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You may copy it, give it away or re-use + it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License <a href= + "#pglicense" class="tei tei-ref">included with this eBook</a> or + online at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license" class= + "tei tei-xref">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a></p> + </div> + <pre class="pre tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> +Title: The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen: An Exposition of the San Min + Chu I + +Author: Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger + +Release Date: April 2, 2012 [Ebook #39356] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF SUN YAT-SEN: AN EXPOSITION OF THE SAN MIN CHU I*** +</pre> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"></div> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style= + "font-size: 173%">The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style= + "font-size: 120%">An Exposition of the</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi" style="text-align: center"><span style= + "font-size: 120%; font-style: italic">Sun Min Chu I</span></span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style= + "font-size: 120%">By</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.44em"><span style= + "font-size: 144%">Paul Myron Anthony Linebarger, Ph.D.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style= + "font-size: 120%">The Department of Government, Harvard + University</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Greenwood Press, + Publishers</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Westport, Connecticut</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">Copyright 1937, The Johns + Hopkins Press</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style= + "text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">First Greenwood + Reprinting 1973</p> + </div> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1> + + <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"> + <li><a href="#toc1">Foreword.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc3">Preface.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc5">Introduction.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc7">The Problem of the + <span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 4em"><a href="#toc9">The + Materials.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 4em"><a href="#toc11">The Necessity of an + Exposition.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc13">Chapter I. The Ideological, Social, and + Political Background.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc15">The Rationale of the + Readjustment.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc17">Nation and State in + Chinese Antiquity.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc19">The Theory of the + Confucian World-Society.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc21">The Chinese + World-Society of Eastern Asia.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc23">The Impact of the + West.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc25">The Continuing + Significance of the Background.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc27">Chapter II The Theory of Nationalism.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc29">The Emergence of the + Chinese Race-Nation.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc31">The Necessity of + Nationalism.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc33">The Return to the Old + Morality.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc35">The Return to the + Ancient Knowledge.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc37">Western Physical + Science in the New Ideology.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc39">The Consequences of + the Nationalist Ideology.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc41">Chapter III. The Theory of Democracy.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc43">Democracy in the Old + World-Society.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc45">Five Justifications + of a Democratic Ideology.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc47">The Three Natural + Classes of Men.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc49">Ch'üan and + Nêng.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc51">The Democratic + Machine State.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc53">Democratic-Political + Versus Ideological Control.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc55">Chapter IV. The Theory of <span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc57"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> in the Ideology.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc59">The Economic + Background of <span style="font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc61">The Three Meanings of + <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc63">Western Influences: + Henry George, Marxism and Maurice William.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc65"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> as a Socio-Economic + Doctrine.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc67"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span> as an Ethical + Doctrine.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc69">Chapter V. The Programs of + Nationalism.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc71">Kuomintang.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc73">The Dragon Throne and + State Allegiance.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc75">Economic + Nationalism.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc77">Political Nationalism + for National Autonomy.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc79">The Class War of the + Nations.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc81">Racial Nationalism + and Pan-Asia.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc83">The General Program + of Nationalism.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc85">Chapter VI. The Programs of + Democracy.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc87">The Three Stages of + Revolution.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc89">The Adjustment of + Democracy to China.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc91">The Four + Powers.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc93">The Five + Rights.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc95">Confederacy Versus + Centralism.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc97">The <span style= + "font-style: italic">Hsien</span> in a Democracy.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc99">The Family + System.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc101">Chapter VII. The Programs of <span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc103">The Three Programs + of <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc105">The National + Economic Revolution.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc107">The Industrial + Revolution.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc109">The Social + Revolution.</a></li> + + <li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc111">The Utopia of + <span style="font-style: italic">Min Shêng</span>.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc113">Bibliography.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc115">Chinese-English Glossary.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc117">Index.</a></li> + + <li><a href="#toc119">Footnotes</a></li> + </ul> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-body" style= + "margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em"> + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagev">[pg v]</span><a name="Pgv" id="Pgv" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a> <a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Foreword.</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The importance of + introducing Western political thought to the Far East has long been + emphasized in the West. The Chinese conception of a rational world + order was manifestly incompatible with the Western system of + independent sovereign states and the Chinese code of political ethics + was difficult to reconcile with the Western preference for a reign of + law. No argument has been necessary to persuade Westerners that + Chinese political philosophy would be improved by the influence of + Western political science.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The superior + qualifications of Sun Yat-sen for the interpretation of Western + political science to the Chinese have also been widely recognized in + the West, particularly in the United States. Dr. Sun received a + modern education in medicine and surgery and presumably grasped the + spirit of Western science. He read widely, more widely perhaps than + any contemporary political leader of the first rank except Woodrow + Wilson, in the literature of Western political science. He was + thoroughly familiar with the development of American political + thought and full of sympathy for American political ideals. His + aspiration to build a modern democratic republic amidst the ruins of + the medieval Manchu Empire, Americans at least can readily + understand.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What is only + beginning to be understood, however, in the West is, that it is + equally important to interpret Chinese political philosophy to the + rest of the world. Western political science has contributed a great + deal to the development of political power. But it has failed + lamentably to illuminate the ends for which such power should be + used. Political ethics is by no means superfluous in lands where a + government of law is supposed to be established in lieu of a + government of men. The limitation <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "pagevi">[pg vi]</span><a name="Pgvi" id="Pgvi" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the authority of sovereign states in the + interest of a better world order is an enterprise to which at last, + it may be hoped not too late, Westerners are beginning to dedicate + themselves.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As an interpreter + of Chinese political philosophy to the West Dr. Sun has no peer. + Better than any other Chinese revolutionary leader he appreciated the + durable values in the classical political philosophy of the Far East. + He understood the necessity for preserving those values, while + introducing the Western political ideas deemed most proper for + adapting the Chinese political system to its new place in the modern + world. His system of political thought, therefore, forms a blend of + Far Eastern political philosophy and Western political science. It + suggests at the same time both what is suitable in Western political + science for the use of the Far East and what is desirable in Far + Eastern political philosophy for the improvement of the West.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dr. Linebarger has + analyzed Dr. Sun's political ideas, and also his plans for the + political rehabilitation of China, with a view to the interests of + Western students of politics. For this task his training and + experience have given him exceptional competence. The result is a + book, which not only renders obsolete all previous volumes in Western + languages on modern Chinese political philosophy, but also makes + available for the political scientists and politicians of the West + the best political thought of the Far East on the fundamental + problems of Western politics.</p> + + <div class="tei tei-lg" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-variant: small-caps">Arthur N. Holcombe</span></span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span class="tei tei-hi" style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Harvard University</span></span> + </div> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagevii">[pg vii]</span><a name= + "Pgvii" id="Pgvii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a> <a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Preface.</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This book + represents an exploration into a field of political thought which is + still more or less unknown. The Chinese revolution has received much + attention from publicists and historians, and a vast number of works + dealing with almost every phase of Chinese life and events appears + every year in the West. The extraordinary difficulty of the language, + the obscurity—to Westerners—of the Chinese cultural background, and + the greater vividness of events as compared with theories have led + Western scholars to devote their attention, for the most part, to + descriptions of Chinese politics rather than to venture into the more + difficult field of Chinese political thought, without which, however, + the political events are scarcely intelligible.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has + sought to examine one small part of modern Chinese political thought, + partly as a sample of the whole body of thought, and partly because + the selection, although small, is an important one. Sun Yat-sen is by + far the most conspicuous figure in recent Chinese history, and his + doctrines, irrespective of the effectiveness or permanence of the + consequences of their propagation, have a certain distinct position + in history. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, his chief work, not + only represents an important phase in the revolution of Chinese + social and political thought, but solely and simply as doctrine, may + be regarded as a Chinese expression of tendencies of political + thought current in the Western world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The personal + motives, arising out of an early and rather intimate family + relationship with the Chinese nationalist movement centering around + the person of Sun Yat-sen, that led the author to undertake this + subject, have their advantages and disadvantages. The chief + disadvantage lies in the fact that the thesis must of necessity + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageviii">[pg viii]</span><a name= + "Pgviii" id="Pgviii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> treat of many + matters which are the objects of hot controversy, and that the + author, friendly to the movement as a whole but neutral as between + its factions, may seem at times to deal unjustly or over-generously + with certain persons and groups. The younger widow of Sun Yat-sen + (née Soong Ching-ling) may regard the mention of her husband and the + Nanking government in the same breath as an act of treachery. Devoted + to the memory of her husband, she has turned, nevertheless, to the + Left, and works on cordial terms with the Communists. She said: + <span class="tei tei-q">“... the Nanking Government has crushed every + open liberal, democratic, or humanitarian movement in our country. It + has destroyed all trade unions, smashed every strike of the workers + for the right to existence, has thrown hordes of criminal gangsters + who are simultaneously Fascist <span class="tei tei-q">‘Blue + Shirts’</span> against every labor, cultural, or national + revolutionary movement in the country.”</span><a id="noteref_1" name= + "noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a> The + author, from what he himself has seen of the National Government, is + positive that it is not merely dictatorial, ruthless, cruel, + treacherous, or historically unnecessary; nor would he, contrarily, + assert that the National Government lives up to or surpasses the + brilliant ideals of Sun Yat-sen. He seeks to deal charitably with all + factions, to follow a middle course whenever he can, and in any case + to state fairly the positions of both sides.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The advantages may + serve to offset the disadvantages. In the first place, the author's + acquaintance with the Nationalist movement has given him something of + a background from which to present his exposition. This background + cannot, of course, be documented, but it may serve to make the + presentation more assured and more vivid. In the second place, the + author has had access to certain <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "pageix">[pg ix]</span><a name="Pgix" id="Pgix" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> private manuscripts and papers, and has had the + benefit of his father's counsel on several points in this work.<a id= + "noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> The + author believes that on the basis of this material and background he + is justified in venturing into this comparatively unknown field.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The primary + sources for this work have been Sun Yat-sen's own works. A + considerable number of these were written originally in the English + language. Translations of his major Chinese works are more or less + fully available in English, German, French, or Spanish. The author's + highly inadequate knowledge of the Chinese written language has led + him to depend almost altogether upon translations, but he has + sought—in some cases, perhaps, unsuccessfully—to minimize the + possibility of misunderstanding or error by checking the translations + against one another. Through the assistance of his Chinese friends, + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagex">[pg x]</span><a name="Pgx" id= + "Pgx" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> he has been able to refer to Sun's + complete works in Chinese and to Chinese books on Sun wherever such + reference was imperatively necessary. A list of the Chinese titles + thus made available is included in the bibliography. The language + difficulty, while an annoyance and a handicap, has not been so + considerable as to give the author reason to suppose that his + conclusions would have been different in any significant respect had + he been able to make free and continuous use of Chinese and Russian + sources.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has + thought of the present work as a contribution to political theory + rather than to sinology, and has tried to keep the discussion of + sinological questions at a minimum. In the transliteration of Chinese + words and names he has adhered more or less closely to the Wade + system, and has rendered most terms in the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">kuo + yü</span></span>, or national language. Despite this rule, he gives + the name of President Sun in its more commonly known Cantonese form, + Sun Yat-sen, rather than in the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">kuo + yü</span></span>, Sun I-hsien.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In acknowledging + assistance and encouragement received, the author must first of all + turn to his father, Judge Paul Myron Wentworth Linebarger, Legal + Advisor to The National Government of China, counsellor to and + biographer of Sun Yat-sen during the latter's lifetime. Without his + patient encouragement and his concrete assistance, this book could + neither have been begun nor brought to a conclusion after it was + started. The author desires, however, to make it perfectly clear that + this work has no relation to the connections of Judge Linebarger with + the Chinese Government or with the Nationalist Party. No <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="pagexi">[pg xi]</span><a name="Pgxi" id="Pgxi" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> information coming to the knowledge of + Judge Linebarger in the course of his official duties has been here + incorporated. Anxiously scrupulous to maintain a completely detached + point of view, the author has refrained from communicating with or + submitting the book to Chinese Government or Party officials, and + writes purely as an American student of China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Professor James + Hart, formerly at The Johns Hopkins University and now at The + University of Virginia, Professor Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Johns + Hopkins University, Professor Harley Farnsworth MacNair and Dr. + Ernest Price, both of The University of Chicago, have rendered + inestimable assistance by reading the manuscript and giving the + author the benefit of their advice. Professor Hart has criticized the + work as an enterprise in political science. Professor Lovejoy + assisted the author by reading the first third of the work, and + selections of the later parts, and applying his thorough and + stimulating criticism; the author regrets that he was unable to adopt + all of Professor Lovejoy's suggestions in full, and is deeply + grateful for the help. Professor MacNair read the book as a referee + for a dissertation, and made a great number of comments which have + made the book clearer and more accurate; the author would not have + ventured to present this work to the public had it not been for the + reassurances and encouragement given him by Professor MacNair. Dr. + Ernest Price, while at The Hopkins, supervised the composition of the + first drafts; his judicious and balanced criticism, based upon + sixteen years' intimacy with the public and private life of the + Chinese, and a sensitive appreciation of Chinese values, were of + great value to the author in establishing his perspective and lines + of study. The author takes this opportunity to thank these four + gentlemen for their great kindness and invaluable assistance.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is with deep + regret that the author abbreviates his acknowledgments and thanks for + the inspiration and the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagexii">[pg + xii]</span><a name="Pgxii" id="Pgxii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + favors he received in his study of Chinese politics from Dr. C. + Walter Young; Professor Frederic Ogg, of The University of Wisconsin; + Professors Kenneth Colegrove, William McGovern, and Ikuo Oyama, of + The Northwestern University; Dr. Arthur Hummel, of The Library of + Congress; Professor Frederick Dunn, of Yale University; Professor + Arthur Holcombe, of Harvard University; Professor Quincy Wright, of + The University of Chicago; and Dr. Wallace McClure, of The Department + of State. Many of the author's Chinese friends assisted by reading + the manuscript and criticizing it from their more intimate knowledge + of their own country, among them being Messrs. Miao Chung-yi and + Djang Chu, at The Johns Hopkins University; Professor Jên T'ai, of + Nankai University; and Messrs. Wang Kung-shou, Ch'ing Ju-chi, and Lin + Mou-sheng, of The University of Chicago, made many helpful + suggestions. The author must thank his teachers at The Johns Hopkins + University, to whom he is indebted for three years of the most + patient assistance and stimulating instruction, in respect of both + the present work and other fields in the study of government: Dr. + Johannes Mattern; Dr. Albert Weinberg; Mr. Leon Sachs; and Professor + W. W. Willoughby. Finally, he must acknowledge his indebtedness to + his wife, Margaret Snow Linebarger, for her patient assistance in + preparing this volume for the press.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Paul M. A. + Linebarger.</span></span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">December, + 1936.</p> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page001">[pg 001]</span><a name= + "Pg001" id="Pg001" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a> <a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Introduction.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a> <a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Problem of the</span> <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a> <a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a> + + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">The Materials.</span></h3> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + played many rôles in the history of his times. He was one of + those dramatic and somewhat formidable figures who engage the + world's attention at the very outset of their careers. In the + late years of the nineteenth century, he was already winning some + renown in the West; it was picturesque that a Cantonese, a + Christian physician, should engage in desperate conspiracies + against the Manchu throne. Sun became known as a political + adventurer, a forerunner, as it were, of such mutually dissimilar + personages as Trotsky, Lawrence, and Major-General Doihara. With + the illusory success of the revolution of 1911, and his + Presidency of the first Republic, Sun ceased being a conspirator + in the eyes of the world's press, and became the George + Washington of China. It is in this rôle that he is most commonly + known, and his name most generally recalled. After the world war, + in the atmosphere of extreme tension developed, perhaps, by the + Bolshevik revolution, Sun was regarded as an enigmatic leader, + especially significant in the struggle between Asiatic + nationalisms allied with the Soviets against the traditional + capitalist state-system. It was through him that the Red + anti-imperialist policy was pushed to its greatest success, and + he was hated and admired, ridiculed and feared, down to the last + moments of his life. When he died, American reporters in Latvia + cabled New York their reports of Russian comments on the + event.<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href= + "#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a> More, + perhaps, than any other Chinese of modern times, Sun symbolized + the entrance of China into <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page002">[pg 002]</span><a name="Pg002" id="Pg002" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> world affairs, and the inevitable + confluence of Western and Far Eastern history.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is + characteristic of Sun that he should have appeared in another and + final rôle after his death. He had been thought of as + conspirator, statesman, and mass leader; but with the advent of + his party to power it became publicly apparent that he had also + been a political philosopher. The tremendous prestige enjoyed by + him as state-founder and party leader was enhanced by his + importance as prophet and law-giver. His doctrines became the + state philosophy of China, and for a while his most zealous + followers sought to have him canonized in a quite literal + fashion, and at one stroke to make him replace Confucius and the + Sons of Heaven. After the extreme enthusiasms of the Sun Yat-sen + cult subsided, Sun remained the great national hero-sage of + modern China. Even in those territories where the authority of + his political heirs was not completely effective, his flag was + flown and his doctrines taught.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His doctrines + have provided the theories upon which the Nationalist revolution + was based; they form the extra-juridical constitution of the + National Government of China. When the forces hostile to Sun + Yat-sen and his followers are considered, it is amazing that his + ideas and ideals should have survived. An empire established with + the aid of Japanese arms, and still under Japanese hegemony, + controls Manchuria; parts of north China are ruled by a bastard + government, born of a compromise between enemies; a largely + unrecognized but powerful Soviet Republic exists in outer + Mongolia; the lamaist oligarchy goes on in Tibet; and somewhere, + in central and western China, a Soviet group, not quite a + government but more than a conspiracy, is fighting for existence. + It is quite probable that nowhere else in the world can there be + found a greater variety of principles, each scheme of principles + fostered by an armed organization struggling with its + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page003">[pg 003]</span><a name= + "Pg003" id="Pg003" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> rivals. In this + chaos the National Government has made the most effective bid for + authority and the greatest effort for the reëstablishment of + order; through it the principles of Sun Yat-sen rule the + political life of a population greater than that of the United + States or of the Soviet Union.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is + difficult to evaluate the importance of political doctrines. Even + if <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Three Principles</span></span> is judged by the extent of the + population which its followers control, it has achieved greater + results in practical politics in fifteen years than has Marxism + in ninety. Such a criterion may well be disputed, but, whatever + the test, it cannot be denied that the thought of Sun Yat-sen has + played a major part in the political development of his native + land. It may continue into the indefinitely remote future, or may + succumb to the perils that surround its advocates; in any case, + these doctrines have been taught long enough and broadly enough + to make an impress on the age, and have been so significant in + political and cultural history that they can never sink into + complete obscurity.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are these + doctrines? Sun Yat-sen was so voluminous a writer that it would + be impossible for his followers to digest and codify all his + writings into one neat and coherent handbook; he himself did not + provide one. Before printing became common, there was a certain + automatic process of condensation which preserved the important + utterances of great men, and let their trivial sayings perish. + Sun, however, must have realized that he was leaving a vast + legacy of materials which are not altogether coherent or + consistent with one another. Certain of his works were naturally + more important than others, but, to make the choice definitive, + he himself indicated four sources which his followers might draw + upon for a definitive statement of his views.<a id="noteref_4" + name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page004">[pg 004]</span><a name="Pg004" id="Pg004" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Political Testament</span></span> cites the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien + Kuo Fang Lo</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Program of National + Reconstruction</span></span>), the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Ta + Kang</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Outline of National + Reconstruction</span></span>), the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Triple Demism</span></span>, also + translated as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Three Principles of the + People</span></span>), and the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span> issued by the first + national congress of the Party.<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5" + href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a> These + four items differ quite sharply from one another in form. No one + of them can be relied upon to give the whole of Sun's + doctrines.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien + Kuo Fang Lo</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Program of National + Reconstruction</span></span>) is in reality three works, only + remotely related to one another. The first item in the trilogy is + the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span> (<span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Philosophy of + Sun Wên</span></span>); it is a series of familiar essays on the + Chinese way of thought.<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href= + "#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a> The + second is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min Ch'üan Ts'u Pu</span></span>, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Primer of Democracy</span></span>, which is little more than a + text on parliamentary law.<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7" + href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> The + third is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Shih Yeh Chi Hua</span></span>, known in + English as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The International Development</span> + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name= + "Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style= + "font-style: italic">of China</span></span>, which Sun wrote in + both English and Chinese.<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href= + "#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a> These + three works, under the alternate titles of <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Program of Psychological Reconstruction,”</span> + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Program of Social + Reconstruction,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“The Program + of Material Reconstruction”</span> form <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Program of + National Reconstruction</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien + Kuo Ta Kang, The Outline of National + Reconstruction</span></span>, is an outline of twenty-five + points, giving the necessary steps towards the national + reconstruction in their most concise form.<a id="noteref_9" name= + "noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span> is Sun's most important work. It comprises + sixteen lectures setting forth his socio-political theories and + his programs. The title most commonly used in Western versions is + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Three Principles of the People</span></span>.<a id="noteref_10" + name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The last + document mentioned in Sun Yat-sen's will was the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span> of the first + national congress of the Kuomintang. This was not written by + himself, but was drafted by Wang Ch'ing-wei, one of his closest + followers, and embodies essentially the same ideas as do the + other three items, even though Borodin—the emissary of the Third + International—had been consulted in its preparation.<a id= + "noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun + undoubtedly regretted leaving such a heterogeneous and + ill-assembled group of works as his literary bequest. + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page006">[pg 006]</span><a name= + "Pg006" id="Pg006" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Throughout the + latter years of his life he was studying political science in the + hope that he might be able to complete a great treatise which he + had projected, an analysis and statement of the programs of the + Chinese nationalists. One attempt toward actualization of this + work was frustrated when Sun's manuscripts and a great part of + his library were burned in the attack launched against him by + Ch'en Ch'iung-ming in 1922. His apology for the makeshift volume + on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> is pathetic: + <span class="tei tei-q">“As I had neither time to prepare nor + books to use as references, I could do nothing else in these + lectures but improvise after I ascended the platform. Thus I have + omitted and forgotten many things which were in my original + manuscript. Although before having them printed, I revised them, + added (passages) and eliminated (others), yet, those lectures are + far from coming up to my original manuscripts, either in the + subject matter itself, or in the concatenations of the + discussion, or in the facts adduced as proofs.”</span><a id= + "noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a> Sun + was in all probability a more assiduous and widely read student + of political science than any other world leader of his day + except Wilson; he studied innumerable treatises on government, + and was surprisingly familiar with the general background of + Western politics, in theory and practice. He was aware of the + shabby appearance that these undigested occasional pieces would + present when put forth as the bible of a new China, and earnestly + enjoined his followers to carry on his labors and bring them to + fruition.<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href= + "#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The various + works included in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Fang Lo</span></span>, while + satisfactory for the purposes Sun had in mind when he wrote them, + are not enough to outline the fundamentals both of political + theory and a governmental plan. The familiar essays have an + important bearing on the formation of the ideology of a new + China; the primer <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page007">[pg + 007]</span><a name="Pg007" id="Pg007" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + of democracy, less; the industrial plan is one of those + magnificent dreams which, in the turn of a decade, may inspire an + equally great reality. The outline and the manifesto are no more + suited to the rôle of classics; they are decalogues rather than + bibles.<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href= + "#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a> + There remains the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span> is a collection of sixteen lectures delivered + in Canton in 1924. There were to have been eighteen, but Sun was + unable to give the last two. Legend has it that Borodin persuaded + Sun to give the series.<a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href= + "#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a> + Whatever the cause of their being offered, they attracted + immediate attention. Interest in Sun and in his ideas was at a + fever heat; his friends turned to the printed lectures for + guidance; his enemies, for statements which could be turned + against him. Both friends and enemies found what they wanted. To + the friends, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> presented a + fairly complete outline of Sun's political and social thought in + such a form that it could be preserved and broadcast readily. + There was danger, before the book appeared, that the intrinsic + unity in Sun's thinking would be lost sight of by posterity, that + his ideas would appear as a disconnected jumble of brilliant + inspirations. The sixteen lectures incorporated a great part of + the doctrines which he had been preaching for more than a + generation. To the enemies of Sun, the work was welcome. They + pointed out the numerous simplifications and inconsistencies, the + frequent contradictions in matters of detail, the then outrageous + denunciations of the economic and political system predominant in + the Far East. They ridiculed Sun because he was Chinese, and + because he was not Chinese enough, and backed up their criticisms + with passages from the book.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16" + href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page008">[pg 008]</span><a name="Pg008" id="Pg008" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun gave + the lectures, he was a sick man. He carried an ivory-headed sword + cane with him on the platform; occasionally, holding it behind + him and locking his arms through it, he would press it against + his back to relieve the intolerable pain.<a id="noteref_17" name= + "noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> The + business awaiting him after each lecture was vitally important; + the revolution was proceeding by leaps and bounds. The lectures + are the lectures of a sick man, given to a popular audience in + the uproar of revolution, without adequate preparation, + improvised in large part, and offered as one side of a crucial + and bitterly disputed question. The secretaries who took down the + lectures may not have succeeded in following them completely; Sun + had no leisure to do more than skim through the book before + releasing it to the press.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These + improvised lectures have had to serve as the fundamental document + of Nationalist China. Sun Yat-sen died without writing the + treatise he had planned. The materials he left behind were a + challenge to scholars and to his followers. Many persons set to + work interpreting them, each with a conscious or unconscious end + in view. A German Marxian showed Sun to be a forerunner of + bolshevism; an American liberal showed Sun to be a bulwark + against bolshevism. A Chinese classicist demonstrated Sun's + reverence for the past; a Jesuit father explained much by Sun's + modern and Christian background. His works have been translated + into Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg + 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + languages without notes; the improvised lectures, torn from their + context of a revolutionary crisis, have served poorly to explain + the ideology of Sun Yat-sen, and his long range political, + social, and economic plans.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a> <a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a> + + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">The Necessity of an + Exposition.</span></h3> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Followers of + Sun who knew him personally, or were members of that circle in + which his ideas and opinions were well known, have found the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span> and other literary remains helpful; they have + been able to turn to the documents to refresh their memories of + Sun on some particular point, or to experience the encouraging + force of his faith and enthusiasm again. They need not be + reminded of the main tenets of his thought, or of the fundamental + values upon which he based his life and his political activities. + His sense of leadership, which strangers have at times thought + fantastic, is one which they admire in him, since they, too, have + felt the power of his personality and have experienced that + leadership in the course of their own lives. His voice is ringing + in their consciences; they feel no need of a guide to his mind. + At the present day many members of Sun's own family, and a + considerable number of his veteran disciples are still living; + the control of the National Government is in their hands. They + are people who need no commentary on Sun Yat-sen; to them, he + died only yesterday.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Others, who + met Sun only casually, or who could know him only through his + writings, have a quite different impression of his thought. They + perforce assume that he thought as he wrote, and fail to realize + that virtually all his writings and speeches were occasional + pieces, improvisations designed as propaganda. One of the most + respected American authorities on China says that in the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q">“... there is a + combination of sound social analysis, keen comment on comparative + political <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg + 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + science, and bombast, journalistic inaccuracy, jejune + philosophizing and sophomoric economics.”</span><a id= + "noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a> This + view is one which can scarcely be attacked, if one considers only + the printed lectures, and overlooks the other utterances and the + personality of Sun. To apply this, or any similar estimate (and + there are many of them), to all of Sun Yat-sen's thought would be + woefully inaccurate. It is not the critic's fault that Sun never + found time to write a sober, definitive political treatise + expressing his ideas; it is, nevertheless, the critic's + responsibility to weigh the value of the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>, and consider the importance which Sun himself + attached to it, before judging Sun's whole philosophy by a + hastily-composed and poorly written book.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yet, if the + Western student of modern Chinese history were to look elsewhere + for some general exposition of Sun Yat-sen's political ideas, he + would find none. He could discover several excellent translations + of the sixteen lectures, and parts of the other work of Sun. He + would be helped by the prefatory notes to some of these + translations.<a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href= + "#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a> A + few treatises would be available to him on special phases of + Sun's thought: the influence of Maurice William, and the + influence of the Russian Communists.<a id="noteref_20" name= + "noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a> In + addition, there would be the biographies, of which there are more + than a dozen, and a few other useful although not general works. + None of these sifts Sun's thought, seeking to separate the + transitory from the permanent in his ideas. For this the searcher + would have to rely on brief outlines of Sun's ideas, to be found + in <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name= + "Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> works dealing with + modern China or the Chinese revolution.<a id="noteref_21" name= + "noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This relative + scarcity of exegetic material concerning the ideology and + programs of Sun is not the result of any inadequacy on the part + of those persons, both Chinese and Western, who have devoted + thought and time to his life or to the translation of his works. + It is one thing to point out a task that has yet to be done; and + quite another, actually to perform it. An interpretation or + exposition of Sun's thought, to be worthy of the great + significance of the original, must be very thorough; but scarcely + enough time has elapsed to allow a perspective of all the + materials, let alone an orientation of Sun in the Far Eastern + scene. Yet the importance of Sun demands that something be done + to bring his thought to the attention of the world, so that the + usual distortion of his personality—arising from the lack of + commentaries—may be avoided in present day works. In a sense, the + time is not ripe for a definitive treatment of Sun, either as a + figure in history or as a contributor to the significant and + enduring political thought of modern times; any work now done + will, as time passes, fall grotesquely far short of adequacy. On + the other hand, there is so much material of a perishable + nature—anecdotes and legends not yet committed to print, and the + memories of living men—now available, that a present-day work on + Sun may gain <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg + 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + in color and intimacy what it loses in judgment and objectivity, + may gain in proximity what it has to forgo in detachment. And, + lastly, the complete absence of any systematic presentation of + Sun's ideas in any Western language is so great a deficiency in + the fields of Far Eastern history and world political thought, + that even a relatively inadequate exposition of the thought of + Sun Yat-sen may prove to be not without value. Sun himself never + explained his philosophy, whether theoretical or applied, in any + broad, systematic fashion; nor has anyone else done so.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the + permissibility of an exposition of Sun Yat-sen's thought be + conceded, there still remains the vexing problem of a choice of + method. While the far-flung peripheries of Sun's thought touch + almost every field of knowledge and opinion, a systematic + condensation of his views cannot hope to survey the same broad + ranges. The problem of proportion, of just emphasis, involves the + nice appraisal of the degree of importance which each of Sun's + minor rôles had in his intellectual career as a whole. Nor do the + difficulties concerning method end with the consideration of + proportion; they merely begin, for there remains the far more + important and perplexing problem of a technique of + interpretation.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Interpretation + obviously relates to the problem of language. The translation of + theoretical terms from Chinese into English constitutes a + formidable difficulty which proves, in several instances, to be + insuperable. No satisfactory equivalent for <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> (usually rendered + <span class="tei tei-q">“livelihood”</span>) can be found in + English; even simpler and less specialized terms are extremely + difficult to render. Sometimes it would be convenient to employ + four or five alternative translations for one Chinese term. Sun + uses the word <span class="tei tei-q">“nationalism”</span> in the + sense that a Westerner would, in advocating national + consciousness in a China hitherto unfamiliar with the conception + of nation-states; but, in <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> a different context, he uses it in the + sense of <span class="tei tei-q">“patriotism.”</span><a id= + "noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a> + These difficulties must be faced and, somehow or other, overcome. + When the Western reader encounters a familiar term in an + unexpected place, he must be prepared to meet a shift of meaning. + No amount of definition can make a Chinese term, which has no + exact Western equivalent, completely clear. It is simpler to grow + accustomed to the term, to gather together its connotations, to + understand something of the frame of reference wherein it is set, + and thereby to learn it as a child learns a word. A dictionary is + no help to a baby; in a realm of unfamiliar ideas even scholars + must learn terms step by step.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Less obviously + than language, the translation of ideas and of values is also + involved in interpretation. In dealing with the intellectual + content of a civilization as alien as that of China, the + Westerner must be wary of the easy analogy. The full, forceful + application of Western ideas and values in a world to which they + are completely irrelevant produced strange results during the + nineteenth century. Western notions of goodness and + reasonableness did not fit the Chinese scheme of things. Under + such a test a wildly distorted image of China was obtained. China + seemed peculiar, topsy-turvy, fantastic. To themselves the + Chinese still seemed quite matter-of-fact, and the Westerners + thought even this odd and ridiculous: not only was China + upside-down, but the Chinese did not know it! In any case, the + present-day scholar, to whom so much material concerning the + Chinese is available and China so near, has little justification + for applying Western tests of virtue and rationality to things + Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the + application of Western values to China is avoided, there is still + the danger that the Chinese scheme of things may not be + interpreted at all. The literal translation <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id= + "Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of Chinese terms strips them + of their contexts. The result may be unintelligibility. The + Chinese term <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is + frequently rendered <span class="tei tei-q">“benevolence,”</span> + a Western word which, while at times an approximate equivalent, + fails to carry the full burden of meaning. Sun speaks of an + interpretation of history antagonistic to dialectical + materialism—the interpretation of history by <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>. A <span class= + "tei tei-q">“benevolent”</span> interpretation of history means + nothing whatever to a Westerner. If <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is translated into a + different configuration of words, and given as <span class= + "tei tei-q">“group-consciousness”</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">“social fellow-feeling,”</span> the result, while + still not an exact equivalent of the Chinese, is distinctly more + intelligible.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To effect this + translation of ideas and values, several methods are available. + The issue cannot be dodged by a denial of its existence; the mere + act of explanation involves some process, whether deliberate or + unconscious, of translation and transvaluation. If the + interpreter refuses to deal with the problem consciously, he will + nevertheless be guided by his unrevealed assumptions. To give an + accounting for what he has done, he must, first, admit that he is + interpreting, and second, seek to make plain what he is doing, so + that his readers may allow for the process. The demonstration of + the consequences of interpretation minimizes their possible + adverse effects. The simplest way to allow for the alterations + (beyond mere reproduction) arising from interpretation would be + to adopt a technique so widely known that others could, in their + own minds, try to re-trace the steps of the process and negate + the changes. Among such widely known techniques are the Marxian + and the sociological.