen is the most
          satisfactory of its kind, points out the apparent contradictions in
          the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San
          Min Chu I</span></span>: on the one hand, statements which are not
          only objectively but subjectively friendly to capitalism (on the
          excellence of the Ford plant; on the necessity for the coöperation
          of capital and labor)—on the other, the unmerciful condemnation of
          capitalism; on the one hand, the declaration that there is no
          capitalism in China—on the other, that capitalism must be destroyed
          as it appears; on the right, the statement that communism and
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are opposed—on the
          left, that the communist doctrines are a subsidiary part of the
          ideology of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>.<a id="noteref_175" name="noteref_175" href=
          "#note_175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">175</span></span></a> How,
          asks Wittfogel, does this all fit together? He answers by pointing
          out the significance of Sun's theses when considered in relation to
          the dialectical-materialist interpretation of recent Far Eastern
          history:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">His three principles incorporate</span></p>

            <div class="tei tei-lg" style=
            "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class=
                "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">development</span></em>
                <span style="font-size: 90%">the objective change in the
                socio-economic situation of China,</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class=
                "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">contradictions</span></em>
                <span style="font-size: 90%">the real contradictions of the
                Chinese revolution,</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class=
                "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">latest
                tendencies</span></em> <span style="font-size: 90%">the
                transposition of the social center of gravity of the
                revolution, which sets the classes in action,</span>
                <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page140">[pg 140]</span><a name=
                "Pg140" id="Pg140" class="tei tei-anchor" style=
                "text-align: left"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">and whose
                aim is no longer a bourgeois capitalist one, but
                proletarian-socialist and peasant
                agrarian-revolutionary.</span>
              </div>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen is according to this not only the
            hitherto most powerful representative of the bourgeois-national,
            anti-imperialist revolutions of awakening Asia; he points at the
            same time outwards over the bourgeois class limitations of the
            first step of the Asiatic movement for liberation. To deny this
            were portentuous, even for the proletarian communist movement of
            Eastern Asia.</span><a id="noteref_176" name="noteref_176" href=
            "#note_176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">176</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
          modifications which the Marxians have introduced into their
          programs with respect to the class struggle in colonial countries
          do not imply a corresponding modification of their ideology. The
          determinism adopted from Hegel, the economic interpretation of
          history—these and other dogmas are held by the Marxians to be
          universally valid despite their Western origin.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We have seen
          what Sun's chief Marxian exegete thinks of him. Now it may be worth
          while to consider the actual relations of Sun's doctrines with some
          of those in Marxism. In the first place, Sun Yat-sen, during his
          stay in Shanghai, 1919-1922 (with interruptions), was very much
          interested in Communism and friendly to the Russian people, but not
          at all inclined to adopt its ideology.<a id="noteref_177" name=
          "noteref_177" href="#note_177"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">177</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page141">[pg 141]</span><a name="Pg141" id="Pg141" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In reference to
          specific points of the Communist ideology, Sun Yat-sen was indebted
          to the Communists for the application of the principle of
          nationalism, as a means of propaganda, as anti-imperialism,
          although, as we have seen, it was fundamentally a thesis for the
          readjustment of the Chinese society from the ideological basis of a
          world-society over to a national state among national states.<a id=
          "noteref_178" name="noteref_178" href="#note_178"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">178</span></span></a>
          Second, his habit of taking Western doctrines and applying them to
          the Chinese nation instead of to Chinese individuals, led him to
          apply nationalism to the class war of the oppressed nations against
          the oppressing nations. There was no justification of
          intra-national class war in the nationalist ideology of Sun
          Yat-sen.<a id="noteref_179" name="noteref_179" href=
          "#note_179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">179</span></span></a> In
          his doctrine of democracy, his application of a class-system based
          on intellect was a flat denial of the superior significance of the
          Marxian economic-class ideology, as was his favoring of the
          development of a five-power liberal government through <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span> in place of a dictatorship
          of the proletariat operating through soviets. Finally, in relation
          to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, his
          use of the Confucian philosophy—the interpretation of history
          through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span>—was a
          contradiction of the materialist interpretation of history by the
          Marxians. It also contradicted the class struggle; the loyalty of
          the Chinese to the race-nation was to be the supreme loyalty; it
          was to develop from the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta
          chia</span></span>, the great family of all Chinese; and class
          lines within it could not transcend its significance. Furthermore,
          purely as a matter of economic development, Sun Yat-sen regarded
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page142">[pg 142]</span><a name=
          "Pg142" id="Pg142" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the class struggle
          as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">pathological</span></em> in society. He said,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Out of his studies of the social question,
          Marx gained no other advantage than a knowledge of the diseases of
          social evolution; he failed to see the principle of social
          evolution. Hence we can say that Marx was a pathologist rather than
          a physiologist of society.”</span><a id="noteref_180" name=
          "noteref_180" href="#note_180"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">180</span></span></a>
          Finally, he did not accept the Marxian theory of surplus value or
          of the inevitable collapse of capitalism. He even spoke of
          capitalism and socialism as <span class="tei tei-q">“two economic
          forces of human civilization”</span> which might <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“work side by side in future
          civilization.”</span><a id="noteref_181" name="noteref_181" href=
          "#note_181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">181</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">All in all, it
          may safely be said that Sun Yat-sen's ideology, as an adjustment of
          the old Chinese ideology to the modern world, was not inspired by
          the Marxist; that through the greater part of his life, he was
          acquainted with Marxism, and did not avail himself of the
          opportunities he had for adopting it, but consistently rejected it;
          and that while the Communists were of great use to him in the
          formulation and implementation of his program, they affected his
          ideology, either generally or with reference to <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, imperceptibly if at
          all.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This conclusion
          is of significance in the estimation of the influence of Maurice
          William upon the thought of Sun Yat-sen. It is, briefly, the thesis
          of Dr. William that it was his own book which saved China from
          Bolshevism by making an anti-Marxian out of Sun after he had fallen
          prey to the Bolshevist philosophy. Dr. William writes of the
          lectures on Nationalism and Democracy; <span class="tei tei-q">“In
          these lectures Dr. Sun makes clear that his position is strongly
          pro-Russian and pro-Marxian, that he endorses the class struggle,
          repudiates Western democracy, and advocates China's coöperation
          with Bolshevist Russia against capitalist <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page143">[pg 143]</span><a name="Pg143" id="Pg143" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> nations.”</span><a id="noteref_182" name=
          "noteref_182" href="#note_182"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">182</span></span></a> Dr.
          William then goes on to show, quite convincingly, that Sun Yat-sen,
          with very slight acknowledgments, quoted William's <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Social
          Interpretation of History</span></span> almost verbatim for
          paragraph after paragraph in the lectures on <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be
          unjust and untruthful to deny the great value that William's book
          had for Sun Yat-sen, who did quote it and use its arguments.<a id=
          "noteref_183" name="noteref_183" href="#note_183"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">183</span></span></a> On
          the other hand, it is a manifest absurdity to assume that Sun
          Yat-sen, having once been a communist, suddenly reversed his
          position after reading one book by an American of whom he knew
          nothing. Even Dr. William writes with a tone of mild surprise when
          he speaks of the terrific <span class=
          "tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">volte-face</span></span>
          which he thinks Sun Yat-sen performed.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are two
          necessary comments to be made on the question of the influence of
          Maurice William. In the first place, Sun Yat-sen had never swerved
          from the interpretation of history by <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, which may be interpreted as
          the humane or social interpretation of history. Enough of the old
          Chinese ideology has been outlined above to make clear what this
          outlook was.<a id="noteref_184" name="noteref_184" href=
          "#note_184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">184</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen, in short, never having been a Marxian, was not converted
          to the social interpretation of history as put forth by Dr.
          William. He found in the latter's book, perhaps more clearly than
          in any other Western work an analysis of society that coincided
          with his own, which he had developed from the old Chinese
          philosophy and morality as rendered by Confucius. Consequently he
          said of William's rejection of the materialistic interpretation of
          history, <span class="tei tei-q">“That sounds perfectly reasonable
          ... the greatest discovery of the American scholar <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fits in
          perfectly</span></em> with the (third) <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page144">[pg 144]</span><a name="Pg144" id="Pg144" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> principle of our Party.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_185" name="noteref_185" href="#note_185"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">185</span></span></a> The
          accomplishment of Maurice William, therefore, was a great one, but
          one which has been misunderstood. He formulated a doctrine of
          social evolution which tallied perfectly with Chinese ideology, and
          did this without being informed on Chinese thought. He did not
          change the main currents of Sun's thought, which were consistent
          through the years. He did present Sun with several telling
          supplementary arguments in Western economic terms, by means of
          which he could reconcile his interpretation of social history not
          only with Confucian <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span>
          but also with modern Western economics.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other point
          to be considered in relation to Maurice William is a matter of
          dates. The thesis of Maurice William, that Sun Yat-sen, after
          having turned Marxian or near-Marxian, was returned to democratic
          liberal thought by William's book, is based on contrast of the
          first twelve lectures in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> and the last four
          on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Dr.
          William believes that Sun read his book in the meantime and changed
          his mind. A Chinese commentator points out that Sun Yat-sen
          referred to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Social Interpretation of
          History</span></span> in a speech on January 21, 1924; his first
          lecture on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> was given January
          24, 1924.<a id="noteref_186" name="noteref_186" href=
          "#note_186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">186</span></span></a>
          Hence, in the twelve lectures that Dr. William interprets as
          Marxian, Sun Yat-sen was speaking from a background which included
          not only Marxism, but <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Social Interpretation of
          History</span></span>, as well.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Only on the
          third part does the influence of the Western thinkers appear
          unmistakably. Henry George gave Sun Yat-sen the idea of the
          unearned increment, but Sun Yat-sen, instead of accepting the whole
          body of doctrine that George put forth, simply kept this one idea,
          and built a novel land-policy of his own on it. Marxism may have
          influenced the verbal tone of Sun Yat-sen's lectures, but it did
          not affect his ideology, although it shows a definite <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page145">[pg 145]</span><a name="Pg145" id="Pg145"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> imprint upon his programs. Maurice
          William gave Sun Yat-sen a set of arguments in modern economic
          terms which he attached to his ideological thesis of the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> interpretation of history,
          which he based upon Confucianism. There is no evidence to show that
          at any time in his life Sun Yat-sen abandoned his Chinese
          ideological orientation and fell under the sway of any Western
          thinker. The strong consistency in the ideology of Sun Yat-sen is a
          consistency rooted in the old Chinese ideology. On minor points of
          doctrine he showed the influence of the West; this influence cannot
          be considered solely by itself. The present discussion of Western
          influences may, by its length, imply a disproportionate emphasis of
          Western thought in the political doctrines of Sun Yat-sen, but in a
          work written primarily for Westerners, this may be found
          excusable.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc65" id="toc65"></a> <a name="pdf66" id="pdf66"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">as a
          Socio-Economic Doctrine.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If one were to
          attempt to define the relations of the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> ideology to the
          various types of Western economic doctrines at present current,
          certain misapprehensions may be eliminated at the outset. First:
          Capitalism in its Western form was opposed by Sun Yat-sen;
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to put through the
          national economic revolution of enrichment through a
          deliberately-planned industrialization, but in doing so was to
          prevent China from going through all the painful stages which
          attended the growth of capitalism in the West. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“We want,”</span> said Sun Yat-sen, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“a preventive remedy; a remedy which will thwart the
          accumulation of large private capitals and so preserve future
          society from the great inconvenience of the inequality between rich
          and poor.”</span><a id="noteref_187" name="noteref_187" href=
          "#note_187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">187</span></span></a> And
          yet he looked forward to a society which would ultimately be
          communistic, although never in its strict Marxian sense.
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page146">[pg 146]</span><a name=
          "Pg146" id="Pg146" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“We may say that communism is the ideal of livelihood,
          and that the doctrine of livelihood is the practical application of
          communism; such is the difference between the doctrine of Marx and
          the doctrine of the Kuomintang. In the last analysis, there is no
          real difference in the principles of the two; where they differ is
          in method.”</span><a id="noteref_188" name="noteref_188" href=
          "#note_188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">188</span></span></a> This
          is sufficient to show that Sun Yat-sen was not an orthodox Western
          apologist for capitalism; as a Chinese, it would have been hard for
          him to be one, for the logically consistent capitalist ideology is
          one which minimizes all human relationships excepting those
          individual-contractual ones based on money bargains. The marketing
          of goods and services in such a way as to disturb the traditional
          forms of Chinese society would have been repugnant to Sun
          Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second: if Sun
          Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          ideology cannot be associated with capitalism, it can as little be
          affiliated with Marxism or the single-tax. What, then, in relation
          to Western socio-economic thought, is it? We have seen that the
          state it proposed was liberal-protective, and that the society from
          which it was derived and to which it was to lead back was one of
          extreme laissez-faire, bordering almost on anarchism. These
          political features are enough to distinguish it from the Western
          varieties of socialism, anarchism and syndicalism, since the
          ingredients of these ideologies of the West and that of Sun
          Yat-sen, while coincident on some points, cannot be fitted
          together.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Superficially,
          there is a certain resemblance between the ideology of the
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
          Chu I</span></span> and that of Fascism. The resemblances may be
          found in the emphasis on the nation, the rejection of the class war
          and of Marxism, the upholding of tradition, and the inclusion of a
          doctrine of intellectual inequality. But Sun Yat-sen seeks to
          reconcile <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page147">[pg
          147]</span><a name="Pg147" id="Pg147" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          all this with democracy in a form even more republican than that of
          the United States. The scheme of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>, with its election,
          recall, initiative and referendum, and with its definite demands of
          intellectual freedom, is in contradiction to the teachings of
          Fascism. His condemnation of Caesarism is unequivocal: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Therefore, if the Chinese Revolution has not until now
          been crowned with success, it is because the ambitions for the
          throne have not been completely rooted out nor suppressed
          altogether.”</span><a id="noteref_189" name="noteref_189" href=
          "#note_189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">189</span></span></a> With
          these fundamental and irreconcilable distinctions, it is hard to
          find any possibility of agreement between the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span> and the Fascist ideologies, although the
          transitional program of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>—in its advocacy of
          provisional party dictatorship, etc.—has something in common with
          Fascism as well as with Communism as applied in the Soviet
          Union.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A recent
          well-received work on modern political thought describes a category
          of Western thinkers whose ideas are much in accord with those
          contained in the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          ideology.<a id="noteref_190" name="noteref_190" href=
          "#note_190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">190</span></span></a>
          Professor Francis W. Coker of Yale, after reviewing the leading
          types of socialist and liberal thought, describes a group who might
          be called <span class="tei tei-q">“empirical collectivists.”</span>
          The men to whom he applies this term reject socialist doctrines of
          economic determinism, labor-created value, and class war. They
          oppose, on the other hand, the making of a fetish of private
          ownership, and recognize that the vast mass of ordinary men in
          modern society do not always receive their just share of the
          produce of industry. They offer no single panacea for all economic
          troubles, and lay down no absolute and unchallengeable dogma
          concerning the rightness or wrongness of public or private
          ownership.<a id="noteref_191" name="noteref_191" href=
          "#note_191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">191</span></span></a>
          Professor Coker <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page148">[pg
          148]</span><a name="Pg148" id="Pg148" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          outlines their general point of view by examining their ideas with
          reference to several conspicuous economic problems of the present
          day: public ownership; labor legislation; regulation of prices;
          taxation; and land policies.<a id="noteref_192" name="noteref_192"
          href="#note_192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">192</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">According to
          Coker, the empirical collectivist is not willing to forgo the
          profit motive except where necessary. He is anxious to see a great
          part of the ruthlessness of private competition eliminated, and
          capital generally subjected to a regulation which will prevent its
          use as an instrument of harm to the community as a whole. While not
          committed to public ownership of large enterprises as a matter of
          theory, he has little objection to the governmental operation of
          those which could, as a matter of practical expediency, be managed
          by the state on a nonprofit basis.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          position greatly resembles this, with respect to his more immediate
          objectives. Speaking of public utilities, he said to Judge
          Linebarger: <span class="tei tei-q">“There are so many public
          utilities needed in China at the present time, that the government
          can't monopolize all of them for the advantage of the masses.
          Moreover, public utilities involve risks which a government cannot
          afford to take. Although the risks are comparatively small in
          single cases, the entire aggregate of such risks, if assumed by the
          government, would be of crushing proportions. Private initiative
          and capital can best perform the public utility development of
          China. We should, however, be very careful to limit the control of
          these public utilities enterprises, while at the same time
          encouraging private development as much as possible.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_193" name="noteref_193" href="#note_193"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">193</span></span></a> Sun
          had, however, already spoken of nationalization: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“I think that when I hold power <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page149">[pg 149]</span><a name="Pg149" id="Pg149"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> again, we should institute a
          nationalization program through a cautious and experimental
          evolution of (1) public utilities; (2) public domains; (3)
          industrial combines, syndicates, and cartels; (4) coöperative
          department stores and other merchandising agencies.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_194" name="noteref_194" href="#note_194"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">194</span></span></a> It
          must be remembered that there were two considerations back of
          anything that Sun Yat-sen said concerning national ownership:
          first, China had already ventured into broad national ownership of
          communications and transport, even though these were in bad
          condition and heavily indebted; second, there was no question of
          expropriation of capital, but rather the free alternative of public
          and private industry. An incidental problem that arises in
          connection with the joint development of the country by public and
          by private capital is the use of foreign capital. Sun Yat-sen was
          opposed to imperialism, but he did not believe that the use of
          foreign capital at fair rates of interest constituted submission to
          imperialism. He said, in Canton, <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... we
          shall certainly have to borrow foreign capital in order to develop
          means of communication and transportation, and we cannot do
          otherwise than have recourse to those foreigners who are men of
          knowledge and of experience to manage these
          industries.”</span><a id="noteref_195" name="noteref_195" href=
          "#note_195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">195</span></span></a> It
          may thus be said that Sun Yat-sen had no fixed prejudice against
          private capital or against foreign capital, when properly and
          justly regulated, although in general he favored the ownership of
          large enterprises by the state.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second—to follow
          again Professor Coker—the Western empirical collectivists favor
          labor legislation, and government intervention for the protection
          of the living standards of the working classes. This, while it did
          not figure <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page150">[pg
          150]</span><a name="Pg150" id="Pg150" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          conspicuously in the theories of Sun Yat-sen,<a id="noteref_196"
          name="noteref_196" href="#note_196"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">196</span></span></a> was a
          striking feature of all his practical programs.<a id="noteref_197"
          name="noteref_197" href="#note_197"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">197</span></span></a> In
          his address to Chinese labor, on the international Labor Day, 1924,
          he urged that Chinese labor organize in order to fight for its own
          cause and that of national liberation. It had nothing to fear from
          Chinese capitalism, but everything from foreign imperialistic
          capitalism.<a id="noteref_198" name="noteref_198" href=
          "#note_198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">198</span></span></a> Sun
          did not make a special hero class out of the workers; he did,
          however, advocate their organization for the purpose of getting
          their just share of the national wealth, and for resistance to the
          West and Japan.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, the
          empirical collectivist tends to advocate price-control by the
          state, if not over the whole range of commodities, at least in
          certain designated fields. Sun was, has been stated, in favor of
          the regulation of capital at all points, and of public ownership in
          some. This naturally implies an approval of price-control. He more
          specifically objected to undue profits by middlemen, when, in
          discussing salesmen, he said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Under ideal
          conditions, society does not need salesmen or any inducement to
          buy. If a thing is good, and the price reasonable, it should sell
          itself on its own merits without any salesmanship. This vast army
          of middlemen should hence be made to remember that they should
          expect no more from the nonproductive calling in which they are
          engaged than any other citizen obtains through harder
          labor.”</span><a id="noteref_199" name="noteref_199" href=
          "#note_199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">199</span></span></a> In
          this, too, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page151">[pg
          151]</span><a name="Pg151" id="Pg151" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> coincides with
          empirical collectivism; the coincidence is made easy by the
          relative vagueness of the latter.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, in the
          words of Mr. Coker, <span class="tei tei-q">“many collectivists
          look upon taxation as a rational and practical means for reducing
          extreme differences in wealth and for achieving other desired
          economic changes.”</span><a id="noteref_200" name="noteref_200"
          href="#note_200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">200</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen agrees with this definitely; his land policy is one based
          upon taxation and confiscation of the amount of the unearned
          increment (which, not involving the confiscation of the land
          itself, is perhaps also taxation), and proposes to apply taxes
          extensively. Quite apart from the question of distributive justice,
          a heavy tax burden would be necessary in a country which was being
          rigorously developed.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifth, empirical
          collectivists believe in land control, not only in the cities, but
          in the open country as well, as a matter of agrarian reform. We
          have seen that the land figured extensively in the ideology of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, and shall observe
          that Sun Yat-sen, in his plans for <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, stressed the
          importance of proper control of land.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In summing up
          the theory of distributive justice which forms a third part of the
          principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, one
          may say that, as far as any comparison between a Chinese and a
          Western idea is valid, the positive social-revolutionary content of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> coincides with the
          doctrines of that group of Western politico-economic writers whom
          Coker calls empirical collectivists. The correspondence between the
          two may not be a mere coincidence of names, for in considering Sun
          Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, one
          is struck by the empirical, almost opportunistic, nature of the
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page152">[pg 152]</span><a name=
          "Pg152" id="Pg152" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> theory. A great part
          of the activity of the Chinese, whether material or intellectual,
          has been characterized by a sort of opportunism; not necessarily an
          opportunism of insincerity, it may be more aptly described as a
          tendency to seek the golden mean, the reasonable in any situation.
          It is this habit of compromise with circumstance, this bland and
          happy disregard of absolutes in theory, which has preserved—with
          rare exceptions—the Chinese social mind from the torment of any
          really bitter and profound religious conflict, and which may, in
          these troubled times, keep even the most irreconcilable enemies
          from becoming insane with intolerance. This fashion of muddling
          through, of adhering to certain traditional general rules of
          reasonableness, while rendering lip-service to the doctrines of the
          moment, has been the despair of many Western students of China,
          who, embittered at the end, accuse the Chinese of complete
          insincerity. They do not realize that it is the moderateness of the
          Confucian ideology, the humane and conciliatory outlook that
          centuries of cramped civilized life have given the Chinese, that is
          the basis of this, and that this indisposition to adopt hard and
          fast systems has been one of the ameliorating influences in the
          present period of serious intellectual antagonisms. Generalizations
          concerning China are rarely worth much. It may be, however, that
          the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, with
          respect to its positive socio-economic content, may appear vague to
          the Western student, and that he may surmise it to be a mere cloak
          for demagogues. It could easily do that in the West, or in the
          hands of insincere and unscrupulous leaders. In China, however, it
          need not necessarily have been formulated more positively than it
          was, because, as we have seen, the intellectual temper of the
          Chinese makes any strict adherence to a schedule or a plan
          impossible. It is easy, always, to render the courtesies; it is
          hard to follow the specific content. Sun Yat-sen apparently
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page153">[pg 153]</span><a name=
          "Pg153" id="Pg153" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> realized this, and
          wished to leave a general body of doctrine which could be followed
          and which would not be likely to be violated. In any case, the
          theses of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, both
          ideologically and programmatically, can scarcely be contrasted with
          the detailed schedules of social revolution to be found in the
          West.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          frequent expressions of sympathy with communism and socialism, and
          his occasional identification of the large principles of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with them, are an
          indication of his desire for ultimate collectivism. (It may be
          remarked, in passing, that Sun Yat-sen used the word <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">collectivist</span></em> in a much more rigid
          sense than that employed by Coker.) His concessions to the economic
          situation of his time, the pragmatic, practical method in which he
          conceived and advocated his plans, are a manifestation of the
          empirical element in his collectivism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Ming shêng</span></span> cannot, however, be
          thought of as another Western doctrine for national economic
          strength, national economic reconstitution, and national
          distributive justice; it is also a program for the improvement of
          the morale of the people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How is the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> doctrine to fit in
          with the essentially conservative spirit of the nationalist
          ideology? If, as Sun proposed, the new ideology is to be compounded
          of the old morality, the old knowledge, and modern physical
          science, how is <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>,
          referring to social as well as material programs, to be developed
          in harmony with the old knowledge? In the terminology of
          ultramodern Western political science, the ethical, the moral, and
          the emotional are likely to appear as words of derision. In a
          milieu characterized by the curiously warmblooded social outlook of
          the Confucians, such terms are still relevant to reality, still
          significant in the lives of men. The sentimental is intangible in
          politics; for that reason it is hard to fit into contemporary
          thought, but <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page154">[pg
          154]</span><a name="Pg154" id="Pg154" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          though it cannot be measured and fully understood, its potency
          cannot be disregarded; and for Sun Yat-sen it was of the utmost
          importance.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc67" id="toc67"></a> <a name="pdf68" id="pdf68"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">as an Ethical
          Doctrine.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reference has
          been made to the Confucian doctrine of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, the fellow-feeling of all
          mankind—each man's consciousness of membership in society. This
          doctrine was formulated in a society unacquainted with Greek logic,
          nor did it have the strange European emphasis upon sheer
          intellectuality which has played its way through Western thought.
          Not, of course, as profoundly introspective as Christianity, nor
          appealing so distinctly to the mystical in man's nature, it was
          nevertheless concerned with man's inner life, as well as with the
          ethics of his outward behavior. The Confucian was suffused
          throughout with the idea of virtue; the moral and the physical were
          inextricably intertwined. Its non-logical content scarcely
          approached the form of a religion; commentators on the old ideology
          have not called it religious, despite the prominence of beliefs in
          the supernatural.<a id="noteref_201" name="noteref_201" href=
          "#note_201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">201</span></span></a> The
          religion of the Chinese has been this-worldly,<a id="noteref_202"
          name="noteref_202" href="#note_202"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">202</span></span></a> but
          it has not on that account been indifferent to the subjective
          aspects of the moral life.<a id="noteref_203" name="noteref_203"
          href="#note_203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">203</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The nationalist
          ideology was designed as the inheritor of and successor to, the old
          ideology of China. The doctrine <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page155">[pg 155]</span><a name="Pg155" id="Pg155" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of nationalism narrowed the field of the
          application of Confucianism from the whole civilized world to the
          state-ized society of the Chinese race-nation. The doctrine of
          democracy implemented the old teachings of popular power and
          intellectual leadership with a political mechanism designed to
          bring forth the full strength of both. And the doctrine of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was the economic
          application of the old social ethos.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is in this
          last significance, rather than in any of its practical meanings of
          recovery, development, and reform, that Sun Yat-sen spoke most of
          it to one of his followers.<a id="noteref_204" name="noteref_204"
          href="#note_204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">204</span></span></a> He
          was concerned with it as a moral force. His work was, among other
          things, a work of moral transformation of individual motives.<a id=
          "noteref_205" name="noteref_205" href="#note_205"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">205</span></span></a>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> must, in addition to
          its other meanings be regarded as an attempt to extend the Chinese
          ideology to economic matters, to lead the Chinese to follow their
          old ethics. Sun Yat-sen had ample time in his visits to the West to
          observe the ravages that modern civilization had inflicted upon the
          older Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page156">[pg
          156]</span><a name="Pg156" id="Pg156" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          moral life, and did not desire that China should also follow the
          same course. The humanity of the old tradition must be kept by the
          Chinese in their venture into the elaborate and dangerous economy
          of modern life; the machine civilization was needed, and was itself
          desirable,<a id="noteref_206" name="noteref_206" href=
          "#note_206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">206</span></span></a> but
          it could not overthrow the humane civilization that preceded it and
          was to continue on beneath and throughout it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In this manner a
          follower of Sun Yat-sen seeks to recall his words: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“I should say that <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> focuses our ethical
          tradition even more than the other two principles; after a Chinese
          has become nationalistic and democratic, he will become socialized
          through the idea of his own personality as an instrument of good
          for human welfare. In this proud feeling of importance to and for
          the world, egotism gives way to altruism.... So, I say again that
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is an ethical endeavor
          ... this, the final principle (and yet, the first principle which I
          discovered, in the bitterness and poverty of my boyhood days), will
          come imperceptibly into our lives.”</span><a id="noteref_207" name=
          "noteref_207" href="#note_207"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">207</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In a philosophy
          for intellectuals such attitudes need not, perhaps, be reckoned
          with; in an ideology for revolution and reconstitution, perhaps
          they should. Sun Yat-sen conceived of his own work and his ideology
          not only as political acts but as moral forces; <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was at once to
          invigorate the national economy, to industrialize the material
          civilization, and to institute distributive justice, and in
          addition to this, it was to open a new, humane epoch in economic
          relations. That is why the term, instead of being translated, is
          left in the Chinese: <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page157">[pg 157]</span><a name=
      "Pg157" id="Pg157" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc69" id="toc69"></a> <a name="pdf70" id="pdf70"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter V. The Programs of
        Nationalism.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc71" id="toc71"></a> <a name="pdf72" id="pdf72"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Kuomintang.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          a political leader as well as a political philosopher. His growth
          as a thinker was intimately associated with the development of his
          political activities. It would be difficult to say which came
          first, either in time or in importance, in his life—his teachings
          or his work. At times the line between the two becomes vague. Sun
          made vital commitments concerning his ideology in furthering his
          revolutionary work. These have to be sifted out from other
          utterances bearing only upon the immediate situation. This is not
          easy, but neither is it impossible. Lyon Sharman wrote,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“It might be cogently argued that, in
          dealing with an easily absorbent, propagandist mind like Sun
          Yat-sen's one should not look to the shifting ideas for his real
          opinions, but to those formulations which he clung to tenaciously
          all his life.”</span><a id="noteref_208" name="noteref_208" href=
          "#note_208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">208</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The ideology of
          the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San
          Min Chu I</span></span> provides a broad scheme of terms and values
          by means of which the Chinese of the twentieth century could orient
          themselves simultaneously in the modern world and in the continuing
          world of Confucian civilization. Between this philosophy and the
          necessity of immediate practical action there stands an
          intermediate step—that of the plans. The plans provide a theory of
          means leading to the establishment of the ends set up in the
          ideology. The ideology, left on paper by itself, could not bring
          about China's salvation; it had to be spread and implemented with
          political action. Sun Yat-sen planned the programs and activities
          of the Chinese revolutionaries in some detail; he proposed policies
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page158">[pg 158]</span><a name=
          "Pg158" id="Pg158" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> reaching far out
          into the future. While, since his death, these plans have been
          modified to a greater or less degree,<a id="noteref_209" name=
          "noteref_209" href="#note_209"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">209</span></span></a> they
          have not lost all relevance to the course of affairs in China, and,
          in any case, possess an interest of their own in the history of
          political thought, as illustrating the political doctrines to which
          Sun Yat-sen's ideology led him. The first problem the plans had to
          include was that of providing a tool by which they could be set in
          motion.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What instrument
          could preach nationalism to the Chinese people and awaken them,
          and, having awakened them, lead them on to a victorious defense of
          their race and civilization? Sun's answer was: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Kuomintang.”</span> The nationalist revolutionary
          party was the designated heir to the leadership of the people, and
          even in his life-time Sun Yat-sen worked through the party that was
          almost entirely his own creation.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page159">[pg 159]</span><a name="Pg159" id="Pg159" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This party had
          begun as a small group of the personal followers of Sun Yat-sen in
          the days when he was struggling against the Manchu monarchy almost
          singlehanded. Gradually this group increased and became a
          federation of the great secret orders which had resisted the
          Manchus for centuries. It developed into a modern parliamentary
          party under the name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Kuomintang</span></span>—literally <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nation people
          party</span></em>—with the inauguration of the first republic, but
          was soon driven underground by the would-be emperor Yüan Shih-k'ai.
          It emerged again in South China at the end of the World War, was
          reorganized after the Communist model (so far as intra-party
          organization was concerned) before the death of Sun Yat-sen, led
          the revolution to the North, and, now, though somewhat less united
          than before, rules the greater part of China in the name of the
          Three Principles.<a id="noteref_210" name="noteref_210" href=
          "#note_210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">210</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius
          preached the slow transformation of society by means of an
          intellectual leaven, scholar class, which, by re-forming and
          clarifying the ideology, could gradually minimize conflict among
          men and bring about an epoch of concord in which all men would live
          by reason as found in tradition. The function of the Kuomintang
          was, in Sun's mind, only remotely similar. The Kuomintang was
          designed to intervene in a chaos of wars and corrupt politics, to
          propagate the nationalist ideology, and avert a tragic fate which
          would otherwise be inevitable—the disappearance of China from the
          map of the world, and the extinction not only of Chinese
          civilization but—as Sun Yat-sen thought—of the Chinese race as
          well.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the days
          before the downfall of the monarchy, and <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page160">[pg 160]</span><a name="Pg160" id="Pg160" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> for the few years of defeat under the first
          republic, the Kuomintang was not highly organized. Sun Yat-sen's
          genius for leadership, and the fervor of his adherents—which can be
          understood only at first-hand, and cannot be explained in rational
          terms—were sufficient to hold the party together. But there was far
          too much discord as to final principles as well as to points of
          immediate action, and party activities were not so specialized as
          to permit maximum efficiency.<a id="noteref_211" name="noteref_211"
          href="#note_211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">211</span></span></a>
          Furthermore, there was the question of the relations of the party
          and the state. It was somewhat absurd for the partizans of Sun
          Yat-sen, having brought about the revolution, to stand back and let
          whomever would walk away with it. The party's power had ebbed with
          its success in 1911. There had to be some way of keeping the party
          in power after it had achieved the overthrow of its enemies, and
          won the revolutionary control of the country. Reorganization was
          definitely necessary if party effectiveness were to be raised to
          the point of guaranteeing the success of the next revolution—which
          Sun did not live to see—and party supremacy to the point of
          assuring the Nationalists control of the government after the
          revolution had been accomplished.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reorganization
          was effected through the assistance of the Communists during the
          period of the Canton-Moscow entente (1923-1927).<a id="noteref_212"
          name="noteref_212" href="#note_212"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">212</span></span></a> Under
          the leadership of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page161">[pg
          161]</span><a name="Pg161" id="Pg161" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          extraordinarily able Michael Borodin, the Soviet advisers sent from
          Russia completely re-shaped the internal structure of the
          Kuomintang and won for themselves positions of considerable
          confidence and influence, which they lost only when they attempted
          to transform the principles and objectives of the Party as
          thoroughly as they had the organization.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang
          of today, which is irreconcilably opposed to Marxism, still bears
          the imprint of Communist design.<a id="noteref_213" name=
          "noteref_213" href="#note_213"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">213</span></span></a>
          Though the working details of the Party organization do not, for
          the most part, appear directly relevant to the principle of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> of Sun Yat-sen, the
          arrangements for Party control illustrate the curious compromise
          between Chinese and Western democratic patterns, on the one hand,
          and the revolutionary requirements of absolutism, on the other,
          which have made Chinese republicanism seem a sham, if not a farce,
          to Western scholars who expect to find in China the same openness
          and freedom in democratic government to which they are accustomed
          at home.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">During the
          life-time of Sun there was no question of an elective headship for
          the Party. In spite of the fact that the party stood for democracy,
          it seemed impossible <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page162">[pg
          162]</span><a name="Pg162" id="Pg162" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          that any alternative to Sun Yat-sen himself should be considered.
          Sun Yat-sen's complete willingness to continue as head of the Party
          without troubling to have himself elected from time to time has
          been variously interpreted: his friends term it the humble and
          natural recognition of a celebrated fact; his enemies regard it as
          the hallucination of an egotism as distorted as it was colossal.
          The truth would appear to be that Sun regarded the initiation and
          the guidance of the Nationalist revolution as his particular
          mission in life. He was, in a sense, the intellectual proprietor of
          the Three Principles. Unselfish in all personal matters, he had few
          doubts of his own capacity when he had discovered what he believed
          to be his duty, and unquestioningly set out to perform it. In the
          lawlessness and tumult of the revolution, it would have seemed
          absurd for Sun Yat-sen to submit to the periodical formula of
          reëlection for the sake of any merely theoretical harmony of action
          and theory.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not only was Sun
          Yat-sen the leader of the Party; he was not even to have a
          successor. The first revised constitution of the Kuomintang
          provided for his life-time headship; the second stipulated that the
          post of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span> should never be filled
          by any other person. As <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span>—the Party Leader, it is
          still customary to refer to Sun Yat-sen in China today. This,
          again, was not the display of a superhuman vanity so much as a
          practical requirement designed to offset the possibility of
          conflict and intrigue among the most conspicuous party chiefs,
          which would quite probably arise should the question of a
          succession to Sun Yat-sen ever be mentioned. There was, of course,
          the element of respect in this gesture—the implication that the
          magistral chair of Sun Yat-sen was too high a place for any common
          man to sit.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">So far as
          leadership was concerned the Kuomintang was an autocracy until the
          death of Sun Yat-sen. In all <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page163">[pg 163]</span><a name="Pg163" id="Pg163" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> other party matters attempts were made to
          cultivate democratic form and instil democratic morale. The
          prudence of this choice may seem to have been borne out by the
          course of history, since the Communists did not become ambitious,
          nor the Nationalists jealous, to the point of open conflict until
          after the death of Sun Yat-sen. Western thought will have to make
          extensive allowances before it can comprehend a democratic Party
          which operated under the unquestioned authority of a single man,
          without recourse to the formula of a plebiscite or election to a
          boss-ship in the form of a nominal post made significant only by
          the personal conspicuousness of the incumbent.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Had Karl Marx
          lived to work in the Russian Revolution, he might have occupied a
          position analogous to that which Sun Yat-sen did in the Chinese. In
          other respects the new Kuomintang organization was remarkably like
          the Communist. There was the extraordinarily complex, but somehow
          effective, mechanism of a Party Congress, a Central Executive
          Committee, and a Standing Committee. There was a Political Bureau
          and an agency for overseas agitation. There were also the wide
          ramifications of an extensive net work of auxiliary organizations
          designed to draw strength from every popular enthusiasm, and
          deflect it to the cause of the Nationalist revolution. In due time
          these agencies were turned about and swung into action against the
          Communists who had attempted to master them.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The precise
          details of Kuomintang organization need not be described. In
          general the pattern of authority proceeded from the whole
          membership, by a sequence of indirect elections, to the inner group
          of the Central Executive Committee, a body which possesses as much
          power in China as does its Soviet prototype.<a id="noteref_214"
          name="noteref_214" href="#note_214"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">214</span></span></a> An
          instance of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page164">[pg
          164]</span><a name="Pg164" id="Pg164" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          power may be given: representatives are sent by the <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">tang pu</span></span> (Party Branches) to the
          Party Congress; in the event that delegates do not or cannot come,
          the C. E. C. has the power of appointing persons to serve
          <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">pro
          tempore</span></span> as the representatives of the otherwise
          unrepresented branches. Since the same committee examines
          delegates' credentials, it is apparent that the trustworthiness of
          the Party Congress can be assured in the same manner that, to the
          understanding of the present author, the earlier All-Union
          Congresses of Soviets and the C. P. were assured in the Russian
          Revolution. The pattern given the Kuomintang by the Russians gave
          the Party a strong central control able to assure orthodoxy within
          the Party; for some years, as a matter of history, differences of
          opinion within the Party could only be expressed by schism (as in
          the case of the <span class="tei tei-q">“Kuomintang”</span> of Wang
          Ch'ing-wei). While the aim of the Party was democracy, it cannot be
          said truthfully that democracy worked in a militant Party engaged
          in turning an anarchy into a revolution. The requirements of
          revolutionary endeavor, among other things, seem to include an
          iron-handed leadership of the right sort. Such leadership could, in
          the Sun Yat-sen ideology, be justified by reference to the three
          stages of the revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang
          remained, so far as leadership was concerned, the creature of Sun
          Yat-sen. In structure it was extensively reorganized to resemble
          the Communist hierarchy found in Russia, with the administrative
          and legislative systems united into grades of conferences and
          committees. The Kuomintang also took over the Communist system of a
          registered and disciplined membership. To the time of the
          reorganization in 1923-1924, the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page165">[pg 165]</span><a name="Pg165" id="Pg165" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> Party had apparently admitted and expelled
          members in the informal, but effective, manner employed by the old
          Chinese <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>—associations; guilds; or
          <span class="tei tei-q">“tongs”</span>—for centuries.<a id=
          "noteref_215" name="noteref_215" href="#note_215"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">215</span></span></a>
          Without a complete system of personnel book-keeping, it was
          impossible to keep adequate records of the performance of each
          member and comb through the membership for the purpose of
          eliminating undesirables and inactives. At the time of the
          reorganization the membership was required to be reënrolled; in
          many cases certificates of membership were granted (in physical
          appearance resembling a European passport) which, in view of the
          Party power, entailed a considerable grant of privileges with the
          more or less corresponding burden of duties. Party finances notably
          improved. In time this systematic method of recording membership
          was applied for the purposes of ousting persons with Communist or
          pro-Communist views, or eliminating individuals too friendly with
          foreign interests believed antagonistic to the Party or its
          purposes. <span class="tei tei-q">“Party purges”</span> have been
          frequent and drastic since the organization of a complete
          membership record.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang,
          as it was re-formed just before its swift rise to power and as it
          has essentially remained since, was a well-organized body of
          persons, subject to varying degrees of Party discipline, and
          trained in the methods of propaganda. The leadership was in the
          hands of Sun Yat-sen and, after his death, in the hands of his most
          trusted military and political aides. The membership, drawn from
          all parts of China and the world, was made <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page166">[pg 166]</span><a name="Pg166" id="Pg166" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> up of persons from almost every class in
          society; representation was on the Russian plan, tending to
          centralize power in the C. E. C.<a id="noteref_216" name=
          "noteref_216" href="#note_216"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">216</span></span></a>
          Intra-party democracy was not, for the most part, put into practice
          because of the disturbed political and economic conditions. The
          Party and its predecessors have, in the forty-odd years of their
          combined existence, been facing what amounted to a state of
          perpetual emergency. Sometimes badly, but more often effectively,
          they have struggled to establish a state which in turn can found
          the democratic ideology of Sun upon which the democracy of the
          future must, they believe, be based.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun did not
          state definitely that the Party was to be dissolved after the task
          of its dictatorship was completed, and China had won a stable
          democratic government. That decision, of perpetuating the Party as
          one of many competing parties in the new democracy, or of
          abolishing it altogether, was presumably to be left to the Party
          leaders of the time. A precedent may be found in the behavior of
          Sun himself after the establishment of the Republic in 1912; he
          continued the Nationalist Party as one of the chief parties in the
          parliamentary republic. Yüan Shih-k'ai soon drove it underground
          again. From this it might be possible to conclude that the Party
          having done with its trusteeship, need not commit suicide as a
          party, but could continue in some form or another.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang
          forms the link between the theories of Sun and the realities of the
          revolutionary struggle; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page167">[pg
          167]</span><a name="Pg167" id="Pg167" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          it ties together his plans for a new democracy in China and his
          strategies in the conflicts of the moment. First instrument of the
          ideology, it bears the burden of bringing about the revolution, and
          bringing the country to the stage of testing the administrative and
          political theories of the founder, and simultaneously inculcating
          the democratic principle in the minds of those who are to bear the
          heritage of Chinese organization and culture on to the future.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The genius of
          Sun Yat-sen, the Communist gift of organization, and the fervor of
          the membership brought about the defeat or submission—however
          nominal the latter may have been—of the warlords. By what stages,
          according to the theory of Sun Yat-sen, could national unity be
          realized? What, given power, should the Kuomintang do to guarantee
          the success of the revolution?</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc73" id="toc73"></a> <a name="pdf74" id="pdf74"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Dragon Throne and State
          Allegiance.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first task
          which the Kuomintang, once established, had to perform was a
          necessary preliminary to the other portions of its work—such as the
          leading of the first steps against the Western inroads, the opening
          up of the democratic technique of government, and the initiation of
          the first phases of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>. That task was to awaken the Chinese to the
          fact that they were a nation, and not only a nation, but an abused
          and endangered one as well.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We have seen
          that Sun Yat-sen regarded nationalism as a precious treasure which
          the Chinese had lost.<a id="noteref_217" name="noteref_217" href=
          "#note_217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">217</span></span></a> He
          had said, many years before, in his <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kidnapped in
          London</span></span>, that the Manchus had followed a deliberate
          policy of intellectual suppression designed to extinguish or divert
          Chinese nationalism, and to make the great masses of Chinese on
          whom the Manchu power depended oblivious to the fact that they were
          the humiliated slaves of alien <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page168">[pg 168]</span><a name="Pg168" id="Pg168" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> conquerors.<a id="noteref_218" name=
          "noteref_218" href="#note_218"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">218</span></span></a>
          Again, in the third lecture on nationalism, he said that while the
          Emperors Kang Hsi and Ch'ien Lung were at least honest in
          acknowledging themselves to be Manchus, extenuating their presence
          on the Dragon Throne by claiming the imperial hero-sages, Shun and
          Wen Wang, of antiquity as fellow-barbarians, the Manchu Emperors
          after Ch'ien Lung did everything they could to suppress Chinese
          nationalist ideas. They even did not hesitate to revise the
          classics of history in order to obliterate whatever historical
          consciousness the Chinese may have had of themselves.<a id=
          "noteref_219" name="noteref_219" href="#note_219"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">219</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen pointed out that the strong group-consciousness of the Jews
          has kept Judea living through the centuries, even though the Jewish
          state was obliterated and the Jews themselves scattered to the four
          winds. He also praised the Poles,<a id="noteref_220" name=
          "noteref_220" href="#note_220"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">220</span></span></a> who
          were subjugated by aliens as were the Chinese, but kept their
          nationalist ideas and were consequently restored as an honored
          nation after the world war. Hence, the first step in the program of
          Chinese nationalism was to be the creation of a consciousness of
          that nationalism. If the Chinese did not regain their nationalism,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“that precious treasure which makes
          possible the subsistence of humanity,”</span><a id="noteref_221"
          name="noteref_221" href="#note_221"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">221</span></span></a> they
          might meet the fate of the Miao tribes whom the Chinese
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page169">[pg 169]</span><a name=
          "Pg169" id="Pg169" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> had pushed back into
          desolate lands and who faced an ignominious extinction.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This
          consciousness of themselves as a race-national unity was not of
          itself enough. The Chinese had lost the favored position that they
          had held since before the beginning of recorded history, and were
          no longer in a position to view the frailties of outside nations
          with the charity to which their once impregnable position had
          entitled them. It was no longer a mere question of pushing through
          a recognition that China, hitherto regarded by the Chinese as the
          ecumene of civilization, was a nation, and not even an equal to the
          other nations. This idea had to be developed into a force.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          wrote, of the significance of philosophy in action: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“What is a principle? A principle is an idea, a belief,
          a force. As a rule, when men search for the truth of a thesis, they
          first reflect upon it, then their reflections grow into a belief,
          and that belief becomes a force. Hence in order to be firmly
          established, a principle must pass through the different stages of
          idea, belief, and force.”</span><a id="noteref_222" name=
          "noteref_222" href="#note_222"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">222</span></span></a> No
          more definite statement of the ideological consequences of thought
          could be found. Sun Yat-sen appreciated this, and realized that, in
          the carrying out of his ideology, the first necessity was the
          adoption of the ideology itself. All other steps must be secondary.
          The grouping of the important steps in the fulfillment of the
          program of nationalism may have differed from time to time,<a id=
          "noteref_223" name="noteref_223" href="#note_223"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">223</span></span></a> but
          the actual work of Sun Yat-sen was based <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page170">[pg 170]</span><a name="Pg170" id="Pg170" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> upon the method indicated: the establishment
          of at least the preliminary notions of the ideology as a
          prerequisite to effective social action. (In this connection, and
          in anticipation of further discussion, it might be pointed out that
          the advantage of the Moscow-Canton entente was not one gained from
          the superior appeal of the Communist ideology, but from the
          superior agitation techniques which the Nationalists learned from
          the Communists, and which enabled them to bring into play the full
          latent social force in Sun Yat-sen's ideas.) But if mere
          national-consciousness were insufficient of itself, what else was
          needed?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Loyalty was
          necessary. Being aware of themselves as Chinese would not help
          them, unless they united and were loyal to that union. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“To say that what the ancients understood by loyalty
          was loyalty toward the emperor, and that, since we no longer have
          an emperor, we (need no longer) speak of loyalty, and to believe
          that we can act as we please—that is a grave error.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_224" name="noteref_224" href="#note_224"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">224</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen thus points out one of the most tragically perplexing of
          the problems of the new China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was urging
          return to the ancient morality. The ancient code of loyalty was one
          built up to the emperor. Although the emperor did not have much
          power, in comparison with some despots who have changed history, he
          was nevertheless the man at the apex of society. The Confucian
          society was one built in general upon the grand design of an
          enormous family; a design which was, nevertheless, flexible enough
          to permit the deposition of a wicked or mad emperor—something which
          the Japanese order of things could not in theory, although it did
          in fact, tolerate. Filial piety was piety toward one's own family
          head; loyalty was piety toward the family head of all civilized
          society.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Many writers
          have pointed out the discord and unhappiness <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page171">[pg 171]</span><a name="Pg171" id="Pg171"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> which the abolition of the Empire
          brought to many Chinese. Their code of honor was outraged; the
          embodiment of their social stability was gone.<a id="noteref_225"
          name="noteref_225" href="#note_225"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">225</span></span></a> The
          critics who made the comment could not, of course, deny the general
          trend away of political organization throughout the world from
          monarchy. They did question the competence of the Chinese to make
          the readjustment at the present stage of their history, or believed
          that the Chinese could not preserve their traditional civilization
          under a governmental system which was alien to the form if not to
          the spirit of the Chinese tradition. Although their criticisms may
          be influenced too heavily by an antiquarian appreciation of the
          excellencies of the Chinese Imperial system, or a desire to
          preserve China as a sort of vast museum with all its quaintnesses
          of yesteryear, there is some point to what they say, since the
          transition to national-state allegiance was not an easy one. There
          were two factors involved in it, besides the tremendousness of the
          educational task of convincing almost half a billion people that
          they were no longer ruled by a properly deputized agent of the
          universe, but were quite free to manage their world as they
          collectively saw fit. These factors were, first, the necessity of
          preventing any possible resurrection of the Dragon Throne, and
          second, the inculcation of allegiance to an intangible state.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          pointed out the enormous waste of blood and wealth involved in the
          change from one dynasty to another, when the highest post in the
          whole world was suddenly left open for the strongest man to seize.
          Republicanism would consequently tend to prevent civil wars in the
          future;<a id="noteref_226" name="noteref_226" href=
          "#note_226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">226</span></span></a> the
          cumbersome, murderous old method of expressing the popular will, as
          the Confucian ideology provided, was to be done away with, and
          peaceful changes <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page172">[pg
          172]</span><a name="Pg172" id="Pg172" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          of political personnel developed. He asserted that the T'ai P'ing
          rebels, of whose memory he was fond, had failed in their fierce
          attempt to establish a fantastic pseudo-Christian, proletarian,
          collectivistic dynasty in the sixth and seventh decade of the
          nineteenth century because of the dispute that arose within their
          ranks as to leadership.<a id="noteref_227" name="noteref_227" href=
          "#note_227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">227</span></span></a> He
          also pointed out that many of the militarists under the Republic
          knew well that the Dragon Throne was empty, but did not know that
          it was gone.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The story of the
          eradication of monarchy from Chinese society is an interesting one,
          relevant to the question of the old and the new loyalty. Sun
          Yat-sen's full force was thrown at first against the Manchus. He
          taught the other two principles of democracy and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, but in his earlier
          years he attracted most attention by his anti-Manchu activities.
          Now, in allowing the principle of nationalism to do the work of the
          principle of democracy, Sun Yat-sen was using the anti-dynastic
          revolutionary potentialities of the situation to push along an
          anti-monarchical movement. The Chinese constitutional arrangement
          was such, under the Manchus, that a foreign monarch, who was a
          sovereign in his own right, quite apart from China, sat on the
          Chinese throne. The Manchu Emperor occupied the Dragon Throne. Many
          were willing to rebel against a Manchu; they might have hesitated
          had an indigenous prince occupied that position.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the occasion
          of the establishment of the first Republic, in 1912, the Manchu
          Emperor was allowed to continue residence in Peking. Retaining his
          dynastic title and the use of the Forbidden City, he was to receive
          a stipend from the Chinese Republic and to be entitled to all the
          privileges normally accorded a foreign emperor by international
          law. There is a remote possibility, although the truth of this
          surmise cannot be substantiated, that he <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page173">[pg 173]</span><a name="Pg173" id="Pg173" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> was left there as a sort of scarecrow, to
          prevent anyone from seizing the throne. Constitutional difficulties
          would have arisen if a pensioned Manchu Emperor and a native
          caesarian Emperor were to attempt to occupy the same throne.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This peculiar
          arrangement does not seem to have helped matters much. There was
          not enough pro-Manchu sentiment to support any restoration movement
          on a large scale, such as a reactionary insurrection, and the
          personal unpopularity of the one man, Yüan Shih-k'ai, who, as
          dictator of the first Republic (1912-1916), sought the throne, was
          enough to keep any active monarchical movement from succeeding. The
          one attempt of the Manchu partizans, in 1917, failed utterly.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That is not to
          say that the Dragon Throne was not missed. A general relaxation of
          political ethics was observable. The old tradition could not easily
          be reconciled to a juristic notion from outside. Sun Yat-sen sought
          most eagerly to impress upon the Chinese the necessity for state
          allegiance in place of monarchical devotion: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“At present everybody says that morality was overthrown
          with the advent of the republic. The main reason is right here.
          Reasonably speaking we must practice loyalty even under a
          republican regime, not loyalty to a sovereign, but loyalty toward
          the nation, loyalty toward the people, loyalty toward our four
          hundred million men. Of course, loyalty toward four hundred million
          men is something much more exalted than loyalty toward one single
          man. Hence we must preserve the excellent virtue of
          loyalty.”</span><a id="noteref_228" name="noteref_228" href=
          "#note_228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">228</span></span></a> A
          curious emphasis on the physical object of loyalty is present here.
          The Chinese, having no background of Western juristic
          hypostatizations, were unable to be faithful to a legal fiction;
          expressing state allegiance, Sun <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page174">[pg 174]</span><a name="Pg174" id="Pg174" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> Yat-sen had to put it in its most tangible
          form, that of a concord of human beings.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nevertheless,
          under the republic, the old virtue of personal loyalty should not
          interfere with state allegiance. Sun Yat-sen was willing and
          anxious that the Chinese should consider their loyalty as being
          directed to the nation; he did not wish that the officials of the
          nation, as men, should get it. In that case the very purpose of
          democracy would be defeated, and a monarchy or an oligarchy set up
          with the formulae of a democracy. Sun Yat-sen was as radically
          republican as any early American. <span class="tei tei-q">“In
          regard to the government of the nation, fundamentally, it is the
          people who have the power, but the administration of the government
          must be entrusted to experts who have the capacity. We need not
          regard those experts as stately and honorable presidents and
          ministers, but merely as chauffeurs of automobiles, as sentinels
          who guard the gate, as cooks who prepare the food, as doctors who
          attend to sicknesses, as carpenters who build houses, as tailors
          who make clothes.”</span><a id="noteref_229" name="noteref_229"
          href="#note_229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">229</span></span></a> State
          allegiance had to be directed between the Scylla of a monarchical
          restoration and the Charybdis of nominally republican personal