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Both these + scarcely seem adapted to the problems presented by an + interpretation of Sun Yat-sen. The Marxian terminology is so + peculiarly suited to the ulterior purposes the Marxians keep in + mind, and is so esoteric when applied to matters not related to + the general fields in which the Marxians are interested, that it + could scarcely <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg + 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + be applied in the present instance. A non-Marxian would find it a + hazardous task. The interpreter of Sun Yat-sen must interpret + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">into</span></em> something; what, depends on + the audience. Dialectical materialism, in the abstract excellent + as a technique, would scarcely make Sun understandable to most + Americans of the present day. Sun himself rejected the Marxian + method of interpretation; an American audience would also reject + it; these two factors outweigh all the conceivable + advantages.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + sociological technique of interpretation is quite another + question. The various methods of analysis developed by each of + the schools of sociologists are still the objects rather than the + tools of study. Such men as Max Weber and Vilfredo Pareto have + made contributions to Western social thought which enrich the + scope and method of the social studies. Their methods of analysis + are not weighted down by a body of extraneous considerations, as + is the Marxian, and they promise an objectivity not otherwise + attainable. On the other hand, they are still at that stage of + development where the technique obtrudes itself; it has not, as + has the inductive method in general, become so much taken for + granted as to be invisible.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + sociological approach need not, however, be carried to the full + extent thought necessary by its advocates. In the study of law, + the consideration of extra-juridical materials is called + sociological in contrast to the strictly juristic. If the legal + scholar goes beyond the strict framework of the law, and + considers other elements in man's behavior and knowledge while + dealing with legal problems, he is apt to be called a + sociological jurist. In doing so he is not committed, however, to + belief in or use of any particular form of what is known as the + science of society or sociology. He may adopt almost any sort of + social outlook, or may be committed to any one of many doctrines + of social value and to any one of widely varying methods of + social study.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg + 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This negative, + broad sense of the sociological, when applied to the study of + politics, has commonly meant that the scholars employing it began + with the notion of the political, but, finding it too narrow, + touched upon related fields. An interpretation of Sun Yat-sen's + politics might be based on this method. It would still be a + political work, in that it sought to associate his ideas with the + ideas concerning government to be found in the West, but would be + free, nevertheless, to touch upon non-political materials + relevant to Sun's politics. The Chinese have had notions of + authority and control radically different from those developed in + the West; a purely juristic interpretation of the various Chinese + politics would simply scrape the lacquer off the screen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese + have not had the sharp distinction of disciplines which runs + through all Western learning. Since one of the most conspicuous + ingredients in their thought—conspicuous, that is, to Westerners + looking in from outside—has been the ethical, many Westerners + have dismissed Chinese historical, political and more strictly + philosophical thought as being loosely and amiably ethical but + never getting anywhere. The Chinese did not departmentalize their + learning to any considerable degree. Politics was not the special + activity of a definite group of men, or the study of a select + body of scholars. Politics ran through and across most of the + activities in society, and was largely the interest of that + intellectual élite by which China has been so distinguished on + the roster of civilizations. In becoming everything, politics + ceased being politics; that is, those elements in man's thought + and behavior which Westerners have termed political were not + separated and labelled. The Westerner must say that politics was + everything in China, or that it was nothing.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An + interpretation of Sun Yat-sen must keep in mind these differences + between Chinese and Western categories. In doing so it will pass + beyond the limits of what is commonly <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> known as politics, since no sharp + boundaries of <span class="tei tei-q">“politics”</span> are to be + found in China. Yet, as an interpretation designed to serve + Western readers, it must return again and again to Western + politics, making comparisons when they are justified, pointing + out differences between China and the West as they become + relevant and clear. The interpretation will thus weave back and + forth between conventional Western political science, with its + state-mindedness, and the wholly different material of traditions + and customs out of which Sun sought to construct an ideology and + a system of working politics for China in the modern world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How can this + interpretation seek to avoid the misfortunes and errors into + which so many similar attempts have fallen? It must proceed + without the aid of such specialized techniques as + dialectical-materialistic or Paretian analysis, and yet aim at + the scientific, the rationally defensible, the objective. In + seeking to apply a method in the interpretation of Sun Yat-sen, + the work must face criticism of its method, must make the method + explicit and simple enough to allow criticism. If the thought of + Sun really is to emerge from the exposition, the exposition must + allow itself to be judged, so that it can be appraised, and so + that, one way or another, it may not interfere with the just + evaluation of the materials which it seeks to present. Sun + Yat-sen should not be judged poor because of a poor + interpretation; nor, on the other hand, should his thought be + adjudged more excellent or more exact than it seems to the + Chinese, merely because the expositor has suggested an + interpretation possibly more precise.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The technique + adopted in the present work is a relatively simple one. It is an + attempt to start <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style= + "font-style: italic">de novo</span></span> with certain concepts + of society and government. Several simple although novel terms + are introduced, to provide a foundation upon which the procedure + may rest. One of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg + 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + these, for instance, is <span class= + "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> which in the present work refers + to the whole psychological conditioning of a group of + persons.<a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href= + "#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a> No + attempt is made, at the beginning or at any later phase of the + exposition, to distinguish between the ideology as belief and the + ideology as truth. Whether the Chinese were and are right, or the + Westerners, are questions, not for the student of comparative + political science, but for the philosopher and the psychologist. + The interpretation seeks, as far as possible, to transpose + certain parts of the traditional Chinese ideology, as they were, + and as Sun Yat-sen re-shaped them, into one frame of reference + provided by the ideology of twentieth-century America. What the + <span class="tei tei-q">“real truth”</span> is, does not matter; + the Marxians would say that both ideologies were inexact; so + might the Roman Catholics. If the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> ideology of old China, and the ideology + that Sun wished to see developed in the minds of the Chinese + people of the future, can be made comprehensible in terms of + contemporary American beliefs, of fact or of value, this venture + will have been successful.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese + ideology cannot be explained in its own terms; these exist only + in the Chinese language. If Sun Yat-sen's own arrangement of his + works is inadequate for the Chinese, rearrangement is a task for + the Chinese and not for the Western scholars to perform. The + Westerners who deal with Sun can contribute substantially only if + they give what the Chinese cannot—enough of a reference to their + own ideology to permit a broader scale for the analysis and the + appreciation of Sun's thought. Their knowledge of their own world + of ideas is the special tool which justifies their intervention + in this Chinese field of knowledge.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In avoiding + the unjustifiable imposition of Western ideas and values upon the + Chinese, and yet orienting Sun's thought with respect to the + West, the interpretation will have to resort to several fairly + evident means. In the first place, it will have to transpose + Chinese ideas into the Western ideology, and yet avoid + distortions of meaning. This can be partly done by the use of + neutral terms, of terms which are simple and clear enough to + reproduce the Chinese, and nevertheless not so heavily burdened + with connotations that they will cause a reading-in of Western + ideas not relevant to the point in question. More simply, the + Chinese ideas must be represented by terms which approximate the + same set of values in the West that their originals have in + China. This will sometimes require the use of unfamiliar + periphrases: the words <span class="tei tei-q">“music”</span> and + <span class="tei tei-q">“rites”</span> may be given as + <span class="tei tei-q">“the rhythm of life”</span> and + <span class="tei tei-q">“conformity to the ideology.”</span> + Secondly, the Chinese ideology need not be given as a whole; it + is improbable that it could, without a terrific expansion + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name= + "Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the Western + ideology to accommodate it; but enough of the Chinese ideology + must be given to explain the significant differences between the + Chinese system of controlling the behavior of men, and the + Western. This latter involves the choice of material, and is + therefore by its nature challengeable.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Again, in + demonstrating significant differences instead of merely seeking + analogous (and probably misleading) examples, the interpretation + might turn to certain aspects of Chinese philosophy which appear + as strikingly illustrative of the point of view of the Chinese. + Confucius the political thinker is only a small part of Confucius + the man and the philosopher; Chinese political thought, although + a vast field, is only a small part of the social thought of the + Chinese. Only an infinitesimal part of this comparatively minor + area of Chinese study will suffice to make clear some, at least, + of the sharp differences of outlook between China and the + West.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A + recapitulation of this declaration of technique may be found + helpful, for an understanding of Sun Yat-sen by Westerners is + necessary because of the vastly different background of his + thought. Even apart from the strangeness of his thought to the + West, it is scattered in the original, and must be pieced + together. An exposition of his ideas which would, at one and the + same time, present a systematic outline of his ideas, and + transpose them into a frame of reference where Western scholars + might grasp them, might be a labor meriting performance. His + terms would have to be rendered by neutral words (not overladen + with particular Western contexts) or by neologisms, or simply + left in the original, to develop meaning as a configuration of + related ideas is built up about them. The problem of + interpretation cannot, however, be solved by settling the + difficulty of language: there still remains the question of a + technique which can pretend to the scientific, the exact, the + rationally defensible. Despite their great <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id= + "Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> merits, the Marxian and + Paretian techniques are not suited to the present task. The point + of view and means of study of political science may be kept, if a + few necessary borrowings from sociological thought (not + necessarily sociology) are introduced. Such borrowing includes + the use of notions such as non-political society, patterns of + authority, and ideology, none of which are to be found in the + more law-minded part of political science. By seeking to point + out the Chinese, then the Western, ideas involved, without + confusing the two, the presentation may succeed in transposing + the ideology of Sun Yat-sen, as well as his beliefs concerning + working politics, into the English language and into an + explanatory but not distorting background. To do this, a small + sampling of certain aspects of old Chinese social thought and + behavior will be a required preliminary.</p> + </div> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name= + "Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a> <a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter I. The Ideological, Social, and + Political Background.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a> <a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Rationale of the + Readjustment.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span> and related works of Sun Yat-sen represent in their + entirety one of the most ambitious bodies of doctrine ever set + forth by a political leader. They differ from such a document as + the Communist Manifesto in that they comprehend a much greater + range of subject matter and deal with it in much greater detail. + They pertain not merely to the reconstitution of an economic or + political system; they propose a plan for the reconstruction of a + whole civilization, the reformation of a way of thought customary + among a great part of the human race, and a consequent + transformation of men's behavior. Conceived in the bold flights of + a penetrating, pioneering mind, avowedly experimental at the time + of their first utterance, these works of Sun have already played a + most significant rôle in the Far East and may continue to affect + history for a long time to come. They may quite legitimately be + called the bible of new China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Social change is + a consequence of maladjustment. The thought of Sun Yat-sen is a + program of change—change which, if it is to be understood, must be + seen at its beginning and its end. The background from which Sun + emerged and which was an implicit condition of all his utterances + must be mentioned, so that the problems he faced may be understood. + Only then will it be possible to turn to the plans he devised for + the rethinking of Chinese tradition and the reorganization of + Chinese polity. A vast maladjustment between the Chinese and the + world outside led to the downfall of the Manchu Empire in China and + has threatened the stability of every government <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> erected since that time; Chinese + society is in a state of profound unrest and recurrent turmoil. Sun + Yat-sen contributed to the change, and sought a new order, to be + developed from the disorder which, voluntarily or not, he helped in + part to bring about.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old order + that failed, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">interregnum</span></em> (in the etymological + sense of the word), and the new order proposed by Sun must be taken + all together in order to obtain a just understanding of Sun's + thought. No vast history need be written, no <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Decline and Fall of + the Chinese Empire</span></span> is necessary, but some indication + of the age-old foundations and proximate conditions of Sun's + thought must be obtained.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These may, + perhaps, be found in a sampling of certain data from the thought + and behavior of the Chinese as a group under the old system, and + the selection of a few important facts from the history of China + since the first stages of the maladjustment. An exposition of Sun's + thought must not slur the great importance of the past, yet it dare + not linger too long on this theme lest the present—in which, after + all, uncounted millions of Chinese are desperately struggling for + life—come to seem insignificant.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucianism is + a philosophy so broad and so highly developed that any selection + does violence to its balance and proportion, which are among its + chief merits.<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href= + "#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a> Yet + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name= + "Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> only those few facts + can be taken from the history and thought of the Chinese which may + assist the Westerner in becoming familiar with a few terms which + recur again and again in the works of Sun Yat-sen. If the present + work purported to be a study of Chinese history, or a complete + analysis of the Chinese social system, such an extreme selectivity + could not be condoned; since it, however, tries only to outline + Sun's thought, the selection of a few Confucian doctrines and the + complete ignoring of others, may be forgiven. All the schools of + the past, and the literary traditions which developed from them, + and social tendencies that were bound up with these have to be + omitted, and those few ideas and customs described which bear + directly on one single point—the most significant ideological + differences between the Chinese and the West with respect to the + political order, i. e. the control of men in society in the name of + all society.<a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href= + "#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a></p> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name= + "Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a> <a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a> + <a name="Section_Nation_and_State" id="Section_Nation_and_State" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Nation and State in Chinese + Antiquity.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Confucian + system, against which Sun Yat-sen reacted in part and in part + sought to preserve, was a set of ideas and institutions developed + as a reaction against certain conditions in ancient China. These + conditions may be roughly described as having arisen from a system + of proto-nationalisms, at a time when the old—perhaps + prehistorically ancient—Chinese feudal system was rapidly declining + and an early form of capitalism and of states was taking its place. + The Chou dynasty (ca. 1150-221 B.C.) was in power at the time of + this transition; under its rule the golden age of Chinese + philosophy appeared—Confucius (552-479 B.C.) and Lao Tzŭ (ca. + 570-ca. 490 B.C.) lived and taught.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Their + philosophies, contrary to the popular Western beliefs concerning + Chinese philosophies, were protests against a world which seemed to + them well-nigh intolerable. The old Chinese system, which may seem + to Westerners a highly mystical feudal organization, was in its + century-long death-agonies; the virtues it had taught were not the + virtues of the hour; the loyalties it had set up were loyalties + which could scarcely be maintained in a time when rising states, + acting more and more as states have acted in the West, were + disrupting the earlier organization <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of society, waging struggles—in the manner + that, centuries later, Machiavelli was to portray—of intrigue and + warfare for the eventual hegemony over that whole area of eastern + Asia which the Chinese of that time regarded as the civilized + world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The political + aspects of the transition from the feudal to the proto-national + system is described by one of the most eminent of the Western + authorities on China in the following terms: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The aim of all the Leaders was to control western + Ho-nan. There is the heart of ancient China.... All around about, + in vaster regions occupied no doubt by less dense and more shifting + populations, great States formed, increasing first towards the + exterior, seeking (as we have seen in the case of China) to cut the + communication of their rivals with the Barbarians, mutually forcing + each other to change the directions of the expansion, exercising on + each other a pressure from behind, and a converging pressure on the + central overlordships. All schemed to conquer them. Thus an + amalgamation was achieved. Whilst in the centre the Chinese nation + was coming into being, on the outer borders States were being + formed which, aiming at annexing the centre of China, ended by + themselves also becoming Chinese.”</span><a id="noteref_26" name= + "noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> Not + only did the newer, political organization of society begin to make + itself distinct from the family, feudal, and religious + organization; it began to engage in activities which increased its + resemblance to the Western system of nations. Tributes of textiles, + horses, and compulsory labor were demanded. A non-feudal economy + was encouraged; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg + 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + the state of Ch'i encouraged artisans and merchants, and favored + the trade in fish and salt. Mining, metallurgy and currency were + studied. State monopolies were created out of the products of + forests, lakes, marshes, shell-fish beds, and salt pans. Mines also + became <span class="tei tei-q">“treasures of the + state.”</span><a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href= + "#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The history of + these states reads like a page torn out of the history of early + modern Europe. The struggle was half diplomatic and half military. + From the beginning of the Spring and Autumn period (722-481 B.C.) + to the end of the Age of Warring States (491-221 B.C.), China was + subject to frequent war and unstable peace. The character of war + itself changed, from a chivalrous exercise almost ritualistic in + nature, to a struggle of unrestricted force. The units of + government which were to develop into states, and almost into + nations, began as feudal overlordships; traditional hatreds and + sentiments were developed; diplomatic and military policies + crystallized and became consistent; and activities of a state + nature became increasingly prominent.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Concurrently, + other factors operated to prevent an indefinite continuance of + these struggles of proto-national states and to avoid the + appearance of a permanent system of armed nations such as that + which has appeared in modern Europe. The feudal system of China + left a strong ethnical, linguistic and intellectual heritage of + unity, which was stronger than the cultural disunities and + particularities appearing in certain of the states. (The state of + Chêng was particularly conspicuous in developing a peculiar state + culture.)<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href= + "#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a> As the + states became larger and larger with the passing of time, they + tended not only to develop certain large differences between + themselves, but to eradicate the minute local peculiarities of the + old <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name= + "Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> system, and in so + doing to increase the general homogeneity which was also a heritage + of the past ages. This general homogeneity found a living symbol in + the persons of the Chou Emperors who, possessed of no more power + than the Tennos under the Shogunate, acted, as did their Japanese + analogues two thousand years later, as the quasi-religious + personifications of the whole general community. It thus occurred + that the old feudal system was destroyed by the growth of a general + non-feudal economy and political order, which, in its turn, led to + the development of the great imperial system under which China + continued for many centuries. The period of the transition, during + which the traditional feudal unity had been shaken and the new + imperial unity not yet established, was a tumultuous and bloody + one. The presence of a confederation under the hegemony of some one + state—the so-called Presidency—provided a suitable framework for + rivalries toward power, without particularly increasing the general + peace.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The transition, + as it took place, was neither apparent nor agreeable. The political + turmoil was but slightly less than the intellectual unrest and + disturbance. Everywhere faith and acceptance seemed to have been + lost to humanity; licentiousness and impiety fed discord. The lack + of harmony, made doubly vivid by the presence of a strong tradition + of primeval Arcadian peace and unity under the mythological + Emperors, was bitter to the scholars and men of virtue of the time. + It was quite inevitable that protests should be raised which would + hasten the advent, or return, of unity and peace. These protests + form the subject of the work of Confucius and the other great + philosophers, and schools of thinkers, of the Chou dynasty. It was, + in later ages, upon these philosophies that the great structure of + Chinese society developed and continued down until modern + times.</p> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name= + "Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a> <a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Theory of the Confucian + World-Society.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The various + types of protest against the development of states and the + consequent anarchy of the Chinese society considered as a whole + cannot be considered in this work; many were primarily religious; + Taoism, while ranking as one of the most conspicuous religions of + the world, has little bearing on politics. Even Confucianism, which + merits careful study, must be summarized and re-stated as briefly + as possible. Confucianism has suffered from an ambiguity and + exoticism of terms, when presented to the West; its full + significance as a political philosophy can become fully apparent + only when it is rendered in the words of the hour.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was it that + Confucius did in protest against the established discord of the + world he knew? He struck directly at the foundations of politics. + His criticisms and remedies can be fully appreciated only by + reference to a theory of ideology.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius + perceived that the underlying problem of society was that of + ideology; he seems to have realized that the character of a society + itself essentially depends upon the character of the moral ideas + generally prevalent among the individuals composing it, and that + where there is no common body of ideas a society can scarcely be + said to exist.<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href= + "#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a> He did + not consider, as did Han Fei-tzŭ and the legalist school of + philosophers, questions of law the preëminent social problem. He + realized that state and law were remedies, and that the prime + questions of organization were those anterior to the political, and + that the state existed for the purpose of filling out the + shortcomings of social harmony.<a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30" + href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In a + society—such as Confucius dreamed of—where there was no + disagreement in outlook, policy would not be a governmental + question; if there were no disharmony of thought and of behavior, + there would be no necessity of enforcing conformance to the + generally accepted criteria of conduct. From this standpoint, + government itself is socially pathological, a remedy for a poorly + ordered society. Men are controlled indirectly by the examples of + virtue; they do good because they have learned to do good and do it + unquestioningly and simply. Whatever control is exercised over men + is exercised by their ideology, and if other men desire control + they must seek it through shaping the ideas of others. At its full + expression, such a doctrine would not lead to mere anarchy; but it + would eliminate the political altogether from the culture of man, + replacing it with an educational process. Ideological control would + need to be supplemented by political only if it failed to cover the + total range of social behavior, and left loopholes for conflict and + dispute.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This doctrine is + framed in quite different terms by Confucius, who spoke and wrote + in an age when the mystical elements of the old feudal ideology + still exercised powerful and persuasive influence, and when there + was no other society than his own which he might make the object of + his study. The central point of his teachings is the doctrine of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, one of + the most brilliant modern exponents of ancient Chinese philosophy, + wrote of this:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In the simplest terms,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Jen</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">means + fellow-feeling for one's kind. Once Fan Chih, one of his disciples, + asked Confucius what</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031"> + [pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Jen</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style= + "font-size: 90%">meant. Confucius replied,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-q"><span style="font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">To love fellow-men</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">; in + other words this means to have a feeling of sympathy toward + mankind....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Intellectually the relationship becomes common + purpose; emotionally it takes the form of + fellow-feeling.</span><a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href= + "#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This doctrine + appears more specific in its application when it is realized that + Confucius regarded his own society and mankind as coterminous. + Barbarians, haunting the fringes of the world, were unconscious of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>; not being in sympathy with + mankind, they were not as yet fully human.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Jên</span></span> is a word which cannot be + exactly translated into English. It is laden with a burden of + connotations which it has acquired through the centuries; its + variability of translation may be shown by the fact that, in the + standard translations of the Chinese classics, it is written + <span class="tei tei-q">“Benevolence.”</span> It might equally well + be given as <span class="tei tei-q">“consciousness of one's place + and function in society.”</span> The man who followed <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> was one who was aware of his + place in society, and of his participation in the common endeavors + of mankind.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Jên</span></span>, or society-mindedness, + leads to an awareness of virtue and propriety (<span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">têh</span></span> and <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yi</span></span>). When virtue and propriety + exist, it is obligatory that men follow them. Behavior in + accordance with virtue and propriety is <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>. Commonly translated + <span class="tei tei-q">“ethics,”</span> this is seen as the + fruition of the force of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span> in + human society. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Jên</span></span> underlies + and establishes society, from the existence of which spring virtue + and propriety; these prescribe principles for human conduct, the + formulation of which rules is <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>.<a id="noteref_32" name= + "noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a> + Auxiliary to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> is + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>. <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span> is the rightness of + names: <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg + 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>, the appropriateness of + relationships. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, it may be + noted, is also translated <span class="tei tei-q">“rites”</span> or + <span class="tei tei-q">“ceremonies”</span>; a rendering which, + while not inexact, fails to convey the full import of the term.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span>, the rectification of + names, may be regarded as a protest against the discords in + language that had developed during the transitional period from + feudalism to eventual unity. Confucius, of course, did not have as + sharp an issue confronting him as do the modern Western innovators + in social and political ideology. Nevertheless, the linguistic + difficulty was clear to him. The expansion of the Chinese written + language was so great at that time that it led to the + indiscriminate coining of neologisms, and there was a tendency + towards a sophisticated hypocrisy in the use of words.<a id= + "noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius saw + that, in obtaining harmony, language needed to be exact; otherwise + long and fruitless disputes over empty words might be engaged in + or, what was even worse, words might not conform to the realities + of social life, and might be used as instruments of ill-doing. + Confucius did not, however, present a scheme of word-worship. He + wanted communication to cement society, to be an instrument of + concord. He wanted, in modern terms, a terminology which by its + exactness and suitability would of itself lead to harmony.<a id= + "noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a> In + advocating the rectification of names, Confucius differed from many + other founders of philosophies and religions; they, too, wanted + names rectified—terminology reorganized—to suit their particular + doctrines; but there they stopped short. Confucius regarded the + rectification of names as a continuous process, one which had to be + carried on unceasingly if communication, for the sake of social + harmony, was to remain just and exact.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Chêng ming</span></span> is highly significant + in Confucian thought, and exhibits the striking difference between + the Chinese and the older Western political study. If the terms by + means of which the communication within a society is effected, and + in which the group beliefs of fact or of value are to be found, can + be the subject of control, there is opened up a great field of + social engineering. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Chêng + ming</span></span> states, in recognizable although archaic terms, + the existence of ideology, and proposes the strengthening of + ideology. In recognizing the group (in his case, mankind) as + dependent upon ideology for group existence, Confucius delivered + Chinese political thought from any search for an ontology of the + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">real + state</span></em>. It became possible to continue, in the + traditional pragmatic manner,<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35" + href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a> + thinking of men in simple terms referring only to individual men, + avoiding the hypostatizations common in the West. In pointing out + the necessity for the control of ideology by men, Confucius + anticipated theories of the <span class="tei tei-q">“pedagogical + state”</span> by some twenty centuries.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, in the terminology of the + present work, is the conformity of the individual to the moral + ideology, or, stated in another manner, the control of men by the + ideology.<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href= + "#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Li</span></span>, conformity to the ideology, + implies, of course, conformity to those parts of it which determine + value. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Li</span></span> <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> prescribes the do-able, the thinkable. + In so far as the ideology consists of valuations, so far do those + valuations determine <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span>. + Hsü lists the operations of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> in + six specific categories:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(1) it furnishes the principles of + political organization; (2) it furnishes details for the + application of the doctrine of ratification; (3) it discusses the + functions of government; (4) it prescribes the limitations of + governmental authority; (5) it advances principles of social + administration; and (6) it provides a foundation for crime and + lawsuits. These are only the political functions of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">li</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">. + Its force is to be regarded as equally effective in every other + type of human behavior.</span><a id="noteref_37" name= + "noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The approach to + society contained in the doctrines of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>, and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span> is, therefore, one which + largely eliminates the necessity for politics. Its influence may be + estimated from three points of view: (1) to what degree was + government different from what it might have been had it followed + the line of development that government did in the West? (2) what + was the range of governmental action in such a system? and (3) what + was the relation of government to the other institutions of a + Confucian society?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In regard to the + first point, it will be seen immediately that government, once + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span> has been set in + motion, is not a policy-making body. There is no question of + policy, no room for disagreement, no alternative. What is right is + apparent. Politics, in the narrow sense of the word, ceases to be a + function of government; only administration remains.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Secondly, + government needs to administer only for two purposes. The chief of + these is the maintenance of the ideology. Once right views are + established, no individual is entitled to think otherwise. + Government must treat the heterodox as malefactors. Their crime is + greater than ordinary crime, which is a mere violation of right + behavior; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg + 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + they pollute right thought, set in motion the forces of discord, + and initiate evils which may work on and on through the society, + even after the evil-thinkers themselves are dead. To protect the + society actively against discord, the government must encourage the + utterance of the accepted truth. The scholar is thus the highest of + all the social classes; it is he who maintains agreement and order. + The government becomes, in maintaining the ideology, the + educational system. The whole political life is education, formal + or informal. Every act of the leader is a precept and an example. + The ruler does not compel virtue by law; he spreads it by his + conspicuous example.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other + function of the government in maintaining the ideology lies in the + necessity of dealing with persons not affected by the ideology. + Barbarians are especially formidable, since both heretics and + criminals may be restored to the use of their reason, while + barbarians may not, so long as they remain barbarians. Accordingly, + the government is also a defense system. It is a defense against + open and physical disruption from within—as in the case of + insurrectionaries or bandits—and a defense against forces from + without which, as veritable powers of darkness, cannot be taught + and are amenable only to brute force.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In connection + with the third point, government itself appears as subject to + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>. It has no right to do wrong. + The truth is apparent to everyone, and especially to the scholars. + In this wise the Chinese governments were at the mercy of their + subjects. No divine right shielded them when public opinion + condemned them; ill-doing governments were twice guilty and + contemptible, because of the great force of their examples. An evil + emperor was not only a criminal; he was a heresiarch, leading many + astray, and corrupting the virtue upon which society rested—virtue + being the maintenance of a true and moral ideology, and conformity + to it.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg + 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The consequence + of these teachings was such that we may say, without sacrificing + truth to paradox, that the aim of Chinese government was + anarchy—not in the sense of disorder, but in the sense of an order + so just and so complete that it needed no governing. The + <span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style= + "font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span> of the Chinese was + not only economic; it was political. The Great Harmony of + Confucius, which was his Utopia, was conceived of as a society + where the excellence of ideology and the thoroughness of conformity + to ideology had brought perfect virtue, perfect happiness.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other + doctrines of Confucius, his practical teachings on statesmanship, + his discourses on the family—these cannot be entered into here. + Enough has, perhaps, been shown to demonstrate the thoroughness of + Confucius' reaction against state and nation.<a id="noteref_38" + name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> This + reaction was to continue, and to become so typical that the whole + Chinese system of subsequent centuries was called Confucian,<a id= + "noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a> until + the exigencies of a newer, larger, and more perilous world led to + Sun Yat-sen's teaching of modern Chinese nationalism. Before taking + up the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + tsu</span></span>, it may be worthwhile to summarize the manner in + which Chinese society, deliberately and accidentally, each in part, + followed out the doctrines of Confucius in its practical + organization.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a> <a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Chinese World-Society of Eastern + Asia.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be, of + course, absurd to pretend to analyze the social system of China in + a few paragraphs; and yet <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg + 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + it is necessary to the study of Sun Yat-sen that certain + characteristics be at least mentioned. Several problems appear + which are quite outstanding. What was the social position and + function of each individual? How were refractory individuals to be + disciplined in accordance with the requirements that the general + opinion of society imposed? What were the ultimate ends which the + organization of Chinese society was to realize? How were the + educational system and the frontier defenses to be maintained? What + was to be the position and power of the political organization?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the outset it + is necessary that a working demarcation of the political be + established. Accepting, by definition, those coercive controls as + political which are operated for the preservation of society as a + whole, and are recognized within the society as so doing, we see + immediately that the range of the political must have been much + less in old China than it has been in the West. Western societies + tend, at least in law, to emphasize the relationship between the + individual and the society as a whole; free and unassociated + individuals tend to become extraordinarily unstable. In the old + Chinese society the control of the individual was so much an + ideological one, that political control was infinitely narrower + than in the West. But, in order to effectuate ideological control, + there must be an organization which will permit pressure to be + exercised on the individual in such a compelling manner that the + exercise of external coercion becomes unnecessary. In a society in + which the state has withered away, after an enormous expansion in + the subject-matter of its control,<a id="noteref_40" name= + "noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a> the + totalitarian state is succeeded by the totalitarian <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> tradition, if—and the qualification is + an important one—the indoctrination has been so effective that the + ideology can maintain itself in the minds of men without the + continuing coercive power of the state to uphold it. If the + ideology is secure, then control of the individual will devolve + upon those persons making up his immediate social environment, + who—in view of the uniform and secure notions of right and justice + prevailing—can be relied upon to attend to him in a manner which + will be approved by the society in general.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In China the + groups most conspicuous within the society were the family system, + the village and district, and the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> (association; league; + society, in the everyday sense of the word).</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family was + an intricate structure. A fairly typical instance of family + organization within a specific village has been described in the + following terms: <span class="tei tei-q">“The village is occupied + by one sib, a uni-lateral kinship group, exogamous, monogamous but + polygynous, composed of a plurality of kin alignments into four + families: the natural family, the economic-family, the + religious-family, and the sib.”</span><a id="noteref_41" name= + "noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a> The + natural family corresponded to the family of the West. The economic + family may have had a natural family as its core, but commonly + extended through several degrees of kinship, and may have included + from thirty to one hundred persons, who formed a single economic + unit, living and consuming collectively. The religious family was + an aggregate of economic families, of which it would be very + difficult to give any specified number as an average. It + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name= + "Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> was religious in + that it provided the organization for the proper commemoration and + reverence of ancestors, and maintained an ancestral shrine where + the proper genealogical records could be kept; the cult feature has + largely disappeared in modern times. The sib corresponded roughly + to the clan, found in some Western communities; its rôle was + determined by the immediate environment. In some cases—as + especially in the south—the sib was powerful enough to engage in + feuds; at times one or more sibs dominated whole communities; in + the greater part of China it was a loose organization, holding + meetings from time to time to unite the various local religious + families which constituted it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Family + consciousness played its part in sustaining certain elements of the + Confucian ideology. It stressed the idea of the carnal immortality + of the human race; it oriented the individual, not only + philosophically, but socially as well. The size of each family + determined his position spatially, and family continuity fixed a + definite location in time for him. With its many-handed grasp upon + the individual, the family system held him securely in place and + prevented his aspiring to the arrogant heights of nobility or + falling to the degradation of a slavery in which he might become a + mere commodity. A Chinese surrounded by his kinsmen was shielded + against humiliations inflicted upon him by outsiders or the menace + of his own potential follies. It was largely through the family + system, with its religious as well as economic and social + foundation, that the Chinese solved the problem of adequate + mobility of individuals in a society stable as a whole, and gave to + that stability a clear and undeniable purpose—the continued + generation of the human race through the continuity of a multitude + of families, each determined upon survival.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family was + the most obviously significant of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> groupings within the society, but it was + equalled if not excelled in importance by the village.<a id= + "noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Had the family + been the only important social grouping, it might have been + impossible for any democracy to develop in China. It so occurred + that the family pattern provided, indeed, the model for the + government, but the importance of villages in Chinese life negated + the too sharp influence of a familistic government. It would have + been the most awful heresy, as it is in Japan today, to revolt + against and depose an unrighteous father; there was nothing to + prevent the deposition or destruction of an evil village elder. In + times of concord, the Emperor was the father of the society; at + other times, when his rule was less successful, he was a + fellow-villager subject to the criticism of the people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The village was + the largest working unit of non-political administration; that is + to say, groups within and up to the village were almost completely + autonomous and not subject to interference, except in very rare + cases, from outside. The village was the smallest unit of the + political. The District Magistrate, as the lowest officer in the + political-educational system, was in control of a district + containing from one to twenty villages, and negotiated, in + performing the duties imposed upon him, with the village leaders. + The villages acted as self-ruling communes, at times very + democratic.<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href= + "#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Next in + importance, among Chinese social groups, after the family and the + village was the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>. It was in + all probability the last to appear. Neither ordained, as the family + seemed to be, by the eternal physical and biological order of + things, nor made to seem natural, as was the village, by the + geographic and economic environment, the association found its + justification in the deeply ingrained propensities of the Chinese + to coöperate. Paralleling and supplementing the former two, the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> won for itself a definite + and unchallenged place in the Chinese social structure. The kinds + of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span> may be + classified into six categories:<a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44" + href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a> 1) the + fraternal societies; 2) insurance groups; 3) economic guilds; 4) + religious societies; 5) political societies; and 6) organizations + of militia and vigilantes. The <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> made up, in their economic + form, the greater part of the economic organization of old China, + and provided the system of vocational education for persons not + destined to literature and administration. Politically, it was the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>—under such names as the + Triad and the Lotus—that provided the party organizations of old + China and challenged the dynasties whenever objectionable social or + economic conditions developed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old Chinese + society, made up of innumerable families, <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> villages, and <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, comprised a whole + <span class="tei tei-q">“known world.”