          government. The old form had to be discarded, and the old habits
          turned in a new direction, but not in the easiest direction that
          they might take.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The problem of
          the supplanting of the Dragon Throne by a state was not an easy
          one. In the preparation of the Chinese people for the initiation of
          an active program of nationalism, the first elements of the
          nationalist ideology had to be inculcated. This involved
          race-consciousness. But the idea of race-consciousness and
          national-consciousness could not be exerted as a force unless the
          conscious union of the Chinese race-nation was accompanied by the
          erection of a powerful democratic state, and unless this
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page175">[pg 175]</span><a name=
          "Pg175" id="Pg175" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> state fell heir to
          the loyalty which had once been shown the Throne, or even a higher
          loyalty. This loyalty had to be based on the two suppositions that
          the Empire was gone forever, and that personal loyalty, even under
          the forms of a republic, should not be allowed to take its place.
          Only with a genuine state-allegiance could the Chinese advance to
          their national salvation.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc75" id="toc75"></a> <a name="pdf76" id="pdf76"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Economic Nationalism.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The ideological
          establishment of a race-national outlook would have far-reaching
          consequences that might well continue working themselves out for
          centuries. The immediate exercise of this sense of unity was to be
          developed through a loyalty to state allegiance, which would also
          of itself be significant. These two new patterns—the one
          ideological, and the other institutional—running through the
          Chinese society and social mind were vitally necessary. But after
          the institutional habit of state-allegiance had been developed,
          what was the new democratic state, the instrument of the awakened
          race-nation, to do in the way of practical policies to give effect
          to the new consciousness and strength of Chinese nationalism?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen,
          whose principles tended to develop themselves in terms of
          threes,<a id="noteref_230" name="noteref_230" href=
          "#note_230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">230</span></span></a> cited
          three perils constituting a threat to the Chinese society. The
          first was the peril to the Chinese race, which was faced with the
          possibility <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page176">[pg
          176]</span><a name="Pg176" id="Pg176" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          of decline in an expanding Western World and might even become
          vestigial or extinct. This peril was to be fought with
          race-nationalism. The second was the peril to the Chinese polity,
          the danger that China might become politically appurtenant to some
          foreign power of group of powers. This was to be fought with
          democratic race-nationalism. And the last, and most insidious, was
          the peril to the Chinese economy, the looting of China by the
          unfair economic measures of the great powers, to be met by a
          nationalist economic program. Sun Yat-sen was most apprehensive of
          the combined strength of these three pressures: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“... I fear that our people are in a very difficult
          position; and I fear that we may perish in the near future. We are
          threatened by the three forces I have mentioned: namely, the
          increase of foreign population, the political force, and the
          economic force of the foreigners.”</span><a id="noteref_231" name=
          "noteref_231" href="#note_231"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">231</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of the three
          forms of the foreign oppression of China, the economic, because it
          did not show itself so readily, and was already working full force,
          was the most dangerous. It was from this oppression that China had
          sunk to the degraded position of a sub-colony. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“This economic oppression, this immense tribute is a
          thing which we did not dream of; it is something which cannot be
          easily detected, and hence we do not feel the awful shame of
          it.”</span><a id="noteref_232" name="noteref_232" href=
          "#note_232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">232</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, as
          stated above, was not hostile to the development of that portion of
          foreign capital which he regarded as fairly employed in China, and
          spent a great part of his life in seeking to introduce capital from
          outside. He did, however, make a distinction between the just
          operation of economic forces, and the unjust combination of the
          economic with the politically oppressive. Foreign capital in China
          was not oppressive because it <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page177">[pg 177]</span><a name="Pg177" id="Pg177" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> was capital; it was oppressive because it
          held a privileged position, and because it was reinforced by
          political and military sanctions. There is no implication in Sun
          Yat-sen's works that the operations of finance, when not unjustly
          interfered with by political action, could, even when adverse to
          China, be regarded as wrong of themselves.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In what ways,
          then, did foreign capital so invest its position with unjust
          non-economic advantages that it constituted a burden and an
          oppression? There were, according to Sun Yat-sen, six headings
          under which the various types of economic incursion could be
          classified, with the consequence that a total of one billion two
          hundred million Chinese dollars were unjustly exacted from the
          Chinese economy every year by the foreigners.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First, the
          control of the Customs services having, by treaty, been surrendered
          by China, and a standard <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">ad
          valorem</span></span> tariff having also been set by treaty, the
          Chinese had to leave their markets open to whatever foreign
          commerce might choose to come. They were not in a position to
          foster their new modern industries by erecting a protective tariff,
          as had the United States in the days of its great industrial
          development.<a id="noteref_233" name="noteref_233" href=
          "#note_233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">233</span></span></a>
          China's adverse balance in trade constituted a heavy loss to the
          already inadequate capital of the impoverished nation. Furthermore,
          the amount of the possible revenue which could be collected under
          an autonomous tariff system was lost. Again, foreign goods were not
          required, by treaty stipulation, to pay the internal transit taxes
          which Chinese goods had to pay. As a result, the customs situation
          really amounted to the development of a protective system for
          foreign goods in China, to the direct financial loss of the
          Chinese, and to the detriment of their industrial development. He
          estimated that half a billion dollars, Chinese, was lost yearly,
          through this politically established economic <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page178">[pg 178]</span><a name="Pg178" id="Pg178"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> oppression.<a id="noteref_234" name=
          "noteref_234" href="#note_234"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">234</span></span></a>
          Obviously, one of the first steps of Chinese economic nationalism
          had to be tariff autonomy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second, the
          foreign banks occupied an unfair position in China. They had won a
          virtual monopoly of banking, with the consequence that the Chinese
          banks had to appear as marginal competitors, weak and unsound
          because the people were <span class="tei tei-q">“poisoned by
          economic oppression.”</span><a id="noteref_235" name="noteref_235"
          href="#note_235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">235</span></span></a> The
          foreign banks issued paper money, which gave them cost-free
          capital; they discounted Chinese paper too heavily; and they paid
          either no or very little interest on deposits. In some cases they
          actually charged interest on deposits. A second step of economic
          nationalism had to be the elimination of the privileged position of
          the foreign banks, which were not subject to Chinese jurisdiction,
          and were thus able to compete unfairly with the native banks.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, economic
          oppression manifested itself in transportation, chiefly by water.
          The economic impotence of the Chinese made them use foreign bottoms
          almost altogether; the possible revenue which could be saved or
          perhaps actually gained from the use of native shipping was
          lost.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, the
          Western territorial concessions constituted an economic
          disadvantage to the Chinese. Wrested from the old Manchu
          government, they gave the foreigners a strangle-hold on the Chinese
          economy. Besides, they represented a direct loss to the Chinese by
          means of the following items: taxes paid to the foreign authorities
          in the conceded ports, which was paid by the Chinese and lost to
          China; land rents paid by Chinese to foreign individuals, who
          adopted this means of supplementing the tribute levied from the
          Chinese in the form of taxes; <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page179">[pg 179]</span><a name="Pg179" id="Pg179" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> finally, the unearned increment paid out by
          Chinese to foreign land speculators, which amounted to an actual
          loss to China. Under a nationalist economic program, not only would
          the favorable position of the foreign banks be reduced to one
          comparable with that of the Chinese banks, but the concessions
          would be abolished. Taxes would go to the Chinese state, the land
          rent system would be corrected, and unearned increment would be
          confiscated under a somewhat novel tax scheme proposed by Sun
          Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifth, the
          Chinese lost by reason of various foreign monopolies or special
          concessions. Such enterprises as the Kailan Mining Administration
          and the South Manchuria Railway were wholly foreign, and were, by
          privileges politically obtained, in a position to prevent Chinese
          competition. This too had to be corrected under a system of
          economic nationalism. The new state, initiated by the Kuomintang
          and carried on by the people, had to be able to assure the Chinese
          an equality of economic privilege in their own country.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sixth, the
          foreigners introduced <span class="tei tei-q">“speculation and
          various other sorts of swindle”</span> into China.<a id=
          "noteref_236" name="noteref_236" href="#note_236"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">236</span></span></a> They
          had exchanges and lotteries by which the Chinese lost tens of
          millions of dollars yearly.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Under these six
          headings Sun Yat-sen estimated the Chinese tribute to Western
          imperialism to be not less than one billion two hundred millions a
          year, silver. There were, of course, other forms of exaction which
          the Westerners practised on the Chinese, such as the requirement of
          war indemnities for the various wars which they had fought with
          China. Furthermore, the possible wealth which China might have
          gained from continued relations with her lost vassal states was
          diverted to the Western powers and Japan. Sun Yat-sen also referred
          to the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page180">[pg
          180]</span><a name="Pg180" id="Pg180" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          possible losses of Chinese overseas, which they suffered because
          China was not powerful enough to watch their rights and to assure
          them equality of opportunity.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not expect that forces other than those which political nationalism
          exerted upon the economic situation could save the Chinese.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“If we do not find remedies to that big
          leakage of $1,200,000,000.00 per year, that sum will increase every
          year; there is no reason why it should naturally decrease of its
          own accord.”</span><a id="noteref_237" name="noteref_237" href=
          "#note_237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">237</span></span></a> The
          danger was great, and the Chinese had to use their nationalism to
          offset the imperialist economic oppression which was not only
          impoverishing the nation from year to year, but which was actually
          preventing the development of a new, strong, modern national
          economy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What is the
          relation of the sub-principle of economic nationalism to the
          principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>?<a id="noteref_238" name="noteref_238" href=
          "#note_238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">238</span></span></a>
          Economic nationalism was the preliminary remedy. The program of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was positive. It was
          the means of creating a wealthy state, a modern, just economic
          society. But the old oppressions of imperialism, lingering on, had
          to be cleared away before China could really initiate such a
          program. Not only was it the duty of the Chinese national and
          nationalist state to fight the political methods of Western
          imperialism; the Chinese people could help by using that old
          Asiatic weapon—the boycott.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          pleased and impressed with the consequences of Gandhi's policy of
          non-coöperation. He <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page181">[pg
          181]</span><a name="Pg181" id="Pg181" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          pointed out that even India, which was a subject country, could
          practise non-coöperation to the extreme discomfort of the British.
          The creation of race-nationalism, and of allegiance to a strong
          Chinese state, might take time. Non-coöperation did not. It was a
          tool at hand. <span class="tei tei-q">“The reason why India gained
          results from the non-coöperation policy was that it could be
          practised by all the citizens.”</span><a id="noteref_239" name=
          "noteref_239" href="#note_239"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">239</span></span></a> The
          Chinese could begin their economic nationalist program
          immediately.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          pointed out that the basis for the weakness of China, and its
          exploitation by the foreigners, was the inadequacy of the Chinese
          ideology. <span class="tei tei-q">“The reason why we suffer from
          foreign oppression is our ignorance; we <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘are born in a stupor and die in a
          dream’</span>.”</span><a id="noteref_240" name="noteref_240" href=
          "#note_240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">240</span></span></a>
          Conscious of the peril of the foreign economic oppression, the
          Chinese had to exert economic nationalism to clear the way for the
          positive initiation of a program of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. In practising
          economic nationalism, there were two ways that the Chinese could
          make the force of their national union and national spirit felt:
          first, through the actual advancement of the programs of the whole
          of nationalism and the progress of the political and economic
          condition of the country; second, through non-coöperation,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“... a negative boycott which weakens the
          action of imperialism, protects national standing, and preserves
          from destruction.”</span><a id="noteref_241" name="noteref_241"
          href="#note_241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">241</span></span></a></p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc77" id="toc77"></a> <a name="pdf78" id="pdf78"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Political Nationalism for National
          Autonomy.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">After the first
          steps of resistance to economic oppression, the Chinese
          nationalists would have to launch a counter-attack on the political
          oppression practised upon China by the Western powers. In his
          discussion of this, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page182">[pg
          182]</span><a name="Pg182" id="Pg182" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          Sun Yat-sen described, though briefly, the past, the contemporary,
          and the future of that oppression, and referred to its methods. His
          theory also contained three answers to this oppression which need
          to be examined in a consideration of his theoretical program of
          Chinese nationalism: first, the question of China's nationalist
          program of political anti-imperialism; second, the nature of the
          ultimate development of nationalism and a national state; and
          third, the theory of the class war of the nations. In view of the
          fact that this last is a theory in itself, and one quite
          significant in the distinction between the doctrines of Sun Yat-sen
          and those of Marxism-Leninism, it will be considered separately.
          The first two questions of the program of nationalism are, then:
          what is to be the negative action for the advancement of China's
          national political strength, in opposing the political power of the
          West? and what is to be the positive, internal program of Chinese
          nationalism?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As has been
          stated Sun Yat-sen used the anti-dynastic sentiment current in the
          last years of the Manchus as an instrument by means of which he
          could foster an anti-monarchical movement. The great significance
          of his nationalism as a nationalism of Chinese <span class=
          "tei tei-foreign"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> their
          Oriental-barbarian rulers quite overshadowed its importance as a
          teaching designed to protect China against its Western-barbarian
          exploiters. The triumph of the Republicans was so startling that,
          for a time, Sun Yat-sen seems to have believed that nationalism
          could develop of itself, that the Chinese, free from their Manchu
          overlords, would develop a strong race-national consciousness
          without the necessity of any political or party fostering of such
          an element in their ideology. Afire with all the idealism of the
          false dawn of the first Republic, Sun Yat-sen dropped the principle
          of nationalism from his program, and converted his fierce
          conspiratorial league into <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page183">[pg 183]</span><a name="Pg183" id="Pg183" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> a parliamentary party designed to enter into
          amicable competition with the other parties of the new era.<a id=
          "noteref_242" name="noteref_242" href="#note_242"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">242</span></span></a> This
          pleasant possibility did not develop. The work of nationalism was
          by no means done. The concept of state-allegiance had not entered
          into the Chinese ideology as yet, and the usurper-President Yüan
          Shih-k'ai was able to gather his henchmen about him and plan for a
          powerful modern Empire of which he should be forced by apparently
          popular acclamation to assume control.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The further
          necessity for nationalism appeared in several ways. First, the
          Chinese had not become nationalistic enough in their attitude
          toward the powers. Sun Yat-sen, with his reluctance to enter into
          violent disagreement with the old ideology, was most unwilling that
          chauvinism should be allowed in China.<a id="noteref_243" name=
          "noteref_243" href="#note_243"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">243</span></span></a> He
          hoped that the Western powers, seeing a fair bargain, would be
          willing to invest in China sufficient capital to advance Chinese
          industrial conditions. Instead, he saw Japanese capital pouring
          into Peking for illegitimate purposes, and accepted by a
          prostituted government of politicians. With the continuation of the
          unfavorable financial policy of the powers, and the continuing
          remoteness of any really helpful loans, he began to think that the
          Chinese had to rely on their own strength for their
          salvation.<a id="noteref_244" name="noteref_244" href=
          "#note_244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">244</span></span></a>
          Second, he realized that the <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page184">[pg 184]</span><a name="Pg184" id="Pg184" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> foreigners in China were not generally
          interested in a strong, modern Chinese state if that state were to
          be developed by Chinese and not by themselves. Sun had understood
          from the beginning that the great aim of nationalism was to
          readjust the old world-society to nationhood in the modern world;
          he had not, perhaps, realized that the appearance of this
          nationhood was going to be opposed by foreigners.<a id=
          "noteref_245" name="noteref_245" href="#note_245"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">245</span></span></a> When
          he came to power in 1912, he thought that the immediate end of
          nationalism—liberation of China from Manchu overlordship—had been
          achieved. He was preoccupied with the domestic problems of
          democracy and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.
          When, however, the foreign powers refused to let his government at
          Canton exercise even the limited authority permitted the Chinese by
          the treaties over their own customs service, and did not let Sun
          take the surplus funds allowed the Chinese (after payment of
          interest due on the money they had lent various Chinese
          governments), his appreciation of the active propagation of
          nationalism was heightened. He realized that the Chinese had to
          fight their own battles, and that, while they might find individual
          friends among the Westerners, they could scarcely hope for a policy
          of the great powers which would actually foster the growth of the
          new national China.<a id="noteref_246" name="noteref_246" href=
          "#note_246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">246</span></span></a>
          Simultaneously, he found his advocacy of a nationalist program
          receiving unexpected support from the Soviet Union. His early
          contacts with the Russians, who were the only foreigners actually
          willing to intervene in his behalf with shipments of arms and
          money, made him interested in the doctrines lying behind their
          actions, so inconsistent with those of the other <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page185">[pg 185]</span><a name="Pg185" id="Pg185"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Western powers. In the Communist
          support of his nationalism as a stage in the struggle against
          imperialism, he found his third justification of a return, with
          full emphasis, to the program of nationalism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hence, at the
          time that he delivered his sixteen lectures, which represent the
          final and most authoritative stage of his principles, and the one
          with which the present work is most concerned, he had returned to
          an advocacy of nationalism after a temporary hope that enough work
          had been done along that line. In expelling the alien Manchu rulers
          of China, he had hoped that the old Chinese nationalism might
          revive, as soon as it was free of the police restrictions had
          placed on race-national propaganda by the Empire. He had found that
          this suspension of a nationalist campaign was premature because
          nationalism had not firmly entrenched itself in the Chinese social
          mind. In the first place, state allegiance was weak; usurpers,
          dictators and military commandants strode about the Chinese
          countryside with personal armies at their heels. Secondly, the
          foreign powers, out of respect to whom, perhaps, a vigorous
          patriotic campaign had not been carried out, did not show
          themselves anxious to assist China—at least, not as anxious as Sun
          Yat-sen expected them to be. Third, the inspiration offered by a
          power which, although temporarily submerged, had recently been
          counted among the great powers of the world, and which had rejected
          the aggressive policy which the rest of the Western nations, to a
          greater or less degree, pursued in the Far East, was sufficient to
          convince Sun Yat-sen of the justice of the doctrines of that power.
          Soviet Russia did not stop with words; it offered to associate with
          China as an equal, and the Soviet representative in Peking was the
          first diplomat to be given the title of ambassador to China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The sharpening
          of the nationalist policy into a program of anti-imperialism seems
          to have been the direct result of <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page186">[pg 186]</span><a name="Pg186" id="Pg186" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> the Communist teachings, one of the
          conspicuous contributions of the Marxians to the programmatic part
          of the theories of Sun Yat-sen. As earlier stated, their ideology
          influenced his almost not all. Their programs, on the other hand,
          were such an inspiration to the Chinese nationalists that the
          latter had no hesitation in accepting them. Hu Han-min, one of the
          moderate Kuomintang leaders, who would certainly not go out of his
          way to give the Communists credit which they did not deserve,
          stated unequivocally that the Chinese did not have the slogan,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Down with Imperialism!”</span> in the 1911
          revolution, and gave much credit to the Bolsheviks for their
          anti-imperialist lesson to the Chinese.<a id="noteref_247" name=
          "noteref_247" href="#note_247"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">247</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In describing
          the political aggression of the Western states upon the Chinese
          society, Sun Yat-sen began by contrasting the nature of the
          inter-state vassalage which the peripheral Far Eastern states had
          once owed to the Chinese core-society. He stated that the Chinese
          did not practise aggression on their neighbors, and that the
          submission of the neighboring realms was a submission based on
          respect and not on compulsion. <span class="tei tei-q">“If at that
          time all small states of Malaysia wanted to pay tribute and adopt
          Chinese customs, it was because they admired Chinese civilization
          and spontaneously wished to submit themselves; it was not because
          China oppressed them through military force.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_248" name="noteref_248" href="#note_248"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">248</span></span></a> Even
          the position of the Philippines, which Sun Yat-sen thought a very
          profitable and pleasant one under American rule, was not
          satisfactory to the Filipinos of modern times, who, unlike the
          citizens of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page187">[pg
          187]</span><a name="Pg187" id="Pg187" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          vassal states of old China, were dissatisfied with their
          subordinate positions.<a id="noteref_249" name="noteref_249" href=
          "#note_249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">249</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He pointed out
          that this benevolent Chinese position was destroyed as the West
          appeared and annexed these various states, with the exception of
          Siam. He then emphasized that this may have been done in the past
          with a view to the division of China between the various great
          powers.<a id="noteref_250" name="noteref_250" href=
          "#note_250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">250</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This
          partitioning had been retarded, but the danger was still present.
          The Chinese revolution of 1911 may have shown the powers that there
          was some nationalism still left in China.<a id="noteref_251" name=
          "noteref_251" href="#note_251"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">251</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page188">[pg 188]</span><a name="Pg188" id="Pg188" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The military
          danger was tremendous. <span class="tei tei-q">“Political power can
          exterminate a nation in a morning's time. China who is now
          suffering through the political oppression of the powers is in
          danger of perishing at any moment. She is not safe from one day to
          the other.”</span><a id="noteref_252" name="noteref_252" href=
          "#note_252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">252</span></span></a> Japan
          could conquer China in ten days. The United States could do it in
          one month. England would take two months at the most, as would
          France. The reason why the powers did not settle the Chinese
          question by taking the country was because of their mutual
          distrust; it was not due to any fear of China. No one country would
          start forth on such an adventure, lest it become involved with the
          others and start a new world war.<a id="noteref_253" name=
          "noteref_253" href="#note_253"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">253</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If this were the
          case, the danger from diplomacy would be greater even than that of
          war. A nation could be extinguished by the stroke of a pen. The
          Chinese had no reason to pride themselves on their possible
          military power, their diplomacy, or their present independence.
          Their military power was practically nil. Their diplomacy amounted
          to nothing. It was not the Chinese but the aggressors themselves
          that had brought about the long-enduring stalemate with respect to
          the Chinese question. The Washington Conference was an attempt on
          the part of the foreigners to apportion their rights and interests
          in China without fighting. This made possible the reduction of
          armaments.<a id="noteref_254" name="noteref_254" href=
          "#note_254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">254</span></span></a> The
          present position of China was not one in which the Chinese could
          take pride. It was humiliating. China, because it was not the
          colony of one great power, was the sub-colony of all. The Chinese
          were not even on a par with the colonial subjects of other
          countries.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The shameful and
          dangerous position thus outlined by Sun could be remedied only by
          the development of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page189">[pg
          189]</span><a name="Pg189" id="Pg189" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          nationalism and the carrying-on of the struggle against
          imperialism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Anti-imperialism
          was the fruit of his contact with the Bolsheviks. His nationalism
          had approached their programs of national liberation, but the
          precise verbal formulation had not been adopted until he came in
          contact with the Marxian dialecticians of the Third International.
          His anti-imperialism differed from theirs in several important
          respects. He was opposed to political intervention for economic
          purposes; this was imperialism, and unjust. The economic
          consequences of political intervention were no better than the
          intervention itself. Nevertheless, at no time did he offer an
          unqualified rejection of capitalism. He sought loans for China, and
          distinguished between capital which came to China in such a manner
          as to profit the Chinese as well as its owners, and that which came
          solely to profit the capitalists advancing it, to the economic
          disadvantage of the Chinese. In his ideology, Sun Yat-sen never
          appears to have accepted the Marxian thesis of the inevitable fall
          of capitalism, nor does he seem to have thought that imperialism
          was a necessary and final stage in the history of capitalism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In short, his
          program of anti-imperialism and the foreign policy of Chinese
          political nationalism, seem to be quite comparable to the policy
          held by the Soviets, apart from those attitudes and activities
          which their peculiar ideology imposed. In practical matters, in
          affairs and actions which he could observe with his own eyes, Sun
          Yat-sen was in accord with the anti-imperialism of Soviet Russia
          and of his Communist advisers. In the deeper implications of
          anti-imperialism and in the pattern of the Marxian-Leninist
          ideology underlying it in the U.S.S.R., he showed little interest.
          Ideologically he remained Chinese; programmatically he was willing
          to learn from the Russians.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page190">[pg 190]</span><a name="Pg190" id="Pg190" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The internal
          program of his nationalism was one which seems to have been
          influenced by the outlook developed by himself. His vigorous
          denunciation of Utopian cosmopolitanism prevents his being
          considered an internationalist. He had, on the occasion of the
          institution of the first Republic, been in favor of the freedom of
          nations even when that freedom might be exercised at the expense of
          the Chinese. The Republic might conceivably have taken the attitude
          that it had fallen heir to the overlordship enjoyed by the Manchu
          Empire, and consequently refused representation to the Mongols,
          Manchus, Tibetans, and Mohammedans. It was, however, called the
          Republic of Chung Hua (instead of the Republic of Han), and a
          five-striped flag, representing its five constituent <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“races,”</span> was adopted. Sun Yat-sen later gave a
          graphic description of the world-wide appeal of Woodrow Wilson's
          principle of national self-determination. He did not think that the
          principle, once enunciated, could be recalled; and stated that the
          defeat of the minor and colonial nations at the Versailles
          Conference, which drafted a very unjust treaty, was an instance of
          the deceitfulness of the great powers.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His nationalism
          did not go so far as to permit his endorsing the entrance of the
          People's Republic of Outer Mongolia into the Soviet Union. This
          doctrine of nationalism as a correlative of democratic national
          autonomy was his second principle, that of democracy; his first
          principle, that of race-nationalism, had other implications for the
          destiny of Mongolia. His positive program of nationalism was
          dedicated, in its <span class="tei tei-q">“political”</span>
          exercise, to the throwing-off of the imperialist bondage and the
          exercise of the self-rule of the Chinese people.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only if
          one realizes that these three sub-principles of nationalism were
          re-emphases of the three principles that their position in the
          theory of the nationalist program becomes clear. Nationalism was to
          clear the way for <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page191">[pg
          191]</span><a name="Pg191" id="Pg191" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> by resisting the
          Western economic oppression of the Chinese, and thus allowing the
          Chinese to enrich themselves. Nationalism was to strike down the
          political oppression of imperialism by eradicating the political
          holds of the West upon China, and thus allowing the Chinese people
          to rule itself. So long as China was at the mercy of Western power,
          any self-government that the Chinese might attempt would have to be
          essayed at the sufferance of the aggressors. Finally, nationalism
          was to reinforce itself by the application of race-nationalism to
          race-kinship; China was not only to be self-ruling—it was to help
          the other nations of Asia restore their autonomy and shield them
          with its tutelary benevolence.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When one
          considers that to Sun Yat-sen democracy and autonomy are
          inextricably associated, the full significance of his stressing
          nationalism as a means to democracy appears. The Chinese people
          could not rule themselves if they were to be intimidated by the
          Western powers and Japan. They could not rule themselves completely
          if large portions of them were under alien jurisdiction in the
          treaty ports. These forms of political oppression were wounds in
          the body of Chinese society. Chinese nationalism, associated with
          democracy, required that the whole Chinese people be associated in
          one race-nation and that this race-nation rule itself through the
          mechanism of a democratic state.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Here the code of
          values imposed by Sun Yat-sen's thinking in terms of the old
          ideology becomes apparent. The development of nationalism in China,
          while it threatened no one outside and sought only for the
          justification of China's interests at home, was an accentuation of
          the existence of the race-nation. The race-nation, freeing itself
          (political nationalism) and ruling itself (democracy), was to
          become more conscious of itself. Sun implicitly denied the
          immediate necessity for a general world-authority; <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page192">[pg 192]</span><a name="Pg192" id="Pg192"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> perhaps he did so because he realized
          that in the present world, any supreme authority would be
          predominantly Western. The Chinese race-nation, once politically
          free, had a definite duty to perform on behalf of its peripheral
          states and on behalf of the suppressed states of the whole world.
          The first demand, however, was for the freedom of China; others
          could not be helped by China until China herself was free.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The political
          application of nationalism envisaged (1) the elimination of
          existing foreign political control (imperialism) in China; (2) the
          strengthening of the country to such a degree that it would no
          longer be a hypo-colony or sub-colony, and would not have to live
          under the constant threat of invasion or partition; and (3) the
          resulting free exercise of self-rule by the Chinese people, through
          a nationalist democracy, so arranged that self-rule of China did
          not conflict with the equal right of self-rule of other peoples
          but, on the contrary, helped them.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc79" id="toc79"></a> <a name="pdf80" id="pdf80"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Class War of the
          Nations.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Now come to a
          consideration of the second part of the sub-principle of political
          nationalism. This is the theory held by Sun concerning the class
          war of the nations. It serves to illustrate three points in Sun
          Yat-sen's thought: first, that Sun never permitted a Western theory
          to disturb the fundamentals of Chinese ideology as he wished to
          re-orient it; second, that Sun frequently took Western political
          theories which had been developed in connection with the relations
          of individuals and applied them to the relations of nations; and
          third, that Sun was so much impressed with the cordiality and
          friendship proffered him by the Communists that he sought to
          coöperate with them so far as his Chinese ideology permitted
          him.<a id="noteref_255" name="noteref_255" href=
          "#note_255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">255</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page193">[pg 193]</span><a name="Pg193" id="Pg193" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One notes that
          the question of distributive justice is not as pressing in China as
          it is in the modern West. One also observes that the old Chinese
          ideology was an ideology of the totalitarian society, which
          rejected any higher allegiance of states or of classes. And one
          sees that Sun Yat-sen, in proposing a democracy, suggested an
          ideology which would continue the old Chinese thesis of eventual
          popular sovereignty as reconciled with administration by an
          intellectually disciplined elite. Each of these three points
          prevented Sun from endorsing the intra-national class struggle.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He regarded the
          class struggle, not—as do the Marxians—as a feature of every kind
          of economically unequal social organization, but as a pathological
          development to be found in disordered societies. He considered the
          Marxian teachings in this respect to be as different from really
          adequate social doctrines as pathology is from physiology in
          medical science. The mobility of the old Chinese society, combined
          with the drags imposed by family, village, and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, had resulted in a social
          order which by and large was remarkably just. By presenting the
          principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as a
          cardinal point in an ideology to be made up of old Chinese
          morality, old Chinese knowledge, and Western science, he hoped to
          avoid the evils of capitalism in the course of ethically sound
          enrichment, development and arrangement of China's
          economy.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page194">[pg
          194]</span><a name="Pg194" id="Pg194" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the same time
          Sun was faced with the spectre of imperialism, and had to recognize
          that this unjust but effective alliance of economic exploitation
          and political subjection was an irreconcilable enemy to Chinese
          national freedom. He saw in Russia an ally, and did not see it
          figuratively. Years of disappointment had taught him that altruism
          is rare in the international financial relations of the modern
          world. After seeking everywhere else, he found the Russians, as it
          were, on his door-step offering him help. This convinced him as no
          theory could have. He regarded Russia as a new kind of power, and
          ascribed the general hatred for the Soviet to their stand against
          capitalism and imperialism: <span class="tei tei-q">“Then all the
          countries of the world grew afraid of Russia. This fear of Russia,
          which the different countries entertain at present, is more
          terrible than the fear they formerly held, because this policy of
          peace not only overthrew the Russian imperialism, but (purposed) to
          overthrow also imperialism in the (whole world).”</span><a id=
          "noteref_256" name="noteref_256" href="#note_256"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">256</span></span></a> This
          fight against imperialism was a good work in the mind of Sun
          Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering
          the principles of Sun more than a decade after they were
          pronounced, one cannot permit one's own knowledge of the events of
          the last eleven years to make one demand of Sun Yat-sen a similar
          background. That would amount to requiring that he be a prophet. At
          the time when he spoke of the excellence of Russia he had no reason
          to question the good faith of the Communists who were helping him.
          It is conceivable that even the Bolsheviks who were aiding and
          advising the Nationalists did not realize how soon the parting of
          the ways would come, how much the two ideologies differed from one
          another, how much each of the two parties endangered the other's
          position. At the time Sun spoke, the Communists were his allies in
          the struggle against imperialism; <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page195">[pg 195]</span><a name="Pg195" id="Pg195" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> they had agreed from the beginning that China
          was a country not suited to communism; and Sun Yat-sen, relying on
          them not to use him in some wider policy of theirs, had no cause to
          mistrust or fear them. What has happened since is history. Sun
          Yat-sen can scarcely be required to have predicted it. His comments
          on imperialism, therefore, must be accepted at face value in a
          consideration of the nationalist program in his theories.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The method by
          means of which Sun reconciled his denial of the superiority of
          class to nation is an interesting one, profoundly significant as a
          clue to the understanding of his thought. He estimates the
          population of the world at 1500 million. Now, of this total 400
          million are members of the white race, who constitute the most
          powerful and prosperous people in the modern world. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“This white race regards (its 400,000,000
          representatives) as the unit which must swallow up the other,
          colored races. Thus the Red tribes of America have already been
          exterminated.... The Yellow Asiatic race is now oppressed by the
          Whites, and it is possible that it will be exterminated before
          long.”</span><a id="noteref_257" name="noteref_257" href=
          "#note_257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">257</span></span></a> Thus,
          as Sun viewed it, imperialism before the war was racial as well as
          economic. The White Peril was a reality. This emphasis on the
          doctrine of race shows the emphasis that Sun put upon race once he
          had narrowed down the old world-society to the Chinese race-nation.
          The most vigorous <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "de"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Rassenpolitiker</span></span>, such as Homer
          Lea or Lothrop Stoddard,<a id="noteref_258" name="noteref_258"
          href="#note_258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">258</span></span></a> would
          approve heartily of such a <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page196">[pg 196]</span><a name="Pg196" id="Pg196" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> system of calculation in politics. Sun
          Yat-sen differed with them, as he differed with the Marxians, and
          with the race-theorists in general, by not following any one
          Western absolute to the bitter end, whether it was the class war or
          the race struggle.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Russia fitted
          into this picture of race struggle. One hundred and fifty million
          Russians left the camp of the 400 million white oppressors, and
          came over to the just side of the 1100 million members of oppressed
          nations. Consequently the figures came out somewhat more favorably
          for the oppressed, in spite of the fact that the imperialist powers
          were still economically and militarily supreme. Sun Yat-sen quoted
          an apocryphal remark of Lenin's: <span class="tei tei-q">“There are
          in the world two categories of people; one is composed of
          1,250,000,000 men and the other of 250,000,000 men. These
          1,250,000,000 men are oppressed by the 250,000,000 men. The
          oppressors act against nature, and in defiance of her. We who
          oppose <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">might</span></em> are following
          her.”</span><a id="noteref_259" name="noteref_259" href=
          "#note_259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">259</span></span></a> Sun
          regarded the Russian Revolution as a shift in the race-struggle, in
          which Russia had come over to the side of the oppressed nations.
          (He did, of course, refer to Germany as an oppressed nation at
          another time, but did not include, so far as we can tell, the
          German population in the thesis under consideration.)</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On this basis
          China was to join Russia in the class struggle of the nations. The
          struggle was to be between the oppressed and the oppressors among
          the nations, and not between the races, as it might have been had
          not Russia come over to the cause of international equality.<a id=
          "noteref_260" name="noteref_260" href="#note_260"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">260</span></span></a>
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page197">[pg 197]</span><a name=
          "Pg197" id="Pg197" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> After the class
          struggle of the nations had been done with, the time for the
          consideration of cosmopolitanism would have arrived.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In taking class
          lines in a scheme of nations, Sun was reconciling the requirements
          of the old ideology and the international struggle against
          imperialism. It is characteristic of his deep adherence to what he
          believed to be the scheme of realities in political affairs that he
          did not violate his own well-knit ideology in adopting the Marxian
          ideology for the anti-imperialist struggle, but sought to preserve
          the marvellous unity of his own society—a society which he believed
          to have been the most nearly perfect of its time. The
          race-interpretation of the international class struggle is at one
          and the same time an assertion of the natural and indestructible
          unity of Chinese society, and the recognition of the fact that
          China and Russia, together with the smaller nations, had a common
          cause against the great advances of modern imperialism.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc81" id="toc81"></a> <a name="pdf82" id="pdf82"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Racial Nationalism and
          Pan-Asia.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The dual
          orientation of Sun Yat-sen's anti-imperialist programs has already
          been made partly evident in the examination of this belief in a
          class war of the nations. A much more nearly complete exposition of
          this doctrine, although with the emphasis on its racial rather than
          on its economic aspects, is to be found in the third sub-principle
          of the nationalist program: the race-national aspect of the
          national revolution. Each of the three principles was to contribute
          to this implementation of nationalism. <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page198">[pg 198]</span><a name="Pg198" id="Pg198" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min
          shêng</span></span> was to provide the foundation for economic
          nationalism. Democracy was to follow and reinforce political
          nationalism, which would clear away the political imperialism and
          let the Chinese, inculcated with state-allegiance, really rule
          themselves.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the end of
          his life, even after he had delivered the sixteen lectures on the
          three principles, Sun Yat-sen issued another call for the
          fulfillment in action of his principle of nationalism. This, too,
          praised Russia and stressed the significance of the defection of
          Russia from the band of the white oppressing powers; but it is
          important as showing the wider implications of Sun Yat-sen's
          race-national doctrines. During the greater part of his life, Sun
          spoke of the Chinese race-nation alone. His racial theory led him
          into no wider implications, such as the political reality of race
          kinship. In this last pronouncement, he recognized the wide sweep
          of consequences to which his premises of race-reality had led him.
          This call was issued in his celebrated Pan-Asiatic Speech of
          November 28, 1924, given in Kobe, Japan.<a id="noteref_261" name=
          "noteref_261" href="#note_261"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">261</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The content of
          the speech is narrower than the configuration of auxiliary
          doctrines which may be discussed in connection with it. These are:
          the race orientation of the Chinese race-nation; the possibility of
          Pan-Asia; and the necessary function of the future Chinese society
          as the protector and teacher of Asia, and of the whole world. These
          points in his theoretical program were still far in the future when
          he spoke of them, and consequently did not receive much attention.
          In the light of the developments of the last several years, and the
          continued references to Sun's Pan-Asia which Japanese officials and
          propagandists have been making, this part of his program requires
          new attention.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page199">[pg
          199]</span><a name="Pg199" id="Pg199" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The speech
          itself is a re-statement of the race-class war of the nations. He
          points out that <span class="tei tei-q">“It is contrary to justice
          and humanity that a minority of four hundred million should oppress
          a majority of nine hundred million....”</span><a id="noteref_262"
          name="noteref_262" href="#note_262"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">262</span></span></a>
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The Europeans hold us Asiatics down
          through the power of their material accomplishments.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_263" name="noteref_263" href="#note_263"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">263</span></span></a> He
          then goes on to stress the necessity of emulating the material
          development of the West not in order to copy the West in politics
          and imperialism as well, but solely for the purpose of national
          defense. He praises Japan, Turkey, and the Soviet Union as leaders
          of the oppressed class of nations and predicts that the time will
          come when China will resume the position she once had of a great
          and benevolent power. He distinguishes, however, between the
          position of China in the past and Great Britain and the United
          States in the present. <span class="tei tei-q">“If we look back two
          thousand five hundred years, we see that China was the most
          powerful people of the world. It then occupied the position which
          Great Britain and the United States do today. But while Great
          Britain and the United States today are only two of a series of
          world powers, China was then the only world power.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_264" name="noteref_264" href="#note_264"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">264</span></span></a> Sun
          also refers to the significant position of Turkey and Japan as the
          two bulwarks of Asia, and emphasizes the strangely just position of
          Russia.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In his earlier
          days Sun Yat-sen had been preoccupied with Chinese problems, but
          not so much so as to prevent <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page200">[pg 200]</span><a name="Pg200" id="Pg200" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> his taking a friendly interest in the
          nationalist revolutions of the Koreans against the Japanese, and
          the Filipinos against the Americans. This interest seems to have
          been a personally political one, rather than a preliminary to a
          definition of policy. He said to the Filipinos: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Let us know one another and we shall love each other
          more.”</span><a id="noteref_265" name="noteref_265" href=
          "#note_265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">265</span></span></a> The
          transformation of the ideology in China did not necessarily lead to
          the development of outside affiliations. The Confucian
          world-society, becoming the Chinese race-nation, was to be
          independent.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the
          development of his emphasis upon race kinship on the achievement of
          race-nationalism, Sun Yat-sen initiated a program which may not be
          without great meaning in the furthering of the nationalist program.
          He showed that the Chinese race-nation, having racial affinities
          with the other Asiatic nations, was bound to them nationally in
          policy in two ways: racially, and—as noted—anti-imperialistically.
          This theory would permit the Chinese to be drawn into a Pan-Asiatic
          movement as well as into an anti-imperialist struggle. This theory
          may now be used as a justification for either alternative in the
          event of China's having to choose aides in Russo-Japanese conflict.
          China is bound to Russia by the theory of the class war of the
          nations, but could declare that Russia had merely devised a new
          form for imperialism. China is bound to Japan by the common
          heritage of Asiatic blood and civilization, but could declare that
          Japan had gone over to the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span>
          side of Western imperialism, and prostituted herself to the status
          of another Westernized-imperialized aggressive power. Whatever the
          interpretations of this <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page201">[pg
          201]</span><a name="Pg201" id="Pg201" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          doctrine may be, it will afford the Chinese a basis for their
          foreign policy based on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun Yat-sen
          spoke, Russia and China had not fought over the Chinese Eastern
          Railway and the Chinese Communist problem, nor had Japan and China
          entered into the Manchurian conflict. He was therefore in no
          position to see that his expressions of approval for Pan-Asianism
          and for pro-Soviet foreign policy might conflict. In one breath he
          praised Japan as the leader and inspirer of modern Asia, and lauded
          Russia as the pioneer in a new, just policy on the part of the
          Western powers. He saw little hope that the example of the Soviet
          Union would be followed by any other Western power, although he did
          state that there was <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... in England and
          America a small number of people, who defend these our ideals in
          harmony with a general world movement. As far as the other
          barbarian nations are concerned, there might be among them people
          who are inspired by the same convictions.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_266" name="noteref_266" href="#note_266"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">266</span></span></a> The
          possibility of finding allies in the West did not appear to be a
          great one to Sun Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun did
          something in this speech which he had rarely hitherto done. He
          generalized about the whole character of the East, and included in
          that everything which the Westerners regarded as Eastern, from
          Turkey to Japan. We have seen that the Chinese world of Eastern
          Asia had little in common with the middle or near East. In this
          speech Sun accepted the Western idea of a related Orient and speaks
          of Asiatic ideals of kindliness and justice. This is most strange.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“If we Asiatics struggle for the creation
          of a pan-Asiatic united front, we must consider ... on what
          fundamental constitution we wish to erect this united <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page202">[pg 202]</span><a name="Pg202" id="Pg202"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> front. We must lay at the foundations
          whatever has been the special peculiarity of our Eastern culture;
          we must place our emphasis on moral value, on kindliness and
          justice.”</span><a id="noteref_267" name="noteref_267" href=
          "#note_267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">267</span></span></a> This
          Pan-Asian doctrine had been the topic of frequent discussion by
          Japanese and Russians. The former naturally saw it as a great
          resurgency of Asia under the glorious leadership of the Japanese
          Throne. The Russians found pan-Asianism to be a convenient
          instrument in the national and colonial struggle against
          imperialism for communism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          joined neither of these particular pan-Asiatic outlooks. The
          foreign policy of the Chinese race-nation was to fight oppressors,
          and to join the rest of Asia in a struggle against white
          imperialist domination. But—here is the distinction—how was China
          to do these things? Sun Yat-sen never urged the Chinese to accept
          the leadership of the Western or Japanese states, however friendly
          they might be. China was to follow a policy of friendship and
          coöperation with those powers which were friendly to her and to the
          cause of justice throughout the world. Sun praised the old system
          of Eastern Asia, by which the peripheral states stood in vassalage
          to China, a vassalage which he regarded as mutually voluntary and
          not imperialistic in the unpleasant sense of the word.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the end, he
          believed Chinese society should resume the duty which it had held
          for so many centuries in relation to its barbarian neighbors. China
          should be rightly governed and should set a constant instance of
          political propriety. Sun even advocated ultimate intervention by
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page203">[pg 203]</span><a name=
          "Pg203" id="Pg203" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the Chinese, a
          policy of helping the weak and lifting up the fallen. He concluded
          his sixth lecture on nationalism by saying: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“If we want to <span class="tei tei-q">‘govern the
          country rightly and pacify the world,’</span> we must, first of
          all, restore our nationalism together with our national standing,
          and unify the world on the basis of the morality and peach which
          are proper (to us), in order to achieve an ideal
          government.”</span><a id="noteref_268" name="noteref_268" href=
          "#note_268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">268</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We may conclude
          that his racial sub-principle in a program of nationalism involved:
          1) orientation of Chinese foreign policy on the basis of blood
          kinship as well as on the basis of class war of the nations; 2)
          advocacy of a pan-Asiatic movement; and 3) use of China's
          resurgence of national power to restore the benevolent hegemony
          which the Chinese had exercised over Eastern Asia, and possibly to
          extend it over the whole world.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc83" id="toc83"></a> <a name="pdf84" id="pdf84"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The General Program of
          Nationalism.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It may be
          worthwhile to attempt a view of the nationalist program of Sun
          Yat-sen as a whole. The variety of materials covered, and the
          intricate system of cross-reference employed by Sun, make it
          difficult to summarize this part of his doctrines on a simple
          temporal basis. The plans for the advancement of the Chinese
          race-nation do not succeed each other in an orderly pattern of
          future years, one stage following another. They mirror, rather, the
          deep conflict of forces in the mind of Sun, and bring to the
          surface of his teachings some of the almost irreconcilable
          attitudes and projects which he had to put together. In the
          ideological part of his doctrines we do not find such contrasts;
          his ideology, a readjustment of the ideology of old China, before
          the impact of the new world, to conditions developing after that
          impact, is fairly homogeneous and consistent. It does not possess
          the rigid and iron-bound consistency required to meet the logic of
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page204">[pg 204]</span><a name=
          "Pg204" id="Pg204" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the West; but, in a
          country not given to the following of absolutes, it was as stable
          as it needed to be. His programs do not display the same high level
          of consistency. They were derived from his ideology, but, in being
          derived from it, they had to conform with the realities of the
          revolutionary situation in words addressed to men in that
          situation. As Wittfogel has said, the contradictions of the actual
          situation in China were reflected in the words of Sun Yat-sen;
          Marxians, however, would suppose that these contradictions ran
          through the whole of the ideology and plans. It may be found that
          in the old security transmitted by Sun from the Confucian ideology
          to his own, there is little contradiction; in his programs we shall
          find much more.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This does not
          mean, of course, that Sun Yat-sen planned things which were
          inherently incompatible with one another. What he did do was to
          advocate courses of action which might possibly have all been
          carried out at the same time, but which might much more probably
          present themselves as alternatives. His ardor in the cause of
          revolution, and his profound sincerity, frequently led him to
          over-assess the genuineness of the cordial protestations of others;
          he found it possible to praise Japan, Turkey, and the Soviet Union
          in the same speech, and to predict the harmonious combination, not
          only of the various Asiatic nationalisms with each other, but of
          all the nations of Asia with Western international communism. The
          advantage, therefore, of the present treatment, which seeks to
          dissever the ideology of Sun Yat-sen from his plans, may rest in
          large part upon the fact that the ideology, based in the almost
          timeless scheme of things in China, depended little upon the
          political situations of the moment, while his plans, inextricably
          associated with the main currents of the contemporary political
          situation, may have been invalidated as plans by the great
          political changes that occurred after his death. That is not to
          say, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page205">[pg 205]</span><a name=
          "Pg205" id="Pg205" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> however, that his
          plans are no longer of importance. The Chinese nationalists may
          still refer to them for suggestions as to their general course of
          action, should they wish to remain orthodox to the teachings of
          Sun. The plans also show how the ideology may be developed with
          reference to prevailing conditions.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Clearly, some
          changes in the plans will have to be made; some of the changes
          which have been made are undoubtedly justified. Now that war
          between the Soviet Union and Japan has ceased to be improbable, it
          is difficult to think of the coördination of a pan-Asiatic crusade
          with a world struggle against imperialism. Chinese nationalists, no
          longer on good terms with the Japanese—and on worse terms with the
          Communists—must depend upon themselves and upon their own nation
          much more than Sun expected. At the time of his death in 1925 the
          Japanese hostility to the Kuomintang, which became so strikingly
          evident at Tsinanfu in 1928-9, and the fundamental incompatibility
          of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, had not
          manifested themselves. On the other hand, he could not have
          foreseen that the imperialist nations, by no means cordial to the
          Chinese Nationalists, would become as friendly to the Chinese
          nationalism as they have. The United States, for instance, while
          not acting positively against the political restrictions of Western
          imperialism (including its own) in China, has been friendly to the
          Nanking government, and as far as a rigid policy of neutrality
          permitted it, took the side of China against Japan in the
          Manchurian conflict in and after 1931. Such developments cannot
          easily be reconciled to the letter of the plans of Sun Yat-sen,
          and, unless infallibility is expected of him, there is no reason
          why they should.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page206">[pg
          206]</span><a name="Pg206" id="Pg206" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His plans
          possess an interest far more than academic. It is not the province
          of this work to judge the degree to which the Nationalists carried
          out the doctrines of Sun, nor to assess the relative positions of
          such leaders as Chiang Chieh-shih and Wang Ching-wei with respect
          to orthodoxy. The plans may be presented simply as a part of the
          theory of Sun Yat-sen, and where there is possibility of
          disagreement, of his theory in its final and most authoritative
          stage: the sixteen lectures of 1924, and the other significant
          writings of the last years of his life.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first part
          of his plans for China—those dealing with the applications of
          nationalism—may be more easily digested in outline form:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">1. The Kuomintang was to be the instrument of the
          revolution. Re-formed under the influence of the Communist
          advisers, it had become a powerful weapon of agitation. It was, as
          will be seen in the discussion of the plans for democracy, to
          become a governing system as well. Its primary purpose was to carry
          out the advancement of nationalism by the elimination of the</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">tuchuns</span></span>
            <span style="font-size: 90%">and other anti-national groups in
            China, and by an application of the three principles, one by one,
            of the nationalist program.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">2. The Kuomintang should foster the ideology of
            nationalism and arouse the Chinese people to the precarious
            position of their country. In order to make nationalism
            politically effective, state allegiance had to supplant the old
            personal allegiance to the Dragon Throne, or the personal
            allegiance to the neo-feudal militarists.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">3. Nationalism should be exerted economically,
            to develop the country in accord with the ideology of</span>
            <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min
            shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">and to clear
            away imperialist economic oppression which interfered with both
            nationalism and</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
            xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min
            shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">4. Nationalism had to be exerted politically,
            for two ends: Chinese democracy, and Chinese autonomy, which Sun
            often spoke of as one. This had to be done by active
            political</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page207">[pg
            207]</span><a name="Pg207" id="Pg207" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">resistance to
            aggression and by the advancement of a China state-ized and
            democratic.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">5. Nationalism had also to be exercised
            politically, in another manner: in the class war of the nations.
            China should fight the racial and economic oppression of the
            ruling white powers, in common with the other oppressed nations
            and the one benevolent white nation (Soviet Russia).</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">6. Nationalism had to reinforce itself through
            its racial kinships. China had to help her fellow Asiatic
            nations, in a pan-Asia movement, and restore justice to Asia and
            to the world.</span></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This
          recapitulation serves to show the curious developments of Sun
          Yat-sen's nationalist program. Originally based upon his ideology,
          then influenced by the race-orientation of a good deal of his
          political thought, and finally reconciled to the programmatic
          necessities of his Communist allies, it is surprising not in its
          diversity but in its homogeneity under the circumstances. This
          mixture of elements, which appears much more distinctly in Sun's
          own words than it does in a rephrasing, led some Western students
          who dealt with Sun to believe that his mind was a cauldron filled
          with a political witch-brew. If it is remembered that the points
          discussed were programmatic points, which changed with the various
          political developments encountered by Sun and his followers, and
          not the fundamental premises of his thought and action (which
          remained surprisingly constant, as far as one can judge, throughout
          his life), the inner consistency of Sun Yat-sen will appear. These
          plans could not have endured under any circumstances, since they
          were set in a particular time. The ideology may.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In turning from
          the nationalist to the democratic plans of Sun Yat-sen, we
          encounter a distinct change in the type of material. Orderly and
          precise instead of chaotic and near-contradictory, the democratic
          plans of Sun Yat-sen <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page208">[pg
          208]</span><a name="Pg208" id="Pg208" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          present a detailed scheme of government based squarely on his
          democratic ideology, and make no concessions to the politics of the
          moment. Here his nationalism finds its clearest expression. The
          respective autonomies of the individual, the clan, the <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> and the nation are
          accounted for; the nature of the democratic nationalist state
          becomes clear. Programmatically, it is the clearest, and, perhaps,
          the soundest, part of Sun's work.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page209">[pg 209]</span><a name=
      "Pg209" id="Pg209" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc85" id="toc85"></a> <a name="pdf86" id="pdf86"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VI. The Programs of
        Democracy.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc87" id="toc87"></a> <a name="pdf88" id="pdf88"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Stages of
          Revolution.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          doctrine of the three stages of revolution attracted a considerable
          degree of attention. By the three stages of the revolution he meant
          (1) the acquisition of political power by the teachers of the new
          ideology (the revolution), (2) the teaching of the new ideology
          (tutelage), and (3) the practice of government by the people in
          accord with the new ideology (constitutional democracy). Enough of
          Sun Yat-sen's teaching concerning the new ideology has been shown
          to make clear that this proposal is merely a logical extension of
          his doctrine of the three classes of men.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Western writers
          who have acquainted themselves with the theory seem, in some
          instances, inclined to identify it with the Marxist theory of the
          dictatorship of the proletariat, into which the proletarian
          revolution is to be divided into three stages—the conquest of
          political power by the masses; the dictatorship of the proletariat;
          and the inauguration (in the remote future) of the non-governmental
          class-less society.<a id="noteref_269" name="noteref_269" href=
          "#note_269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">269</span></span></a> It
          scarcely seems necessary to go so far afield to discover the origin
          of the theory. As a matter of record, Sun Yat-sen made his earliest
          recorded announcement of this theory in 1905, when he was not at
          all under the influence of Marxism, although he was acquainted
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page210">[pg 210]</span><a name=
          "Pg210" id="Pg210" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> with it.<a id=
          "noteref_270" name="noteref_270" href="#note_270"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">270</span></span></a>
          Finally, the theory forms so necessary a link between his theory of
          Kuomintang control of the revolution, and his equally insistent
          demand for ultimate democracy, that it may be regarded as a
          logically necessary part of his complete plan. The coincidence
          between his and the Marxian theories would consequently appear as a
          tribute to his acumen; this was the view that the Communists took
          when they discovered that Sun Yat-sen was afraid of the weaknesses
          of immediate democracy in a country not fit for it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One might also
          observe that, once the premise of revolution for a purpose is
          accepted, the three stages fit well into the scheme of age-old
          traditional political thought advocated by the Confucians.
          Confucius did not see the value of revolution, although he condoned
          it in specific instances. He did, however, believe in tutelage and
          looked forward to an age when the ideology would have so
          impregnated the minds of men that <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta
          t'ung</span></span> (the Confucian Utopia) would be reached, and,
          presumably, government would become superfluous. That which Sun
          sought to achieve by revolution—the placing of political power in
          the hands of the ideological reformers (or, in the case of the
          Marxist theory, the proletariat, actually the Communist party, its
          trustee)—Confucius sought, not by advocating a general conspiracy
          of scholars for an oligarchy of the intellectuals, but the more
          peaceful method of urging princes to take the advice of scholars in
          government, so that the ideology could be established (by the
          introduction of <span class="tei tei-q">“correct names,”</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>) and ideological
          control introduced.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The three stages
          of revolution may resemble Communist doctrine; they may have been
          influenced by Confucian teaching; whatever their origin, they play
          an extremely important part in the doctrines of Sun Yat-sen, and in
          the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page211">[pg 211]</span><a name=
          "Pg211" id="Pg211" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> politics springing
          from his principles. If the Kuomintang is the instrument of the
          revolution, the three stages are its process. The clearest
          exposition of this theory of the three stages is found in
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Fundamentals of National Reconstruction</span></span>, a manifesto
          which Sun Yat-sen issued in 1924:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">3. The next element of reconstruction is
          democracy. To enable the people to be competent in their knowledge
          of politics, the government should undertake to train and guide
          them so that they may know how to exercise their rights of
          election, recall, initiative, and referendum....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">5. The order of reconstruction is divided into
            three periods, viz.</span></p>