</span> Its strength was like + that of a dinosaur in modern fable; having no one nerve-centre, the + world-society could not be destroyed by inroads of barbarians, or + the ravages of famine, pestilence, and insurrection. The ideology + which has been called Confucian continued. At no one time were + conditions so bad as to break the many threads of Chinese culture + and to release a new generation of persons emancipated from the + tradition. Throughout the centuries education and government went + forward, even though dynasties fell and the whole country was + occasionally over-run by conquerors. The absence of any + juristically rigid organization permitted the Chinese to maintain a + certain minimum of order, even in the absence of an emperor, or, as + more commonly occurred, in the presence of several.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The governmental + superstructure cemented the whole Chinese world together in a + formal manner; it did not create it. The family, the village, and + the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span> were fit + subjects for imperial comment, but there was nothing in their + organization to persuade the student that the Emperor—by virtue of + some Western-type <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "de"><span style="font-style: italic">Kompetenz + Kompetenz</span></span>—could remove his sanction from their + existence and thereby annihilate them. There was no precarious + legal personality behind the family, the village, and the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, which could be destroyed by + a stroke of law. It was possible for the English kings to destroy + the Highland clan of the MacGregor—<span class="tei tei-q">“the + proscribed name”</span>—without liquidating the members of the clan + <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">in + toto</span></span>. In China the Emperor beheld a family as a + quasi-individual, and when enraged at them was prone to wipe them + out with massacre. Only in a very few cases was it possible for him + to destroy an organization without destroying the persons composing + it; he could, for example, remove the privilege of a scholarship + system from a district, prefecture, or province without necessarily + disposing of all the scholars involved in the <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> move. The government of China—which, in + the normal run of affairs, had no questions of policy, because + policy was traditional and inviolable—continued to be an + administration dedicated to three main ends—the maintenance of the + ideology (education), the defense of the society as a whole against + barbarians (military affairs) and against the adverse forces of + nature (public works on the most extensive—and not + intensive—scale), and the collection of funds for the fulfillment + of the first two ends (revenue). The Emperor was also the titular + family head of the Chinese world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The educational + system was identical with the administrative, except in the case of + the foreign dynasties. (Under the Manchus, for example, a certain + quota of Manchu officials were assigned throughout the government, + irrespective of their scholastic rank in contrast to the Chinese.) + It was a civil service, an educational structure, and a ritualist + organization. Selected from the people at large, scholars could—at + least in theory—proceed on the basis of sheer merit to any office + in the Empire excepting the Throne. Their advancement was graduated + on a very elaborate scale of degrees, which could be attained only + by the passing of examinations involving an almost perfect + knowledge of the literature of antiquity and the ability to think + in harmony with and reproduce that literature. The Chinese + scholar-official had to learn to do his own thinking by means of + the clichés which he could learn from the classics; he had to make + every thought and act of his life conform to the pattern of the + ideology. Resourceful men may have found in this a proper + fortification for their originality, as soon as they were able to + cloak it with the expressions of respect; mediocre persons were + helpless beyond the bounds of what they had learned.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The combination + of education and administration had one particular very stabilizing + effect upon Chinese society. <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> It made literacy and rulership identical. + Every educated man was either a government official or expected to + become one. There was no hostile scholar class, no break with the + tradition. Struggle between scholars generally took the form of + conflicts between cliques and were not founded—except in rare + instances—on any cleavage of ideas. The Throne secured its own + position and the continuity of the ideology through establishing + intellectuality as a government monopoly. The consequences of the + educational-administrative system fostered democratic tendencies + quite as much as they tended to maintain the status quo. The + scholars were all men, and Chinese, owing allegiance to families + and to native districts. In this manner a form of representation + was assured the government which kept it from losing touch with the + people, and which permitted the people to exercise influence upon + the government in the advancement of any special interests that + could profit by government assistance. The educational system also + served as the substitute for a nobility. Hereditary class + distinctions existed in China on so small a scale that they + amounted to nothing. The way to power was through the educational + hierarchy.<a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href= + "#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> In a + society <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg + 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + which offered no financial or military short cuts to power, and + which had no powerful nobility to block the way upward, the + educational system provided an upward channel of social mobility + which was highly important in the organization of the Chinese world + order.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The scholars, + once they had passed the examinations, were given either + subsistence allowances or posts, according to the rank which they + had secured in the tests. (This was, of course, the theory; in + actuality bribery and nepotism played rôles varying with the time + and the locality.) They made up the administration of the civilized + world. They were not only the officials but the literati.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be + impossible even to enumerate the many posts and types of + organization in the administration of imperial China.<a id= + "noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a> Its + most conspicuous features may be enumerated as follows: China + consisted of half a million cities, towns, villages, and hamlets, + each to a large extent autonomous.<a id="noteref_47" name= + "noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a> These + were divided among, roughly, two thousand <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, in each of which an + over-burdened District Magistrate sought to carry out all the + recognized functions of government in so far as they applied to his + locality. He did this largely by negotiation with the <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> leaders of the social groups in his + bailiwick, the heads of families, the elders of villages, the + functionaries of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>. He was + supervised by a variety of travelling prefects and superintendents, + but the next officer above him who possessed a high degree of + independence was the viceroy or governor—whichever type happened to + rule the province or group of provinces. Except for their + non-hereditability, these last offices were to all intents and + purposes satrapies. The enormous extent of the Chinese civilized + world, the difficulty of communicating with the capital, the + cumbersomeness of the administrative organization, the rivalry and + unfriendliness between the inhabitants of various provinces—all + these encouraged independence of a high degree. If Chinese society + was divided into largely autonomous communes, the Chinese political + system was made up of largely autonomous provinces. Everywhere + there was elasticity.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the top of + the whole structure stood the Emperor. In the mystical doctrines + which Confucianism transmitted from the animism of the feudal ages + of China, the Emperor was the intermediary between the forces of + nature and mankind. The Son of Heaven became the chief ritualist; + in more sophisticated times he was the patron of civilization to + the scholars, and the object of supernatural veneration to the + uneducated. His function was to provide a constant pattern of + propriety. He was to act as chief of the scholars. To the scholars + the ideology was recognized as an ideology, albeit the most exact + one; to the common people it was an objective reality of thought + and value. As the dictates of reason were not subject to change, + the power and the functions of the Emperor were delimited; he was + not, therefore, responsible to himself alone. He was responsible to + reason, which the people could enforce when the Emperor failed. + Popular intervention was regarded as <span lang="la" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">de + jure</span></span> in proportion to its effectiveness <span lang= + "la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style= + "font-style: italic">de facto</span></span>. The Imperial structure + might be called, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg + 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + in Western terms, the constitutionalism of common sense.<a id= + "noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a> The + Dragon Throne did not enjoy the mysterious and awful prestige which + surrounds the modern Tenno of Nippon; although sublime in the + Confucian theory, it was, even in the theory, at the mercy of its + subjects, who were themselves the arbiters of reason. There was no + authority higher than reason; and no reason beyond the reason + discovered and made manifest in the ages of antiquity.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a> <a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Impact of the West.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mere physical + shock could not derange the old Chinese society as easily as it + might some other, dependent for its stability upon complex, fragile + political mechanisms. China was over-run many times by barbarians; + the continuity of its civilization was undisturbed. Each group of + conquerors added to the racial composition of the Chinese, but + contributed little to the culture. The Ch'in, the Mongols, the + Manchus—all ruled China as Chinese rulers.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This strength of + the Chinese society—in contrast to the Roman—must not, however, + lead us to suppose that there were any extraordinary virtues in the + Chinese social organization that made Chinese civilization + indestructible. On the contrary, the continued life of the Chinese + society may be ascribed, among others, to four conditions acting + definitely and overwhelmingly in its favor: China's greater + physical extent, homogeneity, wealth, and culture.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">No barbarian + conqueror, with the possible exception of the Mongol, would have + been a match for an orderly and <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> united China. Without exception, the + barbarian incursions occurred in times of social and political + disorder and weakness. That this is no freakish coincidence, may be + shown by the contrast between China and any of the peripheral + realms. None approached China in extent, in heaviness of + population. Conquest of China was always conquest by sufferance of + the Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second, China's + neighbors were divided among themselves. There was never any + coalition extensive enough to present a genuine threat to a + thriving China. The Chinese, in spite of diversities of spoken + language, were united—so far as they were literate—by a common + writing and literature; the common ideology had, moreover, fostered + an extreme sympathy of thought and behavior among the Chinese. + Persons speaking mutually unintelligible dialects, of different + racial composition, and in completely different economic and + geographical environments displayed—and, for all that, still + display in modern times—an uncanny uniformity of social + conditioning. China faced barbarians on many fronts; China was + coördinated, homogeneous; the barbarians of North and South did + not, in all probability, know anything of each other's existence, + except what they heard from the Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, China's + wealth was a socially fortifying factor. In all Eastern Asia, no + other society or form of social organization appeared which could + produce a higher scale of living. The Chinese were always + materially better off than their neighbors, with the possible + exception of the Koreans and Japanese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, Eastern + Asia was Chinese just as Europe was Graeco-Roman. The peripheral + societies all owed a great part, if not all, of their culture to + the Chinese. China's conquerors were already under the spell of + Chinese civilization when they swept down upon it. None of them + were anxious to destroy the heritage of science, arts, and + invention which the Chinese had developed.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With these + advantages in mind, it is easy to understand the peculiarity of the + Westerners, as contrasted with the other peoples whom the Chinese + met and fought. The formidable physical power of the Chinese was, + after the first few decades of intercourse, seen to be quite + unequal to the superior military technique of the West. The + Westerners, although different from one another at home, tended to + appear as united in the Far East. In any case, Chinese unity + availed little in the face of greater military power. The economic + factor, while a great attraction to the Westerners, was no + inducement to them to become Chinese; they were willing to gain + Chinese wealth, and dreamed of conquering it, but not of making + wealth in the Chinese manner. And lastly, and most importantly, the + Westerners presented a culture of their own which—after the first + beginnings of regular intercourse—was quite well able to hold its + own against the Chinese.<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href= + "#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To the utter + certainty of the Chinese way of life, the Westerners presented the + equally unshakable dogma of Christianity. They regarded the + Chinese—as did the Chinese them—as outlanders on the edge of the + known world. They exhibited, in short, almost the same attitude + toward the Chinese that the Chinese had toward barbarians. + Consequently, each group regarded the other as perverse. The chief + distinction between the Chinese and the Westerners lay in the fact + that the Chinese would in all probability have been satisfied if + the West had minded its own business, while the West, feverish with + expansionism, cajoled and fought for the right to come, trade, and + teach.<a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href= + "#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At times, the + two races met on agreeable and equal terms. The Jesuit missionaries + ingratiated themselves with the Chinese and, by respecting Chinese + culture, won a certain admiration for their own. The eighteenth + century in Europe was the century of <span class= + "tei tei-foreign"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chinoiserie</span></span>, when Chinese models + exercised a profound influence on the fine and domestic arts of + Europe.<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href= + "#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a> The + great upsurge of economic power in the period of the European + industrial revolution led to increased self-assurance on the part + of the Europeans. The new standards of value alienated them from + those features of Chinese culture which the eighteenth century had + begun to appreciate, and placed them in a position to sell to the + Chinese as well as buy. More and more the economic position of the + two societies changed about; the Westerners had come to purchase + the superior artizan-made goods of China, giving in exchange metals + or raw materials. A tendency now developed for them to sell their + own more cheaply, and, in some cases, better manufactured products + to the Chinese. The era of good feeling and mutual appreciation, + which had never been very strong, now drew to a close.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The vassal + states of China were conquered. The British fought the Chinese on + several occasions, and conquered each time. The full extent of + Western military superiority was revealed in the capture of Peking + in 1860, and in the effectiveness—entirely disproportionate to + their numbers—that Western-trained Imperial troops had in + suppressing the Chinese T'ai-p'ing rebels.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun Yat-sen + was a boy, the country was afire with fear and uncertainty. + Barbarians who could neither be absorbed nor defeated had appeared. + Instead of adopting Chinese thought and manners, they were + vigorously teaching their own to the Chinese. The traditional + Chinese mechanisms of defense against barbarians were not + working.<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href= + "#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a> + Something was vitally wrong. The Chinese could not be persuaded, as + some other non-European peoples conquered in the age of Western + world-dominion seem to have been, that all error lay with + themselves, and that their own ideology was not worth the saving; + nor could they, in face of the unfortunate facts, still believe + that they themselves were completely right, or, at least, that + their own notions of rightness were completely expedient. In view + of the pragmatic foundations of the whole Chinese ideology and way + of life, the seriousness of these consequences cannot be + over-estimated. Little wonder that China was disturbed! The + pragmatic, realistic method of organization that the Chinese had + had, no longer worked in a new environment rising, as it were, from + the sea.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Western + impact, consequently, affected China in two ways. In the first + place, the amorphous Chinese society was threatened and dictated to + by the strong, clearly organized states of the West. In the second + place, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg + 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + the introduction of disharmonious values from the West destroyed, + in large part, that appearance of universality, upon which the + effectiveness of the Chinese ideology depended, and shocked Chinese + thought and action until even their first premises seemed + doubtful.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This, in short, + was the dilemma of the Chinese at the advent of Sun Yat-sen. His + life was to be dedicated to its solution; it is his analyses that + are to be studied in the explanation of the Chinese society in the + modern world.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a> <a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Continuing Significance of the + Background.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Before + proceeding to the exposition of Sun Yat-sen's theories and + programs, it is necessary that a superlatively important + consideration be emphasized: namely, that Sun Yat-sen was a + Chinese, that the nation he worked for was China, and that the + intellectual and social background of his labors was one completely + different from that of the Euramerican world. A great part of the + vaporous disputation which has hidden Chinese politics in a cloud + of words has been the consequence of the ignoring, by Westernized + Chinese as well as by Westerners, of the monumental fact that China + is in only a few respects comparable to the West, and that the + ideas and methods of the West lose the greater part of their + relevance when applied to the Chinese milieu. Political + dialecticians in China split Marxian hairs as passionately and + sincerely as though they were in nineteenth-century Germany.<a id= + "noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen, though accused of this fantastic fault by some of + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name= + "Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> his adversaries, + was—as his theories show upon close examination—much less + influenced by Western thought than is commonly supposed to be the + case, and in applying Western doctrines to Chinese affairs was apt + to look upon this as a fortunate coincidence, instead of assuming + the universal exactness of recent Western social and political + thought.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the + features of the Chinese background that must be remembered in order + to throw a just light upon the beliefs of Sun Yat-sen? Primarily, + it must have become apparent, from the foregoing discussion of + Confucianism and the old social order, that China, under the + leadership of Sun Yat-sen, was beginning to draw away from an order + of things which the West—or at least a part of the West—aspires to + achieve: a world-society in which the state had withered away. This + ideal, while never completely realized in China, was perhaps more + closely attained than it has ever been in any other society. Modern + actualities led away from this ideal. The West, dreaming of world + unity, was divided and armed; China too had to abandon the old + notions of universal peace, and arm. The West, seeking social + stability, was mobile; China too had to move.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old society + was in its controls totalitarian. Diffuse and extensive controls + operated fairly evenly throughout the system. The West possessed a + state system which was fundamentally different. By limiting the + range of law to the reinforcement of certain particular <span lang= + "la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style= + "font-style: italic">mores</span></span>, the Westerners were able + to obtain a terrific concentration of political power within the + sphere of what they conceived to be legitimate state control. On + the other hand the presence of a large number of activities not + subject to state control led individuals to cherish their freedom—a + freedom which in most cases did not impair the military and + political effectiveness of the state in external + action.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg + 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Since Fascism + seeks to reëstablish order and certainty, as does Communism + (although an order and certainty of a different kind), by the + extension of state activities; and since Sun Yat-sen proposed to + improve the political position of China by developing a modern + state (of narrow, but intense activities in contrast to the loose + general controls of the old society), the drift in China may be + regarded, in this respect, as Fascism in reverse. Beginning with + the same premises—the regeneration of the nation—Mussolini was led + to a course of policy diametrically opposite to that plotted by Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even, however, + with his plans for developing a <span class="tei tei-q">“machine + state”</span> in a society where states had long since perished, + Sun Yat-sen did not propose to destroy Chinese morality and + non-political discipline for the sake of instituting a sharp + juristic law-and-order organization. He was anxious that the old + Chinese morality and social knowledge be applied. In this, he + differed from most of the other modern leaders of China, who were + for veneering China with a Parliament and police without delay. Sun + Yat-sen realized that a state was necessary in China, and hoped to + establish one; he also hoped that, beyond the limits of the new + state activity, individualism and disorder would not come to + prevail, but that the old controls would continue to operate.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accordingly, Sun + Yat-sen's thought cannot be studied as a mere offshoot of recent + Western thought. It must be realized that he proposed two ends + which, of all the countries of the world, would be mutually + compatible only in China: the development of a state, and the full + continuation of non-political controls.<a id="noteref_54" name= + "noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In fostering the + continuation of ideological control, Sun Yat-sen hoped to modify + the old ideology so that it would become applicable to the new + situations. As will be made clear later, he was redefining the old + world-view so that, without disturbing the consequences to which it + would lead, it might apply in a novel and unprecedentedly disturbed + world. He was, in short, switching the premises and trying to + preserve the conclusions, modifying the actual behavior of the + Chinese only in so far as it was necessary for the purpose of + strengthening and invigorating the whole body politic of China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Another strain + of the ancient thought penetrates Sun Yat-sen's theories. + Ideological control was not to the Confucians, as some Marxian + critics aver,<a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href= + "#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a> a + rather naïve duplicity by which the gentry of China could maintain + themselves in power indefinitely. Confucius can not be accused, + save on the basis of unwarrantable reading-in, of insincerity in + his teaching of order. He was conservative, and knew what he was + doing, in seeking for the general self-discipline of men, and the + rule of precept and virtue; but to believe that he desired one + public philosophy and another private one goes beyond the realm of + historically justifiable interpretation. An ideology may, of + course, be deceptive to its promulgators, but the absence of any + genuine class-society—as known in the West—must serve as a + testimonial to the sincerity of Confucian teachings. The Confucian + ideology was to the ancients not only an instrument for good; it + was common sense.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg + 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not, as a Western leader in his position might have done, seek to + befuddle the masses for their own good. Since he proposed to + entrust China's destinies to the votes of the masses, he could + scarcely have believed them liable to fall victims to deceit over a + great length of time. In teaching of the race-nation, and of the + nature of Chinese society, Sun Yat-sen was telling the people what + it would be good for them to believe; it was good for them because + it was the truth—that is, most in accord with the actual situation + of China in the general society of the world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Few today would + dare say what is really in the minds of European leaders such as + Stalin, Mussolini, and Hitler. These men may themselves believe + what they say; or, not believing it, say it nevertheless because + they think it the right thing for the masses, in the masses' own + interests, to believe. Their respective enemies accuse them of + saying what they do in order to mislead the masses and to dominate + the masses for hidden purposes of their own. No such accusation has + been levelled against Sun Yat-sen. Apart from his personal + sincerity, his belief in the qualities of the common people was + such that he did not consider it necessary to deceive them, even + for their own good.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Consequently, in + dealing with the various doctrines that Sun preached, it must be + remembered that he himself believed what he was saying. He did not + merely think that the people should regard the Chinese society as a + race-nation; he thought that China <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">was</span></em> a + race-nation. The modifications of the Confucian philosophy were to + be contemplated, as was the original philosophy, as pragmatically + true.<a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href= + "#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These two + factors must be reckoned with—that Sun Yat-sen was teaching and + working in the Chinese milieu, and that his ideology was an + ideology not in the older pejorative sense of the word, which + connoted duplicity, but an ideology in the sense of a scheme of + exact knowledge which, by its very truthfulness, was a political + and social instrument.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name= + "Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc27" id="toc27"></a> <a name="pdf28" id="pdf28"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter II The Theory of + Nationalism.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc29" id="toc29"></a> <a name="pdf30" id="pdf30"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Emergence of the Chinese + Race-Nation.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It could, at + first thought, be supposed that the reconstruction of Chinese + society might have been necessitated by internal weakness just as + much as by a changed environment. The process of organizing and + developing a tight, clear scheme of political control organizations + within the society (stateification), and delimiting the extent and + aims of the society (nationalism) were the chief characteristics of + this reconstruction.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only by + means of a disregard of actual conditions that the supposition of + an internal weakness so great as to require radical change can be + maintained. While the latter days of the Manchu Empire represented + a decline, it was a decline no more serious than others through + which Chinese culture had passed and resurged many times in its + history. It is still a debatable matter as to whether China had + actually become intellectually and artistically sterile during this + period. In any event, it is questionable whether the completely + revolutionary reorganization of Chinese society—of the type that + Sun Yat-sen found it necessary to support—would have been either + worth-while or probable in the absence of Euramerican aggression, + and the appearance, all about China, of a new, hostile, and + unstable environment. If it had not been for the impact of the West + it is conceivable—although all comment on this must remain mere + speculation—that a social revolution such as those which occurred + under Wang Mang (usurper-founder of the unrecognized Hsin Dynasty, + 9-25 A.D.), Wang An-shih (prime minister, 1069-1076 A.D., under the + Sung dynasty), or Hung Hsiu-ch'üan (founder of the rebel T'ai P'ing + dynasty, 1849-1865), <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg + 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + might have adjusted matters by a general redistribution of wealth + and administrative reorganization.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In his earliest + agitations Sun Yat-sen was opposed to the Manchus.<a id= + "noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a> In + this connection he developed a peculiar and interesting theory + concerning nationalism. He held, briefly, that the Chinese had, at + the noon-day glory of their Empire, fallen under the lure of a + cosmopolitanism which was not in accord with the realities of + political existence. It was this lack of distinction between + themselves and outsiders which had permitted hundreds of millions + of Chinese to fall prey to one hundred thousand Manchus in the + early seventeenth century,<a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58" + href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a> with + the consequence that the Manchus, once on the throne of China, made + every effort to erase their barbarian origin from the minds of the + Chinese, and, with this end in view, did everything possible, as + modern Japan is doing in Korea, to destroy the national + consciousness of the Chinese.<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59" + href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a> China, + to Sun Yat-sen, had always been a nation, but its inhabitants did + not believe it a nation. They had lost the precious treasure of + nationalism. Without contradicting Sun Yat-sen, but differing from + him only in the use of words, Westerners might say that the Chinese + had once known nationalism as members of the antique Chinese + states, but had later formed—in the place of a nation—a + cosmopolitan society which comprehended the civilized world of + Eastern Asia.<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href= + "#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not blame Confucius for cosmopolitanism. There is, indeed, nowhere + in his works the implication that Confucianism was an evil in + itself, deserving destruction; why then did Sun Yat-sen believe + that, even though the old ideology was not invalid for the + organization of China internally, the old world-view had broken + down as an effective instrument for the preservation of China?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First of all, + Sun stated, in terms more general than did the ancients, the + necessity of establishing the ideology on the basis of pragmatism. + He stated:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">We cannot say in general that ideas, + as ideas, are good or bad. We must judge whether, when put into + practice, they prove useful to us or not. If they are of practical + value to us, they are good; if they are impractical, they are bad. + If they are useful to the world, they are good; if they are not + useful to the world, they are not good.</span><a id="noteref_61" + name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name= + "Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He states, also, + that if the Chinese race is to survive, it must adopt nationalism. + <span class="tei tei-q">“... if we now want to save China, if we + wish to see the Chinese race survive forever, we must preach + Nationalism.”</span><a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href= + "#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a> + Hitherto they had been no more conscious of race than were the + Europeans of the middle ages. To be sure, they were barbarians, + whose features were strange; but the Chinese were not conscious of + themselves as a racial unity in competition and conflict with other + equal or superior racial unities. The self-consciousness of the + Chinese was a cultural rather than a racial one, and the + juxtaposition that presented itself to the Chinese mind was between + <span class="tei tei-q">“Ourselves of the Central Realm”</span> and + <span class="tei tei-q">“You the Outsiders.”</span><a id= + "noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen became intensely conscious of being a Chinese by + race,<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href= + "#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a> and so + did many other of his compatriots, by the extraordinary race-pride + of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">White Men</span></em> in China. In common with + many others of his generation, Sun Yat-sen turned to + race-consciousness as the name for Chinese solidarity.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There is nowhere + in his works, so far as the writer knows, any attempt to find a + value higher than the necessity of perpetuating the Chinese race. + Sun Yat-sen was a Chinese; his followers were Chinese; whatever + benefits they contemplated bestowing upon the world as a whole were + incidental to their work for a powerful and continued <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> China. At various times Sun Yat-sen and + his followers expressed sympathy with the whole world, with the + oppressed of the earth, or with all Asia, but the paramount drive + behind the new movement has been the defense and reconstruction of + China, no longer conceived of as a core-society maintaining the + flower of human civilization, but regarded as a race abruptly + plunged into the chaos of hostile and greedy nations.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Throughout his + life, Sun Yat-sen called China a nation. We may suppose that he + never thought that Chinese society need not necessarily be called a + nation, even in the modern world. What he did do, though, was to + conceive of China as a unique type of nation: a race-nation. He + stated that races could be distinguished by a study of physical + characteristics, occupation, language, religion and folkways or + customs.<a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href= + "#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a> + Dividing the world first into the usual old-style five primary + races (white, black, yellow, brown, and red), he divides these + races into sub-races in the narrow sense of the term. The Chinese + race, in the narrow sense of the term, is both a race and a nation. + The Anglo-Saxons are divided between England and America, the + Germans between Germany and Austria, the Latins among the + Mediterranean nations, and so forth; but China is at the same time + both the Chinese race and the Chinese nation. If the Chinese wish + their race to perpetuate itself forever, they must adopt and follow + the doctrine of Nationalism.<a id="noteref_66" name="noteref_66" + href="#note_66"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">66</span></span></a> + Otherwise China faces the tragedy of being "despoiled as a nation + and extinct as a race."<a id="noteref_67" name="noteref_67" href= + "#note_67"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">67</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen felt + that China was menaced and oppressed ethnically, politically and + economically. Ethnically, he believed that the extraordinary + population increase of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> white race within the past few centuries + represented a trend which, if not counterbalanced, would simply + result in the Chinese race being crowded off the earth. Politically + he observed that the Chinese dependencies had been alienated by the + Western powers and Japan; that China was at the mercy of any + military nation that chose to attack; that it was a temporary + deadlock between the conquering powers rather than any strength of + China that prevented, at least for the time being, the partition of + China and that a diplomatic attack, which could break the deadlock + of the covetous states, would be even more deadly and drastic than + simple military attack.<a id="noteref_68" name="noteref_68" href= + "#note_68"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">68</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It must be + remembered that Sun Yat-sen saw a nation while the majority of his + compatriots still envisioned the serene, indestructible society of + the Confucians. Others may have realized that the Western impact + was more than a frontier squabble on a grand scale; they may have + thought it to have assumed epic proportions. But Sun Yat-sen, + oppressed by his superior knowledge of the Western nations, + obtained at the cost of considerable sympathy with them, struggled + desperately to make his countrymen aware of the fact, irrefutable + to him, that China was engaged in a conflict different not only in + degree but in kind from any other in Chinese history. The Great + Central Realm had become simply China. Endangered and yet supine, + it faced the imperative necessity of complete reconstitution, with + the bitter alternative of decay and extinction—a race tragedy to be + compounded of millions of individual tragedies. And yet + reconstitution could not be of a kind that would itself be a + surrender and treason to the past; China must fit itself for the + modern <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg + 064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + world, and nevertheless be China. This was the dilemma of the + Chinese world-society, suddenly become a nation. Sun Yat-sen's life + and thought were devoted to solving it.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc31" id="toc31"></a> <a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Necessity of + Nationalism.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An abstract + theorist might observe that the Chinese, finding their loose-knit + but stable society surrounded by compact and aggressive nations, + might have solved the question of the perpetuation of Chinese + society in the new environment by one of two expedients: first, by + nationalizing, as it were, their non-national civilization; or + second, by launching themselves into a campaign against the system + of nations as such. The second alternative does not seem to have + occurred to Sun Yat-sen. Though he never ventured upon any complete + race-war theory, he was nevertheless anxious to maintain the + self-sufficient power of China as it had been until the advent of + the West. In his negotiations with the Communists, for example, + neither he nor they suggested—as might have been done in harmony + with communist theory—the fusion of China and the Soviet Union + under a nuclear world government. We may assume with a fair degree + of certainty that, had a suggestion been made, Sun Yat-sen would + have rejected it with mistrust if not indignation. He had spent a + great part of his life in the West. He knew, therefore, the + incalculable gulf between the civilizations, and was unwilling to + entrust the destinies of China to persons other than Chinese.<a id= + "noteref_69" name="noteref_69" href="#note_69"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">69</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Once the + possibility of a successful counter-attack upon the system of + nations is discounted, nationalism is seen as the sole solution to + China's difficulties. It must, however, be understood that, whereas + nationalism in the West implies an intensification of the already + definite national consciousness of the peoples, nationalism in + China might mean only as little as the introduction of such an + awareness of nationality. Nationalism in China might, as a matter + of logic, include the possibility of improved personal relations + between the Chinese and the nationals of other states since, on the + one hand, the Chinese would be relieved of an intolerable sense of + humiliation in the face of Western power, and, on the other, be + disabused of any archaic notions they might retain concerning + themselves as the sole civilized people of the earth.<a id= + "noteref_70" name="noteref_70" href="#note_70"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">70</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A brief + historical reference may explain the apparent necessity of + nationalism in China. In the nineteenth century <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> foreigners in China generally suffered + reverses when they came into conflict with a village, a family, or + a guild. But when they met the government, they were almost always + in a position to bully it. It was commonly of little or no concern + to the people what their government did to the barbarians; the + whole affair was too remote to be much thought about. We find, for + example, that the British had no trouble in obtaining labor + auxiliaries in Canton to fight with the British troops against the + Imperial government at Peking in 1860; it is quite probable that + these Cantonese, who certainly did not think that they were + renegades, had no anti-dynastic intentions. Chinese served the + foreign enemies of China at various times as quasi-military + constabulary, and served faithfully. Before the rise of Chinese + nationalism it was not beyond possibility that China would be + partitioned into four or five colonies appurtenant to the various + great powers and that the Chinese in each separate colony, if + considerately and tactfully treated, would have become quite loyal + to their respective foreign masters. The menace of such + possibilities made the need of Chinese nationalism very real to Sun + Yat-sen; the passing of time may serve further to vindicate his + judgment.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + nationalism, though most vividly clear when considered as a + practical expedient of social engineering, may also be regarded + more philosophically as a derivation of, or at least having an + affinity with, certain older ideas of the Chinese. Confucian + thinking, as re-expressed in Western terms, implants in the + individual a sense of his responsibility to all humanity, united in + space and time. Confucianism stressed the solidarity of humanity, + continuous, immortal, bound together by the closest conceivable + ties—blood relationships. Sun Yat-sen's nationalism may represent a + narrowing of this conception, and the substitution of the modern + Chinese race <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg + 067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + for Confucian humanity. In fairness to Sun Yat-sen it must, + however, be admitted that he liked to think, in Christian and + Confucian terms, of the brotherhood of man; one of his favorite + expressions was <span class="tei tei-q">“under heaven all men shall + work for the common good.”</span><a id="noteref_71" name= + "noteref_71" href="#note_71"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">71</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nationalism was + to Sun Yat-sen the prime condition of his movement and of his other + principles. The Communists of the West regard every aspect of their + lives significant only in so far as it is instrumental in the class + struggle. Sun Yat-sen, meeting them, was willing to use the term + <span class="tei tei-q">“class struggle”</span> as an instrument + for Chinese nationalism. He thought of China, of the vital and + immediate necessity of defending and strengthening China, and + sacrificed everything to the effectuation of a genuine nationalism. + To him only nationalism could tighten, organize, and clarify the + Chinese social system so that China, whatever it was to be, might + not be lost.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The early + philosophers of China, looking upon a unicultural world, saw social + organization as the supreme criterion of civilization and humanity. + Sun Yat-sen, in a world of many mutually incomprehensible and + hostile cultures saw nationalism (in the sense of race solidarity) + as the supreme condition for the survival of the race-nation China. + Democracy and social welfare were necessary to the stability and + effectiveness of this nationalism, but the preservation and + continuation of the race-nation was always to remain the prime + desideratum.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc33" id="toc33"></a> <a name="pdf34" id="pdf34"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Return to the Old + Morality.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + quite unequivocally stated the necessity for establishing a new + Nationalist ideology in order to effectuate the purposes of China's + regeneration. He spoke of the two steps of ideological + reconstitution and political reconstitution <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“In + order today to restore our national standing we must, first of all, + revive the national spirit. But in order to revive the national + spirit, we must fulfill two conditions. First, we must realize that + we are at present in a very critical situation. Second ... we must + unite ... and form a large national association.”</span><a id= + "noteref_72" name="noteref_72" href="#note_72"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">72</span></span></a> He + evidently regarded the ideological reconstitution as anterior to + the political, although he adjusted the common development of the + two quite detailedly in his doctrine of tutelage.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He proposed + three ideological methods for the regeneration of China, which + might again make the Chinese the leading society (nation) of the + world. There were: first, the return to the ancient Chinese + morality; second, the return to the ancient Chinese learning; and + third, the adoption of Western science.<a id="noteref_73" name= + "noteref_73" href="#note_73"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">73</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + never-shaken belief in the applicability of the ancient Chinese + ethical system, and in the wisdom of old China in social + organization, is such that of itself it prevents his being regarded + as a mere imitator of the West, a barbarized Chinese returning to + barbarize his countrymen. His devotion to Confucianism was so great + that Richard Wilhelm, the greatest of German sinologues, wrote of + him: <span class="tei tei-q">“The greatness of Sun Yat-sen rests, + therefore, upon the fact that he has found a living synthesis + between the fundamental principles of Confucianism and the demands + of modern times, a synthesis which, beyond the borders of China, + can again become significant to all humanity. Sun Yat-sen combined + in himself the brazen consistency of a revolutionary and the great + love of humanity of a renewer. Sun Yat-sen has been the kindest of + all the revolutionaries of mankind. And this kindness <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> was taken by him from the heritage of + Confucius. Hence his intellectual work stands as a connecting + bridge between the old and the modern ages. And it will be the + salvation of China, if it determinedly treads that + bridge.”</span><a id="noteref_74" name="noteref_74" href= + "#note_74"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">74</span></span></a> And + Tai Chi-tao, one of Sun Yat-sen's most respected followers, had + said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen was the only one among + all the revolutionaries who was not an enemy to Confucius; Sun + Yat-sen himself said that his ideas embodied China, and that they + were derived from the ideas of Confucius.”</span><a id="noteref_75" + name="noteref_75" href="#note_75"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">75</span></span></a> The + invocation of authorities need not be relied upon to demonstrate + the importance of Sun Yat-sen's demand for ideological + reconstruction upon the basis of a return to the traditional + morality; he himself stated his position in his sixth lecture on + nationalism: <span class="tei tei-q">“If we now wish to restore to + our nation its former position, besides uniting all of us into a + national body, we must also first revive our own ancient morality; + when we have achieved that, we can hope to give back to our nation + the position which she once held.”</span><a id="noteref_76" name= + "noteref_76" href="#note_76"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">76</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the + chief elements of the old morality? These are: 1) loyalty and + filial piety, 2) humanity and charity, 3) faithfulness and justice, + and 4) peace. These four, however, are all expressions of + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">humanity</span></em>, to which <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">knowledge</span></em> <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">valor</span></em> must be joined, and + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">sincerity</span></em> employed in expressing + them.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The problem of + loyalty was one very difficult to solve. Under the Empire it was + easy enough to consider the Emperor as the father of the great + society, and to teach loyalty to him. This was easy to grasp, even + for the simplest mind. Sun Yat-sen urged loyalty to the people, and + loyalty to duty, as successors to the loyalty once owed to the + sovereign. He deplored the tendency, which appeared in Republican + times, for the masses to assume that since there was no more + Emperor, there was no more loyalty; and it has, since the passing + of Sun Yat-sen, been one of the efforts of the Nationalists to + build up a tradition of loyalty to the spirit of Sun Yat-sen as the + timeless and undying leader of modern China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + also deeply devoted to filial piety in China, which was—in the old + philosophy—simply a manifestation, in another direction, of the + same virtue as loyalty. He called filial piety indispensable, and + was proud that none of the Western nations had ever approached the + excellence of the Chinese in this virtue.<a id="noteref_77" name= + "noteref_77" href="#note_77"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">77</span></span></a> At the + time that he said this, Sun Yat-sen was accused of being a virtual + Communist, and of having succumbed to the lure of Soviet doctrines. + It is at least a little strange that a man supposedly infatuated + with Marxism should praise that most conservative of all virtues: + filial piety!</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen then + commented on each of the other virtues, pointing out their + excellence in old China, and their necessity to modern China. In + the case of faithfulness, for example, he cited the traditional + reliability of the Chinese in commercial honor. Concerning justice, + he pointed out that the Chinese political technique was one + fundamentally just; an instance of the application of this was + Korea, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg + 071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + which was-allowed to enjoy peace and autonomy as a Chinese vassal + state for centuries, and then was destroyed shortly after becoming + a Japanese protectorate. Chinese faithfulness and justice were + obviously superior to that of the Japanese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In politics the + two most important contributions of the old morality to the + Nationalist ideology of Sun Yat-sen were (1) the doctrine of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, and (2) the social + interpretation of history.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Wang tao</span></span> is the way of kings—the + way of right as opposed to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa + tao</span></span>, the way of might. It consisted, in the old + ideology, of the course of action of the kingly man, who ruled in + harmony with nature and did not violate the established proprieties + of mankind. Sun Yat-sen's teachings afford us several applications + of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>. In + the first place, a group which has been formed by the forces of + nature is a race; it has been formed according to <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>. A group which has been + organized by brute force is a state, and is formed by <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span>. The Chinese Empire was + built according to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang + tao</span></span>; the British Empire by <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa + tao</span></span>. The former was a natural organization of a + homogeneous race; the latter, a military outrage against the + natural order of mankind.<a id="noteref_78" name="noteref_78" href= + "#note_78"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">78</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Wang tao</span></span> is also seen in the + relation between China and her vassal states, a benevolent + relationship which stood in sharp contrast, at times, though not + always, to the methods later to be used by the Europeans in + Asia.<a id="noteref_79" name="noteref_79" href= + "#note_79"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">79</span></span></a> + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name= + "Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Again, economic + development on a basis of the free play of economic forces was + regarded as <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span> by Sun + Yat-sen, even though its consequences might be adverse. <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Pa tao</span></span> appeared only when the + political was employed to do violence to the economic.<a id= + "noteref_80" name="noteref_80" href="#note_80"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">80</span></span></a> This + doctrine of good and bad aspects of economic relationships stands + in distinct contrast to the Communist theory. He believed that the + political was frequently employed to bring about unjust + international economic relationships, and extenuated adverse + economic conditions simply because they were the free result of the + operations of a <span lang="fr" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "fr"><span style="font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span> + economy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Economically, + the interpretation of history was, according to Sun Yat-sen, to be + performed through the study of consumption, and not of the means of + production. In this he was indebted to Maurice William—at least in + part.<a id="noteref_81" name="noteref_81" href= + "#note_81"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">81</span></span></a> The + social interpretation of history is, however, associated not only + with economic matters, but with the ancient Chinese moral system as + well. Tai Chi-tao, whose work has most clearly demonstrated the + relationship between Confucianism and Sunyatsenism, points out in + his diagram of Sun Yat-sen's ethical system that <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">humanity</span></em> (<span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>) was to Sun Yat-sen the key + to the interpretation of history. We have already seen that + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is the doctrine of social + consciousness, of awareness of membership in society.<a id= + "noteref_82" name="noteref_82" href="#note_82"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">82</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen, according to Tai Chi-tao, regarded man's development as a + social animal, the development of his humanity, as the key to + history. This would include, of course, among other things, his + methods of production <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg + 073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + and of consumption. The distinction between Sun Yat-sen and the + Western Marxian thinkers lies in the fact that the latter trace + their philosophical genealogy back through the main currents of + Western philosophy, while Sun Yat-sen derives his from Confucius. + Nothing could be further from dialectical materialism than the + socio-ethical interpretation that Sun Yat-sen developed from the + Confucian theories.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The rôle played + by the old Chinese morality in the ideology of Sun Yat-sen is, it + is apparent, an important one. First, Sun Yat-sen believed that + Chinese nationalism and the regeneration of the Chinese people had + to be based on the old morality of China, which was superior to any + other morality that the world had known, and which was among the + treasures of the Chinese people. Second, he believed that, in + practical politics as well as national ideology, the application of + the old virtues would be fruitful in bringing about the development + of a strong China. Third, he derived the idea of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, the right, the royal, + the natural way, from antiquity. He pointed out that violence to + the established order—of race, as in the case of the British + Empire, of economics, as in the case of the political methods of + imperialism—was directly antithetical to the natural, peaceful way + of doing things that had led to the supreme greatness of China in + past ages. Fourth, he employed the doctrine of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, of social-consciousness, + which had already been used, by the Confucians, and formed the + cornerstone of their teaching, as the key to his interpretation. In + regard to the individual, this was, as we have seen, consciousness + of social orientation; with regard to the group, it was the + development of strength and harmony. It has also been translated + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">humanity</span></span>, which broadly and + ethically, carries the value scheme with which <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> is connected.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even this heavy + indebtedness to Chinese antiquity in adopting and adapting the + morality of the ancients for <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> the salvation of their children in the modern + world, was not the total of Sun Yat-sen's political traditionalism. + He also wished to renew the ancient Chinese knowledge, especially + in the fields of social and political science. Only after these did + he desire that Western technics be introduced.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc35" id="toc35"></a> <a name="pdf36" id="pdf36"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Return to the Ancient + Knowledge.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + doctrine of the return to the ancient Chinese knowledge may be + divided into three parts. First, he praised the ancient Chinese + superiority in the field of social science, but distinctly stressed + the necessity of Western knowledge in the field of the physical and + applied sciences alone.<a id="noteref_83" name="noteref_83" href= + "#note_83"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">83</span></span></a> + Second, he pointed out the many practical accomplishments of the + ancient Chinese knowledge, and the excellence and versatility of + Chinese invention.<a id="noteref_84" name="noteref_84" href= + "#note_84"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">84</span></span></a> Third, + his emphasis upon the development of talents in the material + sciences hints at, although it does not state, a theory of national + wealth based upon labor capacity.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + said, <span class="tei tei-q">“Besides reviving our ancient Chinese + morality, we must also revive our wisdom and ability.... If today + we want to revive our national spirit, we must revive not only the + morality which is proper to us, but we must revive also our own + knowledge.”</span><a id="noteref_85" name="noteref_85" href= + "#note_85"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">85</span></span></a> He + goes on to say that the peculiar excellence of the ancient Chinese + knowledge lay in the field of political philosophy, and states that + the Chinese political philosophy surpassed the Western, at least in + clearness.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He quotes + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Great + Learning</span></span> for the summation, in a few words, of the + highlights of this ancient Chinese social knowledge: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Investigate into things, attain the <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> utmost knowledge, make the thoughts + sincere, rectify the heart, cultivate the person, regulate the + family, govern the country rightly, pacify the world.”</span><a id= + "noteref_86" name="noteref_86" href="#note_86"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">86</span></span></a> This + is, as we have seen, what may be called the Confucian doctrine of + ideological control. Sun Yat-sen lavished praise upon it. + <span class="tei tei-q">“Such a theory, so detailed, minute, and + progressive, was neither discovered nor spoken of by any foreign + political philosopher. It is a peculiar intellectual treasure + pertaining to our political philosophy, which we must + preserve.”</span><a id="noteref_87" name="noteref_87" href= + "#note_87"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">87</span></span></a> The + endorsement is doubly significant. In the first place, it + demonstrates the fact that Sun Yat-sen thought of himself as a + rebuilder and not as a destroyer of the ancient Chinese culture, + and the traditional methods of organization and control. In the + second place, it points out that his Chinese background was most + clear to him, and that he was in his own mind the transmitter of + the Chinese heritage.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In speaking of + Chinese excellence in the field of the social science, Sun Yat-sen + did not confine his discussion to any one time. Whenever he + referred to a political theory, he mentioned its Chinese origin if + it were one of those known to Chinese antiquity: anarchism, + communism, democracy. He never attacked Chinese intellectual + knowledge for being what it was, but only for what it omitted: + physical science.<a id="noteref_88" name="noteref_88" href= + "#note_88"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">88</span></span></a> He was + undoubtedly more conservative than many of his contemporaries, who + were actually hostile to the inheritance.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The summary of + Sun Yat-sen's beliefs and position in respect to the ancient + intellectual knowledge is so well given by Tai Chi-tao that any + other statement would almost have to verge on paraphrase. Tai + Chi-tao wrote:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen (in his teachings) + completely includes the true ideas of China as they recur again and + again from Yao and Shun, Confucius and Mencius. It will be clear to + us, therefore, that Sun Yat-sen is the renewal of Chinese moral + culture, unbroken for two thousand years ... we can see that Sun + Yat-sen was convinced of the truth of his own words, and at the + same time we can also recognize that his national revolution was + based upon the re-awakening of Chinese culture. He wanted to call + the creative power of China to life again, and to make the value of + Chinese culture useful to the whole world, and in that way to + realize cosmopolitanism.</span><a id="noteref_89" name="noteref_89" + href="#note_89"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">89</span></span></a> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name= + "Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accordingly, Sun + Yat-sen's doctrines may not only be regarded as having been based + upon the tacit premises of the Chinese intellectual milieu, but as + having been incorporated in them as supports. Sun Yat-sen's + theories were, therefore, consciously as well as unconsciously + Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + proud of the accomplishment of the Chinese in physical and applied + knowledge. He praised Chinese craftsmanship and skill, and extolled + the talents of the people which had invented the mariner's compass, + printing, porcelain, gunpowder, tea, silks, arches, and suspension + bridges.<a id="noteref_90" name="noteref_90" href= + "#note_90"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">90</span></span></a> He + urged the revival of the talents of the Chinese, and the return of + material development. This teaching, in conjunction with his + advocacy of Western knowledge, leads to another suggestive + point.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + pointed out that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wealth</span></em> was to the modern Chinese + what <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">liberty</span></em> was to the Europeans of + the eighteenth century—the supreme condition of further + progress.<a id="noteref_91" name="noteref_91" href= + "#note_91"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">91</span></span></a> The + way to progress and wealth was through social reorganization, and + through the use of the capacities of the people. It may be + inferred, although it cannot be stated positively, that Sun Yat-sen + measured wealth not merely in metals or commodities, but in the + productive capacities of the country, which, as they depend upon + the labor skill of the workers, are in the last analysis cultural + and psychological rather than exclusively physical in nature.<a id= + "noteref_92" name="noteref_92" href="#note_92"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">92</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">China, following + the ancient morality, conscious of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> intellectual and social heritage, and of its + latent practical talents, needed only one more lesson to learn: the + need of Western science.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc37" id="toc37"></a> <a name="pdf38" id="pdf38"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Western Physical Science in the New + Ideology.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The third + element of the nationalist ideology proposed by Sun Yat-sen was the + introduction of Western science. It is upon this that his break + with the past arose; it is this that gives his ideology its + partially revolutionary character, for the ideology was, as we have + seen, strongly reconstitutional in two of its elements. Sun Yat-sen + was, however, willing to tear down if he could rebuild, and rebuild + with the addition of Western science. These questions immediately + arise: why did he wish to add Western science to the intellectual + background of modern China? what, in Western science, did he wish + to add? to what degree did he wish Western science to play its rôle + in the development of a new ideology for China?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not have to teach the addition of Western science to the Chinese + ideology. In his own lifetime the terrific swing from arrogant + self-assurance to abject imitativeness had taken place. Sun Yat-sen + said that the Boxer Rebellion was the last surge of the old Chinese + nationalism, <span class="tei tei-q">“But the war of 1900 was the + last manifestation of self-confidence thoughts and self-confidence + power on the part of the Chinese to oppose the new civilization of + Europe and of America.... They understood that the civilization of + Europe and of America was really much superior to the ancient + civilization of China.”</span><a id="noteref_93" name="noteref_93" + href="#note_93"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">93</span></span></a> He + added that this superiority was naturally evident in the matter of + armaments. This illustrates both consequences of the impact of the + West—the endangered position of the Chinese society, and the + consequent instability of the Chinese ideology.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not regard the introduction of Western science into Chinese life as + merely remedial in nature, but, on the contrary, saw much benefit + in it. This was especially clear to him as a physician; his + training led him to see the abominable practices of many of the + Chinese in matters of diet and hygiene.<a id="noteref_94" name= + "noteref_94" href="#note_94"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">94</span></span></a> He + made a sweeping claim of Western superiority, which is at the same + time a sharp limitation of it in fields which the conservative + European would be likely to think of as foremost—politics, ethics, + religion. <span class="tei tei-q">“Besides the matter of armaments, + the means of communication ... are far superior.... Moreover, in + everything else that relates to machinery or daily human labor, in + methods of agriculture, of industry, and of commerce, all (foreign) + methods by far surpass those of China.”</span><a id="noteref_95" + name="noteref_95" href="#note_95"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">95</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + pointed out the fact that while manuals of warfare become obsolete + in a very few years in the West, political ideas and institutions + do not. He cited the continuance of the same pattern of government + in the United States, and the lasting authority of the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Republic</span></span> of Plato, as examples + of the stagnation of the Western social sciences as contrasted with + physical sciences. Already prepossessed in favor of the Chinese + knowledge and morality in non-technical matters, he did not demand + the introduction of Western social methods as well. He had lived + long enough in the West to lose some of the West-worship that + characterized so many Chinese and Japanese of his generation. He + was willing, even anxious, that the experimental method, by itself, + be introduced into Chinese thought in all fields,<a id="noteref_96" + name="noteref_96" href="#note_96"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">96</span></span></a> but + not particularly impressed with the general superiority of Western + social thought.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg + 080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + own exposition of the reasons for his desiring to limit the rôle + played by Western science in China is quite clear.<a id= + "noteref_97" name="noteref_97" href="#note_97"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">97</span></span></a> In the + first place, Sun Yat-sen was vigorously in favor of adopting the + experimental method in attaining knowledge. He stood firmly for the + pragmatic foundation of knowledge, and for the exercise of the + greatest care and most strenuous effort in discovering it. + Secondly, he believed in taking over the physical knowledge of the + Westerners, although—in his emphasis on Chinese talent—he by no + means believed that Western physical knowledge would displace that + of the Chinese altogether. <span class="tei tei-q">“We can safely + imitate the material civilization of Europe and of America; we may + follow it blindly, and if we introduce it in China, it will make + good headway.”</span><a id="noteref_98" name="noteref_98" href= + "#note_98"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">98</span></span></a> + Thirdly, he believed that the social science of the West, and + especially its political philosophy, might lead the Chinese into + gross error, since it was derived from a quite different ideology, + and not relevant to Chinese conditions. <span class="tei tei-q">“It + would be a gross error on our part, if, disregarding our own + Chinese customs and human sentiments, we were to try to force upon + (our people) a foreign type of social government just as we copy a + foreign make of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg + 081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + machinery.”</span><a id="noteref_99" name="noteref_99" href= + "#note_99"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">99</span></span></a> + Fourthly, even apart from the difference between China and the West + which invalidated Western social science in China, he did not + believe that the West had attained to anything like the same + certainty in social science that it had in physical science.<a id= + "noteref_100" name="noteref_100" href="#note_100"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">100</span></span></a> + Fifthly, Sun Yat-sen believed that the Chinese should profit by + observing the experiments and theories of the West in regard to + social organization, without necessarily following them.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The great break + between Sun Yat-sen's acceptance of Western physical science and + his rejection of Western social science is demonstrated by his + belief that government is psychological in its foundations. + <span class="tei tei-q">“Laws of human government also constitute + an abstract piece of machinery—for that reason we speak of the + machinery of an organized government—but a material piece of + machinery is based on nature, whereas the immaterial machinery of + government is based on psychology.”</span><a id="noteref_101" name= + "noteref_101" href="#note_101"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">101</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen pointed out, although in different words, that government + was based upon the ideology and that the ideology of a society was + an element in the last analysis psychological, however much it + might be conditioned by the material environment.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of these three + elements—Chinese morality, Chinese social and political knowledge, + and Western physical science—the new ideology for the modern + Chinese society <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg + 082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + was to be formed. What the immediate and the ultimate forms of that + society were to be, remains to be studied.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc39" id="toc39"></a> <a name="pdf40" id="pdf40"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Consequences of the Nationalist + Ideology.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What are the + consequences of this Nationalistic ideology? What sort of society + did Sun Yat-sen envision? How much of it was to be Chinese, and how + much Western? Were the Chinese, like some modern Japanese, to take + pride in being simultaneously the most Eastern of Eastern nations + and the most Western of Western or were they to seek to remain + fundamentally what their ancestors had been for uncounted + centuries?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first + place, Sun Yat-sen's proposed ideology was, as we have seen, to be + composed of four elements. First, the essential core of the old + ideology, to which the three necessary revivifying elements were to + be added. This vast unmentioned foundation is highly significant to + the assessment of the nature of the new Chinese ideology. (It is + quite apparent that Sun Yat-sen never dreamed, as did the Russians, + of overthrowing the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">entire</span></em> traditional order of + things. His three modifications were to be added to the existing + Chinese civilization.) Second, he wished to revive the old + morality. Third, he desired to restore the ancient knowledge and + skill of the Chinese to their full creative energy. Fourth, he + desired to add Western science. The full significance of this must + be realized in a consideration of Chinese nationalism. Sun Yat-sen + did not, like the Meiji Emperor, desire to add the whole front of + Western culture; he was even further from emulating the Russians in + a destruction of the existing order and the development of an + entirely new system. His energies were directed to the purification + and reconstitution of the Chinese ideology by the strengthening of + its own latent moral and intellectual values, and by the innovation + of Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg + 083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + physical science and the experimental method. Of the range of the + ideology, of the indescribably complex intellectual conditionings + in which the many activities of the Chinese in their own + civilization were carried on, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify only + those which could be improved by a reaction to the excellencies of + Chinese antiquity, or benefited by the influence of Western + science. Sun Yat-sen was, as Wilhelm states, both a revolutionary + and a reconstitutionary. He was reconstitutionary in the ideology + which he proposed, and a revolutionary by virtue of the political + methods which he was willing to sanction and employ in carrying the + ideology into the minds of the Chinese populace.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the second + place, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify the old ideology not only + with respect to content but also with regard to method of + development. The Confucians had, as we have seen, provided for the + continual modification and rectification of the ideology by means + of the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chêng + ming</span></span>. It is a matter of dispute as to what degree + that doctrine constituted a scientific method for propagating + knowledge.<a id="noteref_102" name="noteref_102" href= + "#note_102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">102</span></span></a> + Whatever the method of the ancients, Sun Yat-sen proposed to modify + it in three steps: the acknowledgment of the pragmatic foundations + of social ideas, the recognition of the necessity for knowledge + before action, and the introduction of the experimental method. His + pragmatic position shows no particular indication of having been + derived from any specific source; it was a common enough tendency + in old Chinese thought, from the beginning; in advocating it, Sun + Yat-sen may have been revolutionary only in his championing of an + idea which he may well have had since early childhood. His stress + upon the necessity of ideological clarity as antecedent + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name= + "Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> to revolutionary or + any other kind of action is negatively derived from Wang Yang-ming, + whose statement of the converse Sun Yat-sen was wont to attack. The + belief in the experimental method is clearly enough the result of + his Western scientific training—possibly in so direct a fashion as + the personal influence of one of his instructors, Dr. James + Cantlie, later Sir James Cantlie, of Queen's College, Hongkong. Sun + Yat-sen was a physician; his degree <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Dr.</span></em> was + a medical and not an academic one; and there is no reason to + overlook the influence of his vocation, a Western one, in + estimating the influence of the Western experimental method.<a id= + "noteref_103" name="noteref_103" href="#note_103"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">103</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The overwhelming + preponderance of Chinese elements in the new ideology proposed by + Sun Yat-sen must not hide the fact that, in so stable an ideology + as that of old China, the modifications which Sun advocated were + highly significant. In method, experimentalism;<a id="noteref_104" + name="noteref_104" href="#note_104"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">104</span></span></a> in + background, the whole present body of Western science—these were to + move China deeply, albeit a China that remained <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Chinese. There is a fundamental + difference between Sun's doctrine of ideological extension + (<span class="tei tei-q">“the need for knowledge”</span>) and + Confucius' doctrine of ideological rectification (<span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>). Confucius advocated + the establishment of a powerful ideology for the purpose of + extending ideological control and thereby of minimizing the then + pernicious effects of the politically active proto-nations of his + time. Sun Yat-sen, reared in a world subject to ideological + control, saw no real necessity for strengthening it; what he + desired was to prepare China psychologically for the development of + a clear-cut conscious nation and a powerful government as the + political instrument of that nation. In spite of the great Chinese + emphasis which Sun pronounced in his ideology, and in spite of his + many close associations with old Chinese thought, his governmental + principles are in a sense diametrically opposed to Confucianism. + Confucius sought to establish a totalitarian system of traditional + controls which would perpetuate society and civilization regardless + of the misadventures or inadequacies of government. Sun Yat-sen was + seeking to build a strong liberal protective state within the + framework of an immemorial society which was largely non-political; + his doctrine, which we may call totalitarianism in reverse, tended + to encourage intellectual freedom rather than any rigid ideological + coördination. The mere fact that Sun Yat-sen trusted the old + Chinese ideology to the ordeal of free criticism is, of course, + further testimony to his belief in the fundamental soundness of the + old intellectual order—an order which needed revision and + supplementation to guide modern China through the perils of its + destiny.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Before passing + to a brief consideration of the nature of the society to be + developed through this nationalist ideology, it may be interesting + to note the value-scheme in the ideology. There was but one + value—the survival of the Chinese people with their own + civilization. All <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg + 086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + other considerations were secondary; all other reforms were means + and not ends. Nationalism, democracy, and <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were each + indispensable, but none was superior to the supreme desideratum, + Chinese survival. That this survival was a vivid problem to Sun, + almost any of his lectures will testify. Tai Chi-tao, one of the + inner circle of Sun Yat-sen's disciples, summarized the spirit of + this nationalism when he wrote; <span class="tei tei-q">“We are + Chinese, and those things that we have to change first lie in + China. But if all things in China have become worthless, if Chinese + culture no longer has any significance in the cultural history of + the world, if the Chinese people has lost its power of holding its + culture high, we might as well wait for death with bound hands—what + would be the use of going on with revolution?”</span><a id= + "noteref_105" name="noteref_105" href="#note_105"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">105</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen made concessions to cosmopolitanism, which he saw as ideal + to be realized in the remote future. First and last, however, he + was concerned with his own people, the Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was to be + the nature of the society which would arise from the knowledge and + application of the new ideology? Sun planned to introduce the idea + of a race-nation into the Chinese ideology, to replace the definite + but formless we-you outlook which the Chinese of old China had had + toward outsiders almost indiscriminately.<a id="noteref_106" name= + "noteref_106" href="#note_106"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">106</span></span></a> The + old anti-barbarian sentiment had from time to time in the past been + very powerful; Sun Yat-sen called this nationalism also, not + distinguishing it from the new kind of nationalism which he + advocated—a modern nationalism <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> necessarily connoting a plurality of equal + nations. The self-consciousness of the Chinese he wished to + restore, although on a basis of justice and the mutual recognition + by the nations of each other's right to exist. But this nationalism + was not to be a complete break with the past, for the new China was + to continue the traditional function of old China—of being the + teacher and protectress of Eastern Asia. It was the duty of China + to defend the oppressed among the nations, and to smite down the + Great Powers in their oppressiveness. We may suppose that this + benevolence of the Chinese race-nation would benefit the neighbors + of China only so long as those neighbors, quickened themselves by + nationalist resurgences, did not see something sinister in the + benevolent manifest destiny of the Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It was a matter + of policy, rather than of ideology, as to what the Chinese nation + was to include. There were possibilities of a conflict with the + Communists over the question of Outer Mongolia. Physically, Sun saw + the Mongols as one of the five component peoples of the Great + Chung-hua Republic. At another time he suggested that they might + become assimilated. He never urged the Mongols to separate from + China and join the Soviet Union, or even continue as a completely + independent state.<a id="noteref_107" name="noteref_107" href= + "#note_107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">107</span></span></a> There + was always the possibility of uncertainty in the case of persons + who were—by the five principle elements of race (according to Sun + Yat-sen, blood, livelihood, language, religion, and mores)<a id= + "noteref_108" name="noteref_108" href="#note_108"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">108</span></span></a>—members + of the Chinese race-nation but did not consider themselves + such.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese + nationalism was to lead to cosmopolitanism. Any attempt to foster + cosmopolitanism before solving the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> national problem was not only Utopian but + perverse. The weakness of the Chinese had in great part been + derived from their delusions of world-order in a world that was + greater than they imagined, and the true solution to the Chinese + question was to be found, not in any vain theory for the immediate + salvation of the world as a whole, but in the diligent and + patriotic activities of the Chinese in their own country. China was + to help the oppressed nations of the earth, not the oppressed + classes. China was to help all Asia, and especially the countries + which had depended upon China for protection, and had been failed + in their hour of need by the impotent Manchu Dynasty. China was, + indeed, to seek the coöperation of the whole world, and the + promotion of universal peace. But China was to do all this only + when she was in a position to be able to do so, and not in the + meantime venture forth on any splendid fantasies which would profit + no people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The survival of + China was the supreme aim of Sun Yat-sen. How did he propose that + China, once conscious of itself, should control itself to survive + and go onwards to the liberation and enrichment of mankind? These + are questions that he answered in his ideology of democracy and of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name= + "Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc41" id="toc41"></a> <a name="pdf42" id="pdf42"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter III. The Theory of + Democracy.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc43" id="toc43"></a> <a name="pdf44" id="pdf44"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Democracy in the Old + World-Society.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In describing a + few of the characteristics of the old ideology and the old society + which may assist the clarification of the principle of democracy, + it may prove useful to enter into a brief examination of what the + word may mean in the West, to refer to some of the ideas and + institutions of old China that were or were not in accord with the + Western notion of democracy, and, finally, to see what connection + Sun Yat-sen's theory of democracy may have either with the Western + term or with elements in the Chinese background. Did Sun Yat-sen + propound an entirely new theory as the foundation of his theory of + democracy for the Chinese race-nation, or did he associate several + hitherto unrelated ideas and systems to make a new whole?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The European + word <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">democracy</span></em> may, for the purposes of + this examination, be taken to have two parts to its meaning; first, + with regard to the status of individuals in society; second, with + respect to the allocation of political power in society. In the + former sense, democracy may refer to an equalitarianism of status, + or to a social mobility so easy and so general as to encourage the + impression that position is a consequence of the behavior of the + individual, and a fair gauge to his merit. In the latter part of + the meaning, democracy may refer to the identification of the + governed and the governors, or to the coincidence of the actions of + the governors with the wishes of the governed. Each of these + ideas—equalitarianism, free mobility, popular government, and + representative government—has been referred to as the essence of + democracy. One of them <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg + 090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + may lead to the discovery of a significance for democracy relevant + to the scheme of things in the old Chinese society.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Egalitarianism + and mobility were both present in old Chinese society. The Chinese + have had neither an hereditary aristocracy equivalent to the + Western, nor a caste-system resembling that of India or Japan, + since the breakdown of the feudal system twenty-three centuries + ago.<a id="noteref_109" name="noteref_109" href= + "#note_109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">109</span></span></a> The + extra-legal egalitarianism of the Chinese has been so generally + remarked upon by persons familiar with that nation, that further + discussion of it here is superfluous. Birth has probably counted + less in China than it has in any other country in the world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + egalitarianism of intercourse was a powerful aid to social + mobility. The Chinese never pretended to economic, political, or + intellectual equality; the mere statement of such a doctrine would + have been sufficient refutation of it to the members of the old + society. Yet there were no gradations of weight beyond educational, + political, and economic distinctions, and the organization of the + old society was such that mobility in these was relatively free. + Movement of an individual either upwards or downwards in the + economic, political, or academic scale was retarded by the + influence of the family, which acted as a drag either way. Movement + was nevertheless continuous and conspicuous; a proof of this + movement is to be found in the fact that there are really no + supremely great families in China, comparable to the great names of + Japan or of the Euramerican nations. (The closest approximation to + this is the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">K'ung</span></span> family, the family of + Confucius; since the family is large, its eminence is scarcely more + than nominal and it has no political power.).</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mobility in + China was fostered by the political arrangements. The + educational-administrative system provided a <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> channel upwards and downwards. The + government tended, for the most part, to be the way up, while the + economic system was the way down for prominent official families. + Few families managed to remain eminent for more than a few + generations, and—with the great size of families—there was always + room at the top. If a man were not advancing himself, there was + always the possibility that a kinsman might win preferment, to the + economic and political advantage of the whole family group.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Social + relations—in the narrowest sense of the word—were characterized by + an extreme attention to form as such, and great contempt for it + otherwise. Ritualism never became a chivalry or a cult of honor. + There was always the emphasis upon propriety and courtesy but, once + the formalities were done with, there was little social distinction + between members of different economic, political, or academic + classes.<a id="noteref_110" name="noteref_110" href= + "#note_110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">110</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In connection + with control and representation, a great deal more can be said. In + the first place, the relations between the governing ideologue in + the Confucian teachings,<a id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111" + href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></a> and + the governed accepters of the ideology in the Confucian system were + to be discovered through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span>, commonly translated + <span class="tei tei-q">“music”</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">“harmony,”</span> plays a peculiar rôle in the + Confucian teachings. It is the mass and individual emotional + pattern, as <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> is the + behavior pattern. If the people follow the proper behavior pattern, + their emotional pattern must also be good. Consequently, the + function of a truly excellent ruler was the scrutiny of <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>. If he were a man of + superior penetration, he should be able to feel the <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> about him, and thus + discover the temper of the populace, without reference to electoral + machinery or any other government instrumentality. <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span> is to be seen in the tone + of voices, in the rhythm of behavior. If it is good, it will act + with increasing effect upon itself. If bad, it serves as a warning + to the authorities. As Prof. Hsü says, <span class="tei tei-q">“For + rulers and administrators <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> + has two uses; first, it enables them to ascertain the general + sentiment of the people toward the government and political life; + and second, it cultivates a type of individual attitude that is + most harmonious with the environment. The joint work of <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span> and <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> would produce social + harmony and social happiness—which is the ultimate aim of the + State.”</span><a id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href= + "#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Yüeh</span></span> is, however, a peculiar + phenomenon, which can scarcely be called either representation or + control. It is an idea rooted in the curiously pragmatic-mystical + world-view of the Confucians, that same world-view which elevated + virtue almost to the level of a physical substance, subject to the + same sort of laws of disruption or transmission. Nothing like + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span> can be found in Western + political thought; however significant it may have been in China, + any attempt to deal with it in a Western language would have more + than a touch of futility, because of the great chasm of strangeness + that separates the two intellectual worlds at so many places.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A more concrete + illustration of the old Chinese ideas of <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> popular control may be found in the + implications of political Confucianism, as Hsü renders them:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">From the Confucian doctrine of stewardship, + namely, that the king is an ordinary person selected by God upon + his merit to serve as the steward of God in the control of the + affairs of the people for the welfare of the people, there are + deduced five theories of political democracy. In the first place, + the government must respect public opinion. The will of the people + is the will of God, and thus the king should obey both the will of + the people and the will of God....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In the second place, government should be based + upon the consent of the governed....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In the third place, the people have a duty as + well as a right to carry on revolution as the last resort in + stopping tyranny.... Revolution is regarded as a natural + blessing; it guards against tyranny and promotes the vitality of + the people. It is in complete harmony with natural + law.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In the fourth place, the government exists for + the welfare of the people.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In the fifth place, liberty, equality and equity + should be preserved. The State belong equally to all; and so + hereditary nobility, hereditary monarchy, and despotism are + deplored. Confucius and his disciples seem to advocate a + democracy under the form of an elective monarchy or a + constitutional monarchy....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Local self-government is recognized in the + Confucian system of government.... The Confucian theory of + educational election suggests the distinctly new idea of + representation.</span><a id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113" + href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This summary + could scarcely be improved upon although it represents a + considerable latitude of interpretation in the subject-matter of + the classics. The voice of the people was the voice of God. From + other political writers of antiquity—Mêng Tzŭ, Mo Ti, Han Fei Tzŭ + and the Legalists, and others—the Chinese received a variety of + political interpretations, none of which fostered the development + of autocracy as it developed in Europe.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The reason for + this is simple. In addition to the eventual popular control of + government, and the necessity for the close attention of the + government to the wishes of the people, the classical writers, for + the most part, did not emphasize the position of government. With + the increasing ideological solidarity of the Chinese world, the + increasing antiquity and authority of tradition, and the stability + of the social system, the Chinese states withered away—never + completely, but definitely more so than their analogues in the + West. There appeared, consequently, in China a form of + laissez-faire that surpassed that of Europe completely in + thoroughness. Not only were the economic functions of the state + reduced to a minimum—so was its police activity. Old China operated + with a government in reserve, as it were; a government which was + nowhere nearly so important to its subjects as Western governments + commonly are. The government system was one democratic in that it + was rooted in a society without intransigeant class lines, with a + considerable degree of social mobility for the individual, with the + total number of individuals exercising a terrific and occasionally + overwhelming pressure against the political system. And yet it was + not the governmental system upon which old China might have based + its claim to be a democracy. It could have, had it so wished, + claimed that name because of the weakness or the absence of + government, and the presence of other social organizations + permitting the individual a considerable amount of latent pressure + to exercise upon his social environment.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This arose from + the nature of the large non-political organizations which sustained + Chinese civilization even more than did the + educational-administrative authorities. It is obvious that, in + theory, a free and unassociated individual in a laissez-faire + polity would be defenseless against extra-politically organized + persons. The equities <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg + 095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + of modern democracy lie largely in the development of a check and + balance system of pressure groups, affording each individual + adequate means of exercising pressure on behalf of his various + interests. It was this function—the development of a just statement + of pressure-groups—which the old Chinese world-society developed + for the sufficient representation of the individual.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There was no + illusion of complete personal liberty. Such a notion was scarcely + thinkable. Every individual had his family, his village, + and—although this was by no means universally true—his <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, whether one or, less + commonly, several. He was never left solitary and defenseless + against powerfully organized interests. No more intimate community + of interests could be discovered than that of a family, since the + community of interests there would verge on the total. Ancient + Chinese society provided the individual with mechanisms to make his + interests felt and effective, through the family, the village, and + the association.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the West the + line of influence runs from the individual, who feels a want, to + the group which assists him in expressing it, to the government, + upon which the group exercises pressure, in order that the + government may use its power to secure what the first group wants + from some other group. The line runs, as it were, in the following + manner: individual-group-government-group. In China the group + exercised its pressure for the most part directly. The individual + need not incorporate himself in a group to secure the recognition + and fulfillment of his interests; he was by birth a member of the + group, and with the group was mobile. In a sense old Chinese + society was thoroughly democratic.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the basis of + such a background, Sun Yat-sen did not believe that the Chinese had + too much government, but, rather, too little. He did not cry for + liberty; he denounced its excess instead. On the basis of the old + social organization, which was fluid and yet stable, he sought to + create a <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg + 096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + democracy which would pertain to the interests of the nation as a + whole, not to the interests of individuals or groups. These could + go on in the traditional manner. The qualifications implicit in Sun + Yat-sen's championship of democracy must be kept in mind, and his + acquaintance with the democratic techniques of the old society be + allowed for. Otherwise his advocacy of the recognition of + nationalist rights and his neglect or denunciation of individual + liberties might be taken for the dogma of a lover of tyranny or + dictatorship.