            <div class="tei tei-lg" style=
            "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"
                style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">a</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)
                Period of Military Operations;</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"
                style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">b</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)
                Period of Political Tutelage;</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"
                style="text-align: left"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">c</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)
                Period of Constitutional Government.</span>
              </div>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">6. During the period of military operations the
            entire country should be subject to military rule. To hasten the
            unification of the country, the Government to be controlled by
            the Kuomintang should employ military force to conquer all
            opposition in the country and propagate the principles of the
            Party so that the people may be enlightened.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">7. The period of political tutelage in a
            province should begin and military rule should cease as soon as
            order within the province is completely restored....</span></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He then goes on
          to describe the method by which tutelage shall be applied, and when
          it should end. It should end, Sun declares, in each <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> (district; township) as
          the people of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> become
          self-governing, through learning and practice in the democratic
          techniques. As soon as all the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> within a province are
          self-governing, the provincial government shall be released to
          democratic control.</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">23. When more than one half of the provinces in
          the country have reached the constitutional government
          stage,</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">i. e.</span></span>
          <span style="font-size: 90%">more</span> <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page212">[pg 212]</span><a name="Pg212" id="Pg212" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">than one half of
          the provinces have local self-government full established in all
          their districts, there shall be a National Congress to decide on
          the adoption and promulgation of the Constitution....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Signed</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Sun
            Wen</span></span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">12th day, 4th month, 13th year of the Republic
            (April 12, 1924).</span><a id="noteref_271" name="noteref_271"
            href="#note_271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">271</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          emphatic about the necessity of a period of tutelage. The dismal
          farce of the first Republic in 1912, when the inexperience and
          apathy of the people, coupled with the venality of the militarists
          and politicians, very nearly discredited Chinese democracy,
          convinced Sun Yat-sen that effective self-government could be built
          up only as the citizens became ready for it. A considerable number
          of the disputes concerning the theory of self-government to be
          employed by the policy-making groups of the National
          (Kuomintang-controlled) Government have centered on the point of
          criteria for self-government. Even with the insertion of a
          transition stage, and with a <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page213">[pg 213]</span><a name="Pg213" id="Pg213" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> certain amount of tutelage, difficulties are
          being encountered in the application of this theory of the
          introduction of constitutional government as soon as the people in
          a <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> are
          prepared for it. Other considerations, military or political, may
          make any venture beyond the secure confines of a benevolent Party
          despotism dangerous; and the efficacy of tutelage can always be
          questioned. The period of tutelage was set for 1930-1935; it is
          possible, however, that the three stages cannot be gone through as
          quickly as possible, since the Japanese invasions and the world
          economic depression exercised a thoroughly disturbing influence
          throughout the country.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A final point
          may be made with regard to the three stages of the revolution as
          Sun Yat-sen planned them. Always impetuous and optimistic in
          revolutionary endeavor, Sun Yat-sen expected that the military
          conquest would be rapid, the period of tutelage continue a few
          years, and constitutional democracy endure for ages, until in the
          end <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta t'ung</span></span> should
          reign upon earth. The transition period was not, as in the theory
          of the Confucians and the Marxians, an indefinite period beginning
          with the present and leading on down to the age of the
          near-perfection of humanity. It was to Sun Yat-sen, in his more
          concrete plans, an interval between the anarchy and tyranny of the
          warlord dictatorships and the coming of Nationalist democracy. It
          was not a scheme of government in itself.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To recapitulate:
          Sun Yat-sen believed that revolution proceeded or should proceed by
          three stages—the (military) revolution proper; the period of
          tutelage; and the period of constitutional democracy. His theory
          resembles the Communist, although it provides for a dictatorship of
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page214">[pg 214]</span><a name=
          "Pg214" id="Pg214" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the patriotic elite
          (Kuomintang) and not of any one class such as the proletariat; it
          also resembles the Confucian with respect to the concepts of
          tutelage and eventual harmony. Military conquest was to yield
          swiftly to tutelage; tutelage was to lead, <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> by <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, into democracy. With the
          establishment of democracy in more than one-half of the provinces,
          constitutional government was to be inaugurated and the expedient
          of Party dictatorship dispensed with.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This theory,
          announced as early as 1905, Sun did not insist upon when the first
          Republic was proclaimed in 1912, with the tragic results which the
          history of that unfortunate experiment shows. In the experience
          derived from that great enthusiasm, Sun appreciated the necessity
          of knowledge before action. He was willing to defer the enjoyment
          of democracy until the stability of the democratic idea in the
          minds of the people was such that they could be entrusted with the
          familiar devices of Western self-government.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What kind of a
          democratic organization did Sun Yat-sen propose to develop in China
          on the basis of his Nationalist and democratic ideology? Having
          established the fundamental ideas of national unity, and the
          national self-control, and having allowed for the necessity of an
          instrument of revolution—the Kuomintang—and a process of
          revolution—the three stages, what mechanisms of government did Sun
          advocate to permit the people of China to govern themselves in
          accord with the Three Principles?</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc89" id="toc89"></a> <a name="pdf90" id="pdf90"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Adjustment of Democracy to
          China.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is apparent
          that, even with tutelage, the democratic techniques of the West
          could impair the attainment of democracy in China were they applied
          in an unmodified form, and without concession to the ideological
          and institutional <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page215">[pg
          215]</span><a name="Pg215" id="Pg215" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          backgrounds of the Chinese. The Westerner need only contemplate the
          political structure of the Roman Republic to realize how much this
          modern democracy is the peculiar institution of his race, bred in
          his bone and running, sacred and ancient, deep within his mind. The
          particular methods of democracy, so peculiarly European, which the
          modern—that is, Western or Westernized—world employs, is no less
          alien to the imperial anarchy of traditional China than is the
          Papacy. Sun Yat-sen, beholding the accomplishments of the West in
          practical matters, had few illusions about the excellence of
          democratic shibboleths, such as parliamentarism or liberty, and was
          profoundly concerned with effecting the self-rule of the Chinese
          people without leading them into the labyrinth of a strange and
          uncongenial political system.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In advocating
          democracy he did not necessarily advocate the adoption of strange
          devices from the West. While believing, as we have seen, in the
          necessity of the self-rule of the Chinese race-nation, he by no
          means desired to take over the particular parliamentary forms which
          the West had developed.<a id="noteref_272" name="noteref_272" href=
          "#note_272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">272</span></span></a> He
          criticised the weakness of Western political and social science as
          contrasted with the strength of Western technology: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“It would be a gross error to believe that just as we
          imitate the material sciences of the foreigners, so we ought
          likewise to copy their politics. The material civilization of the
          foreigners changes from day to day; we attempt to imitate it, and
          we find it difficult to keep step with it. But there is a vast
          difference between the progress of foreign politics <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page216">[pg 216]</span><a name="Pg216" id="Pg216"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> and the progress of material
          civilization; the speed of (the first) is very slow.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_273" name="noteref_273" href="#note_273"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">273</span></span></a> And
          he said later, in speaking of the democracy of the first Republic:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“China wanted to be in line with foreign
          countries and to practice democracy; accordingly she set up her
          representative government. But China has not learned anything about
          the good sides of representative governments in Europe and in
          America, and as to the bad sides of these governments, they have
          increased tenfold, a hundredfold in China, even to the point of
          making swine, filthy and corrupt, out of government
          representatives, a thing which has not been witnessed in other
          countries since the days of antiquity. This is truly a peculiar
          phenomenon of representative government. Hence, China not only
          failed to learn well anything from the democratic governments of
          other countries, but she learned evil practices from
          them.”</span><a id="noteref_274" name="noteref_274" href=
          "#note_274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">274</span></span></a> This
          farce-democracy was as bad as no government at all. Sun Yat-sen had
          to reject any suggestion that China imitate the example of some of
          the South American nations in borrowing the American Constitution
          and proclaiming a <span class="tei tei-q">“United States of
          China.”</span> The problem was not to be solved so easily.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In approaching
          Sun Yat-sen's solution the Western student must again remember two
          quite important distinctions between the democracy of Sun Yat-sen
          and the democracy of the West. Sun Yat-sen's principle of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> was the self-control
          of the whole people first, and a government by the mass of
          individuals making up the people secondarily. The Chinese social
          system was well enough organized to permit the question of
          democracy to be a question of the nation as a whole, rather than a
          question of the reconciliation of particular interests within the
          nation. Special interests already found their outlet in
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page217">[pg 217]</span><a name=
          "Pg217" id="Pg217" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the recognized
          social patterns—so reminiscent of the institutions envisaged by the
          pluralists—of the ancient order. In the second place, China was
          already a society which was highly organized socially, although
          politically in ruins; the democratic government that Sun Yat-sen
          planned had infinitely less governing to do than did Western
          governments. The new Nationalist government had to fit into rather
          than supplant the old order. As a consequence of these
          distinctions, one may expect to find much less emphasis on the
          exact methods of popular control of the government than one would
          in a similar Western plan; and one must anticipate meeting the
          ancient devices and offices which the usage of centuries had
          hallowed and made true to the Chinese.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One may find
          that democracy in China is not so radical a novelty as it might at
          first thought be esteemed. A figure of speech, which somewhat
          anticipates the exposition, may serve to prepare one for some of
          the seeming omissions of Sun Yat-sen's plan for a democracy. The
          suggestion is this: that the democracy of Sun Yat-sen is, roughly,
          a modernization of the old Imperial system, with the Emperor (as
          the head of the academic civil service) removed, and the majority
          placed in his stead. Neither in the old system nor in the new were
          the minorities the object of profound concern, for, to the Chinese,
          the notion of a minority (as against the greater mass of the
          tradition-following people) is an odd one. The rule of the Son of
          Heaven (so far as it was government at all) was to be replaced by
          the rule of the whole people (<span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min</span></span>, which is more similar to
          the German <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "de"><span style="font-style: italic">Volk</span></span> than the
          English <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">people</span></em>). The first Sun Yat-sen
          called monarchy; the second, democracy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old ideology
          was to yield to the new, but even the new as a review of it has
          shown, was not broad enough completely to supplant the old. The
          essential continuity <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page218">[pg
          218]</span><a name="Pg218" id="Pg218" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          of Chinese civilization was not to be broken. Democracy as a
          Western institution could be nothing more than a sham, as the
          parliaments at Peking had showed; democracy in China had to be not
          only democracy, but Chinese as well.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is not,
          therefore, extraordinarily strange to find the ancient institutions
          of the Empire surviving by the side of the most extreme methods of
          popular government. The censorate and the referendum, the
          examination system and the recall, all could work together in the
          democracy planned by Sun Yat-sen. Even with the idea of popular
          rule adopted in the formal Western manner, Sun Yat-sen proposed to
          continue the idea of natural and ineradicable class differences
          between men. The Chinese democracy was not to be any mere imitation
          of the West; it was to be the fundamentally new fusion of Chinese
          and Western methods, and offered as the solution for the political
          readjustment of the Chinese society in a world no longer safe for
          it.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc91" id="toc91"></a> <a name="pdf92" id="pdf92"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Four Powers.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          divided all men into three categories: the geniuses, the followers,
          and the unthinking. To reconcile this theory of natural inequality
          with democracy, he distinguished between <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, the right to rule as
          sovereign, and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, the right
          to administer as an official. He furthermore considered the state
          similar to a machine. How should the unthinking, who would possess
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, the right to rule, be
          granted that right without attempting to usurp <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This was to be
          accomplished by two means. The Four Powers were to be given to the
          people, in order to assure their possession of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>. The Five Rights were to
          assure that the government might be protected in its right to
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, in its right to have only
          the most competent officials. Together the Four Powers and the Five
          Rights implement <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page219">[pg
          219]</span><a name="Pg219" id="Pg219" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> a
          scheme of government so novel that Sun Yat-sen himself believed it
          to be a definite contribution to political method. The learned
          Jesuit translator of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chin I</span></span> does not even
          term it democracy, but neo-democracy instead.<a id="noteref_275"
          name="noteref_275" href="#note_275"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">275</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Four Powers
          represent an almost extreme limit of popular control. Sun Yat-sen
          divided the four into two groups: the first two are powers of the
          people over the administrators—the power of election and the power
          of recall; the second two are powers of the people over the
          laws—the power of initiative and the power of referendum. Having
          secured the government from undue interference, Sun Yat-sen had no
          reluctance in giving these powers to the people. He said:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“As for our China, since she had no old
          democratic system, she ought to be able to make very good use of
          this most recent and excellent invention.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_276" name="noteref_276" href="#note_276"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">276</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These four
          powers are perhaps the most Western element in the whole theory of
          Sun. History does not record the technique by which the Chinese
          chose Yao to be their Emperor, and even where actions comparable to
          elections were performed, it was not by use of the ballot-box or
          the voting machine, or drilling on an appointed field. The Chinese
          way of getting things done never tended that much to formality. A
          man who wanted to be a village head might be quietly chosen head by
          a cabal of the most influential persons, or at a meeting of many of
          the villagers. He might even decide to be head, and act as head, in
          the hope that people would pay attention to him and think that he
          was head. The Four Powers represent <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page220">[pg 220]</span><a name="Pg220" id="Pg220" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> a distinct innovation in Chinese politics
          for, apart from a few ridiculous comic-opera performances under the
          first Republic, and the spurious plebiscite on the attempted
          usurpation of Yüan Shih-k'ai, the voting method has been a
          technique unknown in China. It is distinctly Western.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Another
          distinction may be made with a certain degree of reservation and
          hesitancy. It is this: the Chinese, without the elaborate system of
          expedient fictions which the West terms juristic law, were and are
          unable to conceive of corporate action. A law passed by the Peking
          parliament was not passed by the dictator in parliament, or the
          people in parliament; it was simply passed by parliament, and was
          parliament's responsibility. The only kind of law that the people
          could pass would be one upon which they themselves had voted.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Seen in this
          light, the Four Powers assume a further significance greater than
          the Western political scientist might attribute to them. In America
          there is little difference between a law which the people of Oregon
          pass in the legislature, and one which they pass in a referendum.
          To the Chinese there is all the difference in the world. The one is
          an act of the government, and not of the people; the other, the act
          of the people, and not of the government. The people may have
          powers over the government, but never, by the wildest swing of
          imagination, can they discover themselves personified in it. A
          Chinese democracy is almost a dyarchy of majority and officialdom,
          the one revising and checking the other.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not comment on the frequency with which he expected these powers to
          be exercised, nor has the political development of democratic China
          gone far enough to afford any test of experience; it is
          consequently impossible to state whether these powers were to be,
          or shall be, exercised constantly as a matter of course, or whether
          they shall be employed by the people only as <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page221">[pg 221]</span><a name="Pg221" id="Pg221"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> courses for emergency action, when the
          government arouses their displeasure. The latter seems the more
          probable, in view of the background of Chinese tradition, and the
          strong propensities of the Chinese to avoid getting involved in
          anything which does not concern them immediately and personally.
          This probability is made the more plausible by the self-corrective
          devices in the governmental system, which may seem to imply that an
          extensive use of the popular corrective power was not contemplated
          by Sun Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          said:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">Now we separate power from capacity and we
          say</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">that the people are the
          engineers and the government is the
          machine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">. On the one
          hand, we want the machinery of the government to be all-powerful,
          able to do anything, and on the other hand we want the engineer,
          the people, to have great power so as to be able to control that
          all-powerful machine.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">But what must be the mutual rights of the people
            and of the government in order that they might balance? We have
            just explained that. On the people's side there should be the
            four rights of</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">election</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">,</span>
            <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">recall</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">,</span>
            <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">initiative</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            and</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">referendum</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">.
            On the government's side there must be five powers.... If the
            four governing powers of the people control the five
            administrative powers of the government, then we shall
            have</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">a perfect
            political-democratic machine</span></em><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">....</span><a id="noteref_277" name=
            "noteref_277" href="#note_277"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">277</span></span></a></p>
          </div>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc93" id="toc93"></a> <a name="pdf94" id="pdf94"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Five Rights.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          implemented his theory of democracy by assigning Four Powers to the
          people and Five Rights to the government. This latter doctrine is
          one of the most disputed points in his proposal. Some writers see
          in it nothing more than a crass conjunction of the theory of
          Montesquieu and the practices of the Chinese Imperial system.<a id=
          "noteref_278" name="noteref_278" href="#note_278"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">278</span></span></a> His
          followers are disposed to regard the doctrine <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page222">[pg 222]</span><a name="Pg222" id="Pg222"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the Five Rights as the product of
          intrepid imagination, which succeeded in reconciling the
          traditional scheme of Chinese things with the requirements of
          modern self-government.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun made the
          point that both Chinese and Western governments had in the past had
          tripartite governments. He illustrated this by a diagram:<a id=
          "noteref_279" name="noteref_279" href="#note_279"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">279</span></span></a></p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Constitution of
          China</span></span></p>

            <div class="tei tei-lg" style=
            "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Examining Power
                (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style=
                "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Kao Shih
                ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Imperial Power
                (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style=
                "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chun
                ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style=
              "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Legislative Power</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style=
              "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Executive Power</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style=
              "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Judicial Power</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Power to Impeach
                (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style=
                "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
                "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tan k'ê
                ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span>
              </div>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Foreign
            Constitutions</span></span></p>

            <div class="tei tei-lg" style=
            "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Legislative Power combined
                with the Power to Impeach</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Executive Power combined
                with the Examining Power</span>
              </div>

              <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">
                <span style="font-size: 90%">The Judicial Power</span>
              </div>
            </div>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          believed that in separating the Five Rights from one another he
          would make clear certain differentiations <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page223">[pg 223]</span><a name="Pg223" id="Pg223" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of function which had led to numberless
          disputes in the past, and would present to the world a model
          government.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thus far, the
          Five Rights seem the complement of the Four Powers. The two sets of
          controls, of people over the government, and of the government over
          the people, assure China that a neo-democratic administration will
          have no less continuity and power than did its Imperial
          predecessor, and nevertheless be subject to the will of the
          majority of the four hundred odd million sovereigns. Contemplated
          in this manner, the Five Rights are an amalgamation of the Western
          theory upon the Chinese, and significant as a novelty in democratic
          administrative theory rather than as institutions altering the
          fundamental premises and methods of democracy.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If, however, a
          further step is taken, and the Five Powers are associated with Sun
          Yat-sen's doctrine of the three naturally unequal classes of men,
          they assume a somewhat less superficial significance. If the rule
          of the people is placed over the administration by the geniuses,
          the geniuses must be assured a method of entering the government
          service. The oligarchy of the intellectuals is to be reconciled
          with the dictatorship of the majority. The old Chinese system of a
          trained class of scholars, entrance to which was open on a
          competitive system to members of almost all classes of society, had
          to be preserved in the new China, and at the same time disciplined
          and purified of unworthy or unsuitable elements, while
          simultaneously subject to the policy-making authority of the
          majority.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The preservation
          of a leader class was to be assured by an examination division in
          the new democratic government, and its purification and discipline
          continued by a supervisory or censoring division. The
          administrative setup of the nationalist democracy would appear as
          follows, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page224">[pg
          224]</span><a name="Pg224" id="Pg224" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          when the present official translations of the Chinese names for the
          divisions (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Yuan</span></span>) are
          adopted:</p>

          <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
            <tbody>
              <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                <th class="tei tei-label">1.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>

                <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the executive
                (Executive Yuan).</td>
              </tr>

              <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                <th class="tei tei-label">2.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>

                <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the legislative
                (Legislative Yuan).</td>
              </tr>

              <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                <th class="tei tei-label">3.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>

                <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the judicial
                (Judicial Yuan).</td>
              </tr>

              <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                <th class="tei tei-label">4.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>

                <td class="tei tei-item">The division of censorship,
                impeachment and accounting (Control Yuan).</td>
              </tr>

              <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                <th class="tei tei-label">5.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>

                <td class="tei tei-item">And the division of the examination
                system (Examination Yuan).</td>
              </tr>
            </tbody>
          </table>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is an
          illustration of the further difference between the democracy of Sun
          Yat-sen and Western democracy, that each of the divisions, even the
          legislative, was to have a single head. The whole government was to
          be departmentally, not camerally, organized.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The system of
          Five Powers emphasizes the implied dyarchy of government and people
          in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> by assigning to
          the government itself functions which, in the usual course of
          events, are supposed to be exercised by the people themselves in
          Western democracies. The people are supposed to eliminate unfit
          officials and decide on the merits and trustworthiness of
          incumbents. By the expedient of non-reëlection, the people are
          supposed to remove officials, who are incapable or unsuitable for
          public office. The two functions have been taken over by the
          Examination and Control Yuans, respectively; the Four Powers of the
          people are not, in all probability, instruments for continual
          popular intrigue and meddling in government, but almost
          revolutionary implements for shifting the course or composition of
          the government.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Five Rights
          are instruments for the self-government of the official class
          (Examination and Control), and for the government of the people by
          the official class (Executive, Legislative, and Judicial). The Four
          Powers are the instruments for the government of the official class
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page225">[pg 225]</span><a name=
          "Pg225" id="Pg225" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> by the people. Out
          of the checks and balances of government and people the integrity,
          efficacy, and stability of Sun Yat-sen's democracy was to be
          assured.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The exercise of
          the Four Rights of the people could, in the theory of Sun Yat-sen,
          be used to check the development of an arrogant, inefficient or
          irresponsible bureaucracy, in that the people would assist in the
          selection of officials and would be able to remove incompetents at
          any time. The civil service mechanism of the government would, on
          the other hand, resist the too free play of popular caprice. No
          incompetent person would be elected to office, since the civil
          service would extend even to elective offices. The voters could
          remove a bad official but they could not replace him with an
          untrained person; they would have to select their candidate from
          the roster of scholar-officials eligible for the rank of the office
          in question. The people were to supervise the operations of the
          age-old Chinese civil service, as revivified by the nationalists;
          they were to appoint and remove officers, to repeal and enact laws;
          but in no case were they to tear down the structure of the civil
          service and inaugurate a spoils democracy such as that found in the
          United States. This blending of extreme democracy and traditional
          administrative hierarchy would result, said Sun Yat-sen, in perfect
          government.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The democratic
          nationalist government was to supersede the Empire. In between
          there was no central government, since the various military leaders
          paid scant respect to the unfortunate clique of diplomats and
          officials who carried on the few functions left to the powerless
          Peking government.<a id="noteref_280" name="noteref_280" href=
          "#note_280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">280</span></span></a> The
          new government was not, therefore, <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page226">[pg 226]</span><a name="Pg226" id="Pg226" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> so much a new political order to be set up in
          place of the old as a political order to be built up out of
          military chaos. The social system, although shaken and affected by
          Western ideas, continued much as usual, and was to be woven into
          the new socio-political patterns that Sun Yat-sen projected.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Nationalist
          government was to be the nation's answer to the foreign aggression.
          The White Peril, which had flooded Asia, could only be held back by
          the dykes of a militant nationalist movement, expressing itself in
          a formal state such as the Westerners themselves had developed, and
          which fitted them to undertake the conquest of the world. This
          government was to be the agent of the whole Chinese people who,
          casting off the oppression of the militarists and the imperialists,
          was to rise again with its ancient power, formidable and ready to
          fight if necessary, more ready to bring about world-coöperation and
          peace if possible. It was to be a government made up of a trained
          officialdom such as ancient China had possessed for centuries,
          which had led to the integration of control and culture (in the
          narrowest sense of the word), and of a people ruling by checking
          that officialdom: an all-powerful state-machine ruled by an
          all-powerful people.<a id="noteref_281" name="noteref_281" href=
          "#note_281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">281</span></span></a> A
          state was to appear in the world of states and enclose the Chinese
          people, by political power, more effectively than could the Great
          Wall.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This aspect of
          democracy, the self-rule of the Chinese society <span class=
          "tei tei-foreign"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> the linked despotism
          of militarists, renegades and imperialists, was, although the most
          important facet of democracy, not the whole story. In order to
          systematize the loose democracy of old China, in order to
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page227">[pg 227]</span><a name=
          "Pg227" id="Pg227" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> lead all force to
          the top, where it could be exerted outwards, the democratic plan
          had to plan links with the traditional system. The government could
          not be democratic if it were not tied to the people. The people
          could not govern themselves, as apart from governing the
          officialdom making up the National government, unless they had
          mechanisms with which to do so. Although the family, the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> and the <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> provided self-government,
          this self-government had to be associated with the scheme of
          nationalist and national self-government in order to guarantee the
          latter's effectiveness. Beyond or beneath the national democracy of
          China there was to be a system of democracy (the politicalization,
          as it were, of the old social organs) running through society. What
          these separate or subordinate organs were to be, what relations
          they were to have with the national government, and what other
          intermediate institutions were to facilitate those relations must
          be studied to gain a complete picture of the democracy of Sun
          Yat-sen.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc95" id="toc95"></a> <a name="pdf96" id="pdf96"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">Confederacy Versus
          Centralism.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One of the most
          involved questions in the political thought of the Chinese
          revolution has been the problem of provincial autonomy. The Chinese
          provinces differ considerably more from one another in economic
          conditions, language and race than do the American states; it has
          been said that one of the causes of the overthrow of the Manchu
          monarchy was the encroachment of the Imperial central power, in its
          last desperate attempts to modernize itself and cope with the last
          crisis, upon the old autonomy of the provinces.<a id="noteref_282"
          name="noteref_282" href="#note_282"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">282</span></span></a>
          Institutionally, the provinces were relatively independent; this
          degree of independence was, however, minimized by the general
          unimportance of government <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page228">[pg 228]</span><a name="Pg228" id="Pg228" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> in Chinese society. The Chinese, toward each
          other, feel conscious of family, village and provincial ties; face
          to face with the foreigners, they are beginning to know themselves
          as Chinese. Until the wave of nationalism swept the country,
          provincial rivalry was a live issue; even today, it cannot be
          called forgotten.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          opinions on many points of government remained stable through his
          life. The fundamental ideas and ideals seem to have been expanded,
          rather than changed, as his theory met the test of his growing
          experience and the lessons of the revolution; but even with
          expansion, they remain, for the most part, consistent. Sun Yat-sen
          was steadfast in his beliefs.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This cannot be
          said of his and his successors' opinions on the problem of province
          versus nation. There is no one doctrine dealing with the question
          of provincial autonomy. There may be a trend, however, which can be
          described as a swing from definite emphasis upon the province
          toward neglect of that unit of administration. This trend may be
          illustrated by several points.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the time of
          the first Republic the provinces were treated much as are states in
          the United States. The members of the Senate of the Republic
          (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ts'an Yi
          Yuan</span></span>) were to be elected by the Assemblies of the
          provinces, and, when representing persons not under the
          jurisdiction of a provincial Assembly, by Electoral Colleges. The
          House of Representatives was to be elected directly by the people,
          in the proportion of one member to each eight hundred thousand of
          population, with the reservation—again in propitiation of
          provincial vanity—that no province should have less than ten
          representatives.<a id="noteref_283" name="noteref_283" href=
          "#note_283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">283</span></span></a> The
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page229">[pg 229]</span><a name=
          "Pg229" id="Pg229" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> first Republic was
          distinctly federal although by no means confederate.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did
          not immediately shift from this position. As late as 1919-1922,
          when he was preparing his official biography, he spoke
          enthusiastically to his biographer of the potentialities of
          democratic provincial home rule.<a id="noteref_284" name=
          "noteref_284" href="#note_284"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">284</span></span></a> He
          still believed in the importance of the provinces as units of a
          future democracy in China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">From the time
          that Sun went South, and the Kuomintang was reorganized, to the
          present, the tendency in the Sun-Kuomintang theory seems to have
          been toward minimization of the importance of the provinces in the
          democracy to be set up. The Party Declaration of the Kuomintang at
          its First National Convention in 1924 in Canton criticised several
          political viewpoints prevalent; among these was that of the
          Confederalists, so called. The Declaration states, in part:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Undoubtedly regional self-government is in
          entire accord with the spirit of democracy and is a great need of
          our nation. But a true regional self-government can be realized
          only when our national independence is won, for without national
          freedom, local freedom is impossible.... Many social, economic and
          political problems facing the individual provinces can be solved
          only by the nation as a whole. So the success of the peoples'
          revolution is a prerequisite to the realization of provincial
          autonomy.”</span><a id="noteref_285" name="noteref_285" href=
          "#note_285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">285</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          himself stated, a few months earlier, a point of view which may
          seem inconsistent with the Party Declaration:</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page230">[pg 230]</span><a name="Pg230" id="Pg230"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">18. The</span> <span lang="zh"
            class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span>
            <span style="font-size: 90%">is the unit of self-government. The
            province links up and provides means of co-operation between the
            Central Government and the local governments of the
            districts.</span><a id="noteref_286" name="noteref_286" href=
            "#note_286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">286</span></span></a>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Whatever the
          occasion for the slight difference of opinion, it has been the
          policy of the Kuomintang to emphasize <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> rather than provinces as
          units of self-government. The Party itself is quite centralized.
          The Resumé of the Kuomintang Third National Congress Resolutions
          Concerning Political Matters, adopted March 27, 1929, states
          unequivocally: <span class="tei tei-q">“The traditional policy of
          attaching greater importance to provincial government than to
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> or district government
          must be corrected or even reversed.”</span> It adds, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The provincial government, on the other hand, shall
          act only as a supervisor of local self-government, standing in
          between the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> or
          district government on the one hand, and the Central Government on
          the other.”</span><a id="noteref_287" name="noteref_287" href=
          "#note_287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">287</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The province is
          thus reduced to the lowest possible level. It is not probable that
          this tendency was influenced by Marxism, but it certainly resembled
          the Marxian idea of a vast confederation of self-governing
          communes, acting, by some proletarian metempsychosis, as a highly
          centralized instrument of revolution.<a id="noteref_288" name=
          "noteref_288" href="#note_288"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">288</span></span></a> The
          doctrine of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>-province-nation
          relationship which places emphasis upon the first and the last is
          the authoritative one, and is quite harmonious with the earlier
          picture of Imperial China which, apart from the strictly
          governmental, was a vast confederacy of largely autonomous
          communities. In the picture of the new democratic national
          government which emerges from this doctrine, the central government
          may be regarded as a centralism versus the provinces, and a
          super-government in relation to the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; that is, while the
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page231">[pg 231]</span><a name=
          "Pg231" id="Pg231" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> people govern
          themselves as groups in the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>,
          they will govern themselves as one people in the National
          Government. The province will remain as a convenient intermediary
          between the two.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This is one of
          the few doctrines of Sun Yat-sen upon which no one definitive and
          final pronouncement is to be found and concerning which,
          consequently, recourse must be had to the history of the
          development of the Sun Yat-sen political philosophy.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc97" id="toc97"></a> <a name="pdf98" id="pdf98"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The</span> <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style=
          "font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span>
          <span style="font-size: 144%">in a Democracy.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, or district, was one of
          the most important social institutions in old China. The lowest
          official, the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>
          Magistrate, represented the Empire to the people of the <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, while within the villages
          or the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> the
          people enjoyed a very high degree of autonomy. The <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> was the meeting point of
          the political system and the extra-legal government, generally of a
          very vaguely organized nature, by which the Chinese managed their
          own affairs in accord with tradition. An estimate of the position
          of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> may be
          gleaned from the fact that China has approximately four hundred
          eighty million inhabitants; apart from the cities and towns, there
          are about half a million villages; and the whole country, with the
          exception of certain Special Municipalities, such as Shanghai, is
          divided into nineteen hundred and forty-three <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>.<a id="noteref_289" name=
          "noteref_289" href="#note_289"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">289</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, however significant they
          may be in the social system of China, both past and present, cannot
          be described in a work such as this. It is not inappropriate,
          however, to reiterate that they form what is perhaps the most
          important grouping within China, and that much of <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page232">[pg 232]</span><a name="Pg232" id="Pg232"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Chinese life is centred in <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> affairs. It is by reason
          of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> autonomy
          that the Chinese social system has been so elastic as to permit the
          shocks of invasion, insurrection, conquest, famine and flood to
          pass through and over China without disrupting Chinese social
          organization.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun once quoted
          the old Chinese proverb about the Lu Shan (mountains): <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“We cannot find the real shape of the Lu Shan—for we
          ourselves are on it.”</span> From the viewpoint of the Western
          reader this proverb could be turned against Sun in his treatment of
          the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>. He was
          passionately emphatic in discussing the importance of the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> with his foreign
          friends;<a id="noteref_290" name="noteref_290" href=
          "#note_290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">290</span></span></a> in
          his writings, addressed to his countrymen, he, as they, simply
          assumed the importance of the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> without troubling to make
          any cardinal point of it.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> is in the unit of the most
          direct self-government of the people, without the interference of
          any elaborate set-up from officialdom. Apart from its age-old
          importance, it will gain further significance in the democracy of
          Sun Yat-sen.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Some of the
          functions to be assigned to the people in a <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> are assessment,
          registration, taxation, and/or purchase of all lands in the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; the collection of all
          unearned increment on lands within the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; land profits to be
          subjected to collection by the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, and disbursement for
          public improvements, charitable work, or other public service. Add
          this to the fact that the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>
          have been the chief agencies for police, health, charity, religious
          activity and the regulative control of custom—sometimes with the
          assistance of persons—through the centuries, and the great
          importance of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> in the
          nationalist democracy becomes more clear.</p>
        </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page233">[pg 233]</span><a name=
        "Pg233" id="Pg233" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc99" id="toc99"></a> <a name="pdf100" id="pdf100"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Family System.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
          democracy differs further from the parliamentary, mechanical
          democracy of the West in that it incorporates the family
          system.<a id="noteref_291" name="noteref_291" href=
          "#note_291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">291</span></span></a> Of
          course Sun understood the extraordinary part that the family plays
          in China—a part more conspicuous, perhaps, than in any other
          country. He pointed out that the family required in China much of
          the loyalty which in the West is given to the state. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Among the Chinese people the family and kinship ties
          are very strong. Not infrequently the people sacrifice their lives
          and homes for some affair of kinship; for instance, in Kuangtung,
          two clans may fight regardless of life and property. On the other
          hand, our people hesitate to sacrifice themselves for a national
          cause. The spirit of unity has not extended beyond the family and
          clan relationships.”</span><a id="noteref_292" name="noteref_292"
          href="#note_292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">292</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Speaking of the
          early Emperors and the revolution, he said: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“You see, gentlemen, the methodology of Yao, like that
          of ours, was to begin his moral and political teachings with the
          family, then the nation-group, then the world.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_293" name="noteref_293" href="#note_293"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">293</span></span></a> How
          did Sun Yat-sen propose to join the strength of the family spirit
          and of nationalism, to the common advantage?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He planned to
          reorganize the already existing clan organizations in each
          district. These organizations have existed from time immemorial for
          the purposes of preserving <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page234">[pg 234]</span><a name="Pg234" id="Pg234" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> clan unity, commemorating clan ancestry,
          performing charitable functions, and acting as a focus—although
          this last was not an avowed purpose—for clan defense. The
          reorganization which Sun proposed would probably have involved some
          systematizing of the organization for the purposes of uniformity
          and official record, as well as effectiveness.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Once the
          district headquarters were reorganized, they could be combined
          throughout a province into a provincial clan organization. Such
          organizations already exist, but they are neither systematic nor
          general. After the clan was organized on a provincial basis
          throughout the provinces, the various provincial organizations
          could be gathered together in a national clan organization.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only when
          one contemplates the strength of the family system in China that
          the boldness of this plan becomes apparent. A series of vast
          national clan organizations would include practically every
          Chinese. Not content with this, Sun proposed inter-clan
          organizations, certain clans being more related to one another. A
          further series of national inter-clan organizations would draw
          together the allegiance of numberless individuals. There was always
          the possibility that a convention of all the clans might be
          called—although Sun was not sanguine about this last.<a id=
          "noteref_294" name="noteref_294" href="#note_294"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">294</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This
          methodology, according to Sun Yat-sen, would automatically bring
          about nationalism. The Chinese people were already vigorously
          attached to their families and clans. A union of all the families
          and clans would lead the Chinese to realize that they were one
          people—one enormous family, as it were—and cause them to
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page235">[pg 235]</span><a name=
          "Pg235" id="Pg235" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> join together as a
          nation. Since there are only about four hundred surnames in China,
          the alliance of the clans was not so far-fetched a suggestion as it
          might seem. Some clans have a membership running into the millions,
          and clan spirit is so great that, in spite of the absence of
          legislation, the Chinese marriage system is still largely exogamic
          on this clan basis.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The suggestion
          of clan organization is relevant to Sun Yat-sen's democracy, in
          that the clan was one of the democratizing influences in old China.
          An individual who failed to exert appreciable pressure on the
          government, or on some other group, might appeal to his clan for
          assistance. The Chinese record of relationships was kept so
          extensively that there were few men of wealth or power who did not
          have their kinsmen commanding their assistance. The non-political
          authority of the family system controlled many things which have
          been within the scope of the police power in the West, and the
          adjustments of society and the individual were frequently mitigated
          in their harshness by the entrance of the clan upon the scene. A
          stable Chinese democracy with a clan system would be remarkably
          like the traditional system. The recourse of political democracy
          would have been added, but the familiar methods of political
          pressure upwards through the clan to the government might, not
          inconceivably, prove the more efficacious.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page236">[pg 236]</span><a name=
      "Pg236" id="Pg236" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc101" id="toc101"></a> <a name="pdf102" id="pdf102"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VII. The Programs of</span>
        <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
        xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 173%; font-style: italic">Min
        Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 173%">.</span></h1>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc103" id="toc103"></a> <a name="pdf104" id="pdf104"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Programs of</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The new ideology
          of Sun Yat-sen, as has been shown, demanded three fulfilments of
          the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>: a
          nationalistic economic revolution, a deliberate industrial
          revolution, and a social revolution. The last was to be
          accomplished negatively rather than positively. It was to aim at
          the reconstruction of the Chinese economy in such a manner as to
          avoid the necessity of class war. Since Chinese society was to be
          revolutionized by the development of a nation and a state, with all
          that that implied, and was to be changed by a transition from a
          handicraft economy to an industrial one, Sun Yat-sen hoped that
          these changes would permit the social revolution to develop at the
          same time as the others, and did not plan for it separately and
          distinctly. The three revolutions, all of them economic, were to
          develop simultaneously, and all together were to form a third of
          the process of readjustment.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering
          the actual plans for carrying out the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> principle, the student
          encounters difficulties. The general philosophical position of the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> ideology in relation
          to the ideologies of nationalism and democracy, and in connection
          with such foreign philosophies as capitalism and Marxism, has
          already been set forth. The direct plans that Sun Yat-sen had for
          the industrial revolution in China are also clear, since he
          outlined them, laboriously although tentatively, in <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International
          Development of China</span></span>;<a id="noteref_295" name=
          "noteref_295" href="#note_295"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">295</span></span></a> but
          whereas the ideology and <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page237">[pg
          237]</span><a name="Pg237" id="Pg237" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          the actual physical blueprints can be understood clearly enough,
          the general lines of practical governmental policy with regard to
          economic matters have not been formulated in such a way as to make
          them indisputable.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was
          averse to tying the hands of his followers and successors with
          respect to economic policy. He said: <span class="tei tei-q">“While
          there are many undertakings which can be conducted by the State
          with advantage, others cannot be conducted effectively except under
          competition. I have no hard-and-fast dogma. Much must be left to
          the lessons of experience.”</span><a id="noteref_296" name=
          "noteref_296" href="#note_296"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">296</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be
          inexpedient to go into details about railway lines and other modern
          industrial enterprises by means of which Sun sought to modernize
          China. On the other hand, it would be a waste of time merely to
          repeat the main economic theses of the new ideology. Accordingly,
          the examination of the program of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> will be restricted to
          the consideration of those features that affected <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page238">[pg 238]</span><a name="Pg238" id="Pg238"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the state, either directly or
          indirectly, or which had an important bearing upon the proposed
          future social organization of the Chinese. Among the topics to be
          discussed are the political nature of the national economic
          revolution, the political effect of the industrial revolution upon
          the Chinese, and the expediency of Sun's plans for that revolution;
          the nature of the social revolution which was to accompany these
          two first, especially with reference to the problem of land, the
          problem of capital, and the problem of the class struggle; the
          sphere of state action in the new economy; and the nature of that
          ideal economy which would be realized when the Chinese should have
          carried to completion the programs of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Railway maps and
          other designs of Sun, which have proved such an inspiration in the
          modernization of China and which represent a pioneer attempt in
          state planning, will have to be left to the consideration of the
          economists and the geographers.<a id="noteref_297" name=
          "noteref_297" href="#note_297"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">297</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The program of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was vitally important
          to the realization of the Nationalist revolution as a whole, so
          important, indeed, that Sun Yat-sen put it first in one of his
          plans:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">The first step in reconstruction is to promote the
          economic well-being of the people by providing for their four
          necessities of life, namely, food, clothing, shelter, and
          transportation. For this purpose, the Government will, with the
          people's co-operation, develop agriculture to give the people an
          adequate food supply, promote textile industries to solve their
          clothing problem, institute gigantic housing schemes to provide for
          them decent living quarters, and build roads and canals so that
          they may have convenient means of travel.</span></p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page239">[pg 239]</span><a name="Pg239" id="Pg239"
            class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Next is the promotion of
            democracy....</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">The third step is the development of
            nationalism....</span><a id="noteref_298" name="noteref_298"
            href="#note_298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">298</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The plans for
          realizing <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were
          to be the most necessary and the most difficult. In the change from
          a world-society to a race-nation, the Chinese had their own social
          solidarity and the experience of the Western nations to guide them.
          There was little in the development of a nation that had not
          already been tried elsewhere. The only real obstacles were the
          ignorance of the people, in relation to the new social environment
          in which their whole society was involved, and the possibility of
          opposition from the politically oppressing powers.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the
          development of democracy the Chinese could rely in part upon the
          experience of the West. The Kuomintang could observe the machinery
          of democratic states in regular operation abroad. Although the new
          democracy of the five powers and the four rights was differed from
          the democratic methods of the West, still, as in mechanics, certain
          fundamental rules of political organization in its technical
          details could be relied upon. The Chinese people had a democratic
          background in the autonomy of the various extra-political
          units.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> neither the experience
          of the West nor the old Chinese background would be of much value.
          More than the other two principles and programs, <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> sought to alter the
          constitution and nature of Chinese society. Yet in <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> the Chinese were to be
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page240">[pg 240]</span><a name=
          "Pg240" id="Pg240" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> guided only
          negatively by Western experience. Into their society, passing
          through a great economic upheaval, they must introduce, by a
          trial-and-error method, the requirements for economic unity,
          efficiency, and justice.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc105" id="toc105"></a> <a name="pdf106" id="pdf106"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The National Economic
          Revolution.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">After the
          pitiable failure of the 1912 Republic, Sun Yat-sen began to place
          an especially heavy emphasis on the necessity of a national
          economic revolution which would carry on the achievements of the
          national political revolution. He placed an even greater stress
          upon the necessity of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> in the revolutionary ideology, and became more
          and more clearly conscious of the danger imperialism constituted to
          the Chinese race-nation. He believed that, as the 1912 revolution
          had been created by the sword, the new economic revolution might be
          furthered by the pen, and with this in mind he wrote <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International
          Development of China</span></span>. At the time that he wrote this
          work, he seems to have been convinced of the fruitlessness of
          purely military effort, and the superior value of pacific economic
          organization.<a id="noteref_299" name="noteref_299" href=
          "#note_299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">299</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This
          organization was to be effected through capital brought in from the
          outside. As it developed that capital would not come in, that
          instead of continuing the terrific pace of production which the
          World War had demanded, the nations returned to comparative laissez
          faire, and let their economies slump, Sun was persuaded that the
          whole revolution would have to be carried on by the Chinese
          themselves, with the possible help of the Communist Russians, and
          of Japan. He found the reorganized Kuomintang to be the instrument
          of this last revolution, both politically and democratically, and
          began to emphasize Chinese resistance to the outside, rather than
          appeal for help from the barbarian nations.</p><span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page241">[pg 241]</span><a name="Pg241" id="Pg241"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is this last
          attitude which one finds expressed in the acts of the last years of
          his life. The national revolution was to be made a reality by being
          intimately associated with the economic life and development of the
          country. The plans made for economic development should be pushed
          as far as possible without waiting for foreign help. The Chinese
          should use the instrument of the boycott as a sanction with which
          to give weight to their national policy.<a id="noteref_300" name=
          "noteref_300" href="#note_300"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">300</span></span></a> They
          had to practise economic nationalism in order to rid themselves of
          the incubus of imperialism which was sucking the life-blood of
          their country. In this connection between nationalism and
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, the economic aspect
          of the nationalist program was to be the means, and the national
          aspect of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          program the consequence. Unless Chinese, both as members of a state
          and as individuals stirred by national sentiment, were moved to
          action against Western economic aggression, they might consider
          themselves already doomed.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How did Sun
          propose to promote the national economic revolution,<a id=
          "noteref_301" name="noteref_301" href="#note_301"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">301</span></span></a> as
          distinguished from the industrial revolution and the social
          revolution? He gave, in the first place, as earlier stated, the
          economic part of his theories a greater weight than they had
          hitherto enjoyed, and placed them first in his practical program.
          Secondly, he tended to associate the national political revolution
          more and more with the real seat of economic power: the working
          class. <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page242">[pg
          242]</span><a name="Pg242" id="Pg242" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          In this introduction of the working class into the labors for the
          fulfilment of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as a
          national economic revolution, he was doing two things. He was
          hoping to bring the standards of Chinese labor up to those of the
          West, and he was making use of the political power of labor in
          China as an added instrument of the national economic
          revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese
          nation could and should not continue, as a nation, on a scale of
          living lower than that of the Western nations. He urged the Chinese
          workers, as the class most affected, to fight for the economic
          advancement of themselves and of their nation. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Comrades, the people meeting here are all workers and
          represent a part of the nation. A great responsibility rests on
          Chinese labor, and if you are equal to the task, China will become
          a great nation and you a mighty working class.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_302" name="noteref_302" href="#note_302"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">302</span></span></a> The
          Chinese workers were performing not only a duty that they owed to
          themselves—they were also acting patriotically.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In advancing the
          national economic revolution by advancing themselves, they could
          not afford to lose sight of the political part of the revolution.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Beyond the economic struggle for the
          shortening of the working day and the increase of wages, there are
          before you other much more important questions of a political
          character. For our political objectives you must follow the three
          principles and support the revolution.”</span><a id="noteref_303"
          name="noteref_303" href="#note_303"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">303</span></span></a> The
          two parts of the revolution could not be separated from one
          another.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page243">[pg
          243]</span><a name="Pg243" id="Pg243" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Besides the
          economic part of the national revolution, there was another
          readjustment of which Sun did not often speak, because it was not
          an open problem which could be served by immediate political
          action. This was the problem of the transition of China from an
          autarchic to a trading economy. The old Chinese world had been
          self-sustaining, so self-sustaining that the Emperor Tao Kuang
          wrote to George III of England that he did not desire anything that
          the barbarians might have, but, out of the mercy and the bounty of
          his heart, would permit them to come to China in order to purchase
          the excellent things that the Chinese possessed in such
          abundance.<a id="noteref_304" name="noteref_304" href=
          "#note_304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">304</span></span></a> The
          impact of the West had had serious economic consequences,<a id=
          "noteref_305" name="noteref_305" href="#note_305"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">305</span></span></a> and
          the Chinese were in the unpleasant position of having their old
          economic system disrupted without gaining the advantages of a
          nationally organized economy in return. They had the actual
          privilege of consuming a greater variety of goods than before, but
          this was offset by the fact that the presence of these goods threw
          their domestic markets and old native commercial system out of
          balance, without offering a correspondingly large potentiality of
          foreign export. Furthermore, the political position of the Western
          powers in China was such, as Sun Yat-sen complained, that trade was
          conducted on a somewhat inequitable basis.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The consequences
          of a national economic revolution could not but be far-reaching.
          The political changes in the economic situation demanded by Sun
          Yat-sen in his program of economic nationalism—the return of tariff
          autonomy, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page244">[pg
          244]</span><a name="Pg244" id="Pg244" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          the retrocession of the occupied concessions, etc.—would have a
          great positive and immediate effect; but there would be a long
          system of development, not to be so easily predicted or foreseen,
          which would inevitably appear as a result of Chinese nationhood. If
          China were to have a state strong enough to perform the economic
          functions which Sun wished to have imposed upon it, and were to
          take her place as one of the great importing and exporting nations
          of the world, it is obvious that a real economic revolution would
          have to be gone through.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Here again the
          liberal-national character of Sun's ideology and programs with
          respect to relations with the West appears. The Fascist states of
          the present time exhibit a definite drift from free trade to
          autarchy. In China the change from an autarchic world-society to a
          trading nation constituted the reverse. Sun Yat-sen did not leave a
          large legacy of programs in this connection, but he foresaw the
          development and was much concerned about it.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc107" id="toc107"></a> <a name="pdf108" id="pdf108"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Industrial
          Revolution.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The program of
          industrial revolution was planned by Sun Yat-sen with great care.
          The same belief which led him to urge the social revolution also
          guided him in his plans for the industrial revolutionizing of the
          Chinese economy, namely, his belief that China could profit by the
          example of the West, that what the West had done wastefully and
          circuitously could be done by the Chinese deliberately and
          straightforwardly. He proposed that the change from the old economy
          to the new be according to a well thought out plan. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“However, China must develop her industries by all
          means. Shall we follow the old path of western civilization? This
          old path resembles the sea route of Columbus' first trip to
          America. He set out from Europe by a southwesterly direction
          through the Canary Islands to San Salvador, in the Bahama group.
          But nowadays <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page245">[pg
          245]</span><a name="Pg245" id="Pg245" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          navigators take a different direction to America and find that the
          destination can be reached by a distance many times shorter. The
          path of Western civilization was an unknown one and those who went
          before groped in the dark as Columbus did on his first voyage to
          America. As a late comer, China can greatly profit in covering the
          space by following the direction already charted by western
          pioneers.”</span><a id="noteref_306" name="noteref_306" href=
          "#note_306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">306</span></span></a> By
          calling in the help of friends who were familiar with engineering
          and by using his own very extensive knowledge of Chinese economic
          potentialities, Sun Yat-sen drafted a broad long-range plan by
          means of which China would be able to set forth on such a charted
          course in her industrial revolution. This plan, offered
          tentatively, was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The International Development of
          China</span></span> in the English and <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Outline of
          Material Reconstruction</span></span> in the Chinese version, both
          of which Sun himself wrote.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This outline was
          originally prepared as a vast plan which could be financed by the
          great powers, who would thereby find markets for their glut of
          goods left over by the war. The loan was to be made on terms not
          unprofitable to the financial powers, but nevertheless equitable to
          the Chinese. Sun Yat-sen hoped that with these funds the Chinese
          state could make a venture into state socialism. It was possible,
          in his opinion, to launch a coöperative modern economy in China
          with the assistance of international capitalism, if the capital
          employed were to be remunerated with attractive rates of interest,
          and if the plan were so designed as to allow for its being
          financially worthwhile. He stated:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">Before entering into the details of this
          International development scheme four principles have to be
          considered:</span></p><a name="Pg246" id="Pg246" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style=
            "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em">
              <tbody>
                <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                  <th class="tei tei-label"><span style=
                  "font-size: 90%">1.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></th>

                  <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The
                  most remunerative field must be selected in order to
                  attract foreign capital.</span></td>
                </tr>

                <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                  <th class="tei tei-label"><span style=
                  "font-size: 90%">2.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></th>

                  <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The
                  most urgent needs of the nation must be met.</span></td>
                </tr>

                <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                  <th class="tei tei-label"><span style=
                  "font-size: 90%">3.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></th>

                  <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The
                  lines of least resistance must be followed.</span></td>
                </tr>

                <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
                  <th class="tei tei-label"><span style=
                  "font-size: 90%">4.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></th>

                  <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The
                  most suitable positions must be chosen.</span><a id=
                  "noteref_307" name="noteref_307" href=
                  "#note_307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
                  "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">307</span></span></a></td>
                </tr>
              </tbody>
            </table>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was not
          oblivious to the necessity of making each detail of his plan one
          which would not involve the tying-up of unproductive capital, and
          did not propose to use capital advanced for the purposes of the
          industrial revolution for the sake of military or political
          advantage.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This may be
          shown in a concrete instance. He spoke of his Great Northeastern
          railway system as a scheme which might not seem economically
          attractive, and then pointed out that, as between a railway system
          running between densely-populated areas, the latter would be
          infinitely the more preferable. But, said he, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“... a railway between a densely populated country and
          a sparsely settled country will pay far better than one that runs
          end to end in a densely populated land.”</span><a id="noteref_308"
          name="noteref_308" href="#note_308"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">308</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even though he
          came to despair of having this scheme for the development of China
          carried out by international financial action, the expediency of
          his plans remained. He sought the fulfillment of this outline
          throughout his life; it has remained as a part of his legacy,
          challenging the Chinese people by the grandeur of its conception
          and the precision of its details.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is a work
          which cannot easily be summarized in a discussion of political
          doctrines. Fully comparable in grandeur to the Russian <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Piatiletka</span></span>, it provides for a
          complete communication system including all types of transport, the
          development of great ports, colonization and reclamation projects,
          and the growth of vast industrial areas comparable to the Donbas or
          the Kuzbas. The plan, while sound as a whole and not inexpedient in
          detail, is not marked by that irregularity of proportion which
          marks <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page247">[pg 247]</span><a name=
          "Pg247" id="Pg247" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> planning under
          capitalism; although not as fully worked out as the later Russian
          projects, Sun's plan, in 1922, was considerably more advanced than
          any Russian plan of that time. Sun shared with Lenin a passionate
          conviction of the inevitable necessity of industrialization; but
          while Lenin saw in industrialism the strengthening of that
          revolutionary bulwark, the proletariat, Sun believed in
          industrialism as a benefit to the whole nation.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This plan is the
          obvious fruit of Sun's advocacy of the adoption of the Western
          physical sciences. Here there is little trace of his ideological
          consistency with the old premises of Chinese society. He does not
          challenge them, but he does present a concrete plan which refers
          only incidentally to the political or the ideological. It is heavy
          with the details of industrial revolution. Sun Yat-sen's enthusiasm
          shows clearly through the pages of this work; he wrote it at a time
          when his health was still comparatively good, and when he was not
          harassed by the almost explosive dynamics of the situation such as
          that in which he delivered the sixteen lectures on the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span>. Here the practical aspects of his thinking show
          forth, his willingness to consider and debate, the profound and
          quiet enthusiasm for concrete projects which animated him and which
          was so infectious among his followers.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It were, of
          course, unfeasable to attempt any detailed description and
          assessment of the plan.<a id="noteref_309" name="noteref_309" href=
          "#note_309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">309</span></span></a> The
          great amount of point by point elaboration worked over by Sun
          Yat-sen in order to make his plan appealing precludes the
          consideration of any one project in detail as a sample. Failing
          this, the magnitude of the plan may be gauged by a recapitulation
          of the chief points in each of his programs. <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page248">[pg 248]</span><a name="Pg248" id="Pg248"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> It must be remembered, however, that
          each one of these subheads might necessitate hundreds of millions
          of dollars for execution, involving the building of several
          industrial cities or the reconstruction of a whole industry
          throughout the country. The printing industry, for example, not
          even mentioned in the general outline given below, was discussed as
          follows:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
          "font-size: 90%">This industry provides man with intellectual food.
          It is a necessity of modern society, without which mankind cannot
          progress. All human activities are recorded, and all human
          knowledge is stored in printing. It is a great factor of
          civilization. The progress and civilization of different nations of
          the world are measured largely by the quantity of printed matter
          they turned out annually. China, though the nation that invented
          printing, is very backward in the development of its printing
          industry. In our international Development Scheme, the printing
          industry must also be given a place. If China is developed
          industrially according to the lines which I suggested, the demand
          for printed matter will be exceedingly great. In order to meet this
          demand efficiently, a system of large printing houses must be
          established in all large cities in the country, to undertake
          printing of all kinds, from newspapers to encyclopedia [sic!]. The
          best modern books on various subjects in different countries should
          be translated into Chinese and published in cheap edition form for
          the general public in China. All the publishing houses should be
          organized under one common management, so as to secure the best
          economic results.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">In order to make printed matter cheap, other
            subsidiary industries must be developed at the same time. The
            most important of these is the paper industry. At present all the
            paper used by newspapers in China is imported. And the demand for
            paper is increasing every day. China has plenty of raw materials
            for making paper, such as the vast virgin forests of the
            northwestern part of the country, and the wild reeds of the
            Yangtze and its neighboring swamps which would furnish the best
            pulps. So, large plants for manufacturing paper should be put up
            in suitable locations. Besides the paper factories, ink
            factories, type</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page249">[pg
            249]</span><a name="Pg249" id="Pg249" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">foundries,
            printing machine factories, etc., should be established under a
            central management to produce everything that is needed in the
            printing industry.</span><a id="noteref_310" name="noteref_310"
            href="#note_310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">310</span></span></a></p>
          </div>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With this
          comment on printing as a small sample of the extent of each minor
          project in the plans, let us observe Sun's own summary:</p>

          <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
            <tbody>
              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">I.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                  The Development of a Communications System.

                  <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list"
                  style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
                    <tbody>
                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (a)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">100,000 miles
                        of Railways.</td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (b)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">1,000,000
                        miles of Macadam Roads.</td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (c)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                          Improvement of Existing Canals.

                          <table summary="This is a list." class=
                          "tei tei-list" style=
                          "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
                            <tbody>
                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (1)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                                Hangchow-Tientsin Canals.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (2)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                                Sikiang-Yangtze Canals.</td>
                              </tr>
                            </tbody>
                          </table>
                        </td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (d)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                          Construction of New Canals.

                          <table summary="This is a list." class=
                          "tei tei-list" style=
                          "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
                            <tbody>
                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (1)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                                Liaoho-Sunghwakiang Canal.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (2)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                                Others to be projected.</td>
                              </tr>
                            </tbody>
                          </table>
                        </td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (e)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                          River Conservancy.

                          <table summary="This is a list." class=
                          "tei tei-list" style=
                          "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
                            <tbody>
                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (1)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To
                                regulate the Embankments and Channel of the
                                Yangtze River from Hankow to the Sea thus
                                facilitating Ocean-going ships to reach that
                                Port at all seasons.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (2)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To
                                regulate the Hoangho Embankments and Channel
                                to prevent floods.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (3)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To
                                regulate the Sikiang.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (4)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To
                                regulate the Hwaiho.</td>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                                (5)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                              </tr>

                              <tr>
                                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To
                                regulate various other rivers.</td>
                              </tr>
                            </tbody>
                          </table>
                        </td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (f)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">The
                        Construction of more Telegraph Lines and Telephones
                        and Wireless Systems all over the Country.</td>
                      </tr>
                    </tbody>
                  </table>
                </td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                II.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">
                  The Development of Commercial Harbors. <a name="Pg250" id=
                  "Pg250" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

                  <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list"
                  style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
                    <tbody>
                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (a)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Three largest
                        Ocean Ports with future capacity equalling New York
                        Harbor to be constructed in North, Central and South
                        China.</td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (b)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Various small
                        Commercial and Fishing Harbors to be constructed
                        along the Coast.</td>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                        (c)&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
                      </tr>

                      <tr>
                        <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Commercial
                        Docks to be constructed along all navigable
                        rivers.</td>
                      </tr>
                    </tbody>
                  </table>
                </td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                III.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Modern Cities with
                public utilities to be constructed in all Railway Centers,
                Termini, and alongside Harbors.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                IV.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Water Power
                Development.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">V.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Iron and Steel Works
                and Cement Works on the largest scale in order to supply the
                above needs.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                VI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Mineral
                Development.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                VII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Agricultural
                Development.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                VIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Irrigational Work on
                the largest scale in Mongolia and Sinkiang.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">
                IX.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Reforestation in
                Central and North China.</td>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">X.&nbsp;&nbsp;</th>
              </tr>

              <tr>
                <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Colonization in
                Manchuria, Mongolia, Sinkiang, Kokonor, and Thibet.<a id=
                "noteref_311" name="noteref_311" href=
                "#note_311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
                "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">311</span></span></a></td>
              </tr>
            </tbody>
          </table>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The industrial
          revolution is to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> what
          the present program of socialist construction is to the Marxians of
          the Soviet Union, what prosperity is to American democracy. Without
          industrialization <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> must
          remain an academic theory. Sun's program gives a definite physical
          gauge by means of which the success of his followers can be told,
          and the extent of China's progress estimated. It provides a
          material foundation to the social and political changes in
          China.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The theory of
          Sun Yat-sen in connection with the continuation of the old system
          is a significant one. His political doctrines, both ideological and
          programmatic, are original and not without great meaning in the
          development of an adequate and just state system in modern China.
          But this work might have been done, although perhaps not as well,
          by other leaders. The significance of Sun in his own lifetime lay
          in his deliberate championing <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page251">[pg 251]</span><a name="Pg251" id="Pg251" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the cause of industrial revolution as the
          <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sine
          qua non</span></span> of development in China. In the epoch of the
          first Republic he relinquished the Presidency in favor of Yüan
          Shih-k'ai in order to be able to devote his whole time to the
          advancement of the railway program of the Republic. In the years
          that he had to spend in exile, he constantly studied and preached
          the necessity of modernizing China. Of his slogan, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Modernization without Westernization!”</span>
          modernization is the industrial revolution, and non-Westernization
          the rest of his programs and ideology. The unity of Sun Yat-sen's
          doctrines is apparent; they are inseparable; but if one part were
          to be plucked forth as his greatest contribution to the working
          politics of his own time, it might conceivably be his activities
          and plans for the industrial revolution.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He spoke
          feelingly and bitterly of the miserable lives which the vast
          majority of his countrymen had to lead, of the expensiveness and
          insecurity of their material existences, of the vast, tragic waste
          of human effort in the form of man-power in a world where
          machine-power had rendered muscular work unnecessary. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“This miserable condition among the Chinese proletariat
          [he apparently means the whole working class] is due to the
          non-development of the country, the crude methods of production,
          and the wastefulness of labor. The radical cure for all this is
          industrial development by foreign capital and experts for the
          benefit of the whole nation.... If foreign capital cannot be
          gotten, we will have to get at least their experts and inventors to
          make for us our own machinery....”</span><a id="noteref_312" name=
          "noteref_312" href="#note_312"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">312</span></span></a>
          Howsoever the work was to be done, it had to be done. In bringing
          China into the modern world, in modernizing her economy, in
          assuring the justice of the new economy which was to emerge, Sun
          found the key in the physical advancement of China, in the building
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page252">[pg 252]</span><a name=
          "Pg252" id="Pg252" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of vast railway
          systems, in creating ports <span class="tei tei-q">“with future
          capacity equalling New York harbor,”</span> in re-making the whole
          face of Eastern Asia as a better home for his beloved
          race-nation.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc109" id="toc109"></a> <a name="pdf110" id="pdf110"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Social Revolution.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering
          the social revolution which was to form the third part of the
          program of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, four
          questions appear, each requiring examination. It is in this field
          of Sun's programs that the terms of the Western ideology are most
          relevant, since the ideological distinctions to be found in old
          China as contrasted with the West do not apply so positively in
          problems that are to appear in a society which is to be
          industrially modern. Even in this, however, some of the old Chinese
          ideas may continue in use and give relevance to the terms with
          which Sun discusses the social revolution. Private property, that
          mysterious relation between an individual and certain goods and
          services, has been almost a fetish in the West; the Chinese,
          already subject to the collectivisms of the family, the village and
          the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, does not
          have the deep attachment to this notion that Westerners—especially
          those who do have property—are apt to develop. Consequently, even
          though the discussion of Sun's programs with regard to distributive
          justice are remarkably like the discussions of the same problem to
          be found in the West, the possibility, at least, of certain minor
          though thoroughgoing differences must be allowed for, and not
          overlooked altogether. The four aspects to this problem which one
          may distinguish in Sun's program for <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are: what is to be the
          sphere of state action? what is to be the treatment accorded
          private ownership of land? what is to be the position of private
          capital? and, what of the class struggle?</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          said: <span class="tei tei-q">“In modern civilization, the material
          essentials of life are five, namely: food, clothing, shelter,
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page253">[pg 253]</span><a name=
          "Pg253" id="Pg253" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> means of locomotion,
          and the printed page.”</span><a id="noteref_313" name="noteref_313"
          href="#note_313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">313</span></span></a> At
          other times he may have made slightly different arrangements of
          these fundamental necessities, but the essential content of the
          demands remained the same.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Behind his
          demand for a program to carry out <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> there was the
          fundamental belief that a government which does not assure and
          promote the material welfare of the masses of its citizens does not
          deserve to exist. To him the problem of livelihood, the concrete
          aspect of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, was
          one which had to be faced by every government, and was a means of
          judging the righteousness of a government. He could not tolerate a
          state which did not assure the people a fair subsistence. There was
          no political or ethical value higher than life itself. A government
          which did not see that its subjects were fed, sheltered, clothed,
          transported, and lettered to the degree which the economic level of
          its time permitted, was a government deserving of destruction. Sun
          Yat-sen was not a doctrinaire on the subject of classes; he would
          tolerate inequality, so long as it could be shown not to militate
          against the welfare of the people. He was completely intolerant of
          any government, Eastern or Western, which permitted its subjects to
          starve or to be degraded into a nightmare existence of
          semi-starvation. Whatever the means, this end of popular
          livelihood, of a reasonable minimum on the scale of living for each
          and every citizen, had to prevail above all others.<a id=
          "noteref_314" name="noteref_314" href="#note_314"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">314</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page254">[pg 254]</span><a name="Pg254" id="Pg254" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Within the
          limits of this supreme criterion, Sun Yat-sen left the government
          to its own choice in the matter of the sphere of state action. If
          the system of private initiative could develop more efficiently
          than could the government in certain fields, then leave those
          fields to private effort. If and when private initiative failed to
          meet rigid requirements to be established by the government it was
          not merely the privilege, it was the obligation of the government
          to intervene. Sun Yat-sen seems to have believed that government
          action would in the long run be desirable anyhow, but to have been
          enough of a political realist at the same time to be willing to
          allow the government a considerable length of time in expanding its
          activities. In a developing country like China it seemed to him
          probable that the ends of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ming
          shêng</span></span> could best be served in many fields by private
          enterprise. <span class="tei tei-q">“All matters that can be and
          are better carried out by private enterprise should be left to
          private hands which should be encouraged and fully protected by
          liberal laws....”</span><a id="noteref_315" name="noteref_315"
          href="#note_315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">315</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">From the outset,
          Sun Yat-sen's plan of empirical collectivism demanded a fairly
          broad range of state action. <span class="tei tei-q">“All matters
          that cannot be taken up by private concerns and those that possess
          monopolistic character should be taken up as national
          undertakings.”</span><a id="noteref_316" name="noteref_316" href=
          "#note_316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">316</span></span></a> This
          view of his may be traced, among others, to three suppositions he
          entertained concerning Bismarck, concerning "war socialism," and
          concerning the industrial revolution in China. Sun shows a certain
          grudging admiration for Bismarck, whom he believed to have offset
          the rising tide of democratic socialism in Germany by introducing
          state socialism, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page255">[pg
          255]</span><a name="Pg255" id="Pg255" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          in government control of railroads, etc. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“By this preventive method he imperceptibly did away
          with the controversial issues, and since the people had no reason
          to fight, a social revolution was naturally averted. This was the
          very great anti-democratic move of Bismarck.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_317" name="noteref_317" href="#note_317"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">317</span></span></a>
          Secondly, he believed that the <span class="tei tei-q">“...
          unification and nationalization of all the industries, which I
          might call the Second Industrial Revolution ...”</span> on account
          of the world war would be even more significant than the
          first.<a id="noteref_318" name="noteref_318" href=
          "#note_318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">318</span></span></a> It
          intensified the four elements of recent economic progress, which
          tended to prove the falsity of the Marxian predictions of the
          future of capitalism, namely: <span class="tei tei-q">“a. Social
          and industrial improvements (i. e. labor and welfare legislation);
          b. State ownership of the means of transportation and of
          communication; c. Direct taxes; d. Socialized distribution (the
          coöperative movement).”</span><a id="noteref_319" name=
          "noteref_319" href="#note_319"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">319</span></span></a>
          Finally, Sun believed that the magnitude of the Chinese industrial
          revolution was such that no private capital could establish its
          foundations, and that the state had perforce to initiate the great
          undertakings of industrialism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Concerning Sun's
          beliefs regarding the sphere of state action in economic matters,
          one may say that his ideology of empirical collectivism required a
          program calling for: 1) the protection of private enterprise and
          the simultaneous launching of great state enterprises at the
          beginning; 2) the intermediate pursuance of a policy by means of
          which the state would be the guarantor of the livelihood of the
          people, and establish the sphere of its own action according to
          whether or not private enterprise was sufficient to meet the needs
          of the people; and 3) a long range trend toward complete
          collectivism.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page256">[pg
          256]</span><a name="Pg256" id="Pg256" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With respect to
          the question of land, Sun Yat-sen believed in his own version of
          the <span class="tei tei-q">“single tax,”</span> which was not, in
          his programs, the single tax, since he foresaw other sources of
          revenue for the state (tariffs, revenue from state enterprises,
          etc.). According to the land-control system of Sun Yat-sen the
          land-owner would himself assess the value of his land. He would be
          prevented from over-assessing it by his own desire to avoid paying
          too high a tax; and under-assessment would be avoided by a
          provision that the state could at any time purchase the land at the
          price set by the owner. If the land were to go up in value the
          owner would have to pay the difference between the amount which he
          formerly assessed and the amount which he believed it to be worth
          at the later time. The money so paid would become <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“... a public fund as a reward, to all those who had
          improved the community and who had advanced industry and commerce
          around the land. The proposal that all future increment shall be
          given to the community is the <span class="tei tei-q">‘equalization
          of land ownership’</span> advocated by the Kuomintang; it is the
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min-sheng</span></span> Principle. This form
          of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min-sheng</span></span>
          Principle is communism, and since the members of the Kuomintang
          support the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min</span></span>
          Principles they should not oppose communism.”</span> Continuing
          directly, Sun makes clear the nature of the empirical collectivism
          of his <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          program, which he calls communism. <span class="tei tei-q">“The
          great aim of the Principle of Livelihood in our Three Principles is
          communism—a share in property by all. But the communism which we
          propose is a communism of the future, not of the present. This
          communism of the future is a very just proposal, and those who have
          had property in the past will not suffer at all by it. It is a very
          different thing from what is called in the West <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘nationalization of <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page257">[pg 257]</span><a name="Pg257" id="Pg257" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> property,’</span> confiscation for the
          government's use of private property which the people already
          possess.”</span><a id="noteref_320" name="noteref_320" href=
          "#note_320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">320</span></span></a> Sun
          Yat-sen declared that the solution to the land problem would be
          half of the solution of the problem of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.<a id="noteref_321"
          name="noteref_321" href="#note_321"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">321</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          believed in the restriction of private capital in such a way as to
          assure its not becoming a socially disruptive force. That is a part
          of his ideology which we have already examined. In the matter of an
          actual program, he believed in the use of <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“harnessed capital.”</span><a id="noteref_322" name=
          "noteref_322" href="#note_322"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">322</span></span></a> He
          had no real fear of capital; imperialist foreign capital was one
          thing—the small native capital another. The former was a political
          enemy. The latter was not formidable. In a speech on Red Labor Day,
          1924, when his sympathies were about as far Left as they ever were,
          in consideration for the kindliness of the Communist assistance to
          Canton, he said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Chinese capitalists are
          not so <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page258">[pg
          258]</span><a name="Pg258" id="Pg258" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          strong that they could oppress the Chinese workers,”</span><a id=
          "noteref_323" name="noteref_323" href="#note_323"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">323</span></span></a> and
          added that, the struggle being one with imperialism, the
          destruction of the Chinese capitalists would not solve the
          question.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The restriction
          of private capital to the point of keeping it harmless, and thus
          avoiding the evils which would lead to the class war and a violent
          social revolution, was only half the story of capitalism in China
          which Sun Yat-sen wanted told in history. The other half was the
          advancement of the industrial revolution by the state, which was
          the only instrumentality capable of doing this great work.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“China cannot be compared to foreign
          countries. It is not sufficient (for her) to impose restrictions
          upon capital. Foreign countries are rich, while China is poor....
          For that reason China must not only restrict private capital, but
          she must also develop the capital of the State.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_324" name="noteref_324" href="#note_324"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">324</span></span></a> The
          restrictions to be placed upon private capital and upon private
          land speculation were negative; the development of state-owned
          capital and of capital which the state could trust politically were
          positive, as was the revenue which should be gained from the
          governmental seizure of unearned increment. In some cases the state
          would not even have to trouble itself to confiscate the unearned
          increment; it could itself develop the land and profit by its rise
          in value, applying the funds thus derived to the paying-off
          <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page259">[pg 259]</span><a name=
          "Pg259" id="Pg259" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of foreign loans or
          some socially constructive enterprise.<a id="noteref_325" name=
          "noteref_325" href="#note_325"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">325</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ideologically,
          Sun Yat-sen was opposed to the intra-national class war. Class war
          could, nevertheless, be justified in the programs of Sun in two
          ways: 1) if it were international class war, of the oppressed
          against the oppressing nations; and 2) if it were the class war of
          the nationalist Chinese workers against foreign imperialism. In
          these two cases Sun Yat-sen thought class-war a good idea. He did
          not think class war necessary in contemporary China, and hoped, by
          means of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, to
          develop an economy so healthy that the pathological phenomena of
          the class struggle would never appear. On the other hand, in
          justice to Sun, and to those Marxians who would apologize for him
          to their fellow-Marxians, there can be little doubt that Sun
          Yat-sen would have approved of the class war, even in China, if he
          had thought that Chinese capitalism had risen to such power that it
          obstructed the way of the Chinese nation to freedom and economic
          health. Even in this he might not have set any particular virtue
          upon the proletariat as such; the capitalists would be the enemies
          of the nation, and it would be the whole nation which would have to
          dispose of them.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A finically
          Scrupulous and detailed examination of Sun Yat-sen's programs for
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is intellectually
          unremunerative, since it has been established that <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be called
          empirical collectivism; collectivism which is empirical cannot be
          rigidly programmatic, or it loses its empirical character. Sun, not
          accepting the dialectics of historical materialism, and following
          the traditionally Chinese pragmatic way of thinking, could not
          orient his revolution in a world of economic predestinations. With
          the characteristic Chinese emphasis on men rather than on rules and
          principles, Sun Yat-sen knew that if China <span class="tei tei-pb"
          id="page260">[pg 260]</span><a name="Pg260" id="Pg260" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> were ruled by the right sort of men, his
          programs would be carried through in accordance with the expediency
          of the moment. He does not appear to have considered, as do some of
          the left wing, that it was possible for the revolutionary movement
          to be diverted to the control of unworthy persons. Even had he
          foreseen such a possible state of affairs, he would not, in all
          probability, have settled his programs any more rigidly; he knew,
          from the most intimate and heart-breaking experience, how easy it
          is in China to pay lip-service to principles which are rejected.
          The first Republic had taught him that.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One must
          consequently regard the programs of national economic revolution,
          of industrial revolution, and of social revolution as tentative and
          general outlines of the course which Sun wished the Nationalist
          Kuomintang and state to follow in carrying out <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Of these programs,
          the one least likely to be affected by political or personal
          changes was that of the industrial revolution, and it is this which
          is most detailed.<a id="noteref_326" name="noteref_326" href=
          "#note_326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">326</span></span></a> His
          great desire was that the Chinese race-nation continue, not merely
          to subsist, but to thrive and multiply and become great, so that it
          could restore the ancient morality and wisdom of China, as well as
          become proficient in the Western sciences.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A last
          suggestion may be made concerning the programs of Sun Yat-sen,
          before consideration of the Utopia <span class="tei tei-pb" id=
          "page261">[pg 261]</span><a name="Pg261" id="Pg261" class=
          "tei tei-anchor"></a> which lay at the end of the road of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. His plans may
          continue to go on in <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> because they are so empirical. His nationalism
          may be deflected or altered by the new situation in world politics.
          His optimism concerning the rapidity of democratic developments may
          not be justified by actual developments. The programs of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are so general that
          they can be followed to some degree by governments of almost any
          orientation along the Right-Left scale. The really important
          criterion in the programs of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is this: the people
          must live. It is a simple one to understand, and may be a great
          force in the continued development of his programs, to the last
          stage of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <a name="toc111" id="toc111"></a> <a name="pdf112" id="pdf112"></a>

          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">The Utopia of</span> <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
          differs from the empirical collectivists of the West in that he has
          an end to his program, which is to be achieved over a considerable
          period of time. The means are such that he can be classified with
          those Western thinkers; his goal is one which he took from the
          ideals in the old ideology and which he identified with those of
          the communists, although not necessarily with the Marxists. He
          said, at the end of his second lecture on <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>:</p>

          <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
          "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
          <span style="font-size: 90%">Our way is community of industrial and
          social profits. We cannot say, then, that the doctrine of</span>
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
            "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min
            shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">is different
            from communism. The</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>
            <span style="font-size: 90%">means a government</span>
            <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">of the
            people, by the people, and for the people</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">—that is, the state is the common property of
            all the people, its politics are participated in by all, and its
            profits are shared by all. Then there will be not only communism
            in property, but communism in everything else. Such will be the
            ultimate end of</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
            xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min
            shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, a state which
            Confucius calls</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
            xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">ta
            t'ung</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the age
            of</span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">great
            similarity.</span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><a id="noteref_327" name=
            "noteref_327" href="#note_327"><span class=
            "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
            "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">327</span></span></a>
          </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page262">[pg 262]</span><a name=
          "Pg262" id="Pg262" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Perhaps no other
          passage from the works of Sun Yat-sen in relation to <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> could illustrate his
          position so aptly. He describes his doctrine. He labels it
          <span class="tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> although, as we have
          seen, it is quite another thing than Marxism. He cites Lincoln. In
          the end he calls upon the authority of Confucius.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To a Westerner,
          the ideal commonwealth of Sun Yat-sen bears a remarkable
          resemblance to the world projected in the ideals of the ancient
          Chinese. Here again there is <span class="tei tei-q">“great
          similarity,”</span> complete ideological harmony, and the
          presumable disappearance of state and law. Property, the fount of
          war, has been set aside, and men—animated by a profound and sincere
          appreciation of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span>—work
          together, all for the common good. The Chinese will, in this
          Utopia, have struck down <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">might</span></em> from the high places of the
          world, and inaugurated an era of <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the kingly
          way</span></em> throughout the earth. Their ancient doctrines of
          benevolence and peace shall have succeeded in bringing about
          cosmospolitanism.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are,
          however, differences from the old order of ideals. According to the
          Marxists, nationality, after it has served its purpose as an
          instrument in the long class struggle, may be set aside.
          Speculation of this sort is rare among them, however, and it is
          difficult to envision their final system. To Sun Yat-sen, however,
          there was the definite ideal that the Chinese live on forever. This
          was an obligation imposed upon him and his ideology by the
          teleological element in the old ideology which required that
          humanity be immortal in the flesh and that it be immortal through
          clearly traceable lines of descent. The individual was settled in a
          genealogical web, reaching through time and space, which gave him a
          sense of certainty that otherwise he might lack. This is
          inconsistent <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page263">[pg
          263]</span><a name="Pg263" id="Pg263" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
          with the Marxian ideal, where the family system, a relic of brutal
          days, shall have vanished.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The physical
          immortality of the Chinese race was not the only sort of
          immortality Sun Yat-sen wished China to have. His stress on the
          peculiar virtues of the Chinese intellectual culture has been
          noted. The Chinese literati had sought an immortality of integrity
          and intellect, a continuity of civilization without which mere
          physical survival might seem brutish. In the teleology of Sun's
          ideal society, there would no doubt be these two factors: filial
          piety, emphasizing the survival of the flesh; and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, emphasizing the continuity
          of wisdom and honor. Neither could aptly continue unless China
          remained Chinese, unless the particular virtues of the Chinese were
          brought once again to their full potency.<a id="noteref_328" name=
          "noteref_328" href="#note_328"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">328</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family
          system was to continue to the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> Utopia. So too were
          the three natural orders of men. Sun Yat-sen never advocated that
          the false inequality of the present world be thrown down for the
          purpose of putting in its place a false equality which made no
          distinction between the geniuses, the apostles, and the unthinking.
          The Chinese world was to be Chinese to the end of time. In this the
          narrowness of Sun Yat-sen's ideals is apparent; it is, perhaps, a
          narrowness which limits his aspirations and gives them
          strength.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese
          Utopia which was to be at the end of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to be established
          in a world, moreover, which might not have made a complete return
          to ideological control, in which the state might still survive. The
          requirements of an industrial economy certainly presupposes an
          enormous length of time before the ideology and the society shall
          have been completely adjusted to the peculiarities <span class=
          "tei tei-pb" id="page264">[pg 264]</span><a name="Pg264" id="Pg264"
          class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of life in a world not only of working
          men but of working machines. The state must continue until all men
          are disciplined to labor: "When all these vagrants will be done
          away with and when all will contribute to production, then clothing
          will be abundant and food sufficient; families will enjoy
          prosperity, and individuals will be satisfied.</p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Then the question of the <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘people's life’</span> will be solved.”</span><a id=
          "noteref_329" name="noteref_329" href="#note_329"><span class=
          "tei tei-noteref"><span style=
          "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">329</span></span></a></p>

          <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thus Sun Yat-sen
          concluded his last lecture on <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page265">[pg 265]</span><a name=
      "Pg265" id="Pg265" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc113" id="toc113"></a> <a name="pdf114" id="pdf114"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Bibliography.</span></h1>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The bibliography
        of works in Western languages dealing with Sun Yat-sen is short. The
        author has made no attempt to gather various fugitive pieces, such as
        newspaper clippings. He believes, however, that the following
        bibliography of Western works on Sun is the most nearly complete
        which has yet appeared, and has listed, for the sake of completeness,
        two Russian items as yet unavailable in the United States.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first half of
        the bibliography presents these Western materials, arranged according
        to their subject. Within each category, the individual items are
        presented in chronological order; this has been done in order to make
        clear the position of the works in point of time of publication—a
        factor occasionally of some importance in the study of these
        materials.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The second half of
        the bibliography lists further works which have been referred to or
        cited. The first group of these consists of a small collection of
        some of the more important Chinese editions of, and Chinese and
        Japanese treatises upon, Sun Yat-sen's writings. The second group
        represents various Western works on China or on political science
        which have been of assistance to the author in this study.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese names have
        been left in their natural order, with the patronymic first. Where
        Chinese names have been Westernized and inverted, they have been
        returned to their original Chinese order, but with a comma inserted
        to indicate the change.</p>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">A. Major Sources on Sun Yat-sen Which
          are Available in Western Languages.</span></h2>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">I. Biographies of Sun
            Yat-sen.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Ponce, Mariano,</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, El fundador
              de la Republica de China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Manila, 1912.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A popular
            biography. Valuable for the period just before 1912.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Cantlie, James and Sheridan-Jones,
            C.,</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the
            Awakening of China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            New York, 1912.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Also a popular
            work. Valuable for the description of Sun Yat-sen's
            education.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul (and Sun
            Yat-sen),</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and The Chinese
            Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
            1925.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The only
            biography authorized by Sun Yat-sen, who wrote parts <span class=
            "tei tei-pb" id="page266">[pg 266]</span><a name="Pg266" id=
            "Pg266" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of it himself. A propaganda
            work, it presents the most complete record of Sun's early life.
            Does not go beyond 1922.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Vilenskii (Sibiriakov), V.,</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun' Iat-Sen—otets kitaiskoe
            revoliutsii</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Moscow,
            1925. The same, Moscow, 1926.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not
            available.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Lee, Edward Bing-shuey,</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life
            and Achievements</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">(English and French), Nanking, n. d.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A synopsis, by
            a spokesman for the Nationalist Party.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Wou, Saofong,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun
            Yat-sen, Sa Vie et Sa Doctrine</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, Paris, 1929.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An excellent
            outline, largely from Chinese sources.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Restarick, Henry Bond,</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Liberator of
            China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New Haven,
            1931.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Useful for a
            description of Sun Yat-sen's life in Honolulu, and of some of his
            overseas connections.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">—— (R.-Ch. Duval, translator),</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Liberator de la
            Chine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
            1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">de Morant, George Soulie,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Soun
              Iat-sènn</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
              1932.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A romantic
            work based upon Chinese sources, and the Chinese translation of
            Linebarger's work.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul; Linebarger, Paul M. A.
            (editor),</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Gospel of Sun
            Chung-shan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
            1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Sharman, (Mrs.) Lyon,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life and
              Its Meaning, A Criticall Biography</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1934.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most
            complete biography of Sun Yat-sen. Well documented and prepared.
            Mrs. Sharman's work will remain authoritative for many years to
            come. Its main fault is its somewhat hyper-sensitive criticism of
            Sun Yat-sen's personality, with which the author never comes in
            contact.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
            Life of Sun Chung-san</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            Shanghai, 1932. Fragmentary proofsheets. See note in
            Preface.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Reissig, Paul,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen und die
              Kuomintang</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin,
              n. d. A Lutheran missionary tract.</span></p>
            </div>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">II. Translations of the Sixteen
            Lectures on the</span> <span class="tei tei-hi" style=
            "text-align: left"><span style=
            "font-size: 120%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu
            I</span></span><span style="font-size: 120%">.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Anonymous,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
            Three Principles</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            Shanghai 1927.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of no
            value.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsan Wan,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Die
            Drei Nationalen Grundlehren, Die Grundlehren von dem
            Volkstum</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin,
            1927.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A translation
            of the lectures on Nationalism; excellent as far as it goes.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">d'Elia, Paschal M., S. J.
            (translator and editor);</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Le
            Triple Demisme de Suen Wen</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1929.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The only
            annotated translation. The style is simple and direct, and the
            notes accurate, for the most part, and informative. The
            <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page267">[pg 267]</span><a name=
            "Pg267" id="Pg267" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> uninitiated reader
            must make allowances for Father d'Elia's religious viewpoints.
            This is probably the most useful translation.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Price, Frank W. (translator), Chen,
            L. T. (editor);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I, The Three
            Principles of the People</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1930.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            translation most widely known and quoted.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">d'Elia, Paschal M., S. J.,</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Triple Demism of Sun
            Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Wuchang,
            1931.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A translation
            of the French version.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Hsü, Leonard Shihlien;</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Political
            and Social Ideals</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Los
            Angeles, 1933.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most
            complete selection of the documents of Sun Yat-senism available
            in English. Dr. Hsü has assembled his materials remarkably well.
            His chapter <span class="tei tei-q">“The Basic Literature of
            Sunyatsenism”</span> is the best of its kind in English.</p>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">III. Other Translations of the
            Chinese Works of Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Anonymous;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Zapiski kitaiskogo
            revoliutsionera</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            Moscow, 1926.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not
            available.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Memoirs of a
              Chinese Revolutionary</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Philadelphia, n. d.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not documented
            and apparently unreliable. English version of the above.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Wittfogel, Karl;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen,
              Aufzeichnungen eines chinesischen
              Revolutionärs</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Vienna and Berlin, n. d. (ca. 1927).</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most
            complete Marxist critique, containing also an excellent short
            biography.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsan Wan;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">30
            Jahre Chinesische Revolution</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, Berlin, 1927.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An excellent
            translation of one of the short autobiographies of Sun
            Yat-sen.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Wei Yung (translator);</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr. Sun, Sun Wên
            Hsüeh Shê</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
            1931.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Also referred
            to as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Outline of Psychological
            Reconstruction</span></span>. It comprises a series of popular
            essays discussing the problems involved in modernization of the
            Chinese outlook, and presenting Sun Yat-sen's theory of knowledge
            versus action.</p>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">IV. Works in English by Sun
            Yat-sen.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Kidnapped in
            London</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Bristol,
            1897.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
            first book in English. Expresses his Christian, modernist,
            anti-Manchu attitude of the time.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">How China was
              Made a Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Shanghai, 1919.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A short
            autobiography of Sun Yat-sen; see note in Preface.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
              International Development of China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, New York and London, 1929.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's
            bold project for the industrialization of China. <span class=
            "tei tei-pb" id="page268">[pg 268]</span><a name="Pg268" id=
            "Pg268" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> First proposed in 1919, the
            work calls for a coördinated effort of world capitalism and
            Chinese nationalism for the modernization of China. Also called
            the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Outline of Material
            Reconstruction</span></span>.</p>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">V. Commentaries on the Principles
            of Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Li Ti tsun;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
            Politico-Economic Theories of Sun
            Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This work has
            not been published, but portions of it appeared in the
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese
            Students' Monthly</span></span>, XXIV, New York, 1928-1929, as
            follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“The Life of Sun
            Yat-sen,”</span> no. 1, p. 14, November, 1928; <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“The Theoretical System of Dr. Sun Yat-sen,”</span>
            no. 2, p. 92, December 1928, and no. 3, p. 130, January 1929; and
            <span class="tei tei-q">“The Sunyatsenian Principle of
            Livelihood,”</span> no. 5, p. 219, March 1929. It is most
            regrettable that the whole work could not be published as a unit,
            for Li's work is extensive in scope and uses the major Chinese
            and foreign sources quite skilfully.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Tai Chi-tao (Richard Wilhelm,
            translator);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Die Geistigen Grundlagen des
            Sunyatsenismus</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            Berlin, 1931.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An informative
            commentary on the ethical system of Sun Yat-sen. Tai Chi-tao is
            an eminent Party leader.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Antonov, K.:</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun'iatsenizm i kitaiskaia
            revoliutsiia</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Moscow,
            1931.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not available
            to the author.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">William, Maurice;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Vs.
              Communism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Baltimore, 1932.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A
            presentation, by the author of <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Social
            Interpretation of History</span></span>, of the influence which
            that work had on Sun; useful only in this connection.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul; Linebarger, Paul
            M. A. (editor);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Conversations With Sun
            Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
            1919-1922.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">For comment on
            this and the following manuscript, see Preface.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A
            Commentary on the San Min Chu I</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">. Four volumes, unpublished, 1933.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Tsui, Shu-Chin,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Influence of the
              Canton-Moscow Entente upon Sun Yat-sen's political
              Philosophy</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              in</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese Social and
              Political Science Review</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, XVIII, 1, 2, 3, Peiping, 1934.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A dissertation
            presented to Harvard University. Dr. Tsui covers the ground very
            thoroughly; his conclusions challenge the general belief that the
            Communists influenced Sun Yat-sen's philosophy. Ranks with the
            works of Tai Chi-tao, Hsü Shih-lien, and Father d'Elia as an aid
            to the understanding of the Three Principles.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Jair Hung:</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Les
            Idées Économiques de Sun Yat Sen</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, Toulouse, 1934.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral
            thesis presented to the University of Toulouse, treating,
            chiefly, the programmatic parts of the principle of <span lang=
            "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsiang Kuen;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Les
            origines économiques et politiques du socialisme de Sun Yat
            Sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
            1933.</span>
            </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page269">[pg
            269]</span><a name="Pg269" id="Pg269" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral
            thesis presented to the University of Paris, which deals with the
            institutional and historical background of min sheng.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Li Chao-wei;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La
            souveraineté nationale d'après la doctrine politique de
            Sun-Yet-Sin</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Dijon,
            1934.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral
            thesis presented to the University of Dijon, concerning the four
            popular powers of election, recall, initiative, and
            referendum.</p>
          </div>
        </div>

        <div class="tei tei-div" style=
        "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em">
          <h2 class="tei tei-head" style=
          "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em">
          <span style="font-size: 144%">B. Chinese Sources and Further
          Western Works Used as Auxiliary Sources.</span></h2>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">I. Chinese and Japanese Works by or
            Concerning Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Anonymous;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Fêng An Shih Lu (A
            True Record of the Obsequies of the
            Leader)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Nanking, n.
            d.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Bai-ko-nan (Mei Sung-nan);</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San-min-shu-gi To Kai-kyu
              To-so (The San Min Chu I and the Struggle between Capitalism
              and Labor)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tokyo,
              1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Chung Kung-jên;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I Li Lun Ti
              Lien Chiu (A Study of the Theory of the San Min Chu
              I)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Huang Huan-wên;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Wên Chu I Chen Ch'üan
              (The Real Interpretation of the Principles of Sun
              Wên)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Nanking,
              1933.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Lin Pai-k'ê (Linebarger, Paul M. W.), Hsü
              Chih-jên (translator);</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun I-hsien Chüan Chi (The
              Life of Sun Yat-sen)</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, 4th ed., Shanghai, 1927.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese
            translator has appended an excellent chronology of Sun's
            life.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Sun Fu-hao;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San
            Min Chu I Piao Chieh (An Elementary Explanation of the Sun Min
            Chu I)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
            1933.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen, Hu Han-min, ed.;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Ch'üan Chi (The
              Complete Works of the Leader)</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, 4 vol. in 1; 2nd ed., Shanghai,
              1930.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The best
            collection, but by no means complete.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun
            Chung-shan Yen Chiang Chi (A Collection of the Lectures of Sun
            Chung-shan)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, 3rd ed.,
            Shanghai, 1927.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Yü Mo (The
              Posthumous Papers of the Leader)</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Nanking, n. d.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Têng Hsi;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chung Shan Jên Shêng Shih
              Hsia Tan Yüan, (An Inquiry into the Origin of Chung Shan's
              Philosophy of Life)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Shanghai, 1933.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Tsao Kê-jen;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Chung Shan Hsien-shêng
              Ching Chi Hsüeh Shê (The Economic Theory of Mr. Sun
              Chung-shan)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Nanking, 1935.</span></p>
            </div>
          </div>

          <div class="tei tei-div" style=
          "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">
            <h3 class="tei tei-head" style=
            "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em">
            <span style="font-size: 120%">II. Works on China or the
            Revolution.</span></h3>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Amann, Gustav;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yatsens
              Vermächtnis</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin,
              1928.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Bland, J. O. and Backhouse, E.;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Under the Empress
              Dowager</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Philadelphia, 1910.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
              "page270">[pg 270]</span><a name="Pg270" id="Pg270" class=
              "tei tei-anchor"></a>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Beresford, Lord Charles;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Break-up of
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London,
              1899.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Bonnard, Abel;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">En Chine
              (1920-1921)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
              1924.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Burgess, J. S.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Guilds of
              Peking</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1928.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Buxton, L. H. Dudley;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China, The Land and the
              People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Oxford,
              1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Chen Tsung-hsi, Wang An-tsiang, and Wang
              I-ting;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">General Chiang Kai-shek:
              The Builder of New China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese Social and
              Political Science Review, The</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Peking (Peiping), 1916-. The foremost
              journal of its kind in the Far East.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China
              Today</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1934-. Communist Monthly.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Weekly Review,
              The</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1917-.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">The leading English-language weekly in China,
              Liberal in outlook.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Year Book,
              The</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1919-?</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A necessary
            reference work for government personnel, trade statistics, and
            chronology. Perhaps inferior to the corresponding volumes in
            other countries.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Close, Upton,</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pseud.</span></span>
            <span style="font-size: 90%">(Hall, Josef Washington);</span>
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Challenge: Behind the Face
            of Japan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
            1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Eminent
              Asians</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Coker, Francis;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Recent Political
              Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Creel, H. G.; Sinism,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A
              Study of the Evolution of the Chinese
              World-view</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Chicago,
              1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Cressey, George Babcock;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China's Geographic
              Foundations</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">de Groot, J. J. M.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Religion in
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and
              London, 1912.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Djang, Chu (Chang Tso);</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese
              Suzerainty</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Johns
              Hopkins University doctoral dissertation, 1935.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Douglas, Sir Robert K.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Europe and the Far East
              1506-1912</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1913.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Ellis, Henry;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Journal of the Proceedings
              of the Late Embassy to China...</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Philadelphia, 1818.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Encyclopedia of the Social
              Sciences</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1930-.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Articles on
            <span class="tei tei-q">“Kuomintang”</span> and <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen.”</span></p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Erdberg, Oskar;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tales of
              Modern China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Moscow, 1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Erkes, Eduard;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinesische
              Literatur</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Breslau,
              1922.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Foreign Office of Japan, The (?);</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Present Condition of
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tokyo (?),
              1932.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">No author nor
            place of publication is given in this work, which presents a
            description of those features of Chinese political and economic
            life that might be construed as excusing Japanese
            intervention.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Fundamental Laws of the
            Chinese Soviet Republic</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, The, New York, 1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Goodnow, Frank Johnson;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China: An
              Analysis</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Baltimore,
              1926.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Granet, Marcel;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese
              Civilization</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1930.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page271">[pg
              271]</span><a name="Pg271" id="Pg271" class=
              "tei tei-anchor"></a>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Harvey, E. D.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Mind of
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New Haven,
              1933.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Holcombe, Arthur N.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese
              Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Spirit of the Chinese
              Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Hsia Ching-lin; Chow, James L. E.; and Chang,
              Yukon (translators);</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Civil Code of The
              Republic of China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Shanghai, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Hsieh, Pao Chao;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Government of China
              (1644-1911)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Baltimore, 1925.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Hsü, Leonard Shih-lien;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Political Philosophy
              of Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Hsü, Pao-chien;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ethical Realism in
              Neo-Confucian Thought</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Dissertation, Columbia University, n.
              d.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Suggests the
            position of Sun Yat-sen in the history of Chinese philosophy.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Hu Shih; and Lin Yu-tang;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China's Own
            Critics</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping,
            1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Isaacs, Harold (editor);</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Five Years of Kuomintang
              Reaction</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Johnston, Reginald;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Twilight in the Forbidden
              City</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London,
              1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Koo, V. K. Wellington;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Memoranda Presented to the
              Lytton Commission</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              New York, n. d.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Kotenev, Anatol M.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">New Lamps for
              Old</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Kulp, D. H.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Family Life in South
              China: The Sociology of Familism</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1925.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Latourette, Kenneth;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese: Their History
              and Culture</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1934.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Lea, Homer;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Valor of
              Ignorance</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1909.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">History of Chinese
              Political Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              New York and London, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Li Chi;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Formation of the
              Chinese People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1928.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Lin Yutang;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">My Country and My
              People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1936.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul Myron Wentworth;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Deutschlands Gegenwärtige
              Gelegenheiten in China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Brussels, 1936.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Lou Kan-jou;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Histoire Sociale de
              l'Epoque Tcheou</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Paris, 1935.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">MacNair, Harley Farnsworth;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China in
              Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Chicago,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Chinese
              History—Selected Readings</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1923.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Mänchen-Helfen, Otto;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Dresden, 1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Maybon, Albert;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Politique
              Chinoise</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
              1908.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen
            presented a copy of this book to Judge Linebarger, and
            enthusiastically recommended it.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
            "page272">[pg 272]</span><a name="Pg272" id="Pg272" class=
            "tei tei-anchor"></a>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Maybon, Albert;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Republique
              Chinoise</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
              1914.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Mayers, William Frederick;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese Government, A
              Manual of Chinese Titles, Categorically Explained and Arranged,
              with an Appendix</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Shanghai, 1897.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">McGovern, William Montgomery;</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Japan, Its
              Political, Military, and Industrial
              Organization</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              London, 1920.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Myron, Paul, pseud. (Linebarger, Paul M.
              W.);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Our Chinese Chances
              Through Europe's War</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Chicago, 1915.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Meadows, Thomas Taylor;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese and Their
              Rebellions</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London,
              1856.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One of the
            permanently outstanding books on China; dealing primarily with
            the T'ai P'ing rebellion, it presents an extraordinarily keen
            analysis of the politics of the old Chinese social system.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <span style="font-size: 90%">Ogden, C. K. and Richards, I.
            A.;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Meaning of
            Meaning</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and
            London, 1927.</span>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is largely
            upon this work that the present author has sought to base his
            technique of ideological analysis.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Peffer, Nathaniel;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
            Collapse of a Civilization</span></span><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Price, Ernest Batson;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Russo-Japanese
              Treaties of 1907-1916 Concerning Manchuria and
              Mongolia</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Baltimore,
              1933.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pages 1-13
            present stimulating suggestions as to the nature of <span class=
            "tei tei-q">“China.”</span></p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Reichwein, Adolf;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China and Europe:
            Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth
            Century</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
            1925.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Roffe, Jean;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Chine Nationaliste
              1912-1930</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Roy, Manabendra Nath;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Revolution und
              Konterrevolution in China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Berlin, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Ruffé, R. d'Auxion de;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Is China
              Mad?</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">Shanghai,
              1928.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author,
            violently hostile to Sun Yat-sen, presents some details of Sun's
            life not published elsewhere.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Smith, Arthur;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi">
              <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Village Life
              in China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1899.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Sheean, Vincent;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Personal
              History</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1935.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Shryock, John Knight;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Origin and Development
              of the State Cult of Confucius</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Starr, Frederick;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              New York, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Stoddard, Lothrop;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Rising Tide of Color
              Against White World Supremacy</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">T'ang Leang-li;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Inner History of the
              Chinese Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              New York, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Wang
              ching-wei</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping,
              1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Tawney, Richard Henry;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Land and Labour in
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London,
              1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Thomas, Elbert Duncan;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese Political
              Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York,
              1927.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Treat, Payson J.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Far
              East</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and
              London, 1928.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id=
              "page273">[pg 273]</span><a name="Pg273" id="Pg273" class=
              "tei tei-anchor"></a>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Trotsky, Leon;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Problems of the Chinese
              Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Tyau Min-ch'ien T. Z.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist
              China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">van Dorn, Harold Archer;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Twenty Years of The
              Chinese Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              New York, 1932.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Vinacke, Harold Monk;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Constitutional
              Development in China</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Princeton, 1920.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Wang Ch'ing-wei et al.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese National
              Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping,
              1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Weale, E. L. Putnam,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pseud.</span></span>
              <span style="font-size: 90%">(Simpson, Bertram Lennox);</span>
              <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Vanished
              Empire</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London,
              1926.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Weber, Max;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Gesammelte Aufsätze zur
              Religionssoziologie</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Tübingen, 1922.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Wieger, Leon, S. J.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chine
              Moderne</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, 10 volumes,
              Hsien-hsien, 1921-32.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An enormous
            scrapbook of translations from the Chinese illustrating political
            and religious trends. Catholic point of view.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Textes
              Historiques: Histoire Politique de la
              Chine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Hsien-hsien,
              1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">—— and Davrout, L., S. J.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese
              Characters</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">,
              Hsien-hsien, 1927.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Wilhelm, Richard (Danton, G. H. and Danton, A.
              P., translators);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Confucius and
              Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              York, 1931.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Geschichte der
              chinesischen Philosophie</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Breslau, 1929.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ostasien, Werden und
              Wandel des Chinesischen Kulturkreises</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Potsdam and Zürich, 1928.</span></p>
            </div>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Perhaps the
            best of all works introductory to Chinese civilization.</p>

            <div class="block tei tei-quote" style=
            "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
            "font-size: 90%">Williams, S. Wells;</span> <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The
            Middle Kingdom</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
            York, 1895.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A
              Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese
              Language</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tungchou,
              1909.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Wu Ch'ao-ch'u,</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Nationalist Program
              for China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New
              Haven, 1930.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Wu Kuo-cheng;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ancient Chinese Political
              Theories</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai,
              1928.</span></p>

              <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">Ziah, C. F.;</span> <span class=
              "tei tei-hi"><span style=
              "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Philosophie Politique de
              la Chine Ancienne (700-221 AV. J.-C.)</span></span><span style=
              "font-size: 90%">, Paris, 1934.</span></p>
            </div>
          </div>
        </div>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page274">[pg 274]</span><a name=
      "Pg274" id="Pg274" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc115" id="toc115"></a> <a name="pdf116" id="pdf116"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Chinese-English Glossary.</span></h1>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has not
        sought to prepare a lexicon of modern Chinese political terms. He
        presents, however, a list of those Chinese words which have
        frequently been left untranslated in the text, together with the
        ideographs by which they are written in China, and brief definitions.
        Variant meanings, however significant, have been omitted. Peculiar
        definitions, to be found only in the present work, have been enclosed
        in brackets. To locate the phrases, and discussions of them, consult
        the index.</p>

        <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style=
        "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">
          <tbody>
            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">正 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">chêng</span></span>; right; rectified</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">主 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">chu</span></span>; used as a compound with
              <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
              "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">i</span></span>, below,
              to make <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
              "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chu-i</span></span>:
              principle, -ism</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">權 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>; power</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">會 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>; society; guild</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">縣 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; district (a political
              subdivision)</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">義 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">i</span></span>; propriety</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">仁 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>; humanity;
              fellow-feeling; benevolence, etc. [consciousness of social
              orientation]</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">禮 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">li</span></span>; rites; ceremonies
              [ideological conformity]</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">民 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">min</span></span>; people; <span lang="de"
              class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">Volk</span></span></td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">名 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">ming</span></span>; name [terminology, or,
              a part of ideology]</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">能 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>; capacity</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">霸 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">pa</span></span>; violence; violent;
              tyrant; tyrannous</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">三 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">san</span></span>; three</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">生 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">shêng</span></span>; life; regeneration;
              livelihood</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">大 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">ta</span></span>; great</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">道 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">tao</span></span>; path; way;
              principle</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">德 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">têh</span></span>; virtue</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">族 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">tsu</span></span>; unity; kinship</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">同 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">t'ung</span></span>; harmony; concord</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">王 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">wang</span></span>; king; kingly</td>
            </tr>

            <tr class="tei tei-labelitem">
              <th class="tei tei-label"></th>

              <td class="tei tei-item">樂 <span lang="zh" class=
              "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
              "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>; rhythm</td>
            </tr>
          </tbody>
        </table>
      </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page275">[pg 275]</span><a name=
      "Pg275" id="Pg275" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
      <hr class="page" />

      <div class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc117" id="toc117"></a> <a name="pdf118" id="pdf118"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Index.</span></h1>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Proper Names and
        Special Terms</span></span></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">America
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">see
        also</span></span> <a href="#Index-United-States" class=
        "tei tei-ref">United States</a>), <a href="#Pg062" class=
        "tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href="#Pg220" class=
        "tei tei-ref">220</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">American Indians,
        <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Anglo-Saxons,
        <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Annam, <a href=
        "#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Austria, <a href=
        "#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Beresford, Lord
        Charles, <a href="#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref">187</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Bismarck, <a href=
        "#Pg254" class="tei tei-ref">254</a> ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Bolsheviks
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Russians"
        class="tei tei-ref">Russians</a>, <a href="#Index-Marxian" class=
        "tei tei-ref">Marxian philosophy</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Borodin, <a href=
        "#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>, <a href="#Pg007" class=
        "tei tei-ref">7</a>, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Boxer Rebellion,
        <a href="#Pg078" class="tei tei-ref">78</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-British" id="Index-British" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        British Empire, <a href="#Pg071" class="tei tei-ref">71</a>, <a href=
        "#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Burgess, J. S.,
        <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41.</a>.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cantlie, Sir
        James, <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Canton" id="Index-Canton" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Canton,
        <a href="#Pg007" class="tei tei-ref">7</a>, <a href="#Pg066" class=
        "tei tei-ref">66</a>, <a href="#Pg126" class="tei tei-ref">126</a>,
        <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref">233</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Catherine I of
        Russia, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Catholic Church,
        <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref">54</a>n., <a href="#Pg122"
        class="tei tei-ref">122</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chang Tso (Djang
        Chu), <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'en
        Ch'iung-ming, <a href="#Pg006" class="tei tei-ref">6</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chen, Eugene,
        <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref">159</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chêng, state of,
        <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>, <a href="#Pg031"
        class="tei tei-ref">31</a>ff., <a href="#Pg083" class=
        "tei tei-ref">83</a>ff., <a href="#Pg104" class=
        "tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg114" class="tei tei-ref">114</a>,
        <a href="#Pg210" class="tei tei-ref">210</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">ch'i</span></span>, <a href="#Pg110" class=
        "tei tei-ref">110</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chiang Chieh-shih
        (Chiang Kai-shek), <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref">102</a>n.,
        <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref">158</a>n., <a href="#Pg163"
        class="tei tei-ref">163</a>n., <a href="#Pg206" class=
        "tei tei-ref">206</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Fang
        Lo</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Program-Reconstruction" class=
        "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">The Program of National
        Reconstruction</span></span></a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Ta
        Kang</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Outline-Reconstruction"
        class="tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see The Outline of National
        Reconstruction</span></span></a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'ien Lung, the
        Emperor, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'in dynasty,
        <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'in Shih Huang
        Ti, the, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref">26</a>n., <a href=
        "#Pg037" class="tei tei-ref">37</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese Eastern
        Railway, the, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'ing dynasty
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Manchu" class=
        "tei tei-ref">Manchu dynasty</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chou dynasty,
        <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>, <a href="#Pg028" class=
        "tei tei-ref">28</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Christianity,
        <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a>, <a href="#Pg067" class=
        "tei tei-ref">67</a>, <a href="#Pg133" class="tei tei-ref">133</a>n.,
        <a href="#Pg155" class="tei tei-ref">155</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg107" class=
        "tei tei-ref">107</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class=
        "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class=
        "tei tei-ref">218</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">chun ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100"
        class="tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chung Hua, The
        Republic of, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cohen, Morris,
        <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Coker, Francis W.,
        <a href="#Pg147" class="tei tei-ref">147</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Communists,
        <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>, <a href="#Pg064" class=
        "tei tei-ref">64</a>ff., <a href="#Pg066" class="tei tei-ref">66</a>,
        <a href="#Pg106" class="tei tei-ref">106</a>, <a href="#Pg122" class=
        "tei tei-ref">122</a>, <a href="#Pg160" class="tei tei-ref">160</a>,
        <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>, <a href="#Pg163" class=
        "tei tei-ref">163</a>ff., <a href="#Pg189" class=
        "tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a>,
        <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucianism,
        <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>ff., <a href="#Pg060"
        class="tei tei-ref">60</a>, <a href="#Pg066" class=
        "tei tei-ref">66</a>ff., <a href="#Pg082" class=
        "tei tei-ref">82</a>ff., <a href="#Pg090" class=
        "tei tei-ref">90</a>ff., <a href="#Pg106" class=
        "tei tei-ref">106</a>, <a href="#Pg109" class="tei tei-ref">109</a>,
        <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref">113</a>ff., <a href="#Pg210"
        class="tei tei-ref">210</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius (K'ung
        Ch'iu), <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>ff., <a href=
        "#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref">60</a>, <a href="#Pg076" class=
        "tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a>,
        <a href="#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a>, <a href="#Pg261" class=
        "tei tei-ref">261</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Creel, H. G.,
        <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cressey, George
        B., <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Davrout, L.,
        <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">d'Elia, Paschal
        M., <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Donbas region,
        <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Douglas, Sir
        Robert K., <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dutch, the,
        <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Empress Dowager,
        Tzŭ Hsi, the, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-England" id="Index-England" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        England, <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href=
        "#Pg150" class="tei tei-ref">150</a>n., <a href="#Pg188" class=
        "tei tei-ref">188</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Erdberg, Oskar,
        <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fascism, <a href=
        "#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref">54</a>, <a href="#Pg146" class=
        "tei tei-ref">146</a>ff., <a href="#Pg244" class=
        "tei tei-ref">244</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ford, Henry,
        <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Four Books,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref">75</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">France, <a href=
        "#Pg188" class="tei tei-ref">188</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Gandhi, M. K.,
        <a href="#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref">156</a>n., <a href="#Pg180"
        class="tei tei-ref">180</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Genro, the,
        <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">George III of
        England, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">George, Henry,
        <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg136" class=
        "tei tei-ref">136</a>ff., <a href="#Pg144" class=
        "tei tei-ref">144</a>, <a href="#Pg256" class=
        "tei tei-ref">256</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Germany, <a href=
        "#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class=
        "tei tei-ref">100</a>, <a href="#Pg196" class="tei tei-ref">196</a>,
        <a href="#Pg254" class="tei tei-ref">254</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Goodnow, Frank J.,
        <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Granet, Marcel,
        <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Great Britain
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-British"
        class="tei tei-ref">British Empire</a>, <a href="#Index-England"
        class="tei tei-ref">England</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Great Learning,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg074" class="tei tei-ref">74</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Greeks, the,
        <a href="#Pg133" class="tei tei-ref">133</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hai Ching Kung,
        the, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hamilton,
        Alexander, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref">77</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Han Fei-tzŭ,
        <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref">29</a>, <a href="#Pg093" class=
        "tei tei-ref">93</a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page276">[pg
        276]</span><a name="Pg276" id="Pg276" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Harvey, E. D.,
        <a href="#Pg154" class="tei tei-ref">154</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hawaii, <a href=
        "#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref">61</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hitler, Adolf,
        <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Holcombe, Arthur
        N., <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref">11</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hongkong, <a href=
        "#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref">51</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Honolulu, <a href=
        "#Pg126" class="tei tei-ref">126</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">hou chih hou chou</span></span>, the, <a href=
        "#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsieh, Pao-chao,
        <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, <a href="#Pg045" class=
        "tei tei-ref">45</a>, <a href="#Pg211" class=
        "tei tei-ref">211</a>ff., <a href="#Pg230" class=
        "tei tei-ref">230</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien chou</span></span>, the,
        <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg106" class=
        "tei tei-ref">106</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsin dynasty,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsü, Leonard
        Shih-lien, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hu Han-min,
        <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n., <a href="#Pg186" class=
        "tei tei-ref">186</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, <a href="#Pg038" class=
        "tei tei-ref">38</a>, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a>,
        <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref">95</a>, <a href="#Pg165" class=
        "tei tei-ref">165</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hulutao port,
        <a href="#Pg260" class="tei tei-ref">260</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">hung fang</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100" class=
        "tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hung Hsiu-ch'üan,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hung Jair,
        <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref">236</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> <a href="#Pg018" class=
        "tei tei-ref">18</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">India, <a href=
        "#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a>, <a href="#Pg181" class=
        "tei tei-ref">181</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">International
        Development of China, The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class=
        "tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Isaacs, Harold,
        <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Japan, <a href=
        "#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref">28</a>, <a href="#Pg040" class=
        "tei tei-ref">40</a>, <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a>,
        <a href="#Pg048" class="tei tei-ref">48</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class=
        "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class="tei tei-ref">59</a>,
        <a href="#Pg063" class="tei tei-ref">63</a>, <a href="#Pg090" class=
        "tei tei-ref">90</a>, <a href="#Pg170" class="tei tei-ref">170</a>,
        <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref">184</a>, <a href="#Pg188" class=
        "tei tei-ref">188</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class=
        "tei tei-ref">199</a>ff., <a href="#Pg240" class=
        "tei tei-ref">240</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class=
        "tei tei-ref">260</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, <a href="#Pg014" class=
        "tei tei-ref">14</a>, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref">30</a>ff.,
        <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141"
        class="tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg142" class=
        "tei tei-ref">142</a>, <a href="#Pg144" class=
        "tei tei-ref">144</a>ff., <a href="#Pg154" class=
        "tei tei-ref">154</a>, <a href="#Pg263" class=
        "tei tei-ref">263</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Jên T'ai, <a href=
        "#Pg031" class="tei tei-ref">31</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Jews, the,
        <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Joffe, Adolf,
        <a href="#Pg064" class="tei tei-ref">64</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Johnston, Sir
        Reginald, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kailan Mining
        Administration, The, <a href="#Pg179" class="tei tei-ref">179</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">K'ang Hsi, the
        Emperor, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-q">“Kang Têh”</span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Pu-Yi" class=
        "tei tei-ref">P'u Yi</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Koo, V. K.
        Wellington, <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Korea (Chosen),
        <a href="#Pg048" class="tei tei-ref">48</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class=
        "tei tei-ref">59</a>, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref">70</a>,
        <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a>, <a href="#Pg200" class=
        "tei tei-ref">200</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kulp, D. H.,
        <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref">38</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ku Hung-ming,
        <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref">77</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">K'ung family,
        <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kung, H. H.,
        <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuo Hsing-hua,
        <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuomintang, the,
        <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class=
        "tei tei-ref">158</a>ff., <a href="#Pg205" class=
        "tei tei-ref">205</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kwangtung Province
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Canton" class=
        "tei tei-ref">Canton</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuzbas region,
        <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lao Tzŭ, <a href=
        "#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Latins, the,
        <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Latourette,
        Kenneth Scott, <a href="#Pg091" class="tei tei-ref">91</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lea, Homer,
        <a href="#Pg195" class="tei tei-ref">195</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lee, Frank C.,
        <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Legge
        translations, the, <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.,
        <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref">75</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lenin, V. I.,
        <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>, <a href="#Pg230" class=
        "tei tei-ref">230</a>n., <a href="#Pg247" class=
        "tei tei-ref">247</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">li</span></span>, <a href="#Pg031" class=
        "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff., <a href="#Pg104" class=
        "tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg115" class=
        "tei tei-ref">115</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Chao-wei,
        <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref">219</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Chi, <a href=
        "#Pg086" class="tei tei-ref">86</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Ti-tsun,
        <a href="#Pg137" class="tei tei-ref">137</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao,
        <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref">30</a>, <a href="#Pg031" class=
        "tei tei-ref">31</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lin Shen,
        President, <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lincoln, Abraham,
        <a href="#Pg262" class="tei tei-ref">262</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Linebarger, Paul
        Myron Wentworth, <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>n.,
        <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lotus society,
        the, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lovejoy, Arthur
        O., <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref">18</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lynn, Jermyn
        Chi-hung, <a href="#Pg221" class="tei tei-ref">221</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Macao, <a href=
        "#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Machiavelli,
        Niccolò, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref">26</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-q">“machine state,”</span> <a href="#Pg054" class=
        "tei tei-ref">54</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">MacNair, Harley
        Farnsworth, <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref">11</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Malaysia, <a href=
        "#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Manchu" id="Index-Manchu" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Manchu
        (Ch'ing) dynasty, <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref">22</a>,
        <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref">43</a>, <a href="#Pg044" class=
        "tei tei-ref">44</a>n., <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a>,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a>ff., <a href="#Pg096"
        class="tei tei-ref">96</a>, <a href="#Pg111" class=
        "tei tei-ref">111</a>, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>,
        <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a>, <a href="#Pg131" class=
        "tei tei-ref">131</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class=
        "tei tei-ref">159</a>ff., <a href="#Pg167" class=
        "tei tei-ref">167</a>ff., <a href="#Pg172" class=
        "tei tei-ref">172</a>ff., <a href="#Pg182" class=
        "tei tei-ref">182</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a>,
        <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref">227</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-q">“Manchukuo”</span> (<span class=
        "tei tei-q">“Manchoukuo”</span>), <a href="#Pg071" class=
        "tei tei-ref">71</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Manchuria,
        <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class=
        "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a>,
        <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class=
        "tei tei-ref">260</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mandarins,
        <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span>
        of the first Party congress, <a href="#Pg004" class=
        "tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mannheim, Karl,
        <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref">18</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Marx, Karl,
        <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>n., <a href="#Pg163"
        class="tei tei-ref">163</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Marxian" id="Index-Marxian" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        Marxian philosophy, <a href="#Pg014" class="tei tei-ref">14</a>ff.,
        <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref">52</a>, <a href="#Pg055" class=
        "tei tei-ref">55</a>, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref">70</a>,
        <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg081" class=
        "tei tei-ref">81</a>n., <a href="#Pg106" class="tei tei-ref">106</a>,
        <a href="#Pg125" class="tei tei-ref">125</a>, <a href="#Pg134" class=
        "tei tei-ref">134</a>n., <a href="#Pg137" class=
        "tei tei-ref">137</a>ff., <a href="#Pg144" class=
        "tei tei-ref">144</a>, <a href="#Pg192" class=
        "tei tei-ref">192</a>ff., <a href="#Pg209" class=
        "tei tei-ref">209</a>ff., <a href="#Pg236" class=
        "tei tei-ref">236</a>, <a href="#Pg257" class=
        "tei tei-ref">257</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Marxism-Leninism,
        <a href="#Pg081" class="tei tei-ref">81</a>, <a href="#Pg136" class=
        "tei tei-ref">136</a>, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref">182</a>,
        <a href="#Pg189" class="tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg192" class=
        "tei tei-ref">192</a>ff.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page277">[pg
        277]</span><a name="Pg277" id="Pg277" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mayers, William
        Frederick, <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Meiji Emperor,
        the, <a href="#Pg082" class="tei tei-ref">82</a>, <a href="#Pg131"
        class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mencius (Mêng
        Tzŭ), <a href="#Pg076" class="tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg093"
        class="tei tei-ref">93</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class=
        "tei tei-ref">97</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Miao tribes,
        <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mill, John Stuart,
        <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref">98</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Millar, John,
        <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref">98</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">min</span></span>, <a href="#Pg217" class=
        "tei tei-ref">217</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg099"
        class="tei tei-ref">99</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class=
        "tei tei-ref">100</a>n., <a href="#Pg209" class=
        "tei tei-ref">209</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Min Ch'üan Ts'u
        Pu</span></span> (see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">The Primer of Democracy</span></span>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, <a href="#Pg012" class=
        "tei tei-ref">12</a>, <a href="#Pg101" class="tei tei-ref">101</a>,
        <a href="#Pg121" class="tei tei-ref">121</a>, <a href="#Pg122" class=
        "tei tei-ref">122</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class=
        "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg180" class="tei tei-ref">180</a>,
        <a href="#Pg193" class="tei tei-ref">193</a>, <a href="#Pg236" class=
        "tei tei-ref">236</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>, <a href="#Pg036" class=
        "tei tei-ref">36</a>, <a href="#Pg099" class="tei tei-ref">99</a>,
        <a href="#Pg120" class="tei tei-ref">120</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ming dynasty,
        <a href="#Pg096" class="tei tei-ref">96</a>, <a href="#Pg124" class=
        "tei tei-ref">124</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ming T'ai Tsung,
        the Emperor, <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mo Ti, <a href=
        "#Pg093" class="tei tei-ref">93</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mohammedans,
        <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Mongol" id="Index-Mongol" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Mongol
        (Yüan) dynasty, <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mongolia, <a href=
        "#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg087" class=
        "tei tei-ref">87</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class=
        "tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Montesquieu,
        Charles de S., Baron, <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>,
        <a href="#Pg221" class="tei tei-ref">221</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mussolini, Benito,
        <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">National
        Government of China, The, <a href="#Pg003" class=
        "tei tei-ref">3</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, <a href="#Pg107" class=
        "tei tei-ref">107</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class=
        "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class=
        "tei tei-ref">218</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">New Deal, the,
        <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref">238</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">New Life Movement,
        the, <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref">102</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Outline-Reconstruction" id="Index-Outline-Reconstruction"
        class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">Outline of National Reconstruction,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span>, <a href="#Pg071" class=
        "tei tei-ref">71</a>, <a href="#Pg200" class=
        "tei tei-ref">200</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pan-Asia, <a href=
        "#Pg197" class="tei tei-ref">197</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pareto, Vilfredo,
        <a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref">15</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Peffer, Nathaniel,
        <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Peru, <a href=
        "#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref">165</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Philippines,
        <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class=
        "tei tei-ref">187</a>n., <a href="#Pg200" class=
        "tei tei-ref">200</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Philosophy of Sun Wên,
        The</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Sun-Wen" class=
        "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">Sun Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span></a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Piatiletka (The
        Five-Year Plan), <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>,
        <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref">238</a>n., <a href="#Pg246"
        class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Plato, <a href=
        "#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref">79</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Poland, <a href=
        "#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political Testament,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ponce, Mariano,
        <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Portuguese, the,
        <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Presidency of
        ancient states, the, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref">28</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Price, Frank W.,
        <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Primer of Democracy,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Program-Reconstruction" id="Index-Program-Reconstruction"
        class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">Program of National Reconstruction,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">pu chih pu chou</span></span>, the, <a href=
        "#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Pu-Yi" id="Index-Pu-Yi" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> P'u Yi,
        <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Radcliffe-Brown,
        A. R., <a href="#Pg091" class="tei tei-ref">91</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Rea, George
        Bronson, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reichwein, Adolf,
        <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Republic,
        The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref">79</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Rome, <a href=
        "#Pg215" class="tei tei-ref">215</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Roy, Manabendra
        Nath, <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref">52</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Russians" id="Index-Russians" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        Russians (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see also</span></span> <a href=
        "#Index-Soviet-Union" class="tei tei-ref">Soviet Union</a>), <a href=
        "#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class=
        "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref">100</a>,
        <a href="#Pg103" class="tei tei-ref">103</a>n., <a href="#Pg137"
        class="tei tei-ref">137</a>, <a href="#Pg194" class=
        "tei tei-ref">194</a>ff., <a href="#Pg240" class=
        "tei tei-ref">240</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-San-Min" id="Index-San-Min" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
        I</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sharman, Lyon,
        <a href="#Pg001" class="tei tei-ref">1</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sheean, Vincent,
        <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">shen ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100"
        class="tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Shih Yeh Chi
        Hua</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Shryock, John K.,
        <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref">36</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Shun, the Emperor,
        <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg168" class=
        "tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Siam, <a href=
        "#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref">187</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Smith, Adam,
        <a href="#Pg237" class="tei tei-ref">237</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Smith, Arthur,
        <a href="#Pg040" class="tei tei-ref">40</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">South Manchuria
        Railway, The, <a href="#Pg179" class="tei tei-ref">179</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Soviets in China,
        <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg212" class=
        "tei tei-ref">212</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Soviet-Union" id="Index-Soviet-Union" class=
        "tei tei-anchor"></a> Soviet Union (U. S. S. R.), <a href="#Pg064"
        class="tei tei-ref">64</a>, <a href="#Pg147" class=
        "tei tei-ref">147</a>, <a href="#Pg155" class=
        "tei tei-ref">155</a>n., <a href="#Pg184" class=
        "tei tei-ref">184</a>ff., <a href="#Pg189" class=
        "tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>,
        <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Spring and Autumn
        Period, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Stalin, Joseph,
        <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class=
        "tei tei-ref">158</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Starr, Frederick,
        <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Stoddard, Lothrop,
        <a href="#Pg197" class="tei tei-ref">197</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun-Joffe
        Manifesto, The, <a href="#Pg064" class="tei tei-ref">64</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-Sun-Wen" id="Index-Sun-Wen" class="tei tei-anchor"></a>
        <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Wên
        Hsüeh Shê</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class=
        "tei tei-ref">4</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, Mme.
        (née Soong Ching-ling), <a href="#Pg122" class=
        "tei tei-ref">122</a>n., <a href="#Pg158" class=
        "tei tei-ref">158</a>n., <a href="#Pg159" class=
        "tei tei-ref">159</a>n., <a href="#Pg253" class=
        "tei tei-ref">253</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sung Chiao-jên,
        <a href="#Pg138" class="tei tei-ref">138</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sung dynasty,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">ta chia</span></span>, <a href="#Pg141" class=
        "tei tei-ref">141</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">ta t'ung</span></span>, <a href="#Pg120" class=
        "tei tei-ref">120</a>, <a href="#Pg210" class="tei tei-ref">210</a>,
        <a href="#Pg261" class="tei tei-ref">261</a></p><span class=
        "tei tei-pb" id="page278">[pg 278]</span><a name="Pg278" id="Pg278"
        class="tei tei-anchor"></a>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tagore, Sir
        Rabindranath, <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>, <a href=
        "#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref">156</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tai Chi-tao,
        <a href="#Pg069" class="tei tei-ref">69</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tai-p'ing
        Rebellion, the, <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>, <a href=
        "#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a>, <a href="#Pg172" class=
        "tei tei-ref">172</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Taiwan (Formosa),
        <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n., <a href="#Pg051"
        class="tei tei-ref">51</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">T'ang Liang-li
        (T'ang Leang-li), <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>n.,
        <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">tang pu</span></span>, <a href="#Pg164" class=
        "tei tei-ref">164</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Taoism, <a href=
        "#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tao Kuang, the
        Emperor, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tawney, R. H.,
        <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">têh</span></span> (<span lang="zh" class=
        "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">tê</span></span>), <a href="#Pg031" class=
        "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thomas, Elbert
        Duncan, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tibet, <a href=
        "#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class=
        "tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Triad Society,
        the, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Triple Demism,
        The</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-San-Min" class=
        "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span></a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ts'an Yi
        Yüan</span></span>, the, <a href="#Pg228" class=
        "tei tei-ref">228</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsao Kun, <a href=
        "#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsiang Kuen,
        <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref">236</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsinanfu, <a href=
        "#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsui Shu-chin
        <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
        "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span>,
        <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref">162</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tung Meng Hui,
        <a href="#Pg136" class="tei tei-ref">136</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Turkey, <a href=
        "#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>, <a href="#Pg201" class=
        "tei tei-ref">201</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tyau, Minch'ien T.
        Z., <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name=
        "Index-United-States" id="Index-United-States" class=
        "tei tei-anchor"></a> United States of America, The, <a href="#Pg079"
        class="tei tei-ref">79</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class=
        "tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>,
        <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref">130</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class=
        "tei tei-ref">187</a>n., <a href="#Pg188" class=
        "tei tei-ref">188</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>,
        <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Versailles
        Conference, the, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vilenskii
        (Sibiriakov), V., <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vinacke, Harold
        Monk, <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref">227</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vladislavich,
        <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang An-shih,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Ch'ing-wei,
        <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>, <a href="#Pg164" class=
        "tei tei-ref">164</a>, <a href="#Pg206" class=
        "tei tei-ref">206</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Mang,
        <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, <a href="#Pg071" class=
        "tei tei-ref">71</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Yang-ming,
        <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref">80</a>n., <a href="#Pg084"
        class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Warring States,
        the Age of, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Washington
        Conference, the, <a href="#Pg188" class="tei tei-ref">188</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Weale, Putnam (B.
        L. Simpson), <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>, <a href=
        "#Pg225" class="tei tei-ref">225</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Weber, Max,
        <a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref">15</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wei Yung, <a href=
        "#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wên Wang, the,
        <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wieger, Leon,
        <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wilhelm, Richard,
        <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n., <a href="#Pg068"
        class="tei tei-ref">68</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">William, Maurice,
        <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>, <a href="#Pg072" class=
        "tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg142" class=
        "tei tei-ref">142</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Williams, S.
        Wells, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>, <a href="#Pg122"
        class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wilson, Woodrow,
        <a href="#Pg006" class="tei tei-ref">6</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class=
        "tei tei-ref">190</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wittfogel, Karl,
        <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wou Saofong,
        <a href="#Pg111" class="tei tei-ref">111</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wu Pei-fu,
        <a href="#Pg222" class="tei tei-ref">222</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yangtze river (the
        <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ch'ang
        Chiang</span></span>), <a href="#Pg100" class=
        "tei tei-ref">100</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yao, the Emperor,
        <a href="#Pg076" class="tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class=
        "tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref">219</a>,
        <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref">233</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yellow river (the
        <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Huang
        Ho</span></span>), <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref">100</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yen Shing Kung,
        the, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">yi</span></span> (<span lang="zh" class=
        "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">i</span></span>), <a href="#Pg031" class=
        "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff.</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yoshemitsu, the
        Ashikaga Shogun, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yuan, the Five,
        <a href="#Pg224" class="tei tei-ref">224</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yüan dynasty
        (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Mongol" class=
        "tei tei-ref">Mongol dynasty</a>)</p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yüan Shih-k'ai,
        <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref">159</a>, <a href="#Pg166" class=
        "tei tei-ref">166</a>, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref">173</a>,
        <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a>, <a href="#Pg220" class=
        "tei tei-ref">220</a>, <a href="#Pg251" class=
        "tei tei-ref">251</a></p>

        <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh"
        class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
        "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>, <a href="#Pg091" class=
        "tei tei-ref">91</a>ff.</p>
      </div>
    </div>
    <hr class="doublepage" />

    <div class="tei tei-back" style=
    "margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em">
      <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style=
      "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em">
        <a name="toc119" id="toc119"></a> <a name="pdf120" id="pdf120"></a>

        <h1 class="tei tei-head" style=
        "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em">
        <span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1>

        <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes">
          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href=
          "#noteref_1">1.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">China Today</span></span> (March, 1935), I,
          No. 6, p. 112. This is the leading English-language journal of the
          Chinese Communists. Mme. Sun's letter to the paper is
          characteristic of the attitude toward Nanking adopted throughout
          the magazine.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href=
          "#noteref_2">2.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">These manuscripts consist of the
          following chief items: Linebarger, Paul Myron Wentworth,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations with Sun Yat-sen
          1919-1922</span></span> (written in 1933-1935); the same,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A
          Commentary on the San Min Chu I</span></span> (four volumes,
          1932-1933); and Sun Yat-sen, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">How China Was Made a Republic</span></span>
          (Shanghai, 1919). These are all typescripts, with autograph
          corrections by their respective authors. The manuscripts of Judge
          Linebarger represent his attempts to replace, from memory, books
          which were destroyed at the time of the bombardment of the
          Commercial Press in Shanghai by the Japanese. He had prepared a
          two-volume work on the life and principles of Sun Yat-sen and had
          left his manuscripts and other papers in the vaults of the Press.
          When the Press was bombed the manuscripts, documents, plates and
          Chinese translations were all destroyed; the only things remaining
          were a few pages of proof sheets for <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Life and
          Principles of Sun Chung-san</span></span>, which remain in the
          possession of the present author. Judge Linebarger attempted to
          replace these volumes. He had a few notebooks in which he had kept
          the outlines of his own speeches; he had not used these, because of
          the secondary value. When, however, the major volumes were lost, he
          returned to these notebooks and reconstructed his speeches. They
          were issued in Paris in 1932 under the title of <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Gospel of Sun
          Chung-shan</span></span>. He also prepared the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Commentary</span></span> and the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span> from memory. These
          manuscripts possess a certain somewhat questionable value. Judge
          Linebarger himself suggested that they be allowed the same weight
          that testimony, based upon memory but delivered under oath, upon a
          subject ten years past would receive in a court of justice. The
          seven volumes described are in the possession of the present
          author. Other materials to which the author has had access are his
          father's diaries and various other private papers; but since he has
          not cited them for references, he does not believe any description
          of them necessary. Finally, there are the manuscripts of
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen and the Chinese Republic</span></span>, which contain a
          considerable amount of material deleted from the published version
          of that work, which appeared in New York in 1925. For comments on
          other source material for Sun Yat-sen which is not generally used,
          see Bibliography.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href=
          "#noteref_3">3.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lyon Sharman, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life
          and Its Meaning</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 405.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href=
          "#noteref_4">4.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">He did this in his <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political
          Testament</span></span>, which is given in almost every work on Sun
          Yat-sen or on modern Chinese politics. It was written in February
          and signed in March 1925, shortly before his death.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href=
          "#noteref_5">5.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Chinese text of these is given in
          Hu Han-min, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ed.</span></span>, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tsung-li Ch'üan
          Chi</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Complete Works of the
          Leader</span></span>), 4 vol. in 1, Shanghai, 1930. This collection
          comprises the most important works of Sun which were published in
          his lifetime. Edited by one of the two scholars closest to Sun, it
          is the standard edition of his works. English versions of varying
          amounts of this material are given in Paschal M. d'Elia,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Triple Demism of Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, Wuchang, 1931; Frank W.
          Price, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I, The Three Principles of the
          People</span></span>, Shanghai, 1930; and Leonard Shih-lien Hsü,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen, His Political and Social Ideals</span></span>, Los
          Angeles, 1933. Each of these works will henceforth be cited by the
          name of its editor; for brief descriptions and appraisals, see the
          bibliography.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href=
          "#noteref_6">6.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The only English version of this work
          is one prepared by Wei Yung, under the title of <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr.
          Sun</span></span>, Shanghai, 1931. Fragments of this work are also
          to be found in Vilenskii (Sibiriakov), V., <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun' Iat-sen, Otets
          Kitaiskoi Revoliutsii</span></span>, (<span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Father
          of the Chinese Revolution</span></span>), Moscow, 1925;
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zapiski
          Kitaiskogo Revoliutsionera</span></span>, (<span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Notes of a Chinese
          Revolutionary</span></span>), Moscow, 1926; <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Memoirs of a Chinese
          Revolutionary</span></span>, Philadelphia, n. d.; and Karl
          Wittfogel, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen, Aufzeichnungen eines chinesischen
          Revolutionärs</span></span>, Vienna &amp; Berlin, n. d. (ca.
          1927).</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href=
          "#noteref_7">7.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This work has not been translated into
          any Western language.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href=
          "#noteref_8">8.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International
          Development of China</span></span>, New York and London, 1929.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href=
          "#noteref_9">9.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is given in Hsü, cited above, and
          in Min-ch'ien T. Z. Tyau, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist China</span></span>,
          Shanghai, 1930, pp. 439-442. Dr. Tyau substitutes the word
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Fundamentals”</span> for <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Outline,”</span> a rather happy choice.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href=
          "#noteref_10">10.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See bibliography for a complete list
          of the translations. d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 36-49,
          dedicates a whole chapter to the problem of an adequate translation
          of the Chinese phrase <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>. He concludes that
          it can only be rendered by a nelogism based upon Greek roots:
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the
          triple demism</span></span>, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“demism”</span> including the meaning of <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“principle concerning and for the people”</span> and
          <span class="tei tei-q">“popular principle.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href=
          "#noteref_11">11.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang Leang-li, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Inner History of
          the Chinese Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 166.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href=
          "#noteref_12">12.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 58.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href=
          "#noteref_13">13.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 58.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href=
          "#noteref_14">14.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Lyon Sharman, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life
          and Its Meaning</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 292, for a
          stimulating discussion of the parts that the various documents
          played in the so-called "cult of Sun Yat-sen."</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href=
          "#noteref_15">15.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, cited, p. 270.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href=
          "#noteref_16">16.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A typical instance of this sort of
          criticism is to be found in the annotations to the anonymous
          translation of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> which was
          published by a British newspaper in 1927 (<span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Three
          Principles</span></span>, Shanghai, 1927). The translator and
          annotator both remained anonymous; the translation was wholly
          inadequate; and the annotations a marvel of invective. Almost every
          page of the translation was studded with notes pointing out and
          gloating over the most trivial errors and inconsistencies. The
          inflamed opinion of the time was not confined to the Chinese.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href=
          "#noteref_17">17.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. W. Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Deutschlands
          Gegenwärtige Gelegenheiten in China</span></span>, Brussels, 1936,
          p. 53. Judge Linebarger repeats the story told him by General
          Morris Cohen, the Canadian who was Sun's bodyguard throughout this
          period.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href=
          "#noteref_18">18.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Nathaniel Peffer, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China: The Collapse
          of a Civilization</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 155.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href=
          "#noteref_19">19.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia, cited; Hsü, cited; and
          Wittfogel, cited.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href=
          "#noteref_20">20.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maurice William, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus
          Communism</span></span>, Baltimore, 1932; and Tsui Shu-chin,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Influence of the Canton-Moscow Entente upon Sun Yat-sen's Political
          Philosophy</span></span>, in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Social and Political Science
          Review</span></span>, XVIII, 1, 2, 3, Peiping, 1934; and other
          works listed in bibliography, pp. 268-269.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href=
          "#noteref_21">21.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Two such are the chapters on Sun
          Yat-sen's thought to be found in Harley Farnsworth MacNair,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China in
          Revolution</span></span>, Chicago, 1931, pp. 78-91 (Chapter VI,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The Ideology and Plans of Sun
          Yat-sen”</span>) and Arthur N. Holcombe, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese
          Revolution</span></span>, Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1930, pp.
          120-155 (Chapter V, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Revolutionary
          Politics of Sun Yat-sen”</span>). The former is the shorter of the
          two, and is a summary of the various documents involved. The
          distinction between the ideology and the plans is so convenient and
          illuminating that the present writer has adopted it. Except for the
          comments on the influence of William upon Sun Yat-sen, it is
          completely reliable. The latter is a discussion, rather than an
          outline, and admirably presents the gist of Sun's thought.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href=
          "#noteref_22">22.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Holcombe, cited, p. 136 ff.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href=
          "#noteref_23">23.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The word <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> is one of the catchwords of the hour.
          The author regrets having to use it, but dares not coin a neologism
          to replace it. He does not desire that <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> be opposed to <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“truth,”</span> but uses the word in its broadest
          possible sense, referring to the whole socio-psychological
          conditioning of a group of people. He does not, therefore, speak of
          ideologies as a collection of Paretian derivations, fictions which
          mask some <span class="tei tei-q">“truth.”</span> He considers his
          own background—or Pareto's, for that matter—as ideological, and—in
          the sense of the word here employed—cannot conceive of any human
          belief or utterance <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">not</span></em> ideological. The task he has
          set himself is the transposition of a pattern of Chinese ideas
          concerning government from the Chinese ideology to the
          Western-traditionalist ideology of the twentieth century. Whether
          one, the other, neither, or both, is <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“right,”</span> is quite beside the point, so far as
          the present enterprise is concerned. In calling the whole
          non-physical background of a society the ideology of that society,
          the author can excuse his novel use of the term only if he admits
          that he establishes the new meaning by definition, without any
          necessary reference to the previous use of the term. He has no
          intention of following, in the present work, any <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“theory of ideology”</span> or definition of
          <span class="tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> established by political
          philosophers, such as Marx, or sociologists such as Weber,
          Mannheim, or Pareto. (Professor A. O. Lovejoy suggested the
          following definition of the term, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> after having seen the way it was
          employed in this work: <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Ideology</span></em> means a complex of ideas,
          in part ethical, in part political, in part often religious, which
          is current in a society, or which the proponents of it desire to
          make current, as an effective means of controlling
          behavior.”</span>)</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href=
          "#noteref_24">24.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Confucianism may be read in the Legge
          translations, a popular abridged edition of which was issued in
          1930 in Shanghai under the title of <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Four
          Books</span></span>. Commentaries on Confucius which present him in
          a well-rounded setting are Richard Wilhelm, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Confucius and
          Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1931; the same, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ostasien, Werden und
          Wandel des Chinesischen Kulturkreises</span></span>, Potsdam, 1928,
          for a very concise account and the celebrated <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte der
          chinesischen Kultur</span></span>, Munich, 1928, for a longer
          account in a complete historical setting; Frederick Starr,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1930; H.
          G. Creel, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Sinism</span></span>, Chicago, 1929; and
          Marcel Granet, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">La Civilization Chinoise</span></span>, Paris,
          1929. Bibliographies are found in several of these works. They deal
          with Confucius either in his historical setting or as the main
          object of study, and are under no necessity of distorting
          Confucius' historical rôle for the purpose of showing his
          connection with some other topic. The reader may gauge the amount
          of distortion necessary when he imagines a work on Lenin, written
          for the information and edification of Soviet Eskimos, which—for
          the sake of clarity—was forced to summarize all Western thought,
          from Plato and Jesus Christ down to Immanuel Kant and Karl Marx, in
          a few pages providing a background to Lenin.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href=
          "#noteref_25">25.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">There is a work on Confucianism upon
          which the author has leaned quite heavily: Leonard Shih-lien Hsü,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Political Philosophy of Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1932.
          Dr. Hsü is interested in sociological political theory. The novelty
          of his work has aroused a great amount of criticism among Chinese
          scholars of the older disciplines, whether the relatively
          conservative and established Western disciplines or the
          ultra-conservative schools of the truly classical literati. His
          work cannot be recommended for any purposes other than those which
          Dr. Hsü himself had in mind; there are several other works, the
          product of philosophers, historians, and literary historians, which
          will present a portrait of Confucius and Confucianism more
          conventionally exact. In its own narrow but definite field Dr.
          Hsü's work is an impressive accomplishment; he transposes the
          Confucian terms into those of the most advanced schools of social
          thought. A reader not forewarned might suffer by this, and read
          into Confucius an unwarranted modernity of outlook; if, however,
          the up-to-dateness is recognized as Dr. Hsü's and not Confucius',
          the work is valuable. It puts Confucius on common ground with
          modern social theory, ground on which he does not belong, but where
          his ideas are still relevant and interesting. The present author
          follows Dr. Hsü in this transposition of Confucius, but begs the
          reader to remember that this is one made for purposes of comparison
          only, and not intended as valid for all purposes. (He must
          acknowledge the stimulating criticism of Mr. Jan Tai, of the
          Library of Congress, who made it clear that this distortion of
          Confucius was one which could be excused only if it were
          admitted.)—An interesting presentation of Confucius as transposed
          into the older political theory, untouched by sociology, is to be
          found in Senator Elbert Duncan Thomas, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese Political
          Thought</span></span>, New York, 1927.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href=
          "#noteref_26">26.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Granet, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese
          Civilization</span></span>, cited, p. 84. Granet's work, while
          challenged by many sinologues as well as by anthropologists, is the
          most brilliant portrayal of Chinese civilization to the time of
          Shih Huang Ti. His interpretations make the language of the
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Odes</span></span> (collected by Confucius)
          intelligible, and clear up the somewhat obscure transition from the
          oldest feudal society to the epoch of the proto-nations and then to
          the inauguration of the world order.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href=
          "#noteref_27">27.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Granet, cited, pp. 87-88.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href=
          "#noteref_28">28.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte der
          chinesischen Philosophie</span></span>, Breslau, 1929, p. 19.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href=
          "#noteref_29">29.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">One could therefore say that
          membership in a society is determined by the outlook of the
          individual concerned.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href=
          "#noteref_30">30.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In modern Western political thought,
          this doctrine is most clearly demonstrated in the Marxian thesis of
          the withering-away of the state. The Marxists hold that, as the
          relics of the class struggle are eliminated from the new society,
          and classlessness and uniform indoctrination come to prevail, the
          necessity for a state—which they, however, consider an instrument
          of class domination—will decline and the state will atrophy and
          disappear.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href=
          "#noteref_31">31.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">History of Chinese
          Political Thought during the early Tsin Period</span></span>,
          translated by L. T. Chen, New York, 1930, p. 38.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href=
          "#noteref_32">32.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (cited, p. 48 and
          following) discusses these points.—The author is indebted to Mr.
          Jên Tai for the explanation of the relation of these various
          factors in the Confucian ideology.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href=
          "#noteref_33">33.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leon Wieger and L. Davrout,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese
          Characters</span></span>, Hsien-hsien, 1927, p. 6.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href=
          "#noteref_34">34.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited above, chapter three,
          contains an excellent discussion of the doctrine of
          rectification.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href=
          "#noteref_35">35.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A stimulating discussion of the
          pragmatism of early Chinese thought is to be found in Creel,
          cited.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href=
          "#noteref_36">36.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It must be pointed out in this
          connection that Confucius advocated an ideology which would not
          only be socially useful but scientifically and morally exact. He
          did not consider, as have some Western thinkers of the past
          century, that the ideology might be a quite amoral instrument of
          control, and might contain deliberate or unconscious deception. Hsü
          writes, in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, p. 93, of
          the various translations of the word <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span> into English: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The word <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> has
          no English equivalent. It has been erroneously translated as
          <span class="tei tei-q">‘rites’</span> or <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘propriety’</span>. It has been suggested that the term
          civilization is its nearest English equivalent; but <span class=
          "tei tei-q">‘civilization’</span> is a broader term, without
          necessarily implying ethical values, while <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">li</span></span> is essentially a term
          implying such values.”</span> <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Li</span></span> is civilized behavior; that
          is, behavior which is civilized in being in conformance with the
          ideology and the values it contains.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href=
          "#noteref_37">37.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 103.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href=
          "#noteref_38">38.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Confucius the individual was quite
          nationalistically devoted to his native state of Lu, and, more
          philosophically, hostile to the barbarians. Hsü, cited, p.
          118.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href=
          "#noteref_39">39.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">John K. Shryock, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Origin and
          Development of The State Cult of Confucius</span></span>, New York,
          1932, traces this growth with great clarity and superlative
          scholarship. The work is invaluable as a means to the understanding
          of the political and educational structure commonly called
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Confucian civilization.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href=
          "#noteref_40">40.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This expansion took place in China in
          the reign of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, who used the state of Ch'in as an
          instrument by means of which to destroy the multiple state-system
          and replace it with a powerful unitary state for all China. He
          sought to wipe out the past, raising the imperial office to a
          position of real power, and destroying the whole feudal
          organization. He abolished tenantry and supplanted it with a system
          of small freeholds. Although his immediate successors did much to
          restore the forms and appearances of the past, his work was not
          altogether undone. Himself hostile to Confucius, his actions
          implemented the teachings to an enormous degree. See Granet, cited,
          pp. 96-104.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href=
          "#noteref_41">41.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">D. H. Kulp, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Family Life in South
          China</span></span>, New York, 1925, p. xxiv.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href=
          "#noteref_42">42.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">H. G. Creel, cited, p. 10. Creole
          writes as follows of the significance of the village: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The village life is very important, for it appears to
          be the archetype from which the entire Chinese conception of the
          world and even of the cosmos grew. The village was, as has been
          said, small. It was based on agriculture. It was apparently a
          community of a peaceful regularity and a social solidarity beyond
          anything which we of the present can imagine.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href=
          "#noteref_43">43.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arthur Smith, one of the few
          Westerners to live in a Chinese village for any length of years,
          wrote: <span class="tei tei-q">“It is a noteworthy fact that the
          government of China, while in theory more or less despotic, places
          no practical restrictions upon the right of free assemblage by the
          people for the consideration of their own affairs. The people of
          any village can, if they choose, meet every day of the year. There
          is no government censor present, and no restriction upon the
          liberty of debate. The people can say what they like, and the local
          Magistrate neither knows nor cares what is said.... But should
          insurrection break out, these popular rights might be extinguished
          in a moment, a fact of which all the people are perfectly well
          aware.”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Village Life in China</span></span>, New York,
          1899, p. 228. This was written thirteen years before the fall of
          the Ch'ing dynasty.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href=
          "#noteref_44">44.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">J. S. Burgess, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Guilds of
          Peking</span></span>, New York, 1928. This is perhaps the best work
          on the subject of the guilds which has yet appeared. The
          information was gathered by the students of the author, who as a
          teacher had excellent facilities for developing contacts. The
          students, as Chinese, were able to gather data from the
          conservative guild leaders in a manner and to a degree that no
          Westerner could have done. The classification here given is a
          modification of Burgess'.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href=
          "#noteref_45">45.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">S. Wells
            Williams, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Middle Kingdom</span></span>, New York,
            1895, p. 405. Dr. Williams, whose work is perhaps the most
            celebrated single work on China in the English language, wrote as
            follows concerning the nobility under the Ch'ing:</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“The titular nobility of the Empire, as a whole, is a
            body whose members are without power, land, wealth, office, or
            influence, in virtue of their honors; some of them are more or
            less hereditary, but the whole system has been so devised, and
            the designations so conferred, as to tickle the vanity of those
            who receive them, without granting them any real power. The
            titles are not derived from landed estates, but the rank is
            simply designated in addition to the name....”</span> He also
            pointed out that, under the Ch'ing, the only hereditary titles of
            any significance were <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Yen Shing Kung</span></span> (for the
            descendant of Confucius) and <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hai Ching
            Kung</span></span> (for the descendant of Kuo Hsing-hua, the
            formidable sea adventurer who drove the Dutch out of Taiwan and
            made himself master of that island).</p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href=
          "#noteref_46">46.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">William Frederick Mayers, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese
          Government, A Manual of Chinese Titles ...</span></span>, Shanghai,
          1897, devotes one hundred and ninety-five pages to the enumeration
          of the Ch'ing titles. His work, intended to be used as an office
          manual for foreigners having relations with Chinese officials,
          remains extremely useful as a presentation of the administrative
          outline of the Chinese government in its last days before the
          appearance of Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang. Pao Chao Hsieh,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Government of China (1644-1911)</span></span>, Baltimore, 1925, is
          a more descriptive work dealing with the whole administration of
          the Ch'ing dynasty. No work has as yet appeared in the West, to the
          knowledge of the present author, which describes the historical
          development of government in China in any detail.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href=
          "#noteref_47">47.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The figures given are those of the
          present day, which may be more or less exact for the past century.
          For earlier times, the number will have to be reduced in proportion
          with the remoteness in time. See Richard Henry Tawney, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Land and Labour in
          China</span></span>, London, 1932.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href=
          "#noteref_48">48.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Confucius and
          Confucianism</span></span>, cited, pp. 130-132. The connection
          between the naming of names and the operation of the popular check
          of revolution is made evident by Wilhelm in a brilliant passage. If
          a righteous ruler died a violent death at the hands of one of his
          subjects, he was murdered; were he unrighteous, he was only killed.
          Confucius himself used such terms in his annals. His use of varying
          terms, terms carrying condemnation or condonement, even of such a
          subject as regicide, electrified the scholars of his day.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href=
          "#noteref_49">49.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An exception must be made in the case
          of the first Russian colony in Peking, which was lost in two
          centuries and became virtually indistinguishable from the mass of
          the population. The Portuguese, at Macao, displayed that tendency
          to compromise and miscegenate which marked their whole progress
          along the coasts of Asia, but they maintained their political
          supremacy in that city; today the Macanese are largely of Chinese
          blood, but Portuguese-speaking, and proud of their
          separateness.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href=
          "#noteref_50">50.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Too many works have been written on
          the relations of the Chinese and Westerners to permit any
          citations, with one exception. Putnam Weale's <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished
          Empire</span></span>, New York, 1925, is an extraordinarily vivid
          history of the collision of the civilizations. It is not
          particularly commendable as a factual record, but as a brilliant
          and moving piece of literature presenting the Chinese viewpoint, it
          is unexcelled.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href=
          "#noteref_51">51.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Adolf Reichwein, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China and Europe:
          Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth
          Century</span></span>, New York, 1925, which makes apparent the
          full extent to which modern Europe is indebted to China for the
          luxuries of its culture.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href=
          "#noteref_52">52.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this connection, it might be
          pointed out that the attractive strength of the two civilizations
          has not, as yet, been adequately studied, although there is an
          enormous amount of loose generalization on the subject:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese are becoming completely
          Westernized,”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese, in
          spite of their veneer, are always Chinese; they will, in the end,
          absorb their conquerors.”</span> But will they? In the face of a
          modern educational and propaganda system, there is at least room
          for doubt; it is not beyond all conjecture that the Chinese of
          Manchuria might be Japanized as easily as the fiercely chauvinistic
          Japanese might be sinicized. The only adequate answer to the
          question would be through detailed studies of the social
          conditioning and preferences of Chinese under foreign influence (as
          in Hongkong, Taiwan, Manchuria), and of foreigners under Chinese
          influence (the White Russians in China, the few other Westerners in
          preëminently Chinese milieux).</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href=
          "#noteref_53">53.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An example of this is to be found in
          Manabendra Nath Roy, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Revolution und Konterrevolution in
          China</span></span>, Berlin, 1930. Roy was one of the emissaries of
          the Third International to the Nationalists, and his ineptness in
          practical politics assisted materially in the weakening of the
          Communist position. His work quite seriously employs all the
          familiar clichés of Western class dispute, and analyzes the Chinese
          situation in terms that ignore the fact that China is Chinese.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href=
          "#noteref_54">54.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This same line of attack seems, in the
          West, to be employed only by the Catholic church which, while
          opposing any avowedly collectivistic totalitarian state, seeks to
          maintain control on an ideological and not a political basis, over
          almost all aspects of the life of its members. No political party
          or governing group seems to share this attitude.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href=
          "#noteref_55">55.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Karl A. Wittfogel, in his <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, as well as Roy, in the work cited,
          thinks very little of the justice of Confucianism. The extreme
          mobility of Chinese society, which largely precluded the
          development of any permanent class rule, is either unknown to them
          or ignored. If the ideologue-officials of old China composed a
          class, they were a class like no other known, for they provided for
          the continuous purging of their own class, and its continuous
          recruitment from all levels of society—excepting that of
          prostitutes and soldiers.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href=
          "#noteref_56">56.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">T'ang Leang-li
            writes, in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">The Inner History of the Chinese
            Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 168, as follows
            concerning Sun Yat-sen's early teaching of nationalism:</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Previous to the Republican Revolution of 1911, the
            principle of nationality was known as the principle of racial
            struggle, and was in effect little more than <em class=
            "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a primitive
            tribalism rationalized to serve as a weapon</span></em> in the
            struggle against the Manchu oppressors. It was the corner-stone
            of revolutionary theory, and by emphasizing the racial
            distinction between the ruling and the oppressed classes,
            succeeded in uniting the entire Chinese people against the Manchu
            dynasty.”</span> (Italics mine.) In speaking of <span lang="zh"
            class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">min ts'u</span></span> as a primitive
            tribalism which had been rationalized as a weapon, Dr. T'ang
            might lead some of his readers to infer that Sun Yat-sen did not
            believe what he taught, and that—as a master-stroke of practical
            politics—he had devised an ideological weapon which, regardless
            of its truthfulness, would serve him in his struggles. But, it
            may be asked, what was Sun Yat-sen struggling for, if not the
            union and preservation of the Chinese people?</p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href=
          "#noteref_57">57.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See sections, below, on the programs
          of nationalism.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href=
          "#noteref_58">58.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, p. 131. Sun
          Yat-sen said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Formerly China too
          entertained the ambition of becoming mistress of the whole world
          and of rising above all other countries; so she (too) advocated
          cosmopolitanism.... When the Manchus entered the Great Wall, they
          were very few; they numbered 100,000 men. How were those 100,000
          men able to subject hundreds of millions of others? Because the
          majority of Chinese at that time favored cosmopolitanism and said
          nothing about nationalism.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href=
          "#noteref_59">59.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, pp. 126 ff.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href=
          "#noteref_60">60.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It seems to the present writer that,
          whatever criteria are selected for the determination of the
          nationhood of a given society, <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">uniqueness</span></em>
          certainly is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">not</span></em> one of the qualities
          attributed to a <span class="tei tei-q">“nation.”</span> It is not
          appropriate for the author to venture upon any extended search for
          a <span class="tei tei-q">“true nation”</span>; he might observe,
          however, that in his own use—in contrast to Sun Yat-sen's—he
          employs the term in a consciously relative sense, contrasting it
          with the old Chinese cosmopolitan society, which thought itself
          unique except for certain imitations of itself on the part of
          half-civilized barbarians. A <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“nation”</span> must signify, among other things, for
          the purposes of this work, a society calling itself such and
          recognizing the existence of other societies of more or less the
          same nature. Sun Yat-sen, on the other hand, regarded a nation as a
          group of persons as real as a family group, and consistently spoke
          of the Chinese nation as having existed throughout the ages—even in
          those times when the Chinese themselves regarded their own society
          as the civilized world, and did so with some show of exactness, if
          their own viewpoint is taken into account.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href=
          "#noteref_61">61.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          130-131. d'Elia's italics, covering the last two sentences in the
          quotation, have been omitted as superfluous. As an illustration of
          the difference between the translation of d'Elia and that of Hsü,
          the same paragraph might also be cited from the latter translation.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The ethical value of everything is
          relative and so nothing in the world is innately good or innately
          bad. It is determined by circumstances. A thing that is useful to
          us is a good thing; otherwise, a bad thing. Also, a thing that is
          useful and advantageous to the world is a good thing; otherwise, a
          bad thing.”</span> Hsü translation, cited, pp. 210-211. Excepting
          for occasional purposes of comparison, the translation of Father
          d'Elia will be referred to in citing the sixteen lectures on the
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min
          Chu I</span></span>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href=
          "#noteref_62">62.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 70. The
          curiously significant use of the word <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“forever”</span> is reminiscent of the teleology of the
          Chinese family system, according to which the flesh-and-blood
          immortality of man, and the preservation of identity through the
          survival of descendants, is a true immortality.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href=
          "#noteref_63">63.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Wo-men Chung-kuo jen</span></span> and
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">ni-men wai-kuo jen</span></span>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href=
          "#noteref_64">64.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Life and
          Principles of Sun Chung-shan</span></span>, p. 102. There is here
          told the anecdote of Sun Yat-sen's first encounter with
          race-hatred. At Ewa, Hawaii, in 1880, Sun, then a young lad just
          arrived from China, met a Westerner on the road. The Westerner
          threatened him, and called him <span class="tei tei-q">“Damn
          Chinaman!”</span> and various other epithets. When Sun Yat-sen
          discovered that the man was neither deranged nor intoxicated, but
          simply venting his general hatred of all Chinese, he was so much
          impressed with the incident that he never forgot it.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href=
          "#noteref_65">65.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 168; d'Elia
          translation, cited, p. 68.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_66" name="note_66" href=
          "#noteref_66">66.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 70.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_67" name="note_67" href=
          "#noteref_67">67.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 71.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_68" name="note_68" href=
          "#noteref_68">68.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen said: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“A scrap of paper, a pen, and a mutual agreement will
          be enough for the ruin of China ... in order to wipe her out by
          common agreement, it suffices that the diplomats of the different
          countries meet somewhere and affix their signatures.... One morning
          will suffice to annihilate a nation.”</span> d'Elia translation,
          cited, p. 170.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_69" name="note_69" href=
          "#noteref_69">69.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The danger of
            relying too much on foreign aid can be illustrated by a reference
            to Sun-Joffe Manifesto issued in Shanghai, January 26, 1922. Sun
            Yat-sen, as the leader of the Chinese Nationalist movement, and
            Adolf Joffe, as the Soviet Special Envoy, signed a joint
            statement, the first paragraph of which reads as follows:</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Dr. Sun Yat-sen holds that the Communistic order or
            even the Soviet System cannot actually be introduced into China,
            because there do not exist here the conditions for the successful
            establishment of either Communism or Sovietism. This view is
            entirely shared by Mr. Joffe who is further of the opinion that
            China's paramount and most pressing problem is to achieve
            unification and attain full national independence, and regarding
            this great task he has assured Dr. Sun Yat-sen that China has the
            warmest sympathy of the Russian people and can count on the
            support of Russia.”</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">See T'ang
            Leang-li, cited, p. 156.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In view of the
            subsequent Communist attempt, in 1927, to convert the Nationalist
            movement into a mere stage in the proletarian conquest of power
            in China, in violation of the terms of the understanding upon
            which the Communists and the Chinese Nationalists had worked
            together, the leaders of the Kuomintang are today as mistrustful
            of what they term Communist politico-cultural imperialism as they
            are of capitalist politico-economic imperialism. It is curious
            that the APRA leaders in Peru have adopted practically the same
            attitude.</p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_70" name="note_70" href=
          "#noteref_70">70.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is necessary to remember that in
          the four decades before 1925, during which Sun Yat-sen advocated
          <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">nationalism</span></em>, the word had not
          acquired the ugly connotations that recent events have given it.
          The nationalism of Sun Yat-sen was conceived of by him as a pacific
          and defensive instrument, for the perpetuation of an independent
          Chinese race and civilization. See Paul M. W. Linebarger,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations with Sun Yat-sen,
          1919-1922</span></span>, Book I, ch. 5, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Defensive Nationalism,”</span> and ch. 6, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Pacific Nationalism,”</span> for a further discussion
          of this phase of Sun Yat-sen's thought.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_71" name="note_71" href=
          "#noteref_71">71.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">tien sha wei kung.</span></span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_72" name="note_72" href=
          "#noteref_72">72.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 184. A
          reference to clan organization, to be discussed later, has been
          deleted.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_73" name="note_73" href=
          "#noteref_73">73.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 181
          (summary of the sixth lecture on nationalism).</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_74" name="note_74" href=
          "#noteref_74">74.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm's preface to
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die
          Geistigen Grundlagen des Sun Yat Senismus</span></span> of Tai
          Chi-tao (The Intellectual Foundations of Sun-Yat-senism), Berlin,
          1931 (henceforth cited as <span class="tei tei-q">“Tai
          Chi-tao”</span>), pp. 8-9; <span class="tei tei-q">“Die Grösse Sun
          Yat Sens beruht nun darauf, dass er eine lebendige Synthese
          gefunden hat zwischen den Grundprinzipien des Konfuzianismus and
          den Anforderungen der neuen Zeit, eine Synthese, die über die
          Grenzen Chinas hinaus für die ganze Menschheit noch einmal von
          Bedeutung werden kann. Sun Yat Sen vereinigt in sich die eherne
          Konsequenz des Revolutionärs und die grosse Menschenliebe des
          Erneuerers. Sun Yat Sen ist der gütigste von allen Revolutionären
          der Menschheit gewesen. Und diese Güte hat er dem Erbe des
          Konfuzius entnommen. So steht sein geistiges Werk da als eine
          verbindende Brücke swischen der alten und der neuen Zeit. Und es
          wird das Heil Chinas sein, wenn es entschlossen diese Brücke
          beschreitet.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_75" name="note_75" href=
          "#noteref_75">75.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 65.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_76" name="note_76" href=
          "#noteref_76">76.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          186.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_77" name="note_77" href=
          "#noteref_77">77.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 187-8.
          Sun Yat-sen's discussion of the old morality forms the first part
          of his lecture on nationalism, pp. 184-194 of the d'Elia
          translation.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_78" name="note_78" href=
          "#noteref_78">78.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 66. The
          translation employs the words.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_79" name="note_79" href=
          "#noteref_79">79.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 129. In
          connection with the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, it may be mentioned
          that this doctrine has been made the state philosophy of
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Manchukuo.”</span> See the coronation
          issue of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Manchuria Daily News</span></span>, Dairen,
          March 1, 1934, pp. 71-80, and the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Japan-Manchoukuo Year
          Book</span></span>, Tokyo, 1934, pp. 634-635. The advocacy of
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span> in a state which is a
          consequence of one of the perfect illustrations of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span> in the modern Far East,
          is astonishing. Its use does possess significance, in demonstrating
          that the shibboleths of ancient virtue are believed by the Japanese
          and by <span class="tei tei-q">“Emperor Kang Teh”</span> to possess
          value in contemporary politics.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_80" name="note_80" href=
          "#noteref_80">80.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 528,
          529.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_81" name="note_81" href=
          "#noteref_81">81.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, for discussion of the
          influence that Henry George, Karl Marx, and Maurice William had
          upon the social interpretation of history so far as economic
          matters were concerned.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_82" name="note_82" href=
          "#noteref_82">82.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-q">“The
          Theory of the Confucian World Society,”</span> above.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_83" name="note_83" href=
          "#noteref_83">83.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          341.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_84" name="note_84" href=
          "#noteref_84">84.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          199.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_85" name="note_85" href=
          "#noteref_85">85.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          194.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_86" name="note_86" href=
          "#noteref_86">86.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 194. The
          original quotation, in Chinese and in English, may be found in
          James Legge, translator, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Four Books</span></span>, Shanghai, 1930,
          p. 313.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_87" name="note_87" href=
          "#noteref_87">87.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          194-195.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_88" name="note_88" href=
          "#noteref_88">88.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Judge Paul Linebarger, in <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Conversations with
          Sun Yat-sen</span></span> (unpublished), states that Sun said to
          him: <span class="tei tei-q">“China will go down in history as the
          greatest literary civilization the world has ever known, or ever
          will know, but what good does this deep literary knowledge do us if
          we cannot combine it with the modernity of Western science?”</span>
          p. 64, Book Four.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_89" name="note_89" href=
          "#noteref_89">89.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 62. The passage
          reads in full: <span class="tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen umfasst
          vollkommen die wahren Gedanken Chinas, wie sie bei Yau und Schun
          und auch bei Kung Dsï und Mong Dsï wiederfinden. Dadurch wird uns
          klar, dass Sun Yat Sen der Erneuerer der seit 2000 Jahre
          ununterbrochenen chinesischen sittlichen Kultur ist. Im vergangenen
          Jahr hat ein russischer Revolutionär an Sun Yat Sen die folgende
          Frage gerichtet: <span class="tei tei-q">‘Welche Grundlage haben
          Ihre Revolutionsgedanken?’</span> Sun Yat Sen hat darauf
          geantwortet: <span class="tei tei-q">‘In China hat es ein
          sittlichen Gedanken gegeben, der von Yau, Schun, Yü, Tang, Wen
          Wang, Wu Wang, Dschou Gung his zu Kung Dsï getragen worden ist;
          seither ist er ununterbrochen, ich habe wieder an ihn angeknüpft
          und versacht, ihn weiter zu entwickeln.’</span> Der Fragende hat
          dies nicht verstehen können und sich weiter erkundigt; Sun Yat Sen
          hat noch mehrmals versucht, ihm seine Antwort zu erklären. Aus
          dieser Unterredung können wir ersehen, dass Sun Yat Sen von seine
          Gedanken überzeugt war, gleichzeitig können wir ersehen, dass seine
          Nationalrevolution auf dem Widererwachen der chinesischen Kultur
          beruht. Er hat die schöpferische Kraft Chinas wieder ins Leben
          rufen und den Wert der chinesischen Kultur fur die ganze Welt
          nutzbar machen wollen, um somit den Universalismus verwirklichen zu
          können.”</span> Allowance will have to be made, as it should always
          in the case of Tai Chi-tao, for the author's deep appreciation of
          and consequent devotion to the virtues of Chinese culture. Other
          disciples of Sun Yat-sen wrote in a quite different vein. The
          present author inclines to the opinion, however, that Tai Chi-tao's
          summary is a just rendition of Sun Yat-sen's attitude. Sun Yat-sen
          loved and fought for the struggling masses of China, whose misery
          was always before his pitying eyes; he also fought for the
          accomplishments of Chinese civilization. In modern China, many
          leaders have fought for the culture, and forgotten the masses (men
          such as Ku Hung-ming were typical); others loved the populace and
          forgot the culture. It was one of the elements of Sun Yat-sen's
          greatness that he was able to remember both.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_90" name="note_90" href=
          "#noteref_90">90.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          199-202.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_91" name="note_91" href=
          "#noteref_91">91.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          259.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_92" name="note_92" href=
          "#noteref_92">92.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This idea, of wealth as national
          capacity to produce, is of course not a new one. It is found in the
          writings of Alexander Hamilton, among others.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_93" name="note_93" href=
          "#noteref_93">93.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          337.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_94" name="note_94" href=
          "#noteref_94">94.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wei Yung, translator, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr. Sun,
          Sun Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span>, cited. See the discussion on
          dietetics, pp. 3-9.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_95" name="note_95" href=
          "#noteref_95">95.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          337.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_96" name="note_96" href=
          "#noteref_96">96.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wei Yung's translation, cited, is an
          English version of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Outline of Psychological
          Reconstruction</span></span> of Sun Yat-sen. This work is devoted
          to a refutation of the thesis, first propounded by Wang Yang-ming
          (ca. 1472-1528), that knowledge is easy and action difficult. In a
          society where the ideology had been stabilized for almost two
          millenia, this was undoubtedly quite true. In modern China,
          however, faced with the terrific problem of again settling the
          problem of an adequate ideology, the reverse was true: knowledge
          was difficult, and action easy. This was one of the favorite
          aphorisms of Sun Yat-sen, and he devoted much time, effort, and
          thought to making it plain to his countrymen. The comparative
          points of view of Wang Yang-ming and Sun Yat-sen afford a quite
          clear-cut example of the contrast between an established and
          unsettled ideology.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_97" name="note_97" href=
          "#noteref_97">97.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          336-345. This discussion occurs in the fifth lecture on democracy,
          incidental to Sun Yat-sen's explaining the failure of the
          parliamentary Republic in Peking, and the general inapplicability
          of Western ideas of democracy to China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_98" name="note_98" href=
          "#noteref_98">98.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          344.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_99" name="note_99" href=
          "#noteref_99">99.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          344.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_100" name="note_100"
          href="#noteref_100">100.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It might again be pointed out that Sun
          Yat-sen differed with Marxism which, while it, of course, does not
          hold that all knowledge is already found, certainly keeps its own
          first premises beyond all dispute, and its own interpretations
          sacrosanct. The dialectics of Marx and Hegel would certainly appear
          peculiar in the Chinese environment. Without going out of his way
          to point out the difference between Sun's Nationalism and
          Marxism-Leninism, the author cannot refrain—in view of the quite
          popular misconception that Sun Yat-sen was at one time almost a
          Marxist convert—from pointing out the extreme difference between
          the premises, the methods, and the conclusions of the two
          philosophies.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_101" name="note_101"
          href="#noteref_101">101.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          344.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_102" name="note_102"
          href="#noteref_102">102.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, contains
          two chapters relevant to the consideration of this problem. Ch.
          III, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Doctrine of Rectification”</span>
          (pp. 43-61), and Ch. XI, <span class="tei tei-q">“Social
          Evolution”</span> (pp. 219-232), discuss rectification and
          ideological development within the Confucian ideology.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_103" name="note_103"
          href="#noteref_103">103.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">As an illustration of Dr. Sun's
          continued activity as a medical man, the author begs the reader's
          tolerance of a short anecdote. In 1920 or 1921, when both Judge
          Linebarger and Sun Yat-sen were in Shanghai, and were working
          together on the book that was to appear as <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the
          Chinese Republic</span></span>, the younger son of Judge
          Linebarger—the brother of the present author—fell ill with a rather
          obscure stomach disorder. The Western physicians having made little
          or no progress in the case, Sun Yat-sen intervened with an old
          Chinese herbal prescription, which he, a Western-trained physician,
          was willing to endorse. The remedy was relatively efficacious—more
          so than the suggestions of the European doctors. Even though Sun
          Yat-sen very early abandoned his career of professional medical man
          for that of revolutionist, he appears to have practised medicine
          intermittently throughout his life.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_104" name="note_104"
          href="#noteref_104">104.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen wrote, in Wei Yung
          translation, cited, p. 115: <span class="tei tei-q">“In our age of
          scientific progress the undertaker [sic!], seeks to know first
          before undertaking. This is due to the desire to forestall blunders
          and accidents so as to ensure efficiency and economy of labor. He
          who is able to develop ideas from knowledge, plans from ideas, and
          action from plans can be crowned with success in any undertaking
          irrespective of its profoundness or the magnitude of labor
          involved.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_105" name="note_105"
          href="#noteref_105">105.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai, cited, p. 66: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Wir sind Chinesen, und was wir zunächst zu ändern
          haben liegt in China. Aber wenn alle Dinge in China wertlos
          gewerden sind, wenn die chinesische Kultur in der Kulturgeschichte
          der Welt keine Bedeutung mehr hat, und wenn das chinesische Volk
          die Kraft, seine Kultur hochzuhalten, verloren hat, dann können wir
          gleich mit gebundenen Händen den Tod abwarten; zu welchem Zweck
          brauchen wir dann noch Revolution zu treiben!”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_106" name="note_106"
          href="#noteref_106">106.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An interesting discussion of this
          attitude is to be found in Li Chi, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Formation of the
          Chinese People</span></span>, Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1928.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_107" name="note_107"
          href="#noteref_107">107.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tsui Shu-chin, cited, pp. 96-146.
          The work of Tsui is good for the field covered; his discussion of
          the contrasting policy of the Communists and of Sun Yat-sen with
          respect to nationalities may be regarded as reliable.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_108" name="note_108"
          href="#noteref_108">108.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 67 and
          following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_109" name="note_109"
          href="#noteref_109">109.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href=
          "#Section_Nation_and_State" class="tei tei-ref"><span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Nation and State in Chinese
          Antiquity.”</span></a></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_110" name="note_110"
          href="#noteref_110">110.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The present state of Western knowledge
          of the sociology of China is not sufficient to warrant reference to
          any authorities for the description of egalitarianism and mobility.
          These matters are still on that level of unspecialized knowledge
          where every visitor to China may observe for himself. The
          bibliography on the social life of the Chinese on pp. 240-242 of
          Kenneth Scott Latourette, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The Chinese: Their History and
          Culture</span></span>, New York, 1934, contains some of the leading
          titles that touch on the subject. Prof. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown of
          the University of Chicago informed the present author that he
          contemplates the planning of an extensive program of
          socio-anthropological field work in Chinese villages which will
          assist considerably in the understanding of the sociology of old
          China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_111" name="note_111"
          href="#noteref_111">111.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, p. 49,
          states the function of the Confucian leaders quite succinctly:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“... the Confucian school advocates
          political and social reorganization by changing the social mind
          through political action.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_112" name="note_112"
          href="#noteref_112">112.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 104.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_113" name="note_113"
          href="#noteref_113">113.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, pp. 195-196.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_114" name="note_114"
          href="#noteref_114">114.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mariano Ponce,
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat
            Sen, El fundador de la Republica de China</span></span>, Manila,
            1912, p. 23.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Y tampoco era posible sustituirla por otra dinastía
            nacional. Sólo existen al presente dos familias en China, de
            donde podían salir los soberanos: uno es la descendencia de la
            dinastía Ming, de que usurparon los mandchüs el trone, hace más
            de dos siglos y medio, y la otra es la del filósofo Confucio,
            cuyo descendiente lineal reconocido es el actual duque Kung. Ni
            en una, ni en otra existen vástagos acondicionados para regir un
            Estado conforme á los requerimientos de los tiempos actuales.
            Hubo de descartarse, pues, de la plataforma de la <span class=
            "tei tei-q">‘Joven China’</span> el pensamiento de instalar en el
            trono á una dinastía nacional. Y sin dinastía holgaba el
            trono.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“No sabemos si aún habiendo en las dos familias
            mencionados miembros con condiciones suficientes para ser el Jefe
            supremo de un Estado moderno, hubiese prosperado el programa
            monarquico.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Lo que sí pueda decir es que desde los primeros
            momentos evolucionayon las ideas de Sun Yat Sen hacia el
            republicanismo....”</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ponce then
            goes on to point out Sun Yat-sen's having said that the
            decentralized system of old government and the comparative
            autonomy of the vice-regencies presented a background of
            <span class="tei tei-q">“a sort of aristocratic republic”</span>
            (<span class="tei tei-q">“une especie de república
            aristocrática”</span>).</p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_115" name="note_115"
          href="#noteref_115">115.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ponce, cited, p. 24. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“... la única garantía posible, el único medio por
          excelencia para obtener los mejores gobernantes....”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_116" name="note_116"
          href="#noteref_116">116.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          234.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_117" name="note_117"
          href="#noteref_117">117.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          235.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_118" name="note_118"
          href="#noteref_118">118.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          255.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_119" name="note_119"
          href="#noteref_119">119.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 266,
          note 1. Father d'Elia discusses the reasons which made it seem more
          probable that Sun was transliterating the name Millar into Chinese
          rather than (John Stuart) Mill.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_120" name="note_120"
          href="#noteref_120">120.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 256 and
          following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_121" name="note_121"
          href="#noteref_121">121.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          271.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_122" name="note_122"
          href="#noteref_122">122.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          273.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_123" name="note_123"
          href="#noteref_123">123.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          242-243.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_124" name="note_124"
          href="#noteref_124">124.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 223 and
          following. Dr. Hsü (cited, p. 263 and following) translates these
          four epochs as following: <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hung
          fang</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of the great
          wilderness”</span>; <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">shen
          ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the state of
          theocracy”</span>; <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chun
          ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of
          monarchy”</span>; and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of
          democracy.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_125" name="note_125"
          href="#noteref_125">125.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          241-242.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_126" name="note_126"
          href="#noteref_126">126.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book II,
          ch. 2.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_127" name="note_127"
          href="#noteref_127">127.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is of interest to note that the
          <span class="tei tei-q">“New Life Movement”</span> inaugurated by
          Chiang Chieh-shih is concerned with many such petty matters such as
          those enumerated above. Each of these small problems is in itself
          of little consequence; in the aggregate they loom large.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_128" name="note_128"
          href="#noteref_128">128.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          331.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_129" name="note_129"
          href="#noteref_129">129.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 352. It is
          interesting to note that the translation by Father d'Elia gives a
          more literal translation of the names that Sun Yat-sen applied to
          these categories. He translates the Chinese terms as <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">pre-seeing</span></em>, <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">post-seeing</span></em>, and <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">non-seeing</span></em>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_130" name="note_130"
          href="#noteref_130">130.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 352.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_131" name="note_131"
          href="#noteref_131">131.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          348.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_132" name="note_132"
          href="#noteref_132">132.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 352. Sun
          Yat-sen defined democracy thus: <span class="tei tei-q">“... under
          a republican government, the people is sovereign.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_133" name="note_133"
          href="#noteref_133">133.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 25, refers to
          this distinction as being between force (<span lang="de" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Gewalt</span></span>) and power (<span lang=
          "de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Macht</span></span>). To the people belonged,
          and rightfully, the force which could sanction or refuse to
          sanction the existence of the government and the confirmation of
          its policies. The government had the power (<span lang="de" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Macht</span></span>), which the people did not
          have, of formulating intelligent policies and carrying them out in
          an organized manner.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_134" name="note_134"
          href="#noteref_134">134.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Chi-ch'ao, cited, pp.
          50-52.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_135" name="note_135"
          href="#noteref_135">135.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 279 and
          following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_136" name="note_136"
          href="#noteref_136">136.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          368.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_137" name="note_137"
          href="#noteref_137">137.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 368-9.
          Dr. Wou Saofong, in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span> (Paris, 1929),
          summarizes his thesis of Sun Yat-sen in somewhat different terms:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“... Sun Yat-sen compare, le gouvernement à
          un appareil mécanique, dont le moteur est constitué <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">par les
          lois</span></em> ou les ministres, tandis que l'ingénieur que
          dirige la machine était autrefois le roi et aujourd'hui le
          peuple,”</span> p. 124. (Italics mine.) This suggestion that the
          state-machine, in the theory of Sun Yat-sen, is composed of laws as
          well as men is quite interesting; Sun Yat-sen himself does not seem
          to have used this figure of speech and it may be Dr. Wou's applying
          the juristic interpretation on his own initiative. Sun Yat-sen, in
          his sixth lecture on democracy, says, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Statesmen and lawyers of Europe and America say that
          government is a machine of which law is a tool.”</span> (d'Elia
          translation, cited, p. 368.)</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_138" name="note_138"
          href="#noteref_138">138.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It must always remain one of those
          conjectures upon which scholars may expend their fantasy what Sun
          Yat-sen would have thought of the necessity of the juristic state,
          which involved a quite radical change throughout the Chinese social
          organism, had he lived to see the ebb of juristic polity and, for
          all that, of voting democracy. It is not unlikely that his early
          impressions of the United States and his reading of Montesquieu
          would have led him to retain his belief in a juristic-democratic
          state in spite of the fact that such a state would no longer
          represent the acme of ultra-modernism.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_139" name="note_139"
          href="#noteref_139">139.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 378 and
          following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_140" name="note_140"
          href="#noteref_140">140.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          369.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_141" name="note_141"
          href="#noteref_141">141.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Reginald Johnston, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Twilight in the
          Forbidden City</span></span>, cited above, presents an apparently
          true account of the conspiracies of the various Northern generals
          which centered around the person of P'u Yi. According to Johnston
          Tsao Kun was defeated in his attempt to restore the Manchu Emperor
          only by the jealousies of his fellow-militarists.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_142" name="note_142"
          href="#noteref_142">142.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          406.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_143" name="note_143"
          href="#noteref_143">143.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Father d'Elia devotes the whole second
          chapter of his introduction to the consideration of a suitable
          rendition of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, which he calls
          the Triple Demism. (Work cited, pp. 36-49.) Again on p. 402, he
          explains that, while he had translated <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">socialism</span></em> in the first French
          edition of his work, he now renders it as <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the economic
          Demism</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">sociology</span></em>. The most current
          translation, that of Frank Price, cited, gives <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the principle of
          livelihood</span></em>. Paul Linebarger gave it as <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">socialism</span></em> as far back as 1917
          (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Chinese Nationalist Monthly</span></span>, December, 1917, Chicago)
          in Chicago, at the time when Lin Shen, Frank C. Lee and he were all
          working for Sun in that city. Dr. H. H. Kung, a high government
          official related by marriage to Mme. Sun Yat-sen, speaks of the
          three principles of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">liberty</span></em>, <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">democracy</span></em>, and <em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">economic
          well-being</span></em> (preface to Hsü, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun</span></span>,
          cited, p. xvi). Dr. V. K. Wellington Koo, one of China's most
          eminent diplomats, speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">social organization</span></em> (<span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Memoranda Presented
          to the Lytton Commission</span></span>, New York City, n. d.).
          Citations could be presented almost indefinitely. <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Min</span></span> means <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“people,”</span> and <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">shêng</span></span> means <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“life; vitality, the living, birth, means of
          living”</span> according to the dictionary (S. Wells Williams,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A
          Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language</span></span>,
          Tungchou, 1909). The mere terms are of very little help in solving
          the riddle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.
          Laborious examination is needed, and even this will not, perhaps,
          lead us to anything more than probability. Sun Yat-sen, in his
          lectures, called it by several different names, which seem at first
          sight to contradict each other.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_144" name="note_144"
          href="#noteref_144">144.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          91-92.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_145" name="note_145"
          href="#noteref_145">145.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Bk. IV, p.
          62: <span class="tei tei-q">“I must confess that the idea of using
          the sacred cult of ancestor worship as a political machine is very
          abhorrent to me. In fact, I think that even the rashest fool would
          never attempt to use this intimate cult with its exclusively
          domestic privacy as a revolutionary instrument.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_146" name="note_146"
          href="#noteref_146">146.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the
          Chinese Republic</span></span>, New York, 1925, pp. 68-9.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_147" name="note_147"
          href="#noteref_147">147.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 135-139.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_148" name="note_148"
          href="#noteref_148">148.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 104-105.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_149" name="note_149"
          href="#noteref_149">149.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 122-123.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_150" name="note_150"
          href="#noteref_150">150.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          472.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_151" name="note_151"
          href="#noteref_151">151.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Karl A. Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Wirtschaft und
          Gesellschaft Chinas</span></span>, Leipzig, 1931. The author, the
          German Marxian who wrote the best Marxist critique of Sun Yat-sen,
          is the only scholar to seek a really complete picture of the old
          Chinese economy by the technique of modern Western economic
          analysis. Described by the author as an <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“attempt,”</span> the first volume of this work runs to
          737 pages. It is valuable for the large amount of statistical
          material which it contains, and for its systematic method; its
          Marxian bias narrows its interest considerably.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_152" name="note_152"
          href="#noteref_152">152.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Both works of Wittfogel, cited above,
          are useful for the understanding of the transition from the old
          economy to the new. For a general view of the economic situation
          and potentialities of China, see George B. Cressey, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China's Geographic
          Foundations</span></span>, New York, 1934. The bibliography on
          Chinese economy to be found in Latourette, cited above, vol. II,
          pp. 116-119, is useful.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_153" name="note_153"
          href="#noteref_153">153.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 97.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_154" name="note_154"
          href="#noteref_154">154.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, section on the national
          economic revolution.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_155" name="note_155"
          href="#noteref_155">155.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, pp. 186-187.
          The d'Elia translation gives a more exact rendering of Sun
          Yat-sen's words (p. 97), but, by following Sun Yat-sen in calling
          China a hypo-colony, is less immediately plain to the Western
          reader than is the translation of Dr. Hsü, who in this instance
          uses <span class="tei tei-q">“sub”</span> and <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“hypo”</span> interchangeably.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_156" name="note_156"
          href="#noteref_156">156.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          443.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_157" name="note_157"
          href="#noteref_157">157.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          452.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_158" name="note_158"
          href="#noteref_158">158.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">His <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">International
          Development of China</span></span>, New York, 1922 (republished
          1929), is a colossal plan which could only be compared with the
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Piatiletka</span></span> or with the New Deal
          in the United States, since Sun Yat-sen suggested that—in order to
          avoid the consequences of a post-war depression—the nations of the
          world might cooperate in the equal exploitation of Chinese national
          resources with the Chinese. He proposed the modernization of China
          by a vast international loan which could permit the Western nations
          to maintain their war-time peak production, supplying China (1929
          ed., p. 8). He concludes the work: <span class="tei tei-q">“In a
          nutshell, it is my idea to make capitalism create socialism in
          China so that these two economic forces of human civilization will
          work side by side in future civilization”</span> (p. 237). The work
          is, however, generally regarded as a transportation plan, since Sun
          Yat-sen sketched out a railway map of China which would require
          decades to realize, and which overshadowed, by its very magnitude,
          the other aspects of his proposals.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_159" name="note_159"
          href="#noteref_159">159.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">At the risk of digression, one might
          comment on an interesting element of the Euramerican ideology which
          is in sharp contrast to the Chinese. The West has, apparently,
          always been devoted to dichotomies of morality. The Greeks had
          reason and unenlightenment, and whole series of ideals that could
          be fought for and against, but the real division of good and bad in
          the West came, of course, with Christianity, which accustomed
          Westerners to think for centuries in terms of holiness versus
          evil—they being, geographically, holy, and the outsiders (heathen),
          evil. Now that the supernatural foundations of Christianity have
          been shaken by the progress of scientific and intellectual
          uncertainty, many Westerners find an emotional and an intellectual
          satisfaction in dividing the world into pure and unclean along
          lines of sometimes rather abstruse economic questions. This new
          morality seems to be based on distributive economics rather than on
          deity. It is employed, of course, by the Marxians, but their
          adversaries, in opposing them with equal passion, fall into the
          same habit. It is shocking and unbelievable to such persons to
          discover that there is a society whose ideology does not center
          around the all-meaningful point of the ownership of the means of
          production. Their only reaction is a negation of the possibility of
          such thought, or, at least, of its realism. The intellectual
          position of Sun Yat-sen in the modern world would be more clearly
          appreciated if the intellectuals of the West were not adjusting
          their ideological and emotional habits from religion to economics,
          and meanwhile judging all men and events in economic terms. The
          present discussion of Sun Yat-sen's economic ideology is a quite
          subordinate one in comparison to the examination of his ideology as
          a whole, but some persons will regard it as the only really
          important point that could be raised concerning him.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_160" name="note_160"
          href="#noteref_160">160.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 345, quotes Nathaniel
          Peffer: <span class="tei tei-q">“... Peffer said that Dr. Sun never
          <span class="tei tei-q">‘attained intellectual maturity, and he was
          completely devoid of the faculty of reason. He functioned mentally
          in sporadic hunches. It was typical of him that he met Joffe, read
          the Communist Manifesto, and turned Communist, and then read one
          book by an American of whom he knew nothing, and rejected communism
          all in a few months.’</span> ”</span> Sun Yat-sen knew Marxism,
          years before the Russian Revolution. The Communist Manifesto was
          not new to him. He was extraordinarily well read in Western
          political and economic thought. Sun Yat-sen never turned Communist,
          nor did he subsequently reject communism any more than he had done
          for years.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_161" name="note_161"
          href="#noteref_161">161.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author hopes, at some future time,
          to be able to fill in the intellectual background of Sun Yat-sen
          much more thoroughly than he is able to at the present, for lack of
          materials. One interesting method would involve the listing of
          every Western book with which Sun Yat-sen can be shown to have been
          acquainted. It might be a fairly accurate gauge of the breadth of
          his information.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_162" name="note_162"
          href="#noteref_162">162.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          461-468. Father d'Elia's note on the relative positions of Henry
          George and Sun (p. 466) is interesting. For a discussion of the
          actual program proposed by Sun, see below, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Program of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min
          Shêng</span></span>”</span> section on land policy.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_163" name="note_163"
          href="#noteref_163">163.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lyon Sharman, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 58.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_164" name="note_164"
          href="#noteref_164">164.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 98-99. There is an
          inconsistency of wording here, which may or may not be the fault of
          the translator. The oath refers to the <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“equitable redistribution of the land”</span> (p. 98);
          the platform speaks of <span class="tei tei-q">“the nationalization
          of land”</span> (p. 98); and one of the slogans is <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Equalize land-ownership!”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_165" name="note_165"
          href="#noteref_165">165.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also the discussion in Tsui,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Canton-Moscow Entente</span></span>, cited,
          pp. 371-376; and in Li Ti-tsun, <span class="tei tei-q">“The
          Sunyatsenian principle of Livelihood,”</span> <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese Students'
          Monthly</span></span>, XXIV (March 1929), pp. 230. Li declares that
          Sun envisioned immediate redistribution but ultimate socialization,
          but does not cite his source for this. Li's discussion of sources
          is good otherwise.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_166" name="note_166"
          href="#noteref_166">166.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, p. 58; the same authority for
          the statement as to the 1905 manifesto.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_167" name="note_167"
          href="#noteref_167">167.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, p. 94.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_168" name="note_168"
          href="#noteref_168">168.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 61.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_169" name="note_169"
          href="#noteref_169">169.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 66: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Dieses sehr unpräzise Programm, das die Frage der
          Klasseninteressen und des Klassenkampfes als des Mittels zur
          Brechung privilegierter Klasseninteressen nicht aufwirft, war
          objektiv gar nicht Sozialismus, sondern etwas durchaus anderes:
          Lenin hat die Formel <span class="tei tei-q">‘<em class=
          "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Subjektiver
          Sozialismus</span></em>’</span> dafür geprägt.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_170" name="note_170"
          href="#noteref_170">170.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 67: <span class="tei tei-q">“So
          bedeutete denn Suns <span class="tei tei-q">‘Sozialismus’</span> im
          Munde der Chinesischen Bourgeoisie nichts als ein Art Bekenntness
          zu einer <span class="tei tei-q">‘sozialen,’</span> d.h.
          massenfreundlichen Wirtschaftspolitik.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_171" name="note_171"
          href="#noteref_171">171.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 46.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_172" name="note_172"
          href="#noteref_172">172.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 172.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_173" name="note_173"
          href="#noteref_173">173.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 172.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_174" name="note_174"
          href="#noteref_174">174.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, pp. 171-172.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_175" name="note_175"
          href="#noteref_175">175.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, cited, pp. 117-118.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_176" name="note_176"
          href="#noteref_176">176.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wittfogel,
            cited, p. 140: <span class="tei tei-q">“... Seine Drei Prinzipien
            verkörpern in ihrer <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Entwicklung</span></span> den objektiven
            Wandel der ökonomisch-sozialen Situation Chinas, in ihren
            <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
            "font-style: italic">Widersprüchen</span></span> die realen
            Widersprüche der chinesischen Revolution, in ihren <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">jüngsten
            Tendenzen</span></span> die Verlagerung des sozialen
            Schwerpunktes der Revolution, die Klassen in Aktion setzt, deren
            Ziel nicht mehr ein bürgerlich-kapitalistisches, sondern ein
            proletarisch-sozialistisches und ein
            bauerlich-agrar-revolutionäres ist.</span></p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen ist demnach nicht nur der bisher
            mächtigste Repräsentant der bürgerlich-nationalen,
            antiimperialistischen Revolutionen des erwach-enden Asiens
            überhaupt, er weist zugleich über die bürgerliche
            Klassen-schranke dieser ersten Etappe der asiatischen
            Befreiungsbewegung hinaus. Dies zu verkennen, wäre
            verhängnisvoll, gerade auch für die proletarisch-kommunistische
            Bewegung Ostasiens selbst.”</span></p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_177" name="note_177"
          href="#noteref_177">177.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Statement of Judge Linebarger to the
          author. See also Linebarger, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, references to
          Communism which occur throughout the whole book.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_178" name="note_178"
          href="#noteref_178">178.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 144. It would involve
          a duplication of effort for the present author to repeat the
          material of Dr. Tsui's excellent monograph on Sun Yat-sen and the
          Bolsheviks. Since the purpose of the present work is to undertake
          an exposition of the Nationalist political ideology and programs
          against the background of the old Chinese ideology, such an
          emphasis upon one comparatively small point in Sun Yat-sen's
          doctrines would be entirely disproportionate as well as
          superfluous. The reader is referred to the work of Dr. Tsui for any
          details of these relations that he may wish to examine.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_179" name="note_179"
          href="#noteref_179">179.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tsui, cited, and section below, on
          the class struggle of the nations.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_180" name="note_180"
          href="#noteref_180">180.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 450. See
          also Tsui, cited, pp. 353-354; and Li, cited, pp. 229 and
          following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_181" name="note_181"
          href="#noteref_181">181.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Development of
          China</span></span>, cited, p. 237.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_182" name="note_182"
          href="#noteref_182">182.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maurice William, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus
          Communism</span></span>, Baltimore, 1932, p. 4.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_183" name="note_183"
          href="#noteref_183">183.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">William, in his <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus
          Communism</span></span>, cited, proves beyond doubt that Sun
          Yat-sen was strongly indebted to him for many anti-Marxian
          arguments.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_184" name="note_184"
          href="#noteref_184">184.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, Chapter One, second, third,
          and fourth sections.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_185" name="note_185"
          href="#noteref_185">185.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          423.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_186" name="note_186"
          href="#noteref_186">186.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 121-123, n. 72.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_187" name="note_187"
          href="#noteref_187">187.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          472.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_188" name="note_188"
          href="#noteref_188">188.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 422. The
          Hsü version will be cited from time to time, whenever Father
          d'Elia's interesting neologisms might make the citation too
          disharmonious, in wording, with the comment.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_189" name="note_189"
          href="#noteref_189">189.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          294.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_190" name="note_190"
          href="#noteref_190">190.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Francis W. Coker, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Recent Political
          Thought</span></span>, New York—London, 1934, pp. 545-562, Ch. XX,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Empirical Collectivism.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_191" name="note_191"
          href="#noteref_191">191.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, pp. 546-547.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_192" name="note_192"
          href="#noteref_192">192.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, pp. 548-549. Throughout
          the discussion of empirical collectivism the present author will
          cite, by and large, the categories given by Coker. Any special
          exceptions will be noted, but otherwise the discussion will be
          based on Coker's chapter on <span class="tei tei-q">“Empirical
          Collectivism,”</span> cited above.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_193" name="note_193"
          href="#noteref_193">193.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III,
          p. 31.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_194" name="note_194"
          href="#noteref_194">194.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III,
          p. 30.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_195" name="note_195"
          href="#noteref_195">195.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          475.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_196" name="note_196"
          href="#noteref_196">196.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, however, the d'Elia translation,
          cited, pp. 298-301, for a reference to labor unions and a statement
          for their need of competent and honest leadership.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_197" name="note_197"
          href="#noteref_197">197.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, <span class="tei tei-q">“Die
          Arbeiter,”</span> pp. 97-99. T'ang, Hsü, and the various
          biographies of Sun almost all contain references from time to time
          to Sun's friendliness toward and approval of organized labor.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_198" name="note_198"
          href="#noteref_198">198.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, pp. 325-329. The next speech of Sun
          Yat-sen given in Wittfogel's work is Sun's indignant attack on
          <span class="tei tei-q">“the so-called Labor Government”</span> of
          England, which permitted the old methods of British Far Eastern
          imperialism to continue.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_199" name="note_199"
          href="#noteref_199">199.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III,
          p. 18. This work, while it cannot be given the weight of direct
          quotations from Sun's own writings or speeches, does contain a good
          deal about the policies of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> which does not appear elsewhere. The author has
          sought to avoid citation of it where direct sources are available,
          since the nature of the material makes it by no means so
          authoritative as others might be.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_200" name="note_200"
          href="#noteref_200">200.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, p. 551.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_201" name="note_201"
          href="#noteref_201">201.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">E. D. Harvey, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Mind of
          China</span></span>, New Haven, 1933, deals extensively with these
          supernatural elements. The reader who turns to it should keep in
          mind the fact that the supernatural plays a rôle in China
          distinctly less important than that which it did, say, in medieval
          Europe, and that a strong agnostic, rather than a skeptical, spirit
          among the Chinese has preserved them from the grossest errors of
          superstition.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_202" name="note_202"
          href="#noteref_202">202.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Latourette, cited, p. 129. Dr.
          Latourette's sketch of Chinese religious thought is especially
          good, as indeed it might be, since he is one of the most celebrated
          American scholars in the field of Western religion in China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_203" name="note_203"
          href="#noteref_203">203.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">H. G. Creel, work cited, p. 127.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_204" name="note_204"
          href="#noteref_204">204.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author cannot give a documentary
          citation for this observation. It was communicated to him many
          times by his father, Judge Paul Linebarger, who stated that Sun
          Yat-sen was most apt to talk in terms of morality and morale by
          preference. The fact that Sun Yat-sen came from a Chinese Confucian
          background into a Western Christian one cannot be ignored. He did
          not permit his Christianity to sway him from what he considered his
          necessary lines of behavior in politics; it did not, for example,
          prevent him from being extremely cordial to the Soviet Union at the
          time that that state was still more or less outcaste. And yet,
          speaking of the Christian God, he is reputably reported to have
          said: <span class="tei tei-q">“God sent me to China to free her
          from bondage and oppression, and I have not been disobedient to the
          Heavenly mission”</span>; and, again, to have said on the day
          before his death: <span class="tei tei-q">“I am a Christian; God
          sent me to fight evil for my people. Jesus was a revolutionist; so
          am I.”</span> (Both quotations from appendix to the d'Elia
          translation, p. 718.)</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_205" name="note_205"
          href="#noteref_205">205.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen authorized the biography,
          cited, which Judge Linebarger wrote of him. It was a propaganda
          work, and neither he nor the author had any particular expectation
          that it would ever be regarded as a source, or as an academically
          prepared document. The last chapter of this authorized biography
          bears the title, <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusion: Sun the Moral
          Force.”</span> This, perhaps, is significant as to Sun's own
          attitude.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_206" name="note_206"
          href="#noteref_206">206.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Note the contrast between the thought
          of Sun in this respect and that of Tagore or Gandhi. This has been
          pointed out by many Western writers on China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_207" name="note_207"
          href="#noteref_207">207.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III,
          p. 20.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_208" name="note_208"
          href="#noteref_208">208.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, cited, p. 282.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_209" name="note_209"
          href="#noteref_209">209.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The reader must bear in mind the fact
          that what is presented here is Sun Yat-sen's political program for
          China. In many instances the course of affairs has deviated quite
          definitely from that program, and it can be only a matter of
          conjecture as to what Sun Yat-sen would do were he to return and
          observe the Nationalist movement as it now is. It is manifestly
          impossible to trace all the changes in this program. The actual
          developments have conformed only in part with Sun Yat-sen's plans,
          although the leaders seek to have it appear as though they are
          following as close to Sun Yat-sen's democratic politics as they
          can. Many persons who were close to Sun Yat-sen, such as Mme. Sun
          Yat-sen, believe that the National Government has betrayed the
          theory of Sun Yat-sen, and that Generalissimo Chiang Chieh-shih has
          made himself the autocrat of the National Government. It is, of
          course, impossible within the scope of this thesis to enter into
          this dispute. Who rules the Soviet—Stalin, or the Communist Party?
          Who rules China—Chiang Chieh-shih, or the Kuomintang? In each case
          there is the question of whether the leader could get along without
          the party, and whether the party could get along without the
          leader, as well as the question of the leader's sincerity. These
          issues, however burning they might be in real life, could not be
          adequately treated in a work such as this. The author has sought to
          present Sun Yat-sen's theory of applied politics. Where events
          which Sun Yat-sen foresaw have come to pass, the author has
          referred to them. He does not wish to be understood as presenting a
          description of the whole course of events in China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_210" name="note_210"
          href="#noteref_210">210.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Here, again, one must remember that
          Mme. Sun Yat-sen, Eugene Chen, and others charge that the Party no
          longer rules, that it has been prostituted by Chiang Chieh-shih,
          and now serves only to cloak a military despotism. It may be noted,
          so far as the other side of the question is concerned, that a
          greater number of the persons who were eminent in the Party before
          Sun Yat-sen died have remained in it than have left it.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_211" name="note_211"
          href="#noteref_211">211.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See T'ang, work cited for an excellent
          description of the mutations of the revolutionary party. T'ang
          criticizes the present personnel of the Kuomintang severely, but
          the reader must keep in mind the fact that he has since become
          reconciled with the present leadership, and make allowances for the
          somewhat emphatic indignation voiced at the time of writing the
          book. The brilliance of the author guarantees that the story is
          well told, but it is not told for the last time. See also,
          Min-ch'ien T. Z. Tyau, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist China</span></span>,
          Shanghai, 1930, for a summary that is as excellent as it is short.
          Various changes have occurred in party function, organization, and
          personnel since that time, but they have not—to the knowledge of
          the author—been completely and adequately covered by any one
          work.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_212" name="note_212"
          href="#noteref_212">212.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">For a history of this period, see
          T'ang, Sharman, or Tsui Shu-chin, all cited above. The Communist
          side of the story is told by Harold Isaacs (editor), <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Five Years of
          Kuomintang Reaction</span></span>, Shanghai, 1932, and in the
          various works of the Stalinist and Trotskyist groups concerning the
          intervention of the Third Internationale in China. Two graphic
          personal accounts cast in semi-fictional form, are Oscar Erdberg,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tales of
          Modern China</span></span>, Moscow, 1932, and Vincent Sheean,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Personal
          History</span></span>, New York, 1935; these present the Communist
          and the left-liberal viewpoints, respectively. The dramatic story
          of the Entente, the separation, and the ensuing conflict are not
          yet remote enough to have cooled into material ready for the
          historian.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_213" name="note_213"
          href="#noteref_213">213.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Kuomintang, in accepting the
          Communist administrative structure, was not violating traditional
          Chinese patterns altogether. It has been pointed out that the
          revised structure of the Kuomintang resembled older Chinese guild
          patterns as well as the new Russian style (Sharman, work cited, p.
          262).</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_214" name="note_214"
          href="#noteref_214">214.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Here, again, one might refer to the
          disputes as to the orthodoxy and integrity of the present
          leadership. The preëminence of Generalissimo Chiang Chieh-shih,
          which cannot be doubted, is seen by persons friendly to him as a
          strong and beneficent influence upon the C. E. C. Persons hostile
          to him charge that he has packed the C. E. C. with his adherents,
          and controls it as he chooses.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_215" name="note_215"
          href="#noteref_215">215.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An interesting piece of research could
          deal with the method of recruitment and registration in the
          Kuomintang before the coming of the Communist advisers. There was
          rarely any doubt as to who was, or was not, a member, but there was
          constant trouble as to the good standing of members. Recruitment
          seems to have been on a basis of oath-taking, initiation, etc.;
          what Party discipline there was seems to have been applied only in
          the most extreme cases, and then crudely.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_216" name="note_216"
          href="#noteref_216">216.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is interesting to note that the
          Kuomintang is to a certain degree democratic in representing the
          various occupational groups in China. Tyau, cited above, p. 25 and
          following, lists the percentages in the membership in the
          Kuomintang according to occupation, as they stood in 1930: Party
          work, 5.84%; government service, 6.61%; army and navy, 3.26%;
          police, 4.09%; labor (in general), 7.32%; agriculture, 10.43%;
          navigation, 1.20%; railway, 1.14%; commerce, 10.47%; students,
          10.47%; teaching, 21.31%; independent professions, 1.66%; social
          work, 1.68%; unemployed, O.54%; unclassified, 3.13%; incomplete
          returns, 15.09%.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_217" name="note_217"
          href="#noteref_217">217.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, pp. <a href="#Pg059" class=
          "tei tei-ref">59</a> and following.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_218" name="note_218"
          href="#noteref_218">218.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kidnapped in
          London</span></span>, cited, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">passim</span></span>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_219" name="note_219"
          href="#noteref_219">219.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          122-123.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_220" name="note_220"
          href="#noteref_220">220.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The present instances are all taken
          from the third lecture on nationalism, d'Elia translation, cited
          pp. 127-128. The Hsü translation, in spite of its many merits, is
          not strong on geography. Thus, in the translation referring to
          Poland which has just been cited, the Hsü reading runs:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Although Persia was partitioned by
          foreigners over a century ago, Persian nationalism was not lost;
          consequently the Persians have been able to restore their country
          to independence; and now Persia has the status of a second or third
          class power in Europe”</span> (p. 208), this in spite of the fact
          that Persia is translated correctly further on (p. 327). Another
          misreading is: <span class="tei tei-q">“After the war, two new
          Slavic states were born, namely Czechoslovakia and
          Jugoslovakia”</span> (p. 217). These minor errors are, however,
          among the very few which can be discovered in the whole book, and
          do not mar the text to any appreciable extent.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_221" name="note_221"
          href="#noteref_221">221.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          132.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_222" name="note_222"
          href="#noteref_222">222.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 63.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_223" name="note_223"
          href="#noteref_223">223.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, pp. 168 and following,
          gives the various documents of the First National Congress of the
          Kuomintang, which place the application of nationalism first in
          their programs. <span class="tei tei-q">“The Manifesto On Going to
          Peking,”</span> issued by Sun November 10, 1924, refers to various
          points to be achieved; the first is, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“National freedom from external restriction will enable
          China to develop her national economy and to increase her
          productivity.”</span> (Hsü translation, p. 148.) This might imply
          that the execution of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> was to be coincidental with or anterior to the
          fulfillment of nationalism; it probably does not.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_224" name="note_224"
          href="#noteref_224">224.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          187.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_225" name="note_225"
          href="#noteref_225">225.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Discussions of this are to be found in
          Sir Reginald Johnston's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Twilight in the Forbidden City</span></span>,
          cited.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_226" name="note_226"
          href="#noteref_226">226.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          244.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_227" name="note_227"
          href="#noteref_227">227.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          245-247.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_228" name="note_228"
          href="#noteref_228">228.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 187.
          Numerals have been written out by the present author.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_229" name="note_229"
          href="#noteref_229">229.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 365.
          Italics are omitted.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_230" name="note_230"
          href="#noteref_230">230.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is not due to any mystical
          veneration of numbers, or religious influence. In spreading
          doctrines which would have to be followed by the unlettered as well
          as by the scholars, Sun Yat-sen found it necessary to develop the
          general outline of his principles in such a way as to give them a
          considerable mnemonic appeal. Thus, the three principles—and the
          three French (liberty, equality, fraternity) and American (of, by,
          for the people) principles—and the triple foreign aggression, the
          four popular powers, the five governmental rights. The use of the
          number three permitted Sun Yat-sen to weave together the various
          strands of his teaching, and to attain a considerable degree of
          cross-reference. It cannot be shown to have induced any actual
          distortion of his theories.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_231" name="note_231"
          href="#noteref_231">231.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 213. See
          also d'Elia translation, p. 134.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_232" name="note_232"
          href="#noteref_232">232.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          114.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_233" name="note_233"
          href="#noteref_233">233.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          101.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_234" name="note_234"
          href="#noteref_234">234.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 113. The
          whole present discussion of economic oppression is drawn from the
          latter part of the second lecture. Except in the case of direct
          quotation, no further reference will be given to this section,
          which occurs at pp. 97-115 of the d'Elia translation.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_235" name="note_235"
          href="#noteref_235">235.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          106.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_236" name="note_236"
          href="#noteref_236">236.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          113.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_237" name="note_237"
          href="#noteref_237">237.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          113.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_238" name="note_238"
          href="#noteref_238">238.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In referring to a sub-principle, the
          author is following Sun Yat-sen's arrangement of his ideas, even
          though the exact term, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“sub-principle,”</span> is not to be found in Sun's
          works. Each of the three principles can be considered with respect
          to national unity, national autonomy, and national survival. The
          correlation of the three principles, each with itself and then the
          two others, logically leads to the appearance of nine
          sub-principles. The writer has not followed any artificial
          compulsion of numbers, merely for the sake of producing a pretty
          outline, but has followed Sun Yat-sen in seeking to make clear the
          specific relations of each of the three principles to the three
          cardinal points which they embody.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_239" name="note_239"
          href="#noteref_239">239.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          179-180.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_240" name="note_240"
          href="#noteref_240">240.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          180.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_241" name="note_241"
          href="#noteref_241">241.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          180.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_242" name="note_242"
          href="#noteref_242">242.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 113-114.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_243" name="note_243"
          href="#noteref_243">243.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, pp. 21 and
          following, Book I.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_244" name="note_244"
          href="#noteref_244">244.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the persons whom he entrusted
          with the task of seeking foreign capital for the just and honorable
          national development of China through international means were
          George Bronson Rea and Paul Linebarger. Mr. Rea was given a power
          of attorney by Sun to secure loans for railway purposes to an
          unlimited amount. Mr. Rea never used the document, but kept it
          among his papers. (Statement of Mr. Rea to the author in
          Washington, spring of 1934, at the time that the former was
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Special Counsellor to the Ministry of
          Foreign Affairs of Manchoukuo,”</span> despite his former Chinese
          connections.) Judge Linebarger was also unsuccessful. Sun Yat-sen
          was more interested in having Judge Linebarger stop any assistance
          offered by the Consortium to the Northern <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Republic of China”</span> than in having him procure
          any actual funds.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_245" name="note_245"
          href="#noteref_245">245.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is obvious that a strong China
          would be a horrid nightmare to Japan. Not only would the Chinese
          thwart the use of their man-power and natural resources, as
          stepping stones to Asiatic or world hegemony; they might even equal
          the Japanese in audacity, and think of restoring the Japanese to
          the position of Chinese vassals which they had enjoyed in the time
          of Yoshemitsu, the third Ashikaga Shogun.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_246" name="note_246"
          href="#noteref_246">246.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 115-116.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_247" name="note_247"
          href="#noteref_247">247.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hu Han-min, cited in Tsui, work cited,
          p. 118, n. 63.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_248" name="note_248"
          href="#noteref_248">248.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 152. For
          a full discussion of this curious relationship between China and
          her vassal states, see Djang Chu (Chang Tso), <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese
          Suzerainty</span></span>, Johns Hopkins University doctoral
          dissertation, 1935. The submission to China was, among other
          things, a means by which the rulers of the peripheral states could
          get themselves recognized by an authority higher than themselves,
          thus legitimizing their position.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_249" name="note_249"
          href="#noteref_249">249.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 153. Sun
          Yat-sen seems to have had a high opinion of the American
          administration of the Philippines, saying: The United States
          <span class="tei tei-q">“... even allows the Filipinos to send
          delegations to Congress in Washington. Not only does the United
          States require no annual tribute in money from them, but, on the
          contrary, she gives the Filipinos considerable subsidies to build
          and maintain their roads and to promote education. It seems as
          though so humanitarian a treatment would be regarded as the utmost
          benevolence. Still, until the present day, the Filipinos do not
          boast of being <span class="tei tei-q">‘Americanized’</span>; they
          are daily clamoring for independence”</span> (d'Elia translation,
          p. 153). This statement is interesting in two connections. In the
          first place, although Sun Yat-sen had once thought of sending men,
          money, or munitions to help the Filipino nationalists in their
          struggles against the Americans, he seems to have conceived a warm
          admiration for the American administration in those islands.
          Secondly, the reader may consider that Sun Yat-sen, at the time
          that he made this comment, was in the course of attacking
          imperialism. If Sun Yat-sen could offer so enthusiastic an apology
          for the Americans in the Philippines, it shows that he must have
          let the abstract principle ride, and judged only on the basis of
          his own observation. To the orthodox Communist the American rule of
          the Philippines is peculiarly wicked because of the American denial
          of imperialist practises.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_250" name="note_250"
          href="#noteref_250">250.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some of the older books on China give
          interesting maps of that country divided up into spheres of
          influence between the various powers. It was quite fashionable
          among journalists to sketch the various Chinese possessions of the
          great powers; the powers never got around to the partition. The
          American declaration of the <span class="tei tei-q">“Open
          Door”</span> may have had something to do with this, and the
          British enunciation of the same doctrine probably carried weight.
          For a time, however, the Europeans seemed quite convinced of the
          almost immediate break-up of China into three or four big colonies.
          Lord Charles Beresford, a prominent English peer, wrote a work
          which was extremely popular; its title was <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Break-Up of
          China</span></span> (London, 1899).</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_251" name="note_251"
          href="#noteref_251">251.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 93.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_252" name="note_252"
          href="#noteref_252">252.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          165.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_253" name="note_253"
          href="#noteref_253">253.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          165-170.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_254" name="note_254"
          href="#noteref_254">254.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          170.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_255" name="note_255"
          href="#noteref_255">255.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Communists envision three types of
          conflict to be produced by the contradictions of imperialism:
          intra-national class war, international class war, and
          inter-imperialist war. The first is the struggle of the proletariat
          of the whole world against the various national bourgeois
          governments; the second, the struggle of the oppressed peoples,
          under revolutionary bourgeois or proletarian leadership, against
          the oppressions of Western imperialism; and the last, the conflict
          of the various imperialist powers with one another. Sun Yat-sen's
          theory agreed definitely with the second point, the international
          class war; he seems to have admitted the probability of class war
          within the nations of the West, and of inter-imperialist war, but
          he did not draw the three types of conflict together and because of
          them predicate an Armageddon and a millenium. His flexible,
          pragmatic thought never ran to extremes; although he agreed, more
          or less distinctly, with the Bolshevik premises of the three
          conflicts of the imperialist epoch, he did not follow them to their
          conclusion.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_256" name="note_256"
          href="#noteref_256">256.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 75.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_257" name="note_257"
          href="#noteref_257">257.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp.
          148-149.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_258" name="note_258"
          href="#noteref_258">258.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Such works as Lea's <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Valor of
          Ignorance</span></span>, New York, 1909, and Stoddard's
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The
          Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy</span></span>,
          New York, 1920, make precisely the same sort of statements,
          although, of course, they regard the <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Saxon”</span> or <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Teutonic”</span> race as the logical master-race of
          the world. Since Lea was associated for some time with Sun Yat-sen,
          accompanying him from Europe to Nanking in 1911, and undoubtedly
          had plenty of time to talk with him, it may be that some of the
          particular terms used by Sun in this discussion are those which he
          may have developed in his probable conversations with Lea. Nothing
          more definite than this can be stated.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_259" name="note_259"
          href="#noteref_259">259.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Quoted by Sun in d'Elia translation,
          cited, p. 138. The remark does not sound like Lenin. A Communist
          would not invoke nature, nor would he count the whole membership of
          an imperialist nation as imperialist. The world, to him, is
          misguided by a tiny handful of capitalists and traditional
          ideologues and their hangers-on, not by the masses of any
          nation.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_260" name="note_260"
          href="#noteref_260">260.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Note, however, the reference in d'Elia
          translation, cited, p. 76, or the Price translation, p. 18. Sun
          Yat-sen speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">international wars, within</span></em> races,
          on the lines of social <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">classes</span></em>. He may have meant
          international wars within the races and across race lines on the
          basis of the oppressed nations of the world fighting the oppressing
          nations. He may, however, have meant intra-national class wars.
          Since he recognized the presence of the class conflict in the
          developed capitalistic states of the West, this would not
          necessarily imply his expectation of an intra-national class war in
          China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_261" name="note_261"
          href="#noteref_261">261.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, pp. 331-337, gives the whole text of the
          speech. Sharman, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 304, refers to
          it.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_262" name="note_262"
          href="#noteref_262">262.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 335. <span class="tei tei-q">“Es ist
          gegen Gerechtigkeit und Menschlichkeit, dass eine Minderheit von
          vierhundert Millionen eine Mehrheit von neunhundert Millionen
          unterdrückt....”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_263" name="note_263"
          href="#noteref_263">263.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 333. <span class="tei tei-q">“Die
          Europäer halten uns Asiaten durch die Macht ihrer materiellen
          Errungenschaften zu Boden.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_264" name="note_264"
          href="#noteref_264">264.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 333. <span class="tei tei-q">“Wenn
          wir zweitausendfünf-hundert Jahre zurückdenken, so war China damals
          das mächtigste Volk der Welt. Es nahm damals eine Stellung ein wie
          heute Grossbritannien und Amerika. Doch während Grossbritannien und
          die Vereinigten Staaten heute zur zwei unter einer Reihe von
          Weltmächten sind, war China damals die einzige grosse
          Macht.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_265" name="note_265"
          href="#noteref_265">265.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ponce, work cited, p. xiv:
          <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conozcámonos y nos amaremos
          más</span></em>—decía el gran Sun Yat-sen á sus amigos
          orientales.”</span> This work is, by the way, the most extensive
          for its account of Sun's associations with Koreans, Filipinos, and
          Japanese. It has been completely overlooked by the various
          biographers of and commentators on Sun, with the exception of Judge
          Linebarger, to whom Sun Yat-sen presented a copy of the work.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_266" name="note_266"
          href="#noteref_266">266.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 337: <span class="tei tei-q">“In England
          und Amerika gibt es immerhin eine kleine Zahl von Menschen, die
          diese unsere Ideale im Einklang mit einer allgemeinen Weltbewegung
          verteidigen. Was die anderen Barbarennationen anbelangt, so dürfte
          es auch in ihren Reihen Menschen geben, die von der gleichen
          Überzeugung beseelt sind.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_267" name="note_267"
          href="#noteref_267">267.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 335: <span class="tei tei-q">“Wenn wir
          Asiaten nach der Herstellung einer panasiatischen Einheitsfront
          streben, müssen wir selbst in unserer Zeit daran denken, auf
          welcher grundlegenden Auffassung wir diese Einheitsfront errichten
          wollen. Wir sollen dasjenige zugrunde legen, was die besondere
          Eigentümlichkeit unserer östlichen Kultur gewesen ist, wir sollten
          unseren Nachdruck legen auf die moralischen Werte, auf Güte und
          Gerechtigkeit. Sie sollen das Fundament der Einheit ganz Asiens
          werden.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_268" name="note_268"
          href="#noteref_268">268.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 207.
          Italics omitted.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_269" name="note_269"
          href="#noteref_269">269.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The article by Tsui, cited, p. 177 and
          following, goes into a quite detailed comparison of the Chinese
          Nationalist and the Marxian Communist theories of the three stages
          of revolution. He draws attention to the fact that, while the
          Communists do not speak of "three stages" and prefer to emphasize
          the transitional stage of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the
          two theories are similar almost to the point of being
          identical.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_270" name="note_270"
          href="#noteref_270">270.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 181.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_271" name="note_271"
          href="#noteref_271">271.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 439 and following. It
          is also available in Hsü, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, cited above, p.
          <a href="#Pg085" class="tei tei-ref">85</a> and following. The Tyau
          translation was preferred since it was written by an official of
          the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and may be regarded as the work of
          a Government spokesman. It is interesting, by way of contrast, to
          quote a passage from the Constitution of the Chinese Soviet
          Republic, so-called: <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese Soviet
          Government is building up a state of the democratic dictatorship
          [sic!] of the workers and peasants. All power shall be vested in
          the Soviets of Workers, Peasants, and Red Army men.”</span>
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet
          Republic</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 18. The absence of an
          acknowledged period of tutelage, in view of the unfamiliarity of
          the Chinese people with democratic forms, is significant. The
          constitutional jurisprudence of the Chinese Communists is, however,
          primarily a matter of academic interest, since the Soviets, where
          they have existed, have existed in a state of perpetual emergency,
          shielded by the Red Terror and other devices of revolutionary
          control. The contrast between a pronouncement of Sun Yat-sen and a
          constitution is a fair one, since the writings of Sun Yat-sen form
          the final authority in the Nationalist movement and government; in
          a dispute as to the higher validity of a governmental provision or
          a flat contrary statement of Sun Yat-sen, there can be little
          question as to which would—or, in the eyes of the Nationalists,
          should—prevail.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_272" name="note_272"
          href="#noteref_272">272.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is interesting to note that the
          institution which most Western writers would incline to regard as
          the very key-stone of democracy, parliament, has a quite inferior
          place in the Sun Yat-sen system. In the National Government of
          China, the Legislative Yuan is more like a department than like a
          chamber. This question, however, will be discussed under the
          heading of the Five Rights.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_273" name="note_273"
          href="#noteref_273">273.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          341.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_274" name="note_274"
          href="#noteref_274">274.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          342.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_275" name="note_275"
          href="#noteref_275">275.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A discussion of the four powers and
          the five rights is to be found in Li Chao-wei, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">La Souveraineté
          Nationale d'après la Doctrine Politique de
          Sun-Yet-Sin</span></span>, Dijon, 1934. This work, a doctoral
          thesis submitted to the University of Dijon, treats the Western
          theory of democracy and Sun's theory comparatively. It is excellent
          in portraying the legal outline of the Chinese governmental
          structure, and points out many significant analogies between the
          two theories.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_276" name="note_276"
          href="#noteref_276">276.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          391.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_277" name="note_277"
          href="#noteref_277">277.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          395.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_278" name="note_278"
          href="#noteref_278">278.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">
            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The
            unfavorable view of the Five Powers is taken by Dr. Jermyn
            Chi-hung Lynn in his excellent little book, <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political Parties
            in China</span></span>, Peiping, 1930. Since Dr. Lynn speaks
            kindly and hopefully of the plans of Wu Pei-fu, one of the
            war-lords hostile to Sun Yat-sen and the whole Nationalist
            movement, his criticism of Sun Yat-sen need not be taken as
            completely impartial. It represents a point that has been made
            time and time again by persons antagonistic to the <span class=
            "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
            I</span></span>.</p>

            <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class=
            "tei tei-q">“The Wu Chuan Hsien Fa is also no discovery of Dr.
            Sun's. As is known, the three power constitution, consisting of
            the legislative, judiciary [sic!] and executive functions, was
            originally developed, more or less unconsciously, by the English,
            whose constitution was critically examined by Montesquieu, and
            its working elaborately described by him for the benefit of his
            fellow-countrymen. And the unwritten constitution of Old China
            contained the civil service examination and an independent Board
            of Censors. Now the much-advertised Wu Chuan Hsien Fa or
            Five-Power constitution only added the systems of state
            examination and public censure to the traditional form of
            constitution first advocated by the French jurist.”</span> P. 66,
            work cited.</p>
          </dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_279" name="note_279"
          href="#noteref_279">279.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 104.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_280" name="note_280"
          href="#noteref_280">280.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">For an intensively vivid description
          of this government, which Sun Yat-sen's planned democracy was to
          relegate to limbo, see B. L. Putnam Weale, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished
          Empire</span></span>, London, 1926. Putnam Weale was the pseudonym
          of Bertram Lennox Simpson, an Englishman born and reared in China,
          who understood and participated in Chinese life and policies as
          have few since the days of Marco Polo; he was an advisor to the
          insurrectionary Peking <span class="tei tei-q">“Nationalist”</span>
          Government of 1931 when he was shot to death in his home at
          Tientsin. Few other Westerners have left such a wealth of accurate
          and sympathetic material about modern China.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_281" name="note_281"
          href="#noteref_281">281.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          399.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_282" name="note_282"
          href="#noteref_282">282.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Harold Monk Vinacke, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Modern Constitutional
          Development in China</span></span>, Princeton, 1920, p. 100.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_283" name="note_283"
          href="#noteref_283">283.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vinacke, cited, p. 141 and following.
          While Dr. Vinacke's book is now out of date, it contains excellent
          material for the period covered, roughly 1898 to 1919. He quotes
          Morse's comment on the provinces with approval: <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Provinces are satrapies to the extent that so long
          as the tribute and matriculations are duly paid, and the general
          policy of the central administration followed, they are free to
          administer their own affairs in detail as may seem best to their
          own provincial authorities.”</span> (Hosea Ballou Morse,
          <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Trade
          and Administration of China</span></span>, London, 1913, p. 46,
          quoted in Vinacke, work cited, p. 5.)</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_284" name="note_284"
          href="#noteref_284">284.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. W. Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Conversations with
          Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, mss., 1934; Book two, Chapter Five,
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Democratic Provincial Home
          Rule.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_285" name="note_285"
          href="#noteref_285">285.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 124.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_286" name="note_286"
          href="#noteref_286">286.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 441. From <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Outline of National Reconstruction.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_287" name="note_287"
          href="#noteref_287">287.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 450.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_288" name="note_288"
          href="#noteref_288">288.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. I. Lenin, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">State and
          Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1932. Lenin's discussion of
          Marx's point, p. 39 and following, is stimulating although
          inclining to the ingenious.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_289" name="note_289"
          href="#noteref_289">289.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The number of the villages is taken
          from Tawney, Richard Henry, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Land and Labor in China</span></span>, London,
          1932; and the number of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>
          from Tyau, cited, p. 85.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_290" name="note_290"
          href="#noteref_290">290.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited above;
          throughout this volume, Judge Linebarger recalls references made by
          Sun Yat-sen to him concerning the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_291" name="note_291"
          href="#noteref_291">291.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is but fair to state, at the
          beginning, that this point of the family system as one of the
          institutions of the democratic nation has been very largely
          neglected by the Kuomintang and the National Government. To the
          knowledge of the author, no plan has ever been drafted either by
          Party or by Government which would erect the system that Sun
          Yat-sen proposed. It is not beyond all conjecture that Sun's
          suggestion may at a later date seem more practicable to the leaders
          than now appears, and be put into operation in some manner.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_292" name="note_292"
          href="#noteref_292">292.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 164.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_293" name="note_293"
          href="#noteref_293">293.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 243.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_294" name="note_294"
          href="#noteref_294">294.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The material concerning the clans has
          been taken from the fifth lecture on Nationalism (Hsü, cited, p.
          240 and following; d'Elia, cited, p. 174 and following). Judge
          Linebarger recorded Sun Yat-sen's mention of a convention of the
          clans in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited above, Book
          One, Chapter Eight, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Clans in the
          Nation.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_295" name="note_295"
          href="#noteref_295">295.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">There are three excellent discussions
          of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>
          programs. Wou, cited, gives a clear precis of the doctrine. Hung
          Jair, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Les
          idées économiques de Sun Yat Sen</span></span>, Toulouse, 1934, and
          Tsiang Kuen, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Les origines économiques et politiques du
          socialisme de Sun Yat Sen</span></span>, Paris, 1933, cover
          essentially the same ground, although they are both doctoral
          dissertations submitted to French universities. The former deals
          primarily with the theory of Sun's economic ideas, contrasting them
          with the economic thought of Adam Smith and of the Marxians. The
          latter gives a rather extensive historical and statistical
          background to Sun's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span>, and traces the Chinese economic system, whence
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was derived in part,
          quite fully. These authors have covered the field so widely that
          the present work need not enter into the discussion of the precise
          immediate policies to be advocated under <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Enough will be given
          to describe the relations of <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with the more formally
          political principles of nationalism and democracy, and to afford
          the reader an opportunity to assess its scope and significance for
          himself. The works of Hung Jair, Tsiang Kuen, Wou Saofong, and Li
          Ti-tsun all measure <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min
          shêng</span></span> in terms of classical Western <span lang="fr"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span> economics and then
          in terms of Marxism; they all proceed in considerable detail to
          recapitulate the various concrete plans that Sun projected. The
          present author will not enter into the minutiae of the problems of
          clothing, of transport, of communications, etc., inasmuch as they
          have already been dealt with and because they are not directly
          relevant to the political or ideological features of Sun's
          thought.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_296" name="note_296"
          href="#noteref_296">296.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 378, n. 125.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_297" name="note_297"
          href="#noteref_297">297.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">The International Development of
          China</span></span> was welcomed as an interesting fantasy in a
          world which had not yet heard of the Five Year Plans and the
          programs of the New Deal. The fact that Sun Yat-sen was a few years
          ahead of his contemporaries gave him the air of a dreamer, which
          was scarcely deserved.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_298" name="note_298"
          href="#noteref_298">298.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“The Outline of National Reconstruction,”</span> p. 85.
          Two points of detail may be noted here. In the first place,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> has been emphasized by
          being placed first, although Sun Yat-sen generally arranged his
          principles in their logical order: nationalism, democracy,
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Secondly, <span lang=
          "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, although emphasized,
          is dealt with in one single paragraph in this vitally important
          document. The question of the <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> is given eight paragraphs
          to the one on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. This
          is indicative of the point stressed above, namely, that Sun
          Yat-sen, while he was sure of the importance of <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, did not believe in
          hard and fast rules concerning its development.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_299" name="note_299"
          href="#noteref_299">299.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Work cited, p. <a href="#Pg232" class=
          "tei tei-ref">232</a>.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_300" name="note_300"
          href="#noteref_300">300.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg180" class=
          "tei tei-ref">180</a> ff.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_301" name="note_301"
          href="#noteref_301">301.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author uses the term <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“national economic revolution”</span> to distinguish
          those parts of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign"
          xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ming shêng chu
          i</span></span> which treat the transformation of the Chinese
          economy in relation to the development of a nation-state.
          Obviously, there is a great difference between the economy of a
          society regarding itself as ecumenical, and one faced with the
          problem of dealing with other equal societies. The presence of a
          state implies a certain minimum of state interference with economic
          matters; the national economic revolution of Sun Yat-sen was to
          give the Chinese economy a national character, coordinating the
          economic with the other programs of nationalism. Hence, the
          significant stress in the phrase <span class="tei tei-q">“national
          economic revolution”</span> should rest upon the word <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“national.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_302" name="note_302"
          href="#noteref_302">302.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 329. <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Genossen, die hier Versammelten sind alle Arbeiter und
          stellen eine Teil der Nation dar. Auf den chinesischen Arbeitern
          lastet eine grosse Verantwortung und wenn ihr dieser Aufgabe
          entsprechen werdet, so wird China eine grosse Nation und ihr eine
          mächtige Arbeiterklasse.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_303" name="note_303"
          href="#noteref_303">303.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 329. <span class="tei tei-q">“Ausser dem
          wirtschaftlichen Kampf für die Kürzung des Arbeitstages und die
          Erhöhung der Löhne stehen vor Euch noch viel wichtigere Fragen von
          politischem Charakter. Für die politischen Ziele müsst ihr meine
          Drei Prinzipien befolgen und die Revolution
          unterstützen.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_304" name="note_304"
          href="#noteref_304">304.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Putnam Weale, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished
          Empire</span></span>, London, 1926, pp. 145-147. The same
          observation had been made to the Russian ambassador, Vladislavich,
          sent by Catherine I to Peking in 1727. The Chinese said at that
          time, <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... that foreign trade had no
          attraction for the people, who were amply supplied with all the
          necessaries of life from the products of their own country.”</span>
          Sir Robert K. Douglas, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Europe and the Far East
          1506-1912</span></span>, New York, 1913, pp. 28-29.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_305" name="note_305"
          href="#noteref_305">305.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg047" class=
          "tei tei-ref">47</a> ff.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_306" name="note_306"
          href="#noteref_306">306.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>,
          cited, p. 237.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_307" name="note_307"
          href="#noteref_307">307.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          12.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_308" name="note_308"
          href="#noteref_308">308.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          21.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_309" name="note_309"
          href="#noteref_309">309.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wou Saofong, cited, gives an excellent
          summary of the plan, pp. 184-202. There is no particular reason,
          however, why the work by Sun, which he wrote in fluent and simple
          English, should not be consulted. The American edition is so well
          put together with maps and outlines that a layman will find it
          comprehensible and stimulating.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_310" name="note_310"
          href="#noteref_310">310.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp.
          220-221.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_311" name="note_311"
          href="#noteref_311">311.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp.
          6-8.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_312" name="note_312"
          href="#noteref_312">312.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          198.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_313" name="note_313"
          href="#noteref_313">313.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          199. Sun Yat-sen discussed only two of these essentials (food,
          clothing) in his lectures on the <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu
          I</span></span>. According to Tai Chi-tao, he was to have continued
          to speak on the topics of <span class="tei tei-q">“Housing,”</span>
          <span class="tei tei-q">“Health,”</span> <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“Death,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusions on
          Livelihood,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusions on the
          San Min Doctrine,”</span> but the only person who may know what he
          intended to say on these subjects is Mme. Sun Yat-sen. (See Hsü
          translation, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Basic Literature of
          Sunyatsenism,”</span> pp. 39-40.)</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_314" name="note_314"
          href="#noteref_314">314.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is based upon statements made by
          Judge Linebarger to the author. According to him, Sun Yat-sen had
          few of the prejudices of class, one way or the other, that affect
          the outlook of so many Western leaders. He did not believe that the
          only possible solution to the problem of livelihood was the Marxian
          one, and was confident that the Chinese Nationalists would be able
          to solve the problem. This question was to him paramount above all
          others; the life of the masses of Chinese citizens was the life of
          China itself.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_315" name="note_315"
          href="#noteref_315">315.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          11.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_316" name="note_316"
          href="#noteref_316">316.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, p. 11.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_317" name="note_317"
          href="#noteref_317">317.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 326. The
          discussion of Bismarck runs from p. 322 to 326; the length of the
          discussion shows what Sun thinks of Bismarck's acuteness, although
          he disapproved of Bismarck's anti-democratic stand.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_318" name="note_318"
          href="#noteref_318">318.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p.
          4.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_319" name="note_319"
          href="#noteref_319">319.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          426.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_320" name="note_320"
          href="#noteref_320">320.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Price translation, pp. 434-435. In the
          d'Elia translation, pp. 465-466. The Price translation has been
          quoted in this instance because Father d'Elia translates
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as <span class=
          "tei tei-q">“the economic Demism,”</span> which—although
          interesting when used consistently—might not be clear in its
          present context. Sun Yat-sen's courteous use of the word
          <span class="tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> in view of the
          Canton-Moscow entente then existing, has caused a great deal of
          confusion. The reader may judge for himself how much Sun's policy
          constitutes communism.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_321" name="note_321"
          href="#noteref_321">321.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">One or two further points concerning
          the land policy may be mentioned. In the first place, it is the
          land which is to be taxed. A tax will be applied, according to this
          theory, on the land, and the increment will also be confiscated.
          These are two separate forms of revenue. Furthermore, lest all
          land-holders simply surrender their land to the government, Sun
          makes clear that his taxation program applies only to land. It
          would consequently be quite advantageous for the owner to keep the
          land; the buildings on it would not be affected by the
          increment-seizure program, and the land would be worth keeping.
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The value of the land as declared at
          present by the landowner will still remain the property of each
          individual landowner.”</span> (d'Elia translation, p. 466; Father
          d'Elia's note on this page is informing.) The landowner might
          conceivably put a mortgage on the land to pay the government the
          amount of the unearned increment, and still make a handsome enough
          profit from the use of the land to amortize the mortgage.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_322" name="note_322"
          href="#noteref_322">322.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, Book III, p.
          25.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_323" name="note_323"
          href="#noteref_323">323.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class=
          "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun
          Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 328. <span class="tei tei-q">“Die
          chinesischen Kapitalisten sind nicht so stark, dass sie die
          chinesischen Arbeiter unterdrücken könnten.”</span></dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_324" name="note_324"
          href="#noteref_324">324.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 469.
          Italics omitted. For the discussion of the relation of the program
          of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang=
          "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to
          capitalism, see d'Elia's various footnotes and appendices dealing
          with the subject. Father d'Elia, as a devout Catholic, does a
          thorough piece of work in demonstrating that Sun Yat-sen was not a
          Bolshevik and not hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, and had a
          warm although infrequently expressed admiration for that
          organization. Li Ti-tsun, in <span class="tei tei-q">“The
          Sunyatsenian Principle of Livelihood,”</span> cited, tries to find
          the exact shade of left orientation in <span lang="zh" class=
          "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, and digests the main
          policies. Wou and Tsui, both cited, also discuss this point.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_325" name="note_325"
          href="#noteref_325">325.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp.
          36-39.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_326" name="note_326"
          href="#noteref_326">326.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">By an irony of fate, the most
          conspicuous example of the realization of any one of these plans
          was the beginning of the port of Hulutao, which was to be
          <span class="tei tei-q">“The Great Northern Port”</span> of Sun's
          vision. The National Government had already started work on this
          port when the Japanese, invading Manchuria, took it. There is so
          much pathos in Sun's own life that this frustation of his plans
          after his death seems disappointing beyond words to his followers.
          In his own trust in mankind, in the eagerness and the sincerity of
          his enthusiasms, in the grandeur of his vision—here are to be found
          the most vital clues to the tragedy of Sun Yat-sen. Like the other
          great founders of the earth's ideals, he charted worlds within the
          vision but, perhaps, beyond the accomplishment of ordinary
          men.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_327" name="note_327"
          href="#noteref_327">327.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 440; Price
          translation, p. 444; d'Elia translation, cited, p. 476. The first
          has been preferred purely as a matter of style. The Chinese words
          <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and <span lang="zh"
          class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style=
          "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> have been used
          instead of the English renderings which Hsü gives, again as a pure
          matter of form and consistency with the text.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_328" name="note_328"
          href="#noteref_328">328.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author is indebted to Mr. Jên Tai
          for the clarification of this ideal of dual continuity—of the
          family system, preserving the flesh, and the intellectual
          tradition, preserving the cultural heritages.</dd>

          <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_329" name="note_329"
          href="#noteref_329">329.</a></dt>

          <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p.
          538.</dd>
        </dl>
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