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Old China + possessed a considerable degree of egalitarianism, of social + mobility, of popular control, and of popular participation, through + the civil service, in what little government there was. In + addition, ideological control ensured a minimum of conflicts of + interests and consequently a maximum facility for self-expression + without conflict with other individuals, groups, or society as a + whole. Finally, the protection and advancement of individuals' + rights and interests were fostered by a system of group + relationships which bound virtually every individual into a group + and left none to fall, solitary, at the mercy of others who were + organized.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Why then did Sun + Yat-sen advocate democracy? What were his justifications for it, in + a society already so democratic?</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc45" id="toc45"></a> <a name="pdf46" id="pdf46"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Five Justifications of a Democratic + Ideology.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, + realizing the inescapable necessity of nationalism, did not + immediately turn to democracy as a necessary instrument for its + promotion. He hated the Manchus on the Dragon Throne—human symbols + of China's subjugation—but at first considered replacing them with + a new Chinese dynasty. It was only after he had found the heirs of + the Ming dynasty and the descendants <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of Confucius to be unworthy that he turned to + republicanism and found democracy, with its many virtues.<a id= + "noteref_114" name="noteref_114" href="#note_114"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">114</span></span></a> He + early became enamored of the elective system, as found in the + United States, as the only means of obtaining the best + governors.<a id="noteref_115" name="noteref_115" href= + "#note_115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">115</span></span></a> In + the final stage he had departed so far from his earlier way of + thinking that he criticized Dr. Goodnow severely for recommending + the re-introduction of a monarchy in China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, as + a good nationalist, made earnest efforts to associate his doctrines + with those of the sages and to avoid appearing as a proponent of + Western civilization. It is, consequently, not unusual to discover + him citing Confucius and Mencius on <span lang="la" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style= + "font-style: italic">vox populi vox dei</span></span>, and + saying,</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“The government of Yao and Shun was monarchical in name + but democratic in practice, and for that reason Confucius honored + these men.”</span><a id="noteref_116" name="noteref_116" href= + "#note_116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">116</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He considered + that democracy was to the sages an <span class="tei tei-q">“ideal + that could not be immediately realized,”</span><a id="noteref_117" + name="noteref_117" href="#note_117"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">117</span></span></a> and + therefore implied that modern China, in realizing democracy, was + attaining an ideal cherished by the past. Democracy, other things + apart, was a filial duty. This argument, while persuasive in + Chinese, can scarcely be considered Sun Yat-sen's most important + one in favor of democracy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His most cogent + and perhaps most necessary argument was based on his conception of + national liberty as opposed to the liberty of the individual. He + delivered a spirited denunciation of those foreigners who + criticized the Chinese for being without liberty, and in the next + breath complained that the Chinese had no government, that they + were <span class="tei tei-q">“loose sand.”</span> (Another + fashionable way of expressing this idea is by saying that + <span class="tei tei-q">“China is a geographical + expression.”</span>) He said: <span class="tei tei-q">“If, for + instance, the foreigners say that China is <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘loose sand,’</span> what do they finally mean by that + expression? They mean to say that each individual is free, that + everybody is free, that each one takes the maximum of liberty, and + that, as a result, they are <span class="tei tei-q">‘loose + sand’</span>.”</span><a id="noteref_118" name="noteref_118" href= + "#note_118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">118</span></span></a> He + pointed out that the Chinese had not suffered from the loose + autocracy in the Empire, and that they had no historical + justification for parroting the cry <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Liberty!”</span> simply because the Westerners, who + had really lacked it, had cried and fought for it. He cited John + Millar's definition of liberty, given in <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Progress of + Science Relative to Law and Government</span></span>, 1787: + <span class="tei tei-q">“True liberty consists in this: that the + liberty of each individual is limited by the non-infringement on + the liberty of others; when it invades the liberty of others, it is + no longer liberty.”</span><a id="noteref_119" name="noteref_119" + href="#note_119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">119</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen had himself defined liberty as <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“Liberty + consists in being able to move, in having freedom of action within + an organized group.”</span><a id="noteref_120" name="noteref_120" + href="#note_120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">120</span></span></a> + China, disorganized, had no problem of individual liberty. There + was, as a matter of fact, too much liberty.<a id="noteref_121" + name="noteref_121" href="#note_121"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">121</span></span></a> What + the Chinese had to do was to sacrifice some of their individual + liberty for the sake of the organized nation. Here we find a + curious turn of thought of which several other examples may be + found in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>: Sun Yat-sen has + taken a doctrine which in the West applies to the individual, and + has applied it to the nation. He believes in liberty; but it is not + the liberty of the individual which is endangered in China. It is + the liberty of the nation—which has been lost before foreign + oppression and exploitation. Consequently he preaches national and + not individual liberty. Individual liberty must be sacrificed for + the sake of a free nation.<a id="noteref_122" name="noteref_122" + href="#note_122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">122</span></span></a> + Without discipline there is no order; without order the nation is + weak and oppressed. The first step to China's redemption is + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>, the union (nationalism) + of the people. Then comes <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + ch'üan</span></span>, the power of the people. The liberty of the + nation is expressed through the power of the people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How is the power + of the people to be exercised? It is to be exercised by democratic + means. To Sun Yat-sen, the liberty of the nation and the power of + the people were virtually identical. If the Chinese race gained its + freedom, that freedom, exercised in an orderly manner, could mean + only democracy. It is this close association of nationalism + (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>) and democracy + (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>), this consideration + of democracy as the expression of nationalism, that forms, within + the framework of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, what is probably + the best nationalist argument for democracy—best, that is, in being + most coherent with the Three Principles as a whole.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If the view of + democracy just expressed be considered an exposition of the + fundamental necessity of democracy, the third argument may be + termed the dialectical or historical championship of democracy. Sun + Yat-sen believed in the existence of progress, and considered that + there was an inevitable tendency toward democracy: the overthrow of + the Manchus was a result of the <span class="tei tei-q">“... world + tide. That world current can be compared to the course of the + Yangtze or the Yellow River. The flow of the stream turns perhaps + in many directions, now toward the north, now toward the south, but + in the end flows toward the east in spite of all obstacles; nothing + can stem it. In the same way the world-tide passes ...; now it has + arrived at democracy, and there is no way to stem it.”</span><a id= + "noteref_123" name="noteref_123" href="#note_123"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">123</span></span></a> This + belief in the inevitability as well as the justice of his cause + encouraged Sun, and has lent to his movement—as his followers see + it—something of the impressive sweep that the Communists see in + their movement.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not devise any elaborate scheme of dialectical materialism or + economic determinism to bolster his belief in the irreversibility + of the flow to democracy. With infinite simplicity, he presented an + exposition of democracy in space and time. In time, he saw a change + from the rule of force to theocracy, then to monarchy, and then to + democracy; this change was a part of the progress of mankind, which + to him was self-evident and inevitable.<a id="noteref_124" name= + "noteref_124" href="#note_124"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">124</span></span></a> In + space he perceived that increasingly great numbers of people threw + off monarchical rule and turned to democracy. He hailed the + breakdown of the great empires, Germany and Russia, as evidence of + the power of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg + 101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + democracy. <span class="tei tei-q">“... if we observe (things) from + all angles, we see that the world progresses daily, and we realize + that the present tide has already swept into the age of democracy; + and that no matter how great drawbacks and failures may be, + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">democracy + will maintain itself in the world for a long time</span></em> + (<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">to + come</span></em>). For that reason, thirty years ago, we promoters + of the revolution, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">resolved that it was impossible to speak of + the greatness of China or to carry out the revolution without + advocating democracy</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_125" name= + "noteref_125" href="#note_125"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">125</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A fourth + argument in favor of democracy, and one which cannot be expanded + here, since it involves reference to Sun Yat-sen's practical plans + for the political regeneration of China, was his assertion that + democracy was an adjunct to appropriate and effective public + administration. Sun Yat-sen's plans concerning the selection of + officials in a democratic state showed that he believed the merging + of the Chinese academic-civil service technique with Western + democracy would produce a paragon among practicable + governments.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifthly and + finally, Sun regarded democracy as an essential modernizing + force.<a id="noteref_126" name="noteref_126" href= + "#note_126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">126</span></span></a> In + the introduction of Western material civilization, which was always + an important consideration to his mind, he felt that a certain + ideological and political change had to accompany the economic and + technological revolution that—in part natural and in part to be + stimulated by nationalist political interference—was to + revolutionize the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> of + China, the economic and social welfare of the Chinese people. While + this argument in favor of democracy is similar to the historical + argument, it differs from the latter in that Sun Yat-sen saw the + technique of democracy influencing not only the political, but the + economic and social, life of the people as well. The growth of + corporate responsibility, the development <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of a more rigid ethical system in matters of + finance, the disappearance of too strict an emphasis upon the + personal element in politics (which has clouded Chinese politics + with a fog of conspiracy and intrigue for centuries), a trust in + mathematics (as shown in reliance upon the voting technique for + ascertaining public opinion), and the development of a new kind of + individual aggressiveness and uprightness were among the changes + which, necessary if China was to compete in the modern world, + democracy might assist in effecting. While these desiderata do not + seem large when set down in the vast field of political philosophy, + they are of irritating importance in the inevitable trivalities + upon which so much of day-to-day life depends, and would + undoubtedly improve the personal tone of Sino-Western relations. + Sun never divorced the theoretical aspects of his thought from the + practical, as has been done here for purposes of exposition, and + even the tiniest details of everyday existence were the objects of + his consideration and criticism. In itself, therefore, the + modernizing force of democracy, as seen in Sun's theory, may not + amount to much; nevertheless, it must not be forgotten.<a id= + "noteref_127" name="noteref_127" href="#note_127"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">127</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Democracy, + although secondary in point of time to his theory, is of great + importance in Sun's plans for the political nature of the new + China. He justified democracy because it was (1) an obligation laid + upon modern China by the sages of antiquity; (2) a necessary + consequence of nationalism, since nationalism was the self-rule of + a free people, and democracy the effectuation of that self-rule, + and democracy the effectuation of that self-rule; (3) the + government of the modern age; China, along with the rest of the + world, was drawn by the tide of progress into the <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> age of democratic achievement; (4) the + political form best calculated for the obtaining of good + administration; and (5) a modernizing force that would stir and + change the Chinese people so as to equip them for the competitions + of the modern world.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the lecture + in which he criticized the inadequacies of democracy as applied in + the West, Sun Yat-sen made an interesting comment on the + proletarian dictatorship which had recently been established in + Russia. <span class="tei tei-q">“Recently Russia invented another + form of government. That government is not representative; it is + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">absolute + popular government</span></em>. In what does that absolute popular + government really consist? As we know very little about it, we + cannot judge it aright, but we believe that this (absolute popular + government) is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">evidently much better than a representative + government</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_128" name= + "noteref_128" href="#note_128"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">128</span></span></a> He + went on immediately to say that the Three Principles were what + China needed, and that the Chinese should not imitate the political + systems advocated in Europe and America, but should adapt democracy + in their own way. In view of his objection to a permanent class + dictatorship, as opposed to a provisional party dictatorship, and + the very enthusiastic advocacy of democracy represented by the + arguments described above, it appears unlikely in the extreme that + Sun Yat-sen, had he lived beyond 1925, would have abandoned his own + plan of democracy for China in favor of <span class= + "tei tei-q">“absolute popular government.”</span> The phrase was, + at the time, since Sun Yat-sen was seeking Russian assistance, + expedient for a popular lecture. Its importance might easily be + exaggerated.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc47" id="toc47"></a> <a name="pdf48" id="pdf48"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Natural Classes of + Men.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Having in mind + the extreme peril in which the Chinese race-nation stood, its + importance in a world of Western or <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> Western-type states, and seeing nationalism + as the sole means of defending and preserving China, Sun Yat-sen + demanded that the Chinese ideology be extended by the acquisition + of knowledge. If this modernizing and, if a neologism be permitted, + stateizing process were to succeed, it must needs be fostered by a + well-prepared group of persons within the society.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the case of + the Confucian social theory, it was the scholars who took the + ideology from the beliefs and traditions of the agrarian masses or + whole people, rectified it, and gave it back to them. This + continuous process of ideological maintenance by means of + conformity (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span>) and, when + found necessary, rectification (<span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>) was carried on by an + educational-political system based upon a non-hereditary caste of + academician-officials called <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Mandarins</span></span> by the early Western + travellers. In the case of those modern Western states which base + their power upon peculiar ideologies, the philosophy-imposing caste + has been a more or less permanent party- or class-dictatorship. + Superficially, the party-dictatorship planned by Sun Yat-sen would + seem to resemble these. His theory, however, presents two bases for + a class of ideologues: one theoretical, and presumably based upon + the Chinese; and one applied, which is either of his own invention + or derived from Western sources. The class of ideological reformers + proposed in what may be called the applied aspect of his theory was + to be organized by means of the party-dictatorship of the + Kuomintang. His other basis for finding a class of persons whose + influence over the ideology was to be paramount was more + theoretical, and deserves consideration among the more abstract + aspects of his doctrines.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He hypothecated + a tripartite division of men:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Men may be divided into three classes + according to their innate ability or intelligence. The first class + of men may be called</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien + cho</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the</span> + <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">geniuses.</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">The + geniuses are endowed with</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">unusual + intelligence and ability. They are the creators of new ideas, + fathers of invention, and originators of new achievements. They + think in terms of group welfare and so they are the promoters of + progress. Next are the</span> <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hou chih hou + cho</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the</span> + <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">followers.</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Being less intelligent and capable than + the</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">hsien chih + hsien cho</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, they do not + create or invent or originate, but they are good imitators and + followers of the first class of men. The last are the</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pu chih pu + cho</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, or the</span> + <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">unthinking,</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span> <span style= + "font-size: 90%">whose intelligence is inferior to that of the + other two classes of men. These people do what the others + instruct them to do, but they do not think about it. In every + sphere of activity all three classes of men are present. In + politics, for example, there are the creators or inventors of new + ideas and movements, then the propagators of these ideas and + movements, and lastly the mass of men who are taught to practice + these ideas.</span><a id="noteref_129" name="noteref_129" href= + "#note_129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">129</span></span></a> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The harmony of + this conception with the views of Confucius is evident. Presbyter + is Priest writ large; genius is another name for scholar. Sun, + although bitterly opposed to the mandarinate of the Empire and the + pseudo-Republic, could not rid himself of the age-old Chinese idea + of a class organization on a basis of intellect rather than of + property. He could not champion a revolutionary creed based upon an + economic class-war which he did not think existed, and which he did + not wish to foster, in his own country. He continued instead the + consistent theory of an aristocracy of intellect, such as had + controlled China before his coming.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The aristocracy + of intellect is not to be judged, however, by the old criteria. + Under the old regime, a scholar-ruler was one who deferred to the + wisdom of the ancients, who was fit to perpetuate the mysteries of + the written language and culture for the benefit of future ages, + and who was <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg + 106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + meanwhile qualified by his training to assume the rôle of + counsellor and authority in society. In the theory of Sun Yat-sen, + the genius leader is not the perpetuator but the discoverer. He is + the social engineer. His work is similar to that of the architect + who devises plans for a building which is to be built by workers + (the unthinking) under the guidance of foremen (the + followers).<a id="noteref_130" name="noteref_130" href= + "#note_130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">130</span></span></a> In + this guise, the new intellectual aristocrat is a figure more akin + to the romantic Western pioneers and inventors than to the serene, + conservative scholars of China in the past.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The break with + Western thought comes in Sun's distinguishing three permanent, + natural classes of men. Though in their aptitudes the <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien cho</span></span> are more + like modern engineers than like archaic literary historians, they + form a class that is inevitably the ruling class. To Marxism this + is anathema; it would imply that the Communist party is merely the + successor of the bourgeoisie in leading the unthinking masses + about—a more benevolent successor, to be sure, but still a class + distinct from the led proletariat of the intellect. To Western + democratic thought, this distinction would seem at first glance to + invalidate any future advocacy of democracy. To the student + interested in contrasting ideological control and political + government, the tripartite division of Sun Yat-sen is significant + of the redefinition in modern terms, and in an even more clear-cut + manner, of the Confucian theory of scholarly leadership.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How were the + geniuses of the Chinese resurgence to make their knowledge useful + to the race-nation? How could democracy be recognized with the + leadership and ideological control of an intellectual class? To + what <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name= + "Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> degree would such a + reconciliation, if effected, represent a continuation, in different + terms, of the traditions and institutions of the old Chinese world? + Questions such as these arise from the fusion of the old traditions + and new necessities.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc49" id="toc49"></a> <a name="pdf50" id="pdf50"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Ch'üan and Nêng.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The contrast + between <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> and + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span> is one of the few aspects + of Sun Yat-sen's theory of democracy which persons not interested + in China may, conceivably, regard as a contribution to political + science. There is an extraordinarily large number of possible + translations for each of these words.<a id="noteref_131" name= + "noteref_131" href="#note_131"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">131</span></span></a> A + version which may prove convenient and not inaccurate, can be + obtained by translating each Chinese term according to its context. + Thus, a fairly clear idea of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> may be obtained if one + says that, applied to the individual, it means <span class= + "tei tei-q">“power,”</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">“right,”</span> and when applied to the exercise of + political functions, it means <span class= + "tei tei-q">“sovereignty”</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">“political proprietorship.”</span> <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Nêng</span></span>, applied to the individual, + may mean <span class="tei tei-q">“competency”</span> (in the + everyday sense of the word), <span class= + "tei tei-q">“capacity”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“ability + to administer.”</span> Applied to the individual, the contrast is + between the ability to have political rights in a democracy, and + the ability to administer public affairs. Applied to the nation, + the contrast is between sovereignty and administration.<a id= + "noteref_132" name="noteref_132" href="#note_132"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">132</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Without this + contrast, the doctrine of the tripartite classification of men + might destroy all possibilities of a practical democracy. If the + Unthinking are the majority, how can democracy be trusted? This + contrast, furthermore, serves to illuminate a further problem: the + paradoxical necessity of an all-powerful government which the + people are able to control.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If this + distinction is accepted in the establishment of a democracy, what + will the consequences be?<a id="noteref_133" name="noteref_133" + href="#note_133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">133</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first + place, the masses who rule will not necessarily govern. Within the + framework of a democratic constitution, they will be able to + express their wishes, and make those wishes effective; but it will + be impossible for them to interfere in the personnel of government, + whether merely administrative or in the highest positions. It will + be forever impossible that a <span class= + "tei tei-q">“swine-representative”</span> should be elected, or + that one of those transient epochs of carpet-baggery, which appear + from time to time in most Western democracies, should corrupt the + government. By means of the popular rights of initiative, + referendum, election and recall, the people will be able to control + their government in the broad sweep of policy. The government will + be beyond their reach insofar as petty political interference, + leading to inferiority or corruption, is concerned.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the second + place, the benefits of aristocracy will be obtained without its + cost. The government will be made up of men especially fit and + trained to govern. There will, hence, be no difficulty in + permitting the government to become extraordinarily powerful in + contrast with Western governments. Since the masses will be able to + choose between a wide selection of able leaders, the democracy will + be safeguarded.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + regarded this as one of the cardinal points in his doctrines. In + retaining the old Chinese idea of a scholar class and + simultaneously admitting Western elective and other democratic + techniques, he believed that he <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> had found a scheme which surpassed all + others. He saw the people as stockholders in a company, and the + administrators as directors; he saw the people as the owner of an + automobile, and the administrators as the chauffeur.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A further + consequence of this difference between the right of voting and the + right of being voted for, but one to which Sun Yat-sen did not + refer, necessarily arises from his postulation of a class of + geniuses leading their followers, who control the unthinking + masses. That is the continuity which such a group of ideological + controllers would impart to a democracy. Sun Yat-sen, addressing + Chinese, took the Chinese world for granted. A Westerner, unmindful + of the background, might well overlook some comparatively simple + points. The old system, under which the Empire was a sort of + educational system, was a familiar feature in the politics which + Sun Yat-sen criticized. In arguing for the political acceptance of + inequality and the guarantee of government by a select group, Sun + was continuing the old idea of leadership, modifying it only so far + as to make it consistent with democracy. Under the system he + proposed, the two great defects of democracy, untrustworthiness and + lack of continuity of policy, would be largely eliminated.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc51" id="toc51"></a> <a name="pdf52" id="pdf52"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Democratic Machine + State.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Throughout + pre-modern Chinese thought there runs the idea of personal behavior + and personal controls. The Chinese could not hypostatize in the + manner of the West. Looking at men they saw men and nothing more. + Considering the problems and difficulties which men encountered, + they sought solutions in terms of men and the conditioning + intimacies of each individual's life. The Confucian Prince was not + so much an administrator as a moral leader; his influence, + extending itself through imitation on the part of others, was + personal and social rather than <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> political.<a id="noteref_134" name= + "noteref_134" href="#note_134"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">134</span></span></a> In + succeeding ages, the scholars thought of themselves as the leaven + of virtue in society. They stressed deportment and sought, only too + frequently by means of petty formalities, to impress their own + excellence and pre-eminence upon the people. Rarely, if ever, did + the scholar-official appeal to formal political law. He was more + likely to invoke propriety and proceed to exercise his authority + theoretically in accordance with it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not feel that further appeal to the intellectual leaders was + necessary. In an environment still dominated by the past, an + exhortation for the traditional personal aspect of leadership would + probably have appeared as a centuries-old triteness. The far-seeing + men, the geniuses that Sun saw in all society, owed their + superiority not to artificial inequality but to natural + inequality;<a id="noteref_135" name="noteref_135" href= + "#note_135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">135</span></span></a> by + their ability they were outstanding. Laws and customs could outrage + this natural inequality, or conceal it behind a legal facade of + artificial inequality or equally artificial equality. Laws and + customs do not change the facts. The superior man was innately the + superior man.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nevertheless, + the geniuses of the Chinese revolution could not rely upon the + loose and personal system of influence hitherto trusted. To + organize Chinese nationalism, to give it direction as well as + force, the power of the people must be run through a machine—the + State.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A distinction + must be made here. The term <span class= + "tei tei-q">“machine,”</span> applied to government, was itself a + neologism introduced from the Japanese.<a id="noteref_136" name= + "noteref_136" href="#note_136"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">136</span></span></a> Not + only was the word but the thing itself was alien to the Chinese, + since the same term (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'i</span></span>) + meant machinery, tool, or instrument. The introduction of the view + of the state as a machine does not imply that <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Sun Yat-sen wished to introduce a + specific form of Western state-machine into China—as will be later + explained (in the pages which concern themselves with the applied + political science of Sun Yat-sen).</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun was careful, + moreover, to explain that his analogy between industrial machinery + and political machinery was merely an analogy. He said, + <span class="tei tei-q">“The machinery of the government is + entirely composed of human beings. All its motions are brought + about by men and not by material objects. Therefore, there is a + very great difference between the machinery of the government and + the manufacturing machine ... the machinery of the government is + moved by human agency whereas the manufacturing machine is set in + motion by material forces.”</span><a id="noteref_137" name= + "noteref_137" href="#note_137"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">137</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even after + allowance has been made for the fact that Sun Yat-sen did not + desire to import Western governmental machinery, nor even to stress + the machine and state analogy too far, it still remains + extraordinarily significant that he should have impressed upon his + followers the necessity of what may be called a mechanical rather + than an organic type of government. The administrative machine of + the Ch'ing dynasty, insofar as it was a machine at all, was a + chaotic mass of political authorities melting vaguely into the + social system. Sun's desire to have a clear-cut machine of + government, while not of supreme <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> importance in his ideological projects, was + of great significance in his practical proposal. In his theory the + state machine bears the same resemblance to the old government that + the Chinese race-nation bears to the now somewhat ambiguous + civilized humanity of the Confucians. In both instances he was + seeking sharper and more distinct lines of demarcation.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In putting forth + his proposals for the reconstitution of the Chinese government he + was thinking, in speaking of a state-machine, of the more or less + clearly understood juristic states of the West.<a id="noteref_138" + name="noteref_138" href="#note_138"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">138</span></span></a> His + concrete proposals dealing with the minutiae of administrative + organization, his emphasis on constitution and law, and his + interest in the exact allocation of control all testify to his + complete acceptance of a sharply delimited state. On the other + hand, he was extraordinary for his time in demanding an unusual + extent, both qualitative and quantitative, of power for the state + which he wished to hammer out on the forges of the nationalist + social and political revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In summarizing + this description of the instrument with which Sun Yat-sen hoped to + organize the intellectual leaders of China so as to implement the + force of the revolution, it may be said that it was to be a + state-machine, as opposed to a totalitarian state, based upon + Western juristic theory in general but organized out of the + materials of old Chinese political philosophy and the Imperial + experience in government.<a id="noteref_139" name="noteref_139" + href="#note_139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">139</span></span></a> The + state machine was to be <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg + 113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + built along lines which Sun Yat-sen laid out in some detail. Yet, + even with his elaborate plans already prepared, and in the midst of + a revolution, he pointed out the difficulty of political + experimentation, in the following words:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">... the progress of human machinery, + as government organizations and the like, has been very slow. What + is the reason? It is that once a manufacturing machine has been + constructed, it can easily be tested, and after it has been tried + out, it can easily be put aside if it is not good, and if it is not + perfect, it can easily be perfected. But it is very difficult to + try out a human machine and more difficult still to perfect it + after it has been tried out. It is impossible to perfect it without + bringing about a revolution. The only other way would be to regard + it as a useless material machine which can easily be turned into + scrap iron. But this is not workable.</span><a id="noteref_140" + name="noteref_140" href="#note_140"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">140</span></span></a> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc53" id="toc53"></a> <a name="pdf54" id="pdf54"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Democratic-Political Versus + Ideological Control.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + accepted an organization of society based upon intellectual + differences, despite his belief in the justifiability and necessity + of formal democracy, and his reconciliation of the two at first + contradictory theses in a plan for a machine state to be based upon + a distinction between <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> + and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>. It may + now be asked, why did Sun Yat-sen, familiar with the old method of + ideological control, and himself proposing a new ideology which + would not only restore internal harmony but also put China into + harmony with the actual political condition of the world, desire to + add formal popular control to ideological control?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The answer is + not difficult, although it must be based for the most part on + inference rather than on direct citation of Sun Yat-sen's own + words. In the consideration of the system of ideological control + fostered by the Confucians, <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> ideological control presented two distinct + aspects: the formation of the ideology by men, and control of men + by the ideology. The ideology controlled men; some men sought to + control the ideology; the whole ideological control system was + based upon the continuous interaction of cause and effect, wherein + tradition influenced the men who sought to use the system as a + means of mastery, while the same men succeeded in a greater or less + degree in directing the development of the ideology.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the old + Chinese world-society the control of the ideology was normally + vested in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> who were either + government officials or hoped to become such. The populace, + however, acting in conformity with the ideology, could overthrow + the government, and, to that extent, consciously control the + content and the development of the ideology. Moreover, as the + efficacy of an ideology depends upon its greater acceptance, the + populace had the last word in control of the ideology both + consciously and unconsciously. Politics, however, rarely comes to + the last word. In the normal and ordinary conduct of social + affairs, the populace was willing to let the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> uphold the classics and + modify their teachings in accordance with the development of the + ideology—in the name of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chêng + ming</span></span>. The old ideology was so skilfully put together + out of traditional elements that are indissociable from the main + traits of Chinese culture, together with the revisions made by + Confucius and his successors, that it was well-nigh + unchallengeable. The whole Confucian method of government was + based, as previously stated, on the control of men through the + control of their ideas by men—and these latter men, the ideologues, + were the scholar administrators of successive dynasties. The + identification of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">literati</span></span> and officials, the + respect in which learning was held, the general distribution of a + leaven of scholars through all the families of the Empire, and the + completeness—almost <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg + 115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + incredible to a Westerner—of traditional orthodoxy, permitted the + interpreters of the tradition also to mould and transform it to a + considerable degree. As a means of adjusting the mores through the + course of centuries, interpretation succeeded in gradually changing + popular ideas, where open and revolutionary heterodoxy would have + failed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Now, in modern + times, even though men might still remain largely under the control + of the ideology (learn to behave rightly instead of being + governed), the ideology was necessarily weakened in two ways: by + the appearance of men who were recalcitrant to the ideology, and by + the emergence of conceptions and ideas which could not find a place + in the ideology, and which consequently opened up extra-ideological + fields of individual behavior. In other words, <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span> was no longer all-inclusive, + either as to men or as to realms of thought. Its control had never, + of course, been complete, for in that case all institutions of + government would have become superfluous in China and would have + vanished; but its deficiencies in past ages had never been so + great; either with reference to insubordinate individuals or in + regard to unassimilable ideas, as they were in modern times.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hence the + province of government had to be greatly extended. The control of + men by the ideology was incomplete wherever the foreign culture had + really struck the Chinese—as, for instance, in the case of the + newly-developed Chinese proletariat, which could not follow the + Confucian precepts in the slums of twentieth-century industry. The + family system, the village, and the guild were to the Chinese + proletarians mere shadows of a past; they were faced individually + with the problems of a foreign social life suddenly interjected + into that of the Chinese. True instances of the interpenetration of + opposites, they were Chinese from the still existing old society of + China <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name= + "Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> suddenly transposed + into an industrial world in which the old ideology was of little + relevance. If they were to remain Chinese they had to be brought + again into the fold of the Chinese ideology; and, meanwhile, + instead of being controlled ideologically, they must be controlled + by the sharp, clear action of government possessing a monopoly of + the power of coercion. The proletarians were not, indeed, the only + group of Chinese over whom the old ideology had lost control. There + were the overseas Chinese, the new Chinese finance-capitalists, and + others who had adjusted their personal lives to the Western world. + These had done so incompletely, and needed the action of government + to shield them not only from themselves and from one another, but + from their precarious position in their relations with the + Westerners.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Other groups had + not completely fallen away from the ideology, but had found major + sections of it to be unsuitable to the regulation of their own + lives. Virtue could not be found in a family system which was + slowly losing its polygynous character and also slowly giving place + to a sort of social atomism; the intervention of the machine state + was required to serve as a substitute for ideological regulation + until such a time as the new ideology should have developed + sufficiently to restore relevance to traditions.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Indeed, + throughout all China, there were few people who were not touched to + a greater or less degree by the consequences of the collision of + the two intellectual worlds, the nationalistic West and the old + Chinese world-society. However much Chinese might desire to + continue in their traditional modes of behavior, it was impossible + for them to live happy and progressive lives by virtue of having + memorized the classics and paid respect to the precepts of + tradition, as had their forefathers. In all cases where the old + ideas failed, state and law suddenly acquired <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> a new importance—almost overwhelming to + some Chinese—as the establishers of the new order of life. Even + etiquette was established by decree, in the days of the + parliamentary Republic at Peking; the age-old assurance of Chinese + dress and manners was suddenly swept away, and the government found + itself forced to decree frock-coats.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Successive + governments in the new China had fallen, not because they did too + much, but because they did too little. The sphere of state activity + had become enormous in contrast to what it had been under more than + a score of dynasties, and the state had perforce to intervene in + almost every walk of life, and every detail of behavior. Yet this + intervention, although imperative, was met by the age-old Chinese + contempt for government, by the determined adherence to traditional + methods of control in the face of situations to which now they were + no longer relevant. It was this paradox, the ever-broadening + necessity of state activity in the face of traditional and + unrealistic opposition to state activity, which caused a great part + of the turmoil in the new China. Officials made concessions to the + necessity for state action by drafting elaborate codes on almost + every subject, and then, turning about, also made concessions to + the traditional non-political habits of their countrymen by failing + to enforce the codes which they had just promulgated. The leaders + of the Republic, and their followers in the provinces, found + themselves with laws which could not possibly be introduced in a + nation unaccustomed to law and especially unaccustomed to law + dealing with life in a Western way; thus baffled, but perhaps not + disappointed, the pseudo-republican government officials were + content with developing a shadow state, a shadow body of law, and + then ignoring it except as a tool in the vast pandemonium of the + tuchunates—where state and law were valued only in <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> so far as they served to aggrandize or + enrich military rulers and their hangers-on.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This tragic + dilemma led Sun Yat-sen to call for a new kind of state, a state + which was to be democratic and yet to lead back to ideological + control. The emergency of imperialism and internal impotence made + it imperative that the state limit its activities to those + provinces of human behavior in which it could actually effectuate + its decrees, and that, after having so limited the field of its + action, it be well-nigh authoritarian within that field. Yet + throughout the whole scheme, Sun Yat-sen's deep faith in the common + people required him to demand that the state be democratic in + principle and practice.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It may begin to + be apparent that, at least for Sun Yat-sen, the control of the + race-nation by the ideology was not inconsistent with the political + control of the race-nation by itself. In the interval between the + old certainty and the new, political authority had to prevail. This + authority was to be directed by the people but actually wielded by + the geniuses of the revolution. The new ideology was to emerge from + the progress of knowledge not, as before, among a special class of + literary persons, but through all the people. It was to be an + ideology based on practical experience and on the experimental + method, and consequently, perhaps, less certain then the old + Confucian ideology, which was in its foundations religious. To fill + in the gaps where uniformity of thought and behavior, on the basis + of truth, had not been established, the state was to act, and the + state had to be responsible to the people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At this point it + may be remembered that Sun Yat-sen was among the very few Chinese + leaders of his day who could give the historians of the future any + valid reasons for supposing that they believed in republican + principles. Too many of the militarists and scholar-politicians of + the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name= + "Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> North and South paid + a half-contemptuous lip-service to the republic, primarily because + they could not agree as to which one of them should have the Dragon + Throne, or, at the least, the honor of restoring the Manchu + Emperor—who stayed on in the Forbidden City until 1924.<a id= + "noteref_141" name="noteref_141" href="#note_141"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">141</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen had a deep faith in the judgment and trustworthiness of the + uncounted swarms of coolies and farmers whom most Chinese leaders + ignored. He was perhaps the only man of his day really loved by the + illiterate classes that knew of him, and was always faithful to + their love. Other leaders, both Chinese and Western, have praised + the masses but refused to trust them for their own good. Sun's + implicit belief in the political abilities of the common people in + all matters which their knowledge equipped them to judge, was + little short of ludicrous to many of his contemporaries, and + positively irritating to some persons who wished him well + personally but did not—at least privately—follow all of his + ideas.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To return to the + consideration of the parts played by ideology and popular + government in social control: there was another point of great + difference between the old ideology and the new. The old was the + creation, largely, of a special class of scholars, who for that + purpose ranked highest in the social hierarchy of old China. Now + even though the three natural classes might continue to be + recognized in China, the higher standard of living and the + increased literacy of the populace was to enlarge the number of + persons participating in the life of ideas. The people were to form + the ideology in part, and in part control the government under + whose control the revolutionary geniuses were to form the rest of + the ideology, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg + 120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + and propagate it through a national educational program. In all + respects the eventual control was to rest with the people of the + Chinese race-nation, united, self-ruling, and determined to + survive.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How, then, does + the pattern of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> fit + into the larger scheme of the continuation of Confucian + civilization and ideological control? First, the old was to + continue undisturbed where it might. Second, those persons + completely lost to the discipline of the old ideology must be + controlled by the state. Third, those areas of behavior which were + disturbed by the Western impact required state guidance. Fourth, + the machine state was to control both these fields, of men, and of + ideas, and within this limited field was to be authoritarian + (<span class="tei tei-q">“an all-powerful state”</span>) and yet + democratic (<span class="tei tei-q">“nevertheless subject to the + control of the people”</span>). Fifth, the ideology was to arise in + part from the general body of the people. Sixth, the other parts of + it were to be developed by the intellectuals, assisted by the + government, which was to be also under the control of the people. + Seventh, since the world was generally in an unstable condition, + and since many wrongs remained to be righted, it was not + immediately probable that the Chinese would settle down to + ideological serenity and certainty, and consequently State policy + would still remain as a governmental question, to be decided by the + will of the whole race-nation.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To recapitulate, + then the people was to rule itself until the reappearance of + perfect tranquility—<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta + t'ung</span></span>—or its nearest mundane equivalent. The + government was to serve as a canalization of the power of the + Chinese race-nation in fighting against the oppressor-nations of + the world for survival.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The last + principle of the nationalist ideology remains to be studied. + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min tsu</span></span>, nationalism, was to + provide an instrumentality for self-control and for external + defense <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg + 121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + in a world of armed states. But these two would remain ineffectual + in a starved and backward country, if they were not supplemented by + a third principle designed to relieve the physical impotence of the + nation, to promote the material happiness of its individual members + and to guarantee the continued survival of the Chinese society as a + whole. Union and self-rule could be frustrated by starvation. China + needed not only to become united and free as a nation; it had also + to become physically healthy and wealthy. This was to be effected + through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, the + third of the three principles.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name= + "Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc55" id="toc55"></a> <a name="pdf56" id="pdf56"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter IV. The Theory of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 173%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 173%">.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc57" id="toc57"></a> <a name="pdf58" id="pdf58"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">in the + Ideology.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The principle of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> has been the one most + disputed. Sun Yat-sen made his greatest break with the old ideology + in promulgating this last element in his triune doctrine; the + original Chinese term carried little meaning that could be used in + an approach to the new meaning that Sun Yat-sen gave it. He himself + stated that the two words had become rather meaningless in their + old usage, and that he intended to use them with reference to + special conditions in the modern world.<a id="noteref_142" name= + "noteref_142" href="#note_142"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">142</span></span></a> He + then went on to state the principle in terms so broad, so seemingly + contradictory, that at times it appears possible for each man to + read in it what he will, as he may in the Bible. The Communists and + the Catholics each approve of the third principle, but translate it + differently; the liberals render it by a term which is not only + innocuous but colorless.<a id="noteref_143" name="noteref_143" + href="#note_143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">143</span></span></a> Had + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name= + "Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Sun Yat-sen lived to + finish the lectures on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>, he might have succeeded in rounding off his + discussion of the principle.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are two + methods by means of which the principle of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be examined. It + might be described on the basis of the various definitions which + Sun Yat-sen gave it in his four lectures and in other speeches and + papers, and outlined, point by point, by means of the various + functions and limits that he set for it. This would also permit + some consideration of the relation of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to various other + theories of political economy. The other approach may be a less + academic one, but perhaps not altogether unprofitable. By means of + a reconsideration of the first two principles, and of the structure + and meaning of the three principles as a whole, it is possible to + surmise, if not to establish, the meaning of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, that is, to discover + it through a sort of political triangulation: the first two + principles being given, to what third principle do they lead?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This latter + method may be taken first, since it will afford a general view of + the three principles which will permit the orientation of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with reference to the + nationalist ideology as a whole, and prepare the student for a + solution of some of the apparent contradictions which are to be + found in the various specific definitions of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Accepting the + elementary thesis of the necessary awakening of the race-nation, + and its equally necessary self-rule, both as a nation <span class= + "tei tei-foreign"><span style= + "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> other nations, and as + a world by itself, one may see that these are each social problems + of organization which do not necessarily involve <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page124">[pg 124]</span><a name="Pg124" id="Pg124" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the physical conditions of the country, + although, as a matter of application, they would be ineffectual in + a country which did not have the adequate means of self-support. + Sun Yat-sen was interested in seeing the Chinese people and Chinese + civilization survive, and by survival he meant not only the + continuation of social organization and moral and intellectual + excellence, but, more than these, the actual continued existence of + the great bulk of the population. The most vital problem was that + of the continued existence of the Chinese as a people, which was + threatened by the constant expansion of the West and might + conceivably share the fate of the American Indians—a remnant of a + once great race living on the charity of their conquerors. Sun + Yat-sen expressly recognized this problem as the supreme one, + requiring immediate attention.<a id="noteref_144" name= + "noteref_144" href="#note_144"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">144</span></span></a> + Nationalism and democracy would have no effect if the race did not + survive to practise them.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old Chinese + society may be conceived as a vast system of living men, who + survived by eating and breeding, and who were connected with one + another in time by the proper attention to the ancestral cults, and + in space by a common consciousness of themselves as the + standard-bearers of the civilization of the world. Sun Yat-sen, + although a Christian, was not unmindful of this outlook; he too was + sensible of the meaning of the living race through the centuries. + He dutifully informed the Emperor T'ai Tsung of Ming that the + Manchus had been driven from the throne, and some years later he + expressed the deepest reverence for the ancestral cult.<a id= + "noteref_145" name="noteref_145" href="#note_145"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">145</span></span></a> But + in facing the emergency with which his race was confronted, Sun + Yat-sen could not overlook the practical question of physical + survival.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg + 125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was, + therefore, materialistic in so far as his recognition of the + importance of the material well-being of the race-nation made him + so. At this point he may be found sympathetic with the Marxians, + though his ideology as a whole is profoundly Chinese. The + destitution, the economic weakness, the slow progress of his native + land were a torture to his conscience. In a world of the most + grinding poverty, where war, pestilence, and famine made even mere + existence uncertain, he could not possibly overlook the problem of + the adequate material care of the vast populace that constituted + the race-nation.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span>, accordingly, meant + primarily the survival of the race-nation, as nationalism was its + awakening, and democracy its self-control. No one of these could be + effective without the two others. In the fundamentals of Sun + Yat-sen's ideology, the necessity for survival and prosperity is + superlative and self-evident. All other features of the doctrine + are, as it were, optional. The first two principles definitely + required a third that would give them a body of persons upon which + to operate; they did not necessarily require that the third + principle advance any specific doctrine. If this be the case, it is + evident that the question of the content of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, while important, is + secondary to the first premises of the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>. The need for a third principle—one of popular + subsistence—in the ideology is vital; the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span> would be crippled without it.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc59" id="toc59"></a> <a name="pdf60" id="pdf60"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Economic Background of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What was the + nature of the background which decided Sun Yat-sen to draw an + economic program into the total of his nationalist ideology for the + regeneration of China through a nationalist revolution? Was Sun + Yat-sen dissatisfied <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page126">[pg + 126]</span><a name="Pg126" id="Pg126" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + with the economic order of the old society? Was he interested in a + reconstitution of the economic system for the sake of defense + against Western powers?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was + unquestionably dissatisfied with the economic order of things in + the old society, but it was a dissatisfaction with what the old + order had failed to achieve rather than a feeling of the injustice + of the Chinese distributive system. He was bitter against a + taxation system which worked out unevenly,<a id="noteref_146" name= + "noteref_146" href="#note_146"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">146</span></span></a> and + against the extortions of the internal-transit revenue officials + under the Empire.<a id="noteref_147" name="noteref_147" href= + "#note_147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">147</span></span></a> He + was deeply impressed by his first encounter with Western mechanical + achievement—the S. S. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Grannoch</span></span>, which took him from + Kwangtung to Honolulu.<a id="noteref_148" name="noteref_148" href= + "#note_148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">148</span></span></a> But + he had served in the shop of his brother as a young boy,<a id= + "noteref_149" name="noteref_149" href="#note_149"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">149</span></span></a> and + knew the small farm life of South China intimately. On the basis of + this first-hand knowledge, and his many years of association with + the working people of China, he was not likely to attack the old + economic system for its injustice so much as for its + inadequacy.<a id="noteref_150" name="noteref_150" href= + "#note_150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">150</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That there were + injustices in the old system of Chinese economy, no one can deny, + but these injustices were scarcely sufficient to provoke, of + themselves alone, the complete alteration of economic outlook that + Sun Yat-sen proposed. Chinese capitalism had not reached the state + of industrial capitalism until after its contact with the West; at + the most it was a primitive sort of usury-capitalism practised by + the three economically dominant groups of old China—landholders, + officials, and merchant-usurers.<a id="noteref_151" name= + "noteref_151" href="#note_151"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">151</span></span></a> The + disturbances which hurt the economic condition <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the country, and thereby led to + greater disturbances, had involved China in a vicious cycle of + decline which could scarcely be blamed on any one feature or any + one group in the old economy. The essential fault lay with the + condition of the country as a whole, directly affected by the + economic consequences of Western trade and partial + industrialization.<a id="noteref_152" name="noteref_152" href= + "#note_152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">152</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + positive dissatisfaction with the economy of his time arose from + the position which he felt China had in the modern business world. + He believed that, by virtue of the economic oppression of the + Chinese by the Western powers, China had been degraded to the + position of the lowest nation on earth—that the Chinese were even + more unfortunate than <span class="tei tei-q">“slaves without a + country,”</span> such as the Koreans and the Annamites.<a id= + "noteref_153" name="noteref_153" href="#note_153"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">153</span></span></a> The + particular forms of this oppression, and Sun Yat-sen's plans for + meeting it, may be more aptly described in the consideration of his + program of economic national regeneration.<a id="noteref_154" name= + "noteref_154" href="#note_154"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">154</span></span></a> The + Chinese nation occupied the ignominious position of a sub-colony + or—as Sun himself termed it—<span class="tei tei-q">“a + hypo-colony”</span>; <span class="tei tei-q">“Our people are + realizing that to be a semi-colony is a national disgrace; but our + case is worse than that; our country is in the position of a + sub-colony (since it is the colony of all the Great Powers and not + merely subject to one of them), a position which is inferior to an + ordinary colony such as Korea and Annam.”</span><a id="noteref_155" + name="noteref_155" href="#note_155"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">155</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What, then, were + the positive implications of the principle of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> in the nationalist + ideology?</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc61" id="toc61"></a> <a name="pdf62" id="pdf62"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Meanings of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is the doctrine + leading the nationalist democracy on its road to a high position + among the nations of the earth; only through the material strength + to be found in <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> can + the Chinese attain a position by which they can exert the full + force of their new-formed state against the invaders and + oppressors, and be able to lift up the populace so that democracy + will possess some actual operative meaning. <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is <span class= + "tei tei-q">“... the center of politics, of economics, of all kinds + of historical movements; it is similar to the center of gravity in + space.”</span><a id="noteref_156" name="noteref_156" href= + "#note_156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">156</span></span></a> It + provides the implementation of nationalism and democracy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Secondly, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> means national + enrichment. The problem of China is primarily one of poverty. Sun + wanted consideration of the problem of the livelihood of the people + to begin with the supreme economic reality in China. What was this + reality? <span class="tei tei-q">“It is the poverty from which we + all suffer. The Chinese in general are poor; among them there is no + privileged wealthy class, but only a generality of ordinary poor + people.”</span><a id="noteref_157" name="noteref_157" href= + "#note_157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">157</span></span></a> + However this enrichment was to be brought about, it was + imperative.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thirdly, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, as the doctrine of + enrichment, was also the doctrine of economic justice. If the + nation was to become economically healthy, it could only do so on + the basis of the proper distribution of property among its + citizens. Its wealth would not bring about well-being unless it + were properly distributed.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">More briefly, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be said to be the + thesis of the indispensability of: 1) a national economic + revolution against imperialism and for democracy; 2) an industrial + revolution for the enrichment of China; and 3) a prophylactic + against social revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The significance + of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as + the economic implementation of nationalism and democracy is clear + enough to require no further discussion. Its significance as a + doctrine for the promotion of the industrial revolution is + considerable, and worth attention.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Western science + was to sow the seed. <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min + shêng</span></span> economy was to reap the harvest. By means of + the details in Sun Yat-sen's programs which he believed sufficient + for the purposes, the modernization of China, which was to be a + consequence of Western science in the ideology, was to lead at the + same time to the actual physical enrichment of the economic goods + and services of the country. The advocacy of industrial development + is, of course, a commonplace in the Western world, but in China it + was strikingly novel. Sun Yat-sen did not regard industrialism as a + necessary evil; he considered it a positive blessing, as the means + of increasing the material welfare of the Chinese people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Time and time + again, Sun Yat-sen emphasized the necessity of modernization. His + theory of nationalism led him to urge the introduction of Western + physical science into the ideology. His theory of democracy was + justified in part by the fact that democracy was to be regarded as + a modernizing force. Now his principle of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was also to lead to + that great end—the modernization of China to a degree to permit the + race-nation to regain in the modern world, which encompassed the + whole planet, the position it had once had in the smaller world of + Eastern Asia.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The wealth of + old China had been one of the factors enabling it to resist + destruction at the spear-points of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> barbarian conquerors. Sun Yat-sen knew this, + and knew also that the position of the United States—which had + probably the greatest concentration of social and physical wealth + and power under one political system that the world had ever + known—made that nation impregnable in the modern world. Seeing that + wealth was not only a blessing to individuals, but to nations as + well, he was anxious that his beloved China should be guarded and + assisted by the strength that the ideology of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, once accepted and + effectuated, could give it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is more than a vague + aspiration for national welfare. The general theory of nationalism + and democracy required an additional point to make them effective + in the realities of international politics, and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to supply the + hygienic and economic strength that the Chinese race-nation needed + for competition and survival; but it was to do more.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is at the same time + the last step of Chinese resistance and the first of Chinese + submission to Western culture. In seeking an economic policy and an + ideology which would lead to increased wealth of the nation, the + Chinese were preparing to resist the West with its own weapons. + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is a submission in + that it is a deliberate declaration of industrial revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is beside the + point to consider the ideological bases of the Western industrial + revolution. It was perhaps neither a voluntary nor a deliberate + process at all; no man in the first few decades of the nineteenth + century could have foretold what the end of a process of + mechanization would bring, or was likely to advocate the + intentional following of a policy which would transform the + orientation and organization of man more thoroughly than had any + previous religious, political, and economic transition. The + industrial revolution of Euramerica, when viewed from the outside, + presents the appearance of a colossal accident, whether for good or + for bad, which was but half-perceived <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> by the participants in it. Even today, when + the ideology and the institutional outline of the + agrarian-handicraft past is fading swiftly away in the new + brilliance of Western machine-culture, the new certainty, the new + order have not yet appeared. The great transition works its way + beyond the knowledge or the intervention of individual men.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This was + decidedly not the case in China. Industrialism was something which + could be studied from the outside, which could be appraised, and + then acclaimed or resisted. Emperor Meiji and his Genro, with a + flash of intuition or an intellectual penetration almost + unparalleled in the political history of the world, guided Japan + into the swift current of mechanical progress; the island empire + swept ahead of Asia, abreast of the most powerful states of the + world. The Chinese court, under the resolute, but blind, guidance + of the Empress Dowager, made a few feeble gestures in favor of + modernization, but vigorously opposed any change which might + seriously modify the order of Chinese society or the position of + the Manchus. In the shadow of the foreign guns, industrialism crept + into China, along the coasts and up the banks of the navigable + rivers. One might suppose that the Chinese were in a position to + choose, deliberately, for or against industrialism. They were not; + in China, as in the West, the machine age first appeared largely as + an accident.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is here that + the significance of Sun Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> becomes apparent. + Above all other subsidiary meanings, it is a deliberate declaration + of the industrial revolution. Modernism had been an accident; Sun + Yat-sen wished to transform it into a program. What would be the + ideological consequences of such an attitude?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the first + place, a plan was indicated for almost every type of human + behavior. Sun Yat-sen himself drafted a <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> preliminary scheme for a modern manufacturing + and communications system.<a id="noteref_158" name="noteref_158" + href="#note_158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">158</span></span></a> The + road that China was to take would not be the miserable, halting + progress of industrialism, complicated by delays and wars, which + the West had known in the painful centuries of readjustment from + the medieval to modern civilization; China would not stumble + forward, but would deliberately select the swiftest and easiest way + to a sound industrialism, and then take it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> thus not only provides + the Chinese with a way to make their nationalism, their democracy, + and their stateification felt in the hour of their ultimate + triumph; it gives them something to do to bring about that + triumph.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the basis of + the outlines of the ideology and the social system that Sun Yat-sen + proposed, viewed from the perspective of the old Confucian + world-society, the reader will realize that this declaration of the + industrial revolution is the boldest of Sun Yat-sen's acts, and + that the meaning of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> as a program of complete modernization and + reconstruction is superior to other possible meanings it may have, + in regard to theoretical national or social revolution. There is + nothing remote or philosophical about the significance of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> when so viewed; it is + a plan to which a Lenin or a Henry Ford might subscribe with equal + fervor—although a Tagore would deplore <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> it. It is here that Sun Yat-sen appears as + the champion of the West against the traditional technological + stagnation of China. Yet just there, at the supreme point of his + Westernism, we must remember what he was fighting for: the life of + a race-nation and a civilization that was contradictory to the + West. The stability of Confucianism could not serve as a cloak for + reaction and stagnant thought. For its own good, nay, its own life, + Chinese civilization had to modernize (i. e., Westernize + economically) in order to compete in a West-ruled world. But what, + more specifically, was the socio-economic position of Sun Yat-sen? + Was he a Marxian? Was he a liberal? Was he neither?</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc63" id="toc63"></a> <a name="pdf64" id="pdf64"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Western Influences: Henry George, + Marxism and Maurice William.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As previously + stated there are three parts which may be distinguished in the + ideology of the principle of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> is, first, the + economic aspect of the national revolution—the creation of an + active race-nation of China implementing its power by, second, + technological revolution. Third, it connotes also the necessity of + a social revolution of some kind. Western commentators have been + prone to ignore the significance of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> in the first two of + these meanings, and have concentrated on disputation concerning the + third part. The question of the right system of distribution has + become so prominent in much Western revolutionary thought that, to + many, it sums up the whole moral issue concerning what is good and + bad in society.<a id="noteref_159" name="noteref_159" href= + "#note_159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">159</span></span></a> They + are uninterested in or ignorant <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page134">[pg 134]</span><a name="Pg134" id="Pg134" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the great importance that the first two + aspects of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + possess for the Chinese mind. The third part, the application of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to the problems that + are in the West the cause of social revolution, and to the possible + application of social revolution to China, is important, but is by + no means the complete picture.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In attempting to + state the definitive position of Sun Yat-sen on this question + several points must be kept in mind. The first is that Sun Yat-sen, + born a Chinese of the nineteenth century, had the intellectual + orientation of a member of the world-society, and an accepter of + the Confucian ideology. Enough has been shown of the background of + his theories to demonstrate their harmony with and relevance to + society which had endured in China for centuries before the coming + of the West. The second point to be remembered is that Westerners + are prone to overlook this background and see only the Western + influences which they are in such a good position to detect. Sun + Yat-sen's mind grew and changed. His preferences in <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Western beliefs changed frequently. A + few Westerners, seeing only this, are apt to call Sun unstable and + devoid of reason.<a id="noteref_160" name="noteref_160" href= + "#note_160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">160</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would, + indeed, be strange to find any Western political or ideological + leader who thought in precisely the same terms after the world war + and the Russian revolution as before. Sun Yat-sen was, like many + other receptive-minded leaders, sensitive to the new doctrines of + Wilson and Lenin as they were shouted through the world. He was, + perhaps, less affected by them than Western leaders, because his + ideology was so largely rooted in the ideology of old China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Apart from the + winds of doctrine that blew through the world during Sun's + life-period, and the generally known Western influences to which he + was exposed,<a id="noteref_161" name="noteref_161" href= + "#note_161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">161</span></span></a> there + were three writers whose influence has been supposed to have been + critical in the development of his thinking. These three were Henry + George, Karl Marx, and Maurice William of New York. A much greater + amount of material is needed for a detailed study of the influences + of various individual theories on Sun Yat-sen than for a general + exposition of his political doctrines as a whole. At the present + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page136">[pg 136]</span><a name= + "Pg136" id="Pg136" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> time scarcely enough + has been written to permit any really authoritative description of + the relations between the ideology of Sun Yat-sen and the thought + of these three men. It is possible, nevertheless, to trace certain + general outlines which may serve to clarify the possible influence + that was exercised on Sun, and to correct some current + misapprehensions as to the nature and extent of that influence.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + opposition to the <span class="tei tei-q">“unearned + increment”</span> shows the influence of the thought of Henry + George. Sun proposed an ingenious scheme for the government + confiscation of unearned increment in an economy which would + nevertheless permit private ownership of land. (Incidentally, he + terms this, in his second lecture on <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> which indicates a use of the word + different, in this respect at least, from the conventional Western + use.)<a id="noteref_162" name="noteref_162" href= + "#note_162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">162</span></span></a> The + land problem was of course a very old one in China, although + accentuated in the disorders resulting from the impact of the West. + There can be little question that Sun's particular method of + solving the problem was influenced by the idea of unearned + increment.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He knew of Henry + George in 1897, the year the latter died,<a id="noteref_163" name= + "noteref_163" href="#note_163"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">163</span></span></a> and + advocated redistribution of the land in the party oath, the + platform, and the slogans of the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tung Meng + Hui</span></span> of 1905.<a id="noteref_164" name="noteref_164" + href="#note_164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">164</span></span></a> + Since, even at the time of the Canton-Moscow Entente, his land + policy never approached the Marxist-Leninist program of + nationalization or collectivization of land, but remained one of + redistribution <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg + 137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + and confiscation of unearned increment, it is safe to say that Sun + kept the theory of George in mind, although he by no means followed + George to the latter's ultimate conclusions.<a id="noteref_165" + name="noteref_165" href="#note_165"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">165</span></span></a> It + may thus be inferred that the influence of Henry George upon the + nationalist ideology of Sun Yat-sen was slight, but permanent. An + idea was borrowed; the scheme of things was not.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + encountered Marxism for the first recorded time in London in 1897, + when he met a group of Russian revolutionaries and also read in the + subject. The fact that Sun was exposed to Marxism proves little + except that he had had the opportunity of taking up Marxism and did + not do so.<a id="noteref_166" name="noteref_166" href= + "#note_166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">166</span></span></a> + Again, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Tung Meng Hui</span></span> manifesto of 1905 + may have been influenced by Marxism. It was not, however, until the + development of his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Three Principles</span></span> that the + question of Marxian influence was raised. Sun Yat-sen made his + first speech on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Principles</span></span> in Brussels in the + spring of 1905.<a id="noteref_167" name="noteref_167" href= + "#note_167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">167</span></span></a> By + 1907 the three principles had taken on a clear form: nationalism, + democracy, and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, + which the Chinese of that time seem to have translated <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">socialism</span></span> when referring to it + in Western languages.<a id="noteref_168" name="noteref_168" href= + "#note_168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">168</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most careful + Marxian critic of Sun Yat-sen, writing of the principle of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and its two main + planks, land reform and state capitalism, says: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“This very vague program, which does not refer to class + interests nor to the class struggle as the means of breaking + privileged class interests, was objectively not socialism at all, + but something <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page138">[pg + 138]</span><a name="Pg138" id="Pg138" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + else altogether: Lenin coined the formula, <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘subjective socialism,’</span> for it.”</span><a id= + "noteref_169" name="noteref_169" href="#note_169"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">169</span></span></a> He + adds, later: <span class="tei tei-q">“Hence Sun's socialism meant, + on the lips of the Chinese bourgeoisie, nothing but a sort of + declaration for a <span class="tei tei-q">‘social’</span> economic + policy, that is, a policy friendly to the masses.”</span><a id= + "noteref_170" name="noteref_170" href="#note_170"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">170</span></span></a> T'ang + Liang-li declares that the third principle at this time adopted + <span class="tei tei-q">“a frankly socialistic + attitude,”</span><a id="noteref_171" name="noteref_171" href= + "#note_171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">171</span></span></a> but + implies elsewhere that its inadequacy was seen by a Chinese + Marxist, Chu Chih-hsin.<a id="noteref_172" name="noteref_172" href= + "#note_172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">172</span></span></a> This + evidence, as far as it goes, shows that Sun Yat-sen had had the + opportunity to become acquainted with Marxism, and that even on the + occasion of the first formulation of the principle of <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> he used none of its + tenets. The revolutionary critic, T'ang Liang-li, who, a devoted + and brilliant Nationalist in action, writes with a sort of European + left-liberal orientation, suggests that the Third Principle grew + with the growth of capitalist industrialism in China.<a id= + "noteref_173" name="noteref_173" href="#note_173"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">173</span></span></a> This + is true: economic maladjustment would emphasize the need for + ideological reconstruction with reference to the economy. There is + no need to resort to Marxian analysis.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That the third + principle meant something to Sun Yat-sen is shown by the fact that + when Sung Chiao-jen, who a few years later was to become one of the + most celebrated martyrs of the revolution, suggested in the period + of the first provisional Republic at Nanking that the Third + Principle had better be omitted altogether, Sun was enraged, + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name= + "Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> and declared that if + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were to be given up, + the whole revolution might as well be abandoned.<a id="noteref_174" + name="noteref_174" href="#note_174"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">174</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Since + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, in its third + significance, that of the development of a socially just + distributive system, was not Marxian nor yet unimportant, it may be + contrasted once again with the communist doctrines, and then + studied for its actual content. In contrasting it with Marxism, it + might be of value to observe, first, the criticism that the + Marxians levy against it, and second, the distinctions that + nationalist and European critics make between <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and communism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dr. Karl + Wittfogel, the German Marxist whose work on Sun Yat-sen is the most + satisfactory of its kind, points out the apparent contradictions in + the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San + Min Chu I</span></span>: on the one hand, statements which are not + only objectively but subjectively friendly to capitalism (on the + excellence of the Ford plant; on the necessity for the coöperation + of capital and labor)—on the other, the unmerciful condemnation of + capitalism; on the one hand, the declaration that there is no + capitalism in China—on the other, that capitalism must be destroyed + as it appears; on the right, the statement that communism and + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are opposed—on the + left, that the communist doctrines are a subsidiary part of the + ideology of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>.<a id="noteref_175" name="noteref_175" href= + "#note_175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">175</span></span></a> How, + asks Wittfogel, does this all fit together? He answers by pointing + out the significance of Sun's theses when considered in relation to + the dialectical-materialist interpretation of recent Far Eastern + history:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">His three principles incorporate</span></p> + + <div class="tei tei-lg" style= + "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class= + "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">development</span></em> + <span style="font-size: 90%">the objective change in the + socio-economic situation of China,</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class= + "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">contradictions</span></em> + <span style="font-size: 90%">the real contradictions of the + Chinese revolution,</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">in their</span> <em class= + "tei tei-emph" style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">latest + tendencies</span></em> <span style="font-size: 90%">the + transposition of the social center of gravity of the + revolution, which sets the classes in action,</span> + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page140">[pg 140]</span><a name= + "Pg140" id="Pg140" class="tei tei-anchor" style= + "text-align: left"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">and whose + aim is no longer a bourgeois capitalist one, but + proletarian-socialist and peasant + agrarian-revolutionary.</span> + </div> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen is according to this not only the + hitherto most powerful representative of the bourgeois-national, + anti-imperialist revolutions of awakening Asia; he points at the + same time outwards over the bourgeois class limitations of the + first step of the Asiatic movement for liberation. To deny this + were portentuous, even for the proletarian communist movement of + Eastern Asia.</span><a id="noteref_176" name="noteref_176" href= + "#note_176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">176</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + modifications which the Marxians have introduced into their + programs with respect to the class struggle in colonial countries + do not imply a corresponding modification of their ideology. The + determinism adopted from Hegel, the economic interpretation of + history—these and other dogmas are held by the Marxians to be + universally valid despite their Western origin.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We have seen + what Sun's chief Marxian exegete thinks of him. Now it may be worth + while to consider the actual relations of Sun's doctrines with some + of those in Marxism. In the first place, Sun Yat-sen, during his + stay in Shanghai, 1919-1922 (with interruptions), was very much + interested in Communism and friendly to the Russian people, but not + at all inclined to adopt its ideology.<a id="noteref_177" name= + "noteref_177" href="#note_177"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">177</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page141">[pg 141]</span><a name="Pg141" id="Pg141" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In reference to + specific points of the Communist ideology, Sun Yat-sen was indebted + to the Communists for the application of the principle of + nationalism, as a means of propaganda, as anti-imperialism, + although, as we have seen, it was fundamentally a thesis for the + readjustment of the Chinese society from the ideological basis of a + world-society over to a national state among national states.<a id= + "noteref_178" name="noteref_178" href="#note_178"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">178</span></span></a> + Second, his habit of taking Western doctrines and applying them to + the Chinese nation instead of to Chinese individuals, led him to + apply nationalism to the class war of the oppressed nations against + the oppressing nations. There was no justification of + intra-national class war in the nationalist ideology of Sun + Yat-sen.<a id="noteref_179" name="noteref_179" href= + "#note_179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">179</span></span></a> In + his doctrine of democracy, his application of a class-system based + on intellect was a flat denial of the superior significance of the + Marxian economic-class ideology, as was his favoring of the + development of a five-power liberal government through <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span> and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span> in place of a dictatorship + of the proletariat operating through soviets. Finally, in relation + to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, his + use of the Confucian philosophy—the interpretation of history + through <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span>—was a + contradiction of the materialist interpretation of history by the + Marxians. It also contradicted the class struggle; the loyalty of + the Chinese to the race-nation was to be the supreme loyalty; it + was to develop from the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta + chia</span></span>, the great family of all Chinese; and class + lines within it could not transcend its significance. Furthermore, + purely as a matter of economic development, Sun Yat-sen regarded + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page142">[pg 142]</span><a name= + "Pg142" id="Pg142" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the class struggle + as <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pathological</span></em> in society. He said, + <span class="tei tei-q">“Out of his studies of the social question, + Marx gained no other advantage than a knowledge of the diseases of + social evolution; he failed to see the principle of social + evolution. Hence we can say that Marx was a pathologist rather than + a physiologist of society.”</span><a id="noteref_180" name= + "noteref_180" href="#note_180"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">180</span></span></a> + Finally, he did not accept the Marxian theory of surplus value or + of the inevitable collapse of capitalism. He even spoke of + capitalism and socialism as <span class="tei tei-q">“two economic + forces of human civilization”</span> which might <span class= + "tei tei-q">“work side by side in future + civilization.”</span><a id="noteref_181" name="noteref_181" href= + "#note_181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">181</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">All in all, it + may safely be said that Sun Yat-sen's ideology, as an adjustment of + the old Chinese ideology to the modern world, was not inspired by + the Marxist; that through the greater part of his life, he was + acquainted with Marxism, and did not avail himself of the + opportunities he had for adopting it, but consistently rejected it; + and that while the Communists were of great use to him in the + formulation and implementation of his program, they affected his + ideology, either generally or with reference to <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, imperceptibly if at + all.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This conclusion + is of significance in the estimation of the influence of Maurice + William upon the thought of Sun Yat-sen. It is, briefly, the thesis + of Dr. William that it was his own book which saved China from + Bolshevism by making an anti-Marxian out of Sun after he had fallen + prey to the Bolshevist philosophy. Dr. William writes of the + lectures on Nationalism and Democracy; <span class="tei tei-q">“In + these lectures Dr. Sun makes clear that his position is strongly + pro-Russian and pro-Marxian, that he endorses the class struggle, + repudiates Western democracy, and advocates China's coöperation + with Bolshevist Russia against capitalist <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page143">[pg 143]</span><a name="Pg143" id="Pg143" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> nations.”</span><a id="noteref_182" name= + "noteref_182" href="#note_182"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">182</span></span></a> Dr. + William then goes on to show, quite convincingly, that Sun Yat-sen, + with very slight acknowledgments, quoted William's <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Social + Interpretation of History</span></span> almost verbatim for + paragraph after paragraph in the lectures on <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be + unjust and untruthful to deny the great value that William's book + had for Sun Yat-sen, who did quote it and use its arguments.<a id= + "noteref_183" name="noteref_183" href="#note_183"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">183</span></span></a> On + the other hand, it is a manifest absurdity to assume that Sun + Yat-sen, having once been a communist, suddenly reversed his + position after reading one book by an American of whom he knew + nothing. Even Dr. William writes with a tone of mild surprise when + he speaks of the terrific <span class= + "tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">volte-face</span></span> + which he thinks Sun Yat-sen performed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are two + necessary comments to be made on the question of the influence of + Maurice William. In the first place, Sun Yat-sen had never swerved + from the interpretation of history by <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, which may be interpreted as + the humane or social interpretation of history. Enough of the old + Chinese ideology has been outlined above to make clear what this + outlook was.<a id="noteref_184" name="noteref_184" href= + "#note_184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">184</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen, in short, never having been a Marxian, was not converted + to the social interpretation of history as put forth by Dr. + William. He found in the latter's book, perhaps more clearly than + in any other Western work an analysis of society that coincided + with his own, which he had developed from the old Chinese + philosophy and morality as rendered by Confucius. Consequently he + said of William's rejection of the materialistic interpretation of + history, <span class="tei tei-q">“That sounds perfectly reasonable + ... the greatest discovery of the American scholar <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fits in + perfectly</span></em> with the (third) <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page144">[pg 144]</span><a name="Pg144" id="Pg144" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> principle of our Party.”</span><a id= + "noteref_185" name="noteref_185" href="#note_185"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">185</span></span></a> The + accomplishment of Maurice William, therefore, was a great one, but + one which has been misunderstood. He formulated a doctrine of + social evolution which tallied perfectly with Chinese ideology, and + did this without being informed on Chinese thought. He did not + change the main currents of Sun's thought, which were consistent + through the years. He did present Sun with several telling + supplementary arguments in Western economic terms, by means of + which he could reconcile his interpretation of social history not + only with Confucian <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span> + but also with modern Western economics.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The other point + to be considered in relation to Maurice William is a matter of + dates. The thesis of Maurice William, that Sun Yat-sen, after + having turned Marxian or near-Marxian, was returned to democratic + liberal thought by William's book, is based on contrast of the + first twelve lectures in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> and the last four + on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Dr. + William believes that Sun read his book in the meantime and changed + his mind. A Chinese commentator points out that Sun Yat-sen + referred to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Social Interpretation of + History</span></span> in a speech on January 21, 1924; his first + lecture on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> was given January + 24, 1924.<a id="noteref_186" name="noteref_186" href= + "#note_186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">186</span></span></a> + Hence, in the twelve lectures that Dr. William interprets as + Marxian, Sun Yat-sen was speaking from a background which included + not only Marxism, but <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Social Interpretation of + History</span></span>, as well.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Only on the + third part does the influence of the Western thinkers appear + unmistakably. Henry George gave Sun Yat-sen the idea of the + unearned increment, but Sun Yat-sen, instead of accepting the whole + body of doctrine that George put forth, simply kept this one idea, + and built a novel land-policy of his own on it. Marxism may have + influenced the verbal tone of Sun Yat-sen's lectures, but it did + not affect his ideology, although it shows a definite <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page145">[pg 145]</span><a name="Pg145" id="Pg145" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> imprint upon his programs. Maurice + William gave Sun Yat-sen a set of arguments in modern economic + terms which he attached to his ideological thesis of the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span> interpretation of history, + which he based upon Confucianism. There is no evidence to show that + at any time in his life Sun Yat-sen abandoned his Chinese + ideological orientation and fell under the sway of any Western + thinker. The strong consistency in the ideology of Sun Yat-sen is a + consistency rooted in the old Chinese ideology. On minor points of + doctrine he showed the influence of the West; this influence cannot + be considered solely by itself. The present discussion of Western + influences may, by its length, imply a disproportionate emphasis of + Western thought in the political doctrines of Sun Yat-sen, but in a + work written primarily for Westerners, this may be found + excusable.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc65" id="toc65"></a> <a name="pdf66" id="pdf66"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">as a + Socio-Economic Doctrine.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If one were to + attempt to define the relations of the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> ideology to the + various types of Western economic doctrines at present current, + certain misapprehensions may be eliminated at the outset. First: + Capitalism in its Western form was opposed by Sun Yat-sen; + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to put through the + national economic revolution of enrichment through a + deliberately-planned industrialization, but in doing so was to + prevent China from going through all the painful stages which + attended the growth of capitalism in the West. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“We want,”</span> said Sun Yat-sen, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“a preventive remedy; a remedy which will thwart the + accumulation of large private capitals and so preserve future + society from the great inconvenience of the inequality between rich + and poor.”</span><a id="noteref_187" name="noteref_187" href= + "#note_187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">187</span></span></a> And + yet he looked forward to a society which would ultimately be + communistic, although never in its strict Marxian sense. + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page146">[pg 146]</span><a name= + "Pg146" id="Pg146" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class= + "tei tei-q">“We may say that communism is the ideal of livelihood, + and that the doctrine of livelihood is the practical application of + communism; such is the difference between the doctrine of Marx and + the doctrine of the Kuomintang. In the last analysis, there is no + real difference in the principles of the two; where they differ is + in method.”</span><a id="noteref_188" name="noteref_188" href= + "#note_188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">188</span></span></a> This + is sufficient to show that Sun Yat-sen was not an orthodox Western + apologist for capitalism; as a Chinese, it would have been hard for + him to be one, for the logically consistent capitalist ideology is + one which minimizes all human relationships excepting those + individual-contractual ones based on money bargains. The marketing + of goods and services in such a way as to disturb the traditional + forms of Chinese society would have been repugnant to Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second: if Sun + Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + ideology cannot be associated with capitalism, it can as little be + affiliated with Marxism or the single-tax. What, then, in relation + to Western socio-economic thought, is it? We have seen that the + state it proposed was liberal-protective, and that the society from + which it was derived and to which it was to lead back was one of + extreme laissez-faire, bordering almost on anarchism. These + political features are enough to distinguish it from the Western + varieties of socialism, anarchism and syndicalism, since the + ingredients of these ideologies of the West and that of Sun + Yat-sen, while coincident on some points, cannot be fitted + together.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Superficially, + there is a certain resemblance between the ideology of the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span> and that of Fascism. The resemblances may be + found in the emphasis on the nation, the rejection of the class war + and of Marxism, the upholding of tradition, and the inclusion of a + doctrine of intellectual inequality. But Sun Yat-sen seeks to + reconcile <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page147">[pg + 147]</span><a name="Pg147" id="Pg147" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + all this with democracy in a form even more republican than that of + the United States. The scheme of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>, with its election, + recall, initiative and referendum, and with its definite demands of + intellectual freedom, is in contradiction to the teachings of + Fascism. His condemnation of Caesarism is unequivocal: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Therefore, if the Chinese Revolution has not until now + been crowned with success, it is because the ambitions for the + throne have not been completely rooted out nor suppressed + altogether.”</span><a id="noteref_189" name="noteref_189" href= + "#note_189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">189</span></span></a> With + these fundamental and irreconcilable distinctions, it is hard to + find any possibility of agreement between the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span> and the Fascist ideologies, although the + transitional program of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>—in its advocacy of + provisional party dictatorship, etc.—has something in common with + Fascism as well as with Communism as applied in the Soviet + Union.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A recent + well-received work on modern political thought describes a category + of Western thinkers whose ideas are much in accord with those + contained in the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + ideology.<a id="noteref_190" name="noteref_190" href= + "#note_190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">190</span></span></a> + Professor Francis W. Coker of Yale, after reviewing the leading + types of socialist and liberal thought, describes a group who might + be called <span class="tei tei-q">“empirical collectivists.”</span> + The men to whom he applies this term reject socialist doctrines of + economic determinism, labor-created value, and class war. They + oppose, on the other hand, the making of a fetish of private + ownership, and recognize that the vast mass of ordinary men in + modern society do not always receive their just share of the + produce of industry. They offer no single panacea for all economic + troubles, and lay down no absolute and unchallengeable dogma + concerning the rightness or wrongness of public or private + ownership.<a id="noteref_191" name="noteref_191" href= + "#note_191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">191</span></span></a> + Professor Coker <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page148">[pg + 148]</span><a name="Pg148" id="Pg148" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + outlines their general point of view by examining their ideas with + reference to several conspicuous economic problems of the present + day: public ownership; labor legislation; regulation of prices; + taxation; and land policies.<a id="noteref_192" name="noteref_192" + href="#note_192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">192</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">According to + Coker, the empirical collectivist is not willing to forgo the + profit motive except where necessary. He is anxious to see a great + part of the ruthlessness of private competition eliminated, and + capital generally subjected to a regulation which will prevent its + use as an instrument of harm to the community as a whole. While not + committed to public ownership of large enterprises as a matter of + theory, he has little objection to the governmental operation of + those which could, as a matter of practical expediency, be managed + by the state on a nonprofit basis.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + position greatly resembles this, with respect to his more immediate + objectives. Speaking of public utilities, he said to Judge + Linebarger: <span class="tei tei-q">“There are so many public + utilities needed in China at the present time, that the government + can't monopolize all of them for the advantage of the masses. + Moreover, public utilities involve risks which a government cannot + afford to take. Although the risks are comparatively small in + single cases, the entire aggregate of such risks, if assumed by the + government, would be of crushing proportions. Private initiative + and capital can best perform the public utility development of + China. We should, however, be very careful to limit the control of + these public utilities enterprises, while at the same time + encouraging private development as much as possible.”</span><a id= + "noteref_193" name="noteref_193" href="#note_193"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">193</span></span></a> Sun + had, however, already spoken of nationalization: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“I think that when I hold power <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page149">[pg 149]</span><a name="Pg149" id="Pg149" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> again, we should institute a + nationalization program through a cautious and experimental + evolution of (1) public utilities; (2) public domains; (3) + industrial combines, syndicates, and cartels; (4) coöperative + department stores and other merchandising agencies.”</span><a id= + "noteref_194" name="noteref_194" href="#note_194"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">194</span></span></a> It + must be remembered that there were two considerations back of + anything that Sun Yat-sen said concerning national ownership: + first, China had already ventured into broad national ownership of + communications and transport, even though these were in bad + condition and heavily indebted; second, there was no question of + expropriation of capital, but rather the free alternative of public + and private industry. An incidental problem that arises in + connection with the joint development of the country by public and + by private capital is the use of foreign capital. Sun Yat-sen was + opposed to imperialism, but he did not believe that the use of + foreign capital at fair rates of interest constituted submission to + imperialism. He said, in Canton, <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... we + shall certainly have to borrow foreign capital in order to develop + means of communication and transportation, and we cannot do + otherwise than have recourse to those foreigners who are men of + knowledge and of experience to manage these + industries.”</span><a id="noteref_195" name="noteref_195" href= + "#note_195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">195</span></span></a> It + may thus be said that Sun Yat-sen had no fixed prejudice against + private capital or against foreign capital, when properly and + justly regulated, although in general he favored the ownership of + large enterprises by the state.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second—to follow + again Professor Coker—the Western empirical collectivists favor + labor legislation, and government intervention for the protection + of the living standards of the working classes. This, while it did + not figure <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page150">[pg + 150]</span><a name="Pg150" id="Pg150" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + conspicuously in the theories of Sun Yat-sen,<a id="noteref_196" + name="noteref_196" href="#note_196"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">196</span></span></a> was a + striking feature of all his practical programs.<a id="noteref_197" + name="noteref_197" href="#note_197"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">197</span></span></a> In + his address to Chinese labor, on the international Labor Day, 1924, + he urged that Chinese labor organize in order to fight for its own + cause and that of national liberation. It had nothing to fear from + Chinese capitalism, but everything from foreign imperialistic + capitalism.<a id="noteref_198" name="noteref_198" href= + "#note_198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">198</span></span></a> Sun + did not make a special hero class out of the workers; he did, + however, advocate their organization for the purpose of getting + their just share of the national wealth, and for resistance to the + West and Japan.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, the + empirical collectivist tends to advocate price-control by the + state, if not over the whole range of commodities, at least in + certain designated fields. Sun was, has been stated, in favor of + the regulation of capital at all points, and of public ownership in + some. This naturally implies an approval of price-control. He more + specifically objected to undue profits by middlemen, when, in + discussing salesmen, he said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Under ideal + conditions, society does not need salesmen or any inducement to + buy. If a thing is good, and the price reasonable, it should sell + itself on its own merits without any salesmanship. This vast army + of middlemen should hence be made to remember that they should + expect no more from the nonproductive calling in which they are + engaged than any other citizen obtains through harder + labor.”</span><a id="noteref_199" name="noteref_199" href= + "#note_199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">199</span></span></a> In + this, too, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page151">[pg + 151]</span><a name="Pg151" id="Pg151" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> coincides with + empirical collectivism; the coincidence is made easy by the + relative vagueness of the latter.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, in the + words of Mr. Coker, <span class="tei tei-q">“many collectivists + look upon taxation as a rational and practical means for reducing + extreme differences in wealth and for achieving other desired + economic changes.”</span><a id="noteref_200" name="noteref_200" + href="#note_200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">200</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen agrees with this definitely; his land policy is one based + upon taxation and confiscation of the amount of the unearned + increment (which, not involving the confiscation of the land + itself, is perhaps also taxation), and proposes to apply taxes + extensively. Quite apart from the question of distributive justice, + a heavy tax burden would be necessary in a country which was being + rigorously developed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifth, empirical + collectivists believe in land control, not only in the cities, but + in the open country as well, as a matter of agrarian reform. We + have seen that the land figured extensively in the ideology of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, and shall observe + that Sun Yat-sen, in his plans for <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, stressed the + importance of proper control of land.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In summing up + the theory of distributive justice which forms a third part of the + principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, one + may say that, as far as any comparison between a Chinese and a + Western idea is valid, the positive social-revolutionary content of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> coincides with the + doctrines of that group of Western politico-economic writers whom + Coker calls empirical collectivists. The correspondence between the + two may not be a mere coincidence of names, for in considering Sun + Yat-sen's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, one + is struck by the empirical, almost opportunistic, nature of the + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page152">[pg 152]</span><a name= + "Pg152" id="Pg152" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> theory. A great part + of the activity of the Chinese, whether material or intellectual, + has been characterized by a sort of opportunism; not necessarily an + opportunism of insincerity, it may be more aptly described as a + tendency to seek the golden mean, the reasonable in any situation. + It is this habit of compromise with circumstance, this bland and + happy disregard of absolutes in theory, which has preserved—with + rare exceptions—the Chinese social mind from the torment of any + really bitter and profound religious conflict, and which may, in + these troubled times, keep even the most irreconcilable enemies + from becoming insane with intolerance. This fashion of muddling + through, of adhering to certain traditional general rules of + reasonableness, while rendering lip-service to the doctrines of the + moment, has been the despair of many Western students of China, + who, embittered at the end, accuse the Chinese of complete + insincerity. They do not realize that it is the moderateness of the + Confucian ideology, the humane and conciliatory outlook that + centuries of cramped civilized life have given the Chinese, that is + the basis of this, and that this indisposition to adopt hard and + fast systems has been one of the ameliorating influences in the + present period of serious intellectual antagonisms. Generalizations + concerning China are rarely worth much. It may be, however, that + the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, with + respect to its positive socio-economic content, may appear vague to + the Western student, and that he may surmise it to be a mere cloak + for demagogues. It could easily do that in the West, or in the + hands of insincere and unscrupulous leaders. In China, however, it + need not necessarily have been formulated more positively than it + was, because, as we have seen, the intellectual temper of the + Chinese makes any strict adherence to a schedule or a plan + impossible. It is easy, always, to render the courtesies; it is + hard to follow the specific content. Sun Yat-sen apparently + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page153">[pg 153]</span><a name= + "Pg153" id="Pg153" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> realized this, and + wished to leave a general body of doctrine which could be followed + and which would not be likely to be violated. In any case, the + theses of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, both + ideologically and programmatically, can scarcely be contrasted with + the detailed schedules of social revolution to be found in the + West.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + frequent expressions of sympathy with communism and socialism, and + his occasional identification of the large principles of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with them, are an + indication of his desire for ultimate collectivism. (It may be + remarked, in passing, that Sun Yat-sen used the word <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">collectivist</span></em> in a much more rigid + sense than that employed by Coker.) His concessions to the economic + situation of his time, the pragmatic, practical method in which he + conceived and advocated his plans, are a manifestation of the + empirical element in his collectivism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Ming shêng</span></span> cannot, however, be + thought of as another Western doctrine for national economic + strength, national economic reconstitution, and national + distributive justice; it is also a program for the improvement of + the morale of the people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How is the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> doctrine to fit in + with the essentially conservative spirit of the nationalist + ideology? If, as Sun proposed, the new ideology is to be compounded + of the old morality, the old knowledge, and modern physical + science, how is <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, + referring to social as well as material programs, to be developed + in harmony with the old knowledge? In the terminology of + ultramodern Western political science, the ethical, the moral, and + the emotional are likely to appear as words of derision. In a + milieu characterized by the curiously warmblooded social outlook of + the Confucians, such terms are still relevant to reality, still + significant in the lives of men. The sentimental is intangible in + politics; for that reason it is hard to fit into contemporary + thought, but <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page154">[pg + 154]</span><a name="Pg154" id="Pg154" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + though it cannot be measured and fully understood, its potency + cannot be disregarded; and for Sun Yat-sen it was of the utmost + importance.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc67" id="toc67"></a> <a name="pdf68" id="pdf68"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 144%">as an Ethical + Doctrine.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reference has + been made to the Confucian doctrine of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, the fellow-feeling of all + mankind—each man's consciousness of membership in society. This + doctrine was formulated in a society unacquainted with Greek logic, + nor did it have the strange European emphasis upon sheer + intellectuality which has played its way through Western thought. + Not, of course, as profoundly introspective as Christianity, nor + appealing so distinctly to the mystical in man's nature, it was + nevertheless concerned with man's inner life, as well as with the + ethics of his outward behavior. The Confucian was suffused + throughout with the idea of virtue; the moral and the physical were + inextricably intertwined. Its non-logical content scarcely + approached the form of a religion; commentators on the old ideology + have not called it religious, despite the prominence of beliefs in + the supernatural.<a id="noteref_201" name="noteref_201" href= + "#note_201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">201</span></span></a> The + religion of the Chinese has been this-worldly,<a id="noteref_202" + name="noteref_202" href="#note_202"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">202</span></span></a> but + it has not on that account been indifferent to the subjective + aspects of the moral life.<a id="noteref_203" name="noteref_203" + href="#note_203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">203</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The nationalist + ideology was designed as the inheritor of and successor to, the old + ideology of China. The doctrine <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page155">[pg 155]</span><a name="Pg155" id="Pg155" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of nationalism narrowed the field of the + application of Confucianism from the whole civilized world to the + state-ized society of the Chinese race-nation. The doctrine of + democracy implemented the old teachings of popular power and + intellectual leadership with a political mechanism designed to + bring forth the full strength of both. And the doctrine of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was the economic + application of the old social ethos.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is in this + last significance, rather than in any of its practical meanings of + recovery, development, and reform, that Sun Yat-sen spoke most of + it to one of his followers.<a id="noteref_204" name="noteref_204" + href="#note_204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">204</span></span></a> He + was concerned with it as a moral force. His work was, among other + things, a work of moral transformation of individual motives.<a id= + "noteref_205" name="noteref_205" href="#note_205"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">205</span></span></a> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min shêng</span></span> must, in addition to + its other meanings be regarded as an attempt to extend the Chinese + ideology to economic matters, to lead the Chinese to follow their + old ethics. Sun Yat-sen had ample time in his visits to the West to + observe the ravages that modern civilization had inflicted upon the + older Western <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page156">[pg + 156]</span><a name="Pg156" id="Pg156" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + moral life, and did not desire that China should also follow the + same course. The humanity of the old tradition must be kept by the + Chinese in their venture into the elaborate and dangerous economy + of modern life; the machine civilization was needed, and was itself + desirable,<a id="noteref_206" name="noteref_206" href= + "#note_206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">206</span></span></a> but + it could not overthrow the humane civilization that preceded it and + was to continue on beneath and throughout it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In this manner a + follower of Sun Yat-sen seeks to recall his words: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“I should say that <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> focuses our ethical + tradition even more than the other two principles; after a Chinese + has become nationalistic and democratic, he will become socialized + through the idea of his own personality as an instrument of good + for human welfare. In this proud feeling of importance to and for + the world, egotism gives way to altruism.... So, I say again that + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is an ethical endeavor + ... this, the final principle (and yet, the first principle which I + discovered, in the bitterness and poverty of my boyhood days), will + come imperceptibly into our lives.”</span><a id="noteref_207" name= + "noteref_207" href="#note_207"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">207</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In a philosophy + for intellectuals such attitudes need not, perhaps, be reckoned + with; in an ideology for revolution and reconstitution, perhaps + they should. Sun Yat-sen conceived of his own work and his ideology + not only as political acts but as moral forces; <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was at once to + invigorate the national economy, to industrialize the material + civilization, and to institute distributive justice, and in + addition to this, it was to open a new, humane epoch in economic + relations. That is why the term, instead of being translated, is + left in the Chinese: <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page157">[pg 157]</span><a name= + "Pg157" id="Pg157" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc69" id="toc69"></a> <a name="pdf70" id="pdf70"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter V. The Programs of + Nationalism.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc71" id="toc71"></a> <a name="pdf72" id="pdf72"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Kuomintang.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + a political leader as well as a political philosopher. His growth + as a thinker was intimately associated with the development of his + political activities. It would be difficult to say which came + first, either in time or in importance, in his life—his teachings + or his work. At times the line between the two becomes vague. Sun + made vital commitments concerning his ideology in furthering his + revolutionary work. These have to be sifted out from other + utterances bearing only upon the immediate situation. This is not + easy, but neither is it impossible. Lyon Sharman wrote, + <span class="tei tei-q">“It might be cogently argued that, in + dealing with an easily absorbent, propagandist mind like Sun + Yat-sen's one should not look to the shifting ideas for his real + opinions, but to those formulations which he clung to tenaciously + all his life.”</span><a id="noteref_208" name="noteref_208" href= + "#note_208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">208</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The ideology of + the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San + Min Chu I</span></span> provides a broad scheme of terms and values + by means of which the Chinese of the twentieth century could orient + themselves simultaneously in the modern world and in the continuing + world of Confucian civilization. Between this philosophy and the + necessity of immediate practical action there stands an + intermediate step—that of the plans. The plans provide a theory of + means leading to the establishment of the ends set up in the + ideology. The ideology, left on paper by itself, could not bring + about China's salvation; it had to be spread and implemented with + political action. Sun Yat-sen planned the programs and activities + of the Chinese revolutionaries in some detail; he proposed policies + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page158">[pg 158]</span><a name= + "Pg158" id="Pg158" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> reaching far out + into the future. While, since his death, these plans have been + modified to a greater or less degree,<a id="noteref_209" name= + "noteref_209" href="#note_209"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">209</span></span></a> they + have not lost all relevance to the course of affairs in China, and, + in any case, possess an interest of their own in the history of + political thought, as illustrating the political doctrines to which + Sun Yat-sen's ideology led him. The first problem the plans had to + include was that of providing a tool by which they could be set in + motion.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What instrument + could preach nationalism to the Chinese people and awaken them, + and, having awakened them, lead them on to a victorious defense of + their race and civilization? Sun's answer was: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Kuomintang.”</span> The nationalist revolutionary + party was the designated heir to the leadership of the people, and + even in his life-time Sun Yat-sen worked through the party that was + almost entirely his own creation.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page159">[pg 159]</span><a name="Pg159" id="Pg159" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This party had + begun as a small group of the personal followers of Sun Yat-sen in + the days when he was struggling against the Manchu monarchy almost + singlehanded. Gradually this group increased and became a + federation of the great secret orders which had resisted the + Manchus for centuries. It developed into a modern parliamentary + party under the name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Kuomintang</span></span>—literally <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">nation people + party</span></em>—with the inauguration of the first republic, but + was soon driven underground by the would-be emperor Yüan Shih-k'ai. + It emerged again in South China at the end of the World War, was + reorganized after the Communist model (so far as intra-party + organization was concerned) before the death of Sun Yat-sen, led + the revolution to the North, and, now, though somewhat less united + than before, rules the greater part of China in the name of the + Three Principles.<a id="noteref_210" name="noteref_210" href= + "#note_210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">210</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius + preached the slow transformation of society by means of an + intellectual leaven, scholar class, which, by re-forming and + clarifying the ideology, could gradually minimize conflict among + men and bring about an epoch of concord in which all men would live + by reason as found in tradition. The function of the Kuomintang + was, in Sun's mind, only remotely similar. The Kuomintang was + designed to intervene in a chaos of wars and corrupt politics, to + propagate the nationalist ideology, and avert a tragic fate which + would otherwise be inevitable—the disappearance of China from the + map of the world, and the extinction not only of Chinese + civilization but—as Sun Yat-sen thought—of the Chinese race as + well.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the days + before the downfall of the monarchy, and <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page160">[pg 160]</span><a name="Pg160" id="Pg160" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> for the few years of defeat under the first + republic, the Kuomintang was not highly organized. Sun Yat-sen's + genius for leadership, and the fervor of his adherents—which can be + understood only at first-hand, and cannot be explained in rational + terms—were sufficient to hold the party together. But there was far + too much discord as to final principles as well as to points of + immediate action, and party activities were not so specialized as + to permit maximum efficiency.<a id="noteref_211" name="noteref_211" + href="#note_211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">211</span></span></a> + Furthermore, there was the question of the relations of the party + and the state. It was somewhat absurd for the partizans of Sun + Yat-sen, having brought about the revolution, to stand back and let + whomever would walk away with it. The party's power had ebbed with + its success in 1911. There had to be some way of keeping the party + in power after it had achieved the overthrow of its enemies, and + won the revolutionary control of the country. Reorganization was + definitely necessary if party effectiveness were to be raised to + the point of guaranteeing the success of the next revolution—which + Sun did not live to see—and party supremacy to the point of + assuring the Nationalists control of the government after the + revolution had been accomplished.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reorganization + was effected through the assistance of the Communists during the + period of the Canton-Moscow entente (1923-1927).<a id="noteref_212" + name="noteref_212" href="#note_212"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">212</span></span></a> Under + the leadership of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page161">[pg + 161]</span><a name="Pg161" id="Pg161" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + extraordinarily able Michael Borodin, the Soviet advisers sent from + Russia completely re-shaped the internal structure of the + Kuomintang and won for themselves positions of considerable + confidence and influence, which they lost only when they attempted + to transform the principles and objectives of the Party as + thoroughly as they had the organization.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang + of today, which is irreconcilably opposed to Marxism, still bears + the imprint of Communist design.<a id="noteref_213" name= + "noteref_213" href="#note_213"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">213</span></span></a> + Though the working details of the Party organization do not, for + the most part, appear directly relevant to the principle of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> of Sun Yat-sen, the + arrangements for Party control illustrate the curious compromise + between Chinese and Western democratic patterns, on the one hand, + and the revolutionary requirements of absolutism, on the other, + which have made Chinese republicanism seem a sham, if not a farce, + to Western scholars who expect to find in China the same openness + and freedom in democratic government to which they are accustomed + at home.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">During the + life-time of Sun there was no question of an elective headship for + the Party. In spite of the fact that the party stood for democracy, + it seemed impossible <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page162">[pg + 162]</span><a name="Pg162" id="Pg162" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + that any alternative to Sun Yat-sen himself should be considered. + Sun Yat-sen's complete willingness to continue as head of the Party + without troubling to have himself elected from time to time has + been variously interpreted: his friends term it the humble and + natural recognition of a celebrated fact; his enemies regard it as + the hallucination of an egotism as distorted as it was colossal. + The truth would appear to be that Sun regarded the initiation and + the guidance of the Nationalist revolution as his particular + mission in life. He was, in a sense, the intellectual proprietor of + the Three Principles. Unselfish in all personal matters, he had few + doubts of his own capacity when he had discovered what he believed + to be his duty, and unquestioningly set out to perform it. In the + lawlessness and tumult of the revolution, it would have seemed + absurd for Sun Yat-sen to submit to the periodical formula of + reëlection for the sake of any merely theoretical harmony of action + and theory.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not only was Sun + Yat-sen the leader of the Party; he was not even to have a + successor. The first revised constitution of the Kuomintang + provided for his life-time headship; the second stipulated that the + post of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span> should never be filled + by any other person. As <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span>—the Party Leader, it is + still customary to refer to Sun Yat-sen in China today. This, + again, was not the display of a superhuman vanity so much as a + practical requirement designed to offset the possibility of + conflict and intrigue among the most conspicuous party chiefs, + which would quite probably arise should the question of a + succession to Sun Yat-sen ever be mentioned. There was, of course, + the element of respect in this gesture—the implication that the + magistral chair of Sun Yat-sen was too high a place for any common + man to sit.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">So far as + leadership was concerned the Kuomintang was an autocracy until the + death of Sun Yat-sen. In all <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page163">[pg 163]</span><a name="Pg163" id="Pg163" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> other party matters attempts were made to + cultivate democratic form and instil democratic morale. The + prudence of this choice may seem to have been borne out by the + course of history, since the Communists did not become ambitious, + nor the Nationalists jealous, to the point of open conflict until + after the death of Sun Yat-sen. Western thought will have to make + extensive allowances before it can comprehend a democratic Party + which operated under the unquestioned authority of a single man, + without recourse to the formula of a plebiscite or election to a + boss-ship in the form of a nominal post made significant only by + the personal conspicuousness of the incumbent.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Had Karl Marx + lived to work in the Russian Revolution, he might have occupied a + position analogous to that which Sun Yat-sen did in the Chinese. In + other respects the new Kuomintang organization was remarkably like + the Communist. There was the extraordinarily complex, but somehow + effective, mechanism of a Party Congress, a Central Executive + Committee, and a Standing Committee. There was a Political Bureau + and an agency for overseas agitation. There were also the wide + ramifications of an extensive net work of auxiliary organizations + designed to draw strength from every popular enthusiasm, and + deflect it to the cause of the Nationalist revolution. In due time + these agencies were turned about and swung into action against the + Communists who had attempted to master them.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The precise + details of Kuomintang organization need not be described. In + general the pattern of authority proceeded from the whole + membership, by a sequence of indirect elections, to the inner group + of the Central Executive Committee, a body which possesses as much + power in China as does its Soviet prototype.<a id="noteref_214" + name="noteref_214" href="#note_214"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">214</span></span></a> An + instance of its <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page164">[pg + 164]</span><a name="Pg164" id="Pg164" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + power may be given: representatives are sent by the <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tang pu</span></span> (Party Branches) to the + Party Congress; in the event that delegates do not or cannot come, + the C. E. C. has the power of appointing persons to serve + <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">pro + tempore</span></span> as the representatives of the otherwise + unrepresented branches. Since the same committee examines + delegates' credentials, it is apparent that the trustworthiness of + the Party Congress can be assured in the same manner that, to the + understanding of the present author, the earlier All-Union + Congresses of Soviets and the C. P. were assured in the Russian + Revolution. The pattern given the Kuomintang by the Russians gave + the Party a strong central control able to assure orthodoxy within + the Party; for some years, as a matter of history, differences of + opinion within the Party could only be expressed by schism (as in + the case of the <span class="tei tei-q">“Kuomintang”</span> of Wang + Ch'ing-wei). While the aim of the Party was democracy, it cannot be + said truthfully that democracy worked in a militant Party engaged + in turning an anarchy into a revolution. The requirements of + revolutionary endeavor, among other things, seem to include an + iron-handed leadership of the right sort. Such leadership could, in + the Sun Yat-sen ideology, be justified by reference to the three + stages of the revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang + remained, so far as leadership was concerned, the creature of Sun + Yat-sen. In structure it was extensively reorganized to resemble + the Communist hierarchy found in Russia, with the administrative + and legislative systems united into grades of conferences and + committees. The Kuomintang also took over the Communist system of a + registered and disciplined membership. To the time of the + reorganization in 1923-1924, the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page165">[pg 165]</span><a name="Pg165" id="Pg165" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> Party had apparently admitted and expelled + members in the informal, but effective, manner employed by the old + Chinese <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>—associations; guilds; or + <span class="tei tei-q">“tongs”</span>—for centuries.<a id= + "noteref_215" name="noteref_215" href="#note_215"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">215</span></span></a> + Without a complete system of personnel book-keeping, it was + impossible to keep adequate records of the performance of each + member and comb through the membership for the purpose of + eliminating undesirables and inactives. At the time of the + reorganization the membership was required to be reënrolled; in + many cases certificates of membership were granted (in physical + appearance resembling a European passport) which, in view of the + Party power, entailed a considerable grant of privileges with the + more or less corresponding burden of duties. Party finances notably + improved. In time this systematic method of recording membership + was applied for the purposes of ousting persons with Communist or + pro-Communist views, or eliminating individuals too friendly with + foreign interests believed antagonistic to the Party or its + purposes. <span class="tei tei-q">“Party purges”</span> have been + frequent and drastic since the organization of a complete + membership record.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang, + as it was re-formed just before its swift rise to power and as it + has essentially remained since, was a well-organized body of + persons, subject to varying degrees of Party discipline, and + trained in the methods of propaganda. The leadership was in the + hands of Sun Yat-sen and, after his death, in the hands of his most + trusted military and political aides. The membership, drawn from + all parts of China and the world, was made <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page166">[pg 166]</span><a name="Pg166" id="Pg166" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> up of persons from almost every class in + society; representation was on the Russian plan, tending to + centralize power in the C. E. C.<a id="noteref_216" name= + "noteref_216" href="#note_216"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">216</span></span></a> + Intra-party democracy was not, for the most part, put into practice + because of the disturbed political and economic conditions. The + Party and its predecessors have, in the forty-odd years of their + combined existence, been facing what amounted to a state of + perpetual emergency. Sometimes badly, but more often effectively, + they have struggled to establish a state which in turn can found + the democratic ideology of Sun upon which the democracy of the + future must, they believe, be based.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun did not + state definitely that the Party was to be dissolved after the task + of its dictatorship was completed, and China had won a stable + democratic government. That decision, of perpetuating the Party as + one of many competing parties in the new democracy, or of + abolishing it altogether, was presumably to be left to the Party + leaders of the time. A precedent may be found in the behavior of + Sun himself after the establishment of the Republic in 1912; he + continued the Nationalist Party as one of the chief parties in the + parliamentary republic. Yüan Shih-k'ai soon drove it underground + again. From this it might be possible to conclude that the Party + having done with its trusteeship, need not commit suicide as a + party, but could continue in some form or another.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Kuomintang + forms the link between the theories of Sun and the realities of the + revolutionary struggle; <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page167">[pg + 167]</span><a name="Pg167" id="Pg167" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + it ties together his plans for a new democracy in China and his + strategies in the conflicts of the moment. First instrument of the + ideology, it bears the burden of bringing about the revolution, and + bringing the country to the stage of testing the administrative and + political theories of the founder, and simultaneously inculcating + the democratic principle in the minds of those who are to bear the + heritage of Chinese organization and culture on to the future.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The genius of + Sun Yat-sen, the Communist gift of organization, and the fervor of + the membership brought about the defeat or submission—however + nominal the latter may have been—of the warlords. By what stages, + according to the theory of Sun Yat-sen, could national unity be + realized? What, given power, should the Kuomintang do to guarantee + the success of the revolution?</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc73" id="toc73"></a> <a name="pdf74" id="pdf74"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Dragon Throne and State + Allegiance.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first task + which the Kuomintang, once established, had to perform was a + necessary preliminary to the other portions of its work—such as the + leading of the first steps against the Western inroads, the opening + up of the democratic technique of government, and the initiation of + the first phases of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>. That task was to awaken the Chinese to the + fact that they were a nation, and not only a nation, but an abused + and endangered one as well.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We have seen + that Sun Yat-sen regarded nationalism as a precious treasure which + the Chinese had lost.<a id="noteref_217" name="noteref_217" href= + "#note_217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">217</span></span></a> He + had said, many years before, in his <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kidnapped in + London</span></span>, that the Manchus had followed a deliberate + policy of intellectual suppression designed to extinguish or divert + Chinese nationalism, and to make the great masses of Chinese on + whom the Manchu power depended oblivious to the fact that they were + the humiliated slaves of alien <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page168">[pg 168]</span><a name="Pg168" id="Pg168" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> conquerors.<a id="noteref_218" name= + "noteref_218" href="#note_218"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">218</span></span></a> + Again, in the third lecture on nationalism, he said that while the + Emperors Kang Hsi and Ch'ien Lung were at least honest in + acknowledging themselves to be Manchus, extenuating their presence + on the Dragon Throne by claiming the imperial hero-sages, Shun and + Wen Wang, of antiquity as fellow-barbarians, the Manchu Emperors + after Ch'ien Lung did everything they could to suppress Chinese + nationalist ideas. They even did not hesitate to revise the + classics of history in order to obliterate whatever historical + consciousness the Chinese may have had of themselves.<a id= + "noteref_219" name="noteref_219" href="#note_219"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">219</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen pointed out that the strong group-consciousness of the Jews + has kept Judea living through the centuries, even though the Jewish + state was obliterated and the Jews themselves scattered to the four + winds. He also praised the Poles,<a id="noteref_220" name= + "noteref_220" href="#note_220"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">220</span></span></a> who + were subjugated by aliens as were the Chinese, but kept their + nationalist ideas and were consequently restored as an honored + nation after the world war. Hence, the first step in the program of + Chinese nationalism was to be the creation of a consciousness of + that nationalism. If the Chinese did not regain their nationalism, + <span class="tei tei-q">“that precious treasure which makes + possible the subsistence of humanity,”</span><a id="noteref_221" + name="noteref_221" href="#note_221"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">221</span></span></a> they + might meet the fate of the Miao tribes whom the Chinese + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page169">[pg 169]</span><a name= + "Pg169" id="Pg169" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> had pushed back into + desolate lands and who faced an ignominious extinction.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This + consciousness of themselves as a race-national unity was not of + itself enough. The Chinese had lost the favored position that they + had held since before the beginning of recorded history, and were + no longer in a position to view the frailties of outside nations + with the charity to which their once impregnable position had + entitled them. It was no longer a mere question of pushing through + a recognition that China, hitherto regarded by the Chinese as the + ecumene of civilization, was a nation, and not even an equal to the + other nations. This idea had to be developed into a force.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + wrote, of the significance of philosophy in action: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“What is a principle? A principle is an idea, a belief, + a force. As a rule, when men search for the truth of a thesis, they + first reflect upon it, then their reflections grow into a belief, + and that belief becomes a force. Hence in order to be firmly + established, a principle must pass through the different stages of + idea, belief, and force.”</span><a id="noteref_222" name= + "noteref_222" href="#note_222"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">222</span></span></a> No + more definite statement of the ideological consequences of thought + could be found. Sun Yat-sen appreciated this, and realized that, in + the carrying out of his ideology, the first necessity was the + adoption of the ideology itself. All other steps must be secondary. + The grouping of the important steps in the fulfillment of the + program of nationalism may have differed from time to time,<a id= + "noteref_223" name="noteref_223" href="#note_223"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">223</span></span></a> but + the actual work of Sun Yat-sen was based <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page170">[pg 170]</span><a name="Pg170" id="Pg170" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> upon the method indicated: the establishment + of at least the preliminary notions of the ideology as a + prerequisite to effective social action. (In this connection, and + in anticipation of further discussion, it might be pointed out that + the advantage of the Moscow-Canton entente was not one gained from + the superior appeal of the Communist ideology, but from the + superior agitation techniques which the Nationalists learned from + the Communists, and which enabled them to bring into play the full + latent social force in Sun Yat-sen's ideas.) But if mere + national-consciousness were insufficient of itself, what else was + needed?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Loyalty was + necessary. Being aware of themselves as Chinese would not help + them, unless they united and were loyal to that union. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“To say that what the ancients understood by loyalty + was loyalty toward the emperor, and that, since we no longer have + an emperor, we (need no longer) speak of loyalty, and to believe + that we can act as we please—that is a grave error.”</span><a id= + "noteref_224" name="noteref_224" href="#note_224"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">224</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen thus points out one of the most tragically perplexing of + the problems of the new China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was urging + return to the ancient morality. The ancient code of loyalty was one + built up to the emperor. Although the emperor did not have much + power, in comparison with some despots who have changed history, he + was nevertheless the man at the apex of society. The Confucian + society was one built in general upon the grand design of an + enormous family; a design which was, nevertheless, flexible enough + to permit the deposition of a wicked or mad emperor—something which + the Japanese order of things could not in theory, although it did + in fact, tolerate. Filial piety was piety toward one's own family + head; loyalty was piety toward the family head of all civilized + society.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Many writers + have pointed out the discord and unhappiness <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page171">[pg 171]</span><a name="Pg171" id="Pg171" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> which the abolition of the Empire + brought to many Chinese. Their code of honor was outraged; the + embodiment of their social stability was gone.<a id="noteref_225" + name="noteref_225" href="#note_225"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">225</span></span></a> The + critics who made the comment could not, of course, deny the general + trend away of political organization throughout the world from + monarchy. They did question the competence of the Chinese to make + the readjustment at the present stage of their history, or believed + that the Chinese could not preserve their traditional civilization + under a governmental system which was alien to the form if not to + the spirit of the Chinese tradition. Although their criticisms may + be influenced too heavily by an antiquarian appreciation of the + excellencies of the Chinese Imperial system, or a desire to + preserve China as a sort of vast museum with all its quaintnesses + of yesteryear, there is some point to what they say, since the + transition to national-state allegiance was not an easy one. There + were two factors involved in it, besides the tremendousness of the + educational task of convincing almost half a billion people that + they were no longer ruled by a properly deputized agent of the + universe, but were quite free to manage their world as they + collectively saw fit. These factors were, first, the necessity of + preventing any possible resurrection of the Dragon Throne, and + second, the inculcation of allegiance to an intangible state.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + pointed out the enormous waste of blood and wealth involved in the + change from one dynasty to another, when the highest post in the + whole world was suddenly left open for the strongest man to seize. + Republicanism would consequently tend to prevent civil wars in the + future;<a id="noteref_226" name="noteref_226" href= + "#note_226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">226</span></span></a> the + cumbersome, murderous old method of expressing the popular will, as + the Confucian ideology provided, was to be done away with, and + peaceful changes <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page172">[pg + 172]</span><a name="Pg172" id="Pg172" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + of political personnel developed. He asserted that the T'ai P'ing + rebels, of whose memory he was fond, had failed in their fierce + attempt to establish a fantastic pseudo-Christian, proletarian, + collectivistic dynasty in the sixth and seventh decade of the + nineteenth century because of the dispute that arose within their + ranks as to leadership.<a id="noteref_227" name="noteref_227" href= + "#note_227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">227</span></span></a> He + also pointed out that many of the militarists under the Republic + knew well that the Dragon Throne was empty, but did not know that + it was gone.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The story of the + eradication of monarchy from Chinese society is an interesting one, + relevant to the question of the old and the new loyalty. Sun + Yat-sen's full force was thrown at first against the Manchus. He + taught the other two principles of democracy and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, but in his earlier + years he attracted most attention by his anti-Manchu activities. + Now, in allowing the principle of nationalism to do the work of the + principle of democracy, Sun Yat-sen was using the anti-dynastic + revolutionary potentialities of the situation to push along an + anti-monarchical movement. The Chinese constitutional arrangement + was such, under the Manchus, that a foreign monarch, who was a + sovereign in his own right, quite apart from China, sat on the + Chinese throne. The Manchu Emperor occupied the Dragon Throne. Many + were willing to rebel against a Manchu; they might have hesitated + had an indigenous prince occupied that position.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On the occasion + of the establishment of the first Republic, in 1912, the Manchu + Emperor was allowed to continue residence in Peking. Retaining his + dynastic title and the use of the Forbidden City, he was to receive + a stipend from the Chinese Republic and to be entitled to all the + privileges normally accorded a foreign emperor by international + law. There is a remote possibility, although the truth of this + surmise cannot be substantiated, that he <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page173">[pg 173]</span><a name="Pg173" id="Pg173" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> was left there as a sort of scarecrow, to + prevent anyone from seizing the throne. Constitutional difficulties + would have arisen if a pensioned Manchu Emperor and a native + caesarian Emperor were to attempt to occupy the same throne.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This peculiar + arrangement does not seem to have helped matters much. There was + not enough pro-Manchu sentiment to support any restoration movement + on a large scale, such as a reactionary insurrection, and the + personal unpopularity of the one man, Yüan Shih-k'ai, who, as + dictator of the first Republic (1912-1916), sought the throne, was + enough to keep any active monarchical movement from succeeding. The + one attempt of the Manchu partizans, in 1917, failed utterly.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">That is not to + say that the Dragon Throne was not missed. A general relaxation of + political ethics was observable. The old tradition could not easily + be reconciled to a juristic notion from outside. Sun Yat-sen sought + most eagerly to impress upon the Chinese the necessity for state + allegiance in place of monarchical devotion: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“At present everybody says that morality was overthrown + with the advent of the republic. The main reason is right here. + Reasonably speaking we must practice loyalty even under a + republican regime, not loyalty to a sovereign, but loyalty toward + the nation, loyalty toward the people, loyalty toward our four + hundred million men. Of course, loyalty toward four hundred million + men is something much more exalted than loyalty toward one single + man. Hence we must preserve the excellent virtue of + loyalty.”</span><a id="noteref_228" name="noteref_228" href= + "#note_228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">228</span></span></a> A + curious emphasis on the physical object of loyalty is present here. + The Chinese, having no background of Western juristic + hypostatizations, were unable to be faithful to a legal fiction; + expressing state allegiance, Sun <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page174">[pg 174]</span><a name="Pg174" id="Pg174" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> Yat-sen had to put it in its most tangible + form, that of a concord of human beings.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Nevertheless, + under the republic, the old virtue of personal loyalty should not + interfere with state allegiance. Sun Yat-sen was willing and + anxious that the Chinese should consider their loyalty as being + directed to the nation; he did not wish that the officials of the + nation, as men, should get it. In that case the very purpose of + democracy would be defeated, and a monarchy or an oligarchy set up + with the formulae of a democracy. Sun Yat-sen was as radically + republican as any early American. <span class="tei tei-q">“In + regard to the government of the nation, fundamentally, it is the + people who have the power, but the administration of the government + must be entrusted to experts who have the capacity. We need not + regard those experts as stately and honorable presidents and + ministers, but merely as chauffeurs of automobiles, as sentinels + who guard the gate, as cooks who prepare the food, as doctors who + attend to sicknesses, as carpenters who build houses, as tailors + who make clothes.”</span><a id="noteref_229" name="noteref_229" + href="#note_229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">229</span></span></a> State + allegiance had to be directed between the Scylla of a monarchical + restoration and the Charybdis of nominally republican personal + government. The old form had to be discarded, and the old habits + turned in a new direction, but not in the easiest direction that + they might take.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The problem of + the supplanting of the Dragon Throne by a state was not an easy + one. In the preparation of the Chinese people for the initiation of + an active program of nationalism, the first elements of the + nationalist ideology had to be inculcated. This involved + race-consciousness. But the idea of race-consciousness and + national-consciousness could not be exerted as a force unless the + conscious union of the Chinese race-nation was accompanied by the + erection of a powerful democratic state, and unless this + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page175">[pg 175]</span><a name= + "Pg175" id="Pg175" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> state fell heir to + the loyalty which had once been shown the Throne, or even a higher + loyalty. This loyalty had to be based on the two suppositions that + the Empire was gone forever, and that personal loyalty, even under + the forms of a republic, should not be allowed to take its place. + Only with a genuine state-allegiance could the Chinese advance to + their national salvation.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc75" id="toc75"></a> <a name="pdf76" id="pdf76"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Economic Nationalism.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The ideological + establishment of a race-national outlook would have far-reaching + consequences that might well continue working themselves out for + centuries. The immediate exercise of this sense of unity was to be + developed through a loyalty to state allegiance, which would also + of itself be significant. These two new patterns—the one + ideological, and the other institutional—running through the + Chinese society and social mind were vitally necessary. But after + the institutional habit of state-allegiance had been developed, + what was the new democratic state, the instrument of the awakened + race-nation, to do in the way of practical policies to give effect + to the new consciousness and strength of Chinese nationalism?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, + whose principles tended to develop themselves in terms of + threes,<a id="noteref_230" name="noteref_230" href= + "#note_230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">230</span></span></a> cited + three perils constituting a threat to the Chinese society. The + first was the peril to the Chinese race, which was faced with the + possibility <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page176">[pg + 176]</span><a name="Pg176" id="Pg176" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + of decline in an expanding Western World and might even become + vestigial or extinct. This peril was to be fought with + race-nationalism. The second was the peril to the Chinese polity, + the danger that China might become politically appurtenant to some + foreign power of group of powers. This was to be fought with + democratic race-nationalism. And the last, and most insidious, was + the peril to the Chinese economy, the looting of China by the + unfair economic measures of the great powers, to be met by a + nationalist economic program. Sun Yat-sen was most apprehensive of + the combined strength of these three pressures: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“... I fear that our people are in a very difficult + position; and I fear that we may perish in the near future. We are + threatened by the three forces I have mentioned: namely, the + increase of foreign population, the political force, and the + economic force of the foreigners.”</span><a id="noteref_231" name= + "noteref_231" href="#note_231"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">231</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of the three + forms of the foreign oppression of China, the economic, because it + did not show itself so readily, and was already working full force, + was the most dangerous. It was from this oppression that China had + sunk to the degraded position of a sub-colony. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“This economic oppression, this immense tribute is a + thing which we did not dream of; it is something which cannot be + easily detected, and hence we do not feel the awful shame of + it.”</span><a id="noteref_232" name="noteref_232" href= + "#note_232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">232</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, as + stated above, was not hostile to the development of that portion of + foreign capital which he regarded as fairly employed in China, and + spent a great part of his life in seeking to introduce capital from + outside. He did, however, make a distinction between the just + operation of economic forces, and the unjust combination of the + economic with the politically oppressive. Foreign capital in China + was not oppressive because it <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page177">[pg 177]</span><a name="Pg177" id="Pg177" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> was capital; it was oppressive because it + held a privileged position, and because it was reinforced by + political and military sanctions. There is no implication in Sun + Yat-sen's works that the operations of finance, when not unjustly + interfered with by political action, could, even when adverse to + China, be regarded as wrong of themselves.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In what ways, + then, did foreign capital so invest its position with unjust + non-economic advantages that it constituted a burden and an + oppression? There were, according to Sun Yat-sen, six headings + under which the various types of economic incursion could be + classified, with the consequence that a total of one billion two + hundred million Chinese dollars were unjustly exacted from the + Chinese economy every year by the foreigners.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">First, the + control of the Customs services having, by treaty, been surrendered + by China, and a standard <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">ad + valorem</span></span> tariff having also been set by treaty, the + Chinese had to leave their markets open to whatever foreign + commerce might choose to come. They were not in a position to + foster their new modern industries by erecting a protective tariff, + as had the United States in the days of its great industrial + development.<a id="noteref_233" name="noteref_233" href= + "#note_233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">233</span></span></a> + China's adverse balance in trade constituted a heavy loss to the + already inadequate capital of the impoverished nation. Furthermore, + the amount of the possible revenue which could be collected under + an autonomous tariff system was lost. Again, foreign goods were not + required, by treaty stipulation, to pay the internal transit taxes + which Chinese goods had to pay. As a result, the customs situation + really amounted to the development of a protective system for + foreign goods in China, to the direct financial loss of the + Chinese, and to the detriment of their industrial development. He + estimated that half a billion dollars, Chinese, was lost yearly, + through this politically established economic <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page178">[pg 178]</span><a name="Pg178" id="Pg178" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> oppression.<a id="noteref_234" name= + "noteref_234" href="#note_234"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">234</span></span></a> + Obviously, one of the first steps of Chinese economic nationalism + had to be tariff autonomy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Second, the + foreign banks occupied an unfair position in China. They had won a + virtual monopoly of banking, with the consequence that the Chinese + banks had to appear as marginal competitors, weak and unsound + because the people were <span class="tei tei-q">“poisoned by + economic oppression.”</span><a id="noteref_235" name="noteref_235" + href="#note_235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">235</span></span></a> The + foreign banks issued paper money, which gave them cost-free + capital; they discounted Chinese paper too heavily; and they paid + either no or very little interest on deposits. In some cases they + actually charged interest on deposits. A second step of economic + nationalism had to be the elimination of the privileged position of + the foreign banks, which were not subject to Chinese jurisdiction, + and were thus able to compete unfairly with the native banks.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Third, economic + oppression manifested itself in transportation, chiefly by water. + The economic impotence of the Chinese made them use foreign bottoms + almost altogether; the possible revenue which could be saved or + perhaps actually gained from the use of native shipping was + lost.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fourth, the + Western territorial concessions constituted an economic + disadvantage to the Chinese. Wrested from the old Manchu + government, they gave the foreigners a strangle-hold on the Chinese + economy. Besides, they represented a direct loss to the Chinese by + means of the following items: taxes paid to the foreign authorities + in the conceded ports, which was paid by the Chinese and lost to + China; land rents paid by Chinese to foreign individuals, who + adopted this means of supplementing the tribute levied from the + Chinese in the form of taxes; <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page179">[pg 179]</span><a name="Pg179" id="Pg179" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> finally, the unearned increment paid out by + Chinese to foreign land speculators, which amounted to an actual + loss to China. Under a nationalist economic program, not only would + the favorable position of the foreign banks be reduced to one + comparable with that of the Chinese banks, but the concessions + would be abolished. Taxes would go to the Chinese state, the land + rent system would be corrected, and unearned increment would be + confiscated under a somewhat novel tax scheme proposed by Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fifth, the + Chinese lost by reason of various foreign monopolies or special + concessions. Such enterprises as the Kailan Mining Administration + and the South Manchuria Railway were wholly foreign, and were, by + privileges politically obtained, in a position to prevent Chinese + competition. This too had to be corrected under a system of + economic nationalism. The new state, initiated by the Kuomintang + and carried on by the people, had to be able to assure the Chinese + an equality of economic privilege in their own country.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sixth, the + foreigners introduced <span class="tei tei-q">“speculation and + various other sorts of swindle”</span> into China.<a id= + "noteref_236" name="noteref_236" href="#note_236"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">236</span></span></a> They + had exchanges and lotteries by which the Chinese lost tens of + millions of dollars yearly.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Under these six + headings Sun Yat-sen estimated the Chinese tribute to Western + imperialism to be not less than one billion two hundred millions a + year, silver. There were, of course, other forms of exaction which + the Westerners practised on the Chinese, such as the requirement of + war indemnities for the various wars which they had fought with + China. Furthermore, the possible wealth which China might have + gained from continued relations with her lost vassal states was + diverted to the Western powers and Japan. Sun Yat-sen also referred + to the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page180">[pg + 180]</span><a name="Pg180" id="Pg180" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + possible losses of Chinese overseas, which they suffered because + China was not powerful enough to watch their rights and to assure + them equality of opportunity.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not expect that forces other than those which political nationalism + exerted upon the economic situation could save the Chinese. + <span class="tei tei-q">“If we do not find remedies to that big + leakage of $1,200,000,000.00 per year, that sum will increase every + year; there is no reason why it should naturally decrease of its + own accord.”</span><a id="noteref_237" name="noteref_237" href= + "#note_237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">237</span></span></a> The + danger was great, and the Chinese had to use their nationalism to + offset the imperialist economic oppression which was not only + impoverishing the nation from year to year, but which was actually + preventing the development of a new, strong, modern national + economy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What is the + relation of the sub-principle of economic nationalism to the + principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>?<a id="noteref_238" name="noteref_238" href= + "#note_238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">238</span></span></a> + Economic nationalism was the preliminary remedy. The program of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was positive. It was + the means of creating a wealthy state, a modern, just economic + society. But the old oppressions of imperialism, lingering on, had + to be cleared away before China could really initiate such a + program. Not only was it the duty of the Chinese national and + nationalist state to fight the political methods of Western + imperialism; the Chinese people could help by using that old + Asiatic weapon—the boycott.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + pleased and impressed with the consequences of Gandhi's policy of + non-coöperation. He <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page181">[pg + 181]</span><a name="Pg181" id="Pg181" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + pointed out that even India, which was a subject country, could + practise non-coöperation to the extreme discomfort of the British. + The creation of race-nationalism, and of allegiance to a strong + Chinese state, might take time. Non-coöperation did not. It was a + tool at hand. <span class="tei tei-q">“The reason why India gained + results from the non-coöperation policy was that it could be + practised by all the citizens.”</span><a id="noteref_239" name= + "noteref_239" href="#note_239"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">239</span></span></a> The + Chinese could begin their economic nationalist program + immediately.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + pointed out that the basis for the weakness of China, and its + exploitation by the foreigners, was the inadequacy of the Chinese + ideology. <span class="tei tei-q">“The reason why we suffer from + foreign oppression is our ignorance; we <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘are born in a stupor and die in a + dream’</span>.”</span><a id="noteref_240" name="noteref_240" href= + "#note_240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">240</span></span></a> + Conscious of the peril of the foreign economic oppression, the + Chinese had to exert economic nationalism to clear the way for the + positive initiation of a program of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. In practising + economic nationalism, there were two ways that the Chinese could + make the force of their national union and national spirit felt: + first, through the actual advancement of the programs of the whole + of nationalism and the progress of the political and economic + condition of the country; second, through non-coöperation, + <span class="tei tei-q">“... a negative boycott which weakens the + action of imperialism, protects national standing, and preserves + from destruction.”</span><a id="noteref_241" name="noteref_241" + href="#note_241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">241</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc77" id="toc77"></a> <a name="pdf78" id="pdf78"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Political Nationalism for National + Autonomy.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">After the first + steps of resistance to economic oppression, the Chinese + nationalists would have to launch a counter-attack on the political + oppression practised upon China by the Western powers. In his + discussion of this, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page182">[pg + 182]</span><a name="Pg182" id="Pg182" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + Sun Yat-sen described, though briefly, the past, the contemporary, + and the future of that oppression, and referred to its methods. His + theory also contained three answers to this oppression which need + to be examined in a consideration of his theoretical program of + Chinese nationalism: first, the question of China's nationalist + program of political anti-imperialism; second, the nature of the + ultimate development of nationalism and a national state; and + third, the theory of the class war of the nations. In view of the + fact that this last is a theory in itself, and one quite + significant in the distinction between the doctrines of Sun Yat-sen + and those of Marxism-Leninism, it will be considered separately. + The first two questions of the program of nationalism are, then: + what is to be the negative action for the advancement of China's + national political strength, in opposing the political power of the + West? and what is to be the positive, internal program of Chinese + nationalism?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">As has been + stated Sun Yat-sen used the anti-dynastic sentiment current in the + last years of the Manchus as an instrument by means of which he + could foster an anti-monarchical movement. The great significance + of his nationalism as a nationalism of Chinese <span class= + "tei tei-foreign"><span style= + "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> their + Oriental-barbarian rulers quite overshadowed its importance as a + teaching designed to protect China against its Western-barbarian + exploiters. The triumph of the Republicans was so startling that, + for a time, Sun Yat-sen seems to have believed that nationalism + could develop of itself, that the Chinese, free from their Manchu + overlords, would develop a strong race-national consciousness + without the necessity of any political or party fostering of such + an element in their ideology. Afire with all the idealism of the + false dawn of the first Republic, Sun Yat-sen dropped the principle + of nationalism from his program, and converted his fierce + conspiratorial league into <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page183">[pg 183]</span><a name="Pg183" id="Pg183" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> a parliamentary party designed to enter into + amicable competition with the other parties of the new era.<a id= + "noteref_242" name="noteref_242" href="#note_242"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">242</span></span></a> This + pleasant possibility did not develop. The work of nationalism was + by no means done. The concept of state-allegiance had not entered + into the Chinese ideology as yet, and the usurper-President Yüan + Shih-k'ai was able to gather his henchmen about him and plan for a + powerful modern Empire of which he should be forced by apparently + popular acclamation to assume control.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The further + necessity for nationalism appeared in several ways. First, the + Chinese had not become nationalistic enough in their attitude + toward the powers. Sun Yat-sen, with his reluctance to enter into + violent disagreement with the old ideology, was most unwilling that + chauvinism should be allowed in China.<a id="noteref_243" name= + "noteref_243" href="#note_243"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">243</span></span></a> He + hoped that the Western powers, seeing a fair bargain, would be + willing to invest in China sufficient capital to advance Chinese + industrial conditions. Instead, he saw Japanese capital pouring + into Peking for illegitimate purposes, and accepted by a + prostituted government of politicians. With the continuation of the + unfavorable financial policy of the powers, and the continuing + remoteness of any really helpful loans, he began to think that the + Chinese had to rely on their own strength for their + salvation.<a id="noteref_244" name="noteref_244" href= + "#note_244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">244</span></span></a> + Second, he realized that the <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page184">[pg 184]</span><a name="Pg184" id="Pg184" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> foreigners in China were not generally + interested in a strong, modern Chinese state if that state were to + be developed by Chinese and not by themselves. Sun had understood + from the beginning that the great aim of nationalism was to + readjust the old world-society to nationhood in the modern world; + he had not, perhaps, realized that the appearance of this + nationhood was going to be opposed by foreigners.<a id= + "noteref_245" name="noteref_245" href="#note_245"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">245</span></span></a> When + he came to power in 1912, he thought that the immediate end of + nationalism—liberation of China from Manchu overlordship—had been + achieved. He was preoccupied with the domestic problems of + democracy and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. + When, however, the foreign powers refused to let his government at + Canton exercise even the limited authority permitted the Chinese by + the treaties over their own customs service, and did not let Sun + take the surplus funds allowed the Chinese (after payment of + interest due on the money they had lent various Chinese + governments), his appreciation of the active propagation of + nationalism was heightened. He realized that the Chinese had to + fight their own battles, and that, while they might find individual + friends among the Westerners, they could scarcely hope for a policy + of the great powers which would actually foster the growth of the + new national China.<a id="noteref_246" name="noteref_246" href= + "#note_246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">246</span></span></a> + Simultaneously, he found his advocacy of a nationalist program + receiving unexpected support from the Soviet Union. His early + contacts with the Russians, who were the only foreigners actually + willing to intervene in his behalf with shipments of arms and + money, made him interested in the doctrines lying behind their + actions, so inconsistent with those of the other <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page185">[pg 185]</span><a name="Pg185" id="Pg185" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Western powers. In the Communist + support of his nationalism as a stage in the struggle against + imperialism, he found his third justification of a return, with + full emphasis, to the program of nationalism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hence, at the + time that he delivered his sixteen lectures, which represent the + final and most authoritative stage of his principles, and the one + with which the present work is most concerned, he had returned to + an advocacy of nationalism after a temporary hope that enough work + had been done along that line. In expelling the alien Manchu rulers + of China, he had hoped that the old Chinese nationalism might + revive, as soon as it was free of the police restrictions had + placed on race-national propaganda by the Empire. He had found that + this suspension of a nationalist campaign was premature because + nationalism had not firmly entrenched itself in the Chinese social + mind. In the first place, state allegiance was weak; usurpers, + dictators and military commandants strode about the Chinese + countryside with personal armies at their heels. Secondly, the + foreign powers, out of respect to whom, perhaps, a vigorous + patriotic campaign had not been carried out, did not show + themselves anxious to assist China—at least, not as anxious as Sun + Yat-sen expected them to be. Third, the inspiration offered by a + power which, although temporarily submerged, had recently been + counted among the great powers of the world, and which had rejected + the aggressive policy which the rest of the Western nations, to a + greater or less degree, pursued in the Far East, was sufficient to + convince Sun Yat-sen of the justice of the doctrines of that power. + Soviet Russia did not stop with words; it offered to associate with + China as an equal, and the Soviet representative in Peking was the + first diplomat to be given the title of ambassador to China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The sharpening + of the nationalist policy into a program of anti-imperialism seems + to have been the direct result of <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page186">[pg 186]</span><a name="Pg186" id="Pg186" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> the Communist teachings, one of the + conspicuous contributions of the Marxians to the programmatic part + of the theories of Sun Yat-sen. As earlier stated, their ideology + influenced his almost not all. Their programs, on the other hand, + were such an inspiration to the Chinese nationalists that the + latter had no hesitation in accepting them. Hu Han-min, one of the + moderate Kuomintang leaders, who would certainly not go out of his + way to give the Communists credit which they did not deserve, + stated unequivocally that the Chinese did not have the slogan, + <span class="tei tei-q">“Down with Imperialism!”</span> in the 1911 + revolution, and gave much credit to the Bolsheviks for their + anti-imperialist lesson to the Chinese.<a id="noteref_247" name= + "noteref_247" href="#note_247"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">247</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In describing + the political aggression of the Western states upon the Chinese + society, Sun Yat-sen began by contrasting the nature of the + inter-state vassalage which the peripheral Far Eastern states had + once owed to the Chinese core-society. He stated that the Chinese + did not practise aggression on their neighbors, and that the + submission of the neighboring realms was a submission based on + respect and not on compulsion. <span class="tei tei-q">“If at that + time all small states of Malaysia wanted to pay tribute and adopt + Chinese customs, it was because they admired Chinese civilization + and spontaneously wished to submit themselves; it was not because + China oppressed them through military force.”</span><a id= + "noteref_248" name="noteref_248" href="#note_248"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">248</span></span></a> Even + the position of the Philippines, which Sun Yat-sen thought a very + profitable and pleasant one under American rule, was not + satisfactory to the Filipinos of modern times, who, unlike the + citizens of the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page187">[pg + 187]</span><a name="Pg187" id="Pg187" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + vassal states of old China, were dissatisfied with their + subordinate positions.<a id="noteref_249" name="noteref_249" href= + "#note_249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">249</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He pointed out + that this benevolent Chinese position was destroyed as the West + appeared and annexed these various states, with the exception of + Siam. He then emphasized that this may have been done in the past + with a view to the division of China between the various great + powers.<a id="noteref_250" name="noteref_250" href= + "#note_250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">250</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This + partitioning had been retarded, but the danger was still present. + The Chinese revolution of 1911 may have shown the powers that there + was some nationalism still left in China.<a id="noteref_251" name= + "noteref_251" href="#note_251"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">251</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page188">[pg 188]</span><a name="Pg188" id="Pg188" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The military + danger was tremendous. <span class="tei tei-q">“Political power can + exterminate a nation in a morning's time. China who is now + suffering through the political oppression of the powers is in + danger of perishing at any moment. She is not safe from one day to + the other.”</span><a id="noteref_252" name="noteref_252" href= + "#note_252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">252</span></span></a> Japan + could conquer China in ten days. The United States could do it in + one month. England would take two months at the most, as would + France. The reason why the powers did not settle the Chinese + question by taking the country was because of their mutual + distrust; it was not due to any fear of China. No one country would + start forth on such an adventure, lest it become involved with the + others and start a new world war.<a id="noteref_253" name= + "noteref_253" href="#note_253"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">253</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If this were the + case, the danger from diplomacy would be greater even than that of + war. A nation could be extinguished by the stroke of a pen. The + Chinese had no reason to pride themselves on their possible + military power, their diplomacy, or their present independence. + Their military power was practically nil. Their diplomacy amounted + to nothing. It was not the Chinese but the aggressors themselves + that had brought about the long-enduring stalemate with respect to + the Chinese question. The Washington Conference was an attempt on + the part of the foreigners to apportion their rights and interests + in China without fighting. This made possible the reduction of + armaments.<a id="noteref_254" name="noteref_254" href= + "#note_254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">254</span></span></a> The + present position of China was not one in which the Chinese could + take pride. It was humiliating. China, because it was not the + colony of one great power, was the sub-colony of all. The Chinese + were not even on a par with the colonial subjects of other + countries.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The shameful and + dangerous position thus outlined by Sun could be remedied only by + the development of <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page189">[pg + 189]</span><a name="Pg189" id="Pg189" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + nationalism and the carrying-on of the struggle against + imperialism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Anti-imperialism + was the fruit of his contact with the Bolsheviks. His nationalism + had approached their programs of national liberation, but the + precise verbal formulation had not been adopted until he came in + contact with the Marxian dialecticians of the Third International. + His anti-imperialism differed from theirs in several important + respects. He was opposed to political intervention for economic + purposes; this was imperialism, and unjust. The economic + consequences of political intervention were no better than the + intervention itself. Nevertheless, at no time did he offer an + unqualified rejection of capitalism. He sought loans for China, and + distinguished between capital which came to China in such a manner + as to profit the Chinese as well as its owners, and that which came + solely to profit the capitalists advancing it, to the economic + disadvantage of the Chinese. In his ideology, Sun Yat-sen never + appears to have accepted the Marxian thesis of the inevitable fall + of capitalism, nor does he seem to have thought that imperialism + was a necessary and final stage in the history of capitalism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In short, his + program of anti-imperialism and the foreign policy of Chinese + political nationalism, seem to be quite comparable to the policy + held by the Soviets, apart from those attitudes and activities + which their peculiar ideology imposed. In practical matters, in + affairs and actions which he could observe with his own eyes, Sun + Yat-sen was in accord with the anti-imperialism of Soviet Russia + and of his Communist advisers. In the deeper implications of + anti-imperialism and in the pattern of the Marxian-Leninist + ideology underlying it in the U.S.S.R., he showed little interest. + Ideologically he remained Chinese; programmatically he was willing + to learn from the Russians.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page190">[pg 190]</span><a name="Pg190" id="Pg190" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The internal + program of his nationalism was one which seems to have been + influenced by the outlook developed by himself. His vigorous + denunciation of Utopian cosmopolitanism prevents his being + considered an internationalist. He had, on the occasion of the + institution of the first Republic, been in favor of the freedom of + nations even when that freedom might be exercised at the expense of + the Chinese. The Republic might conceivably have taken the attitude + that it had fallen heir to the overlordship enjoyed by the Manchu + Empire, and consequently refused representation to the Mongols, + Manchus, Tibetans, and Mohammedans. It was, however, called the + Republic of Chung Hua (instead of the Republic of Han), and a + five-striped flag, representing its five constituent <span class= + "tei tei-q">“races,”</span> was adopted. Sun Yat-sen later gave a + graphic description of the world-wide appeal of Woodrow Wilson's + principle of national self-determination. He did not think that the + principle, once enunciated, could be recalled; and stated that the + defeat of the minor and colonial nations at the Versailles + Conference, which drafted a very unjust treaty, was an instance of + the deceitfulness of the great powers.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His nationalism + did not go so far as to permit his endorsing the entrance of the + People's Republic of Outer Mongolia into the Soviet Union. This + doctrine of nationalism as a correlative of democratic national + autonomy was his second principle, that of democracy; his first + principle, that of race-nationalism, had other implications for the + destiny of Mongolia. His positive program of nationalism was + dedicated, in its <span class="tei tei-q">“political”</span> + exercise, to the throwing-off of the imperialist bondage and the + exercise of the self-rule of the Chinese people.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only if + one realizes that these three sub-principles of nationalism were + re-emphases of the three principles that their position in the + theory of the nationalist program becomes clear. Nationalism was to + clear the way for <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page191">[pg + 191]</span><a name="Pg191" id="Pg191" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> by resisting the + Western economic oppression of the Chinese, and thus allowing the + Chinese to enrich themselves. Nationalism was to strike down the + political oppression of imperialism by eradicating the political + holds of the West upon China, and thus allowing the Chinese people + to rule itself. So long as China was at the mercy of Western power, + any self-government that the Chinese might attempt would have to be + essayed at the sufferance of the aggressors. Finally, nationalism + was to reinforce itself by the application of race-nationalism to + race-kinship; China was not only to be self-ruling—it was to help + the other nations of Asia restore their autonomy and shield them + with its tutelary benevolence.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When one + considers that to Sun Yat-sen democracy and autonomy are + inextricably associated, the full significance of his stressing + nationalism as a means to democracy appears. The Chinese people + could not rule themselves if they were to be intimidated by the + Western powers and Japan. They could not rule themselves completely + if large portions of them were under alien jurisdiction in the + treaty ports. These forms of political oppression were wounds in + the body of Chinese society. Chinese nationalism, associated with + democracy, required that the whole Chinese people be associated in + one race-nation and that this race-nation rule itself through the + mechanism of a democratic state.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Here the code of + values imposed by Sun Yat-sen's thinking in terms of the old + ideology becomes apparent. The development of nationalism in China, + while it threatened no one outside and sought only for the + justification of China's interests at home, was an accentuation of + the existence of the race-nation. The race-nation, freeing itself + (political nationalism) and ruling itself (democracy), was to + become more conscious of itself. Sun implicitly denied the + immediate necessity for a general world-authority; <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page192">[pg 192]</span><a name="Pg192" id="Pg192" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> perhaps he did so because he realized + that in the present world, any supreme authority would be + predominantly Western. The Chinese race-nation, once politically + free, had a definite duty to perform on behalf of its peripheral + states and on behalf of the suppressed states of the whole world. + The first demand, however, was for the freedom of China; others + could not be helped by China until China herself was free.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The political + application of nationalism envisaged (1) the elimination of + existing foreign political control (imperialism) in China; (2) the + strengthening of the country to such a degree that it would no + longer be a hypo-colony or sub-colony, and would not have to live + under the constant threat of invasion or partition; and (3) the + resulting free exercise of self-rule by the Chinese people, through + a nationalist democracy, so arranged that self-rule of China did + not conflict with the equal right of self-rule of other peoples + but, on the contrary, helped them.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc79" id="toc79"></a> <a name="pdf80" id="pdf80"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Class War of the + Nations.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Now come to a + consideration of the second part of the sub-principle of political + nationalism. This is the theory held by Sun concerning the class + war of the nations. It serves to illustrate three points in Sun + Yat-sen's thought: first, that Sun never permitted a Western theory + to disturb the fundamentals of Chinese ideology as he wished to + re-orient it; second, that Sun frequently took Western political + theories which had been developed in connection with the relations + of individuals and applied them to the relations of nations; and + third, that Sun was so much impressed with the cordiality and + friendship proffered him by the Communists that he sought to + coöperate with them so far as his Chinese ideology permitted + him.<a id="noteref_255" name="noteref_255" href= + "#note_255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">255</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page193">[pg 193]</span><a name="Pg193" id="Pg193" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One notes that + the question of distributive justice is not as pressing in China as + it is in the modern West. One also observes that the old Chinese + ideology was an ideology of the totalitarian society, which + rejected any higher allegiance of states or of classes. And one + sees that Sun Yat-sen, in proposing a democracy, suggested an + ideology which would continue the old Chinese thesis of eventual + popular sovereignty as reconciled with administration by an + intellectually disciplined elite. Each of these three points + prevented Sun from endorsing the intra-national class struggle.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He regarded the + class struggle, not—as do the Marxians—as a feature of every kind + of economically unequal social organization, but as a pathological + development to be found in disordered societies. He considered the + Marxian teachings in this respect to be as different from really + adequate social doctrines as pathology is from physiology in + medical science. The mobility of the old Chinese society, combined + with the drags imposed by family, village, and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, had resulted in a social + order which by and large was remarkably just. By presenting the + principle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as a + cardinal point in an ideology to be made up of old Chinese + morality, old Chinese knowledge, and Western science, he hoped to + avoid the evils of capitalism in the course of ethically sound + enrichment, development and arrangement of China's + economy.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page194">[pg + 194]</span><a name="Pg194" id="Pg194" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the same time + Sun was faced with the spectre of imperialism, and had to recognize + that this unjust but effective alliance of economic exploitation + and political subjection was an irreconcilable enemy to Chinese + national freedom. He saw in Russia an ally, and did not see it + figuratively. Years of disappointment had taught him that altruism + is rare in the international financial relations of the modern + world. After seeking everywhere else, he found the Russians, as it + were, on his door-step offering him help. This convinced him as no + theory could have. He regarded Russia as a new kind of power, and + ascribed the general hatred for the Soviet to their stand against + capitalism and imperialism: <span class="tei tei-q">“Then all the + countries of the world grew afraid of Russia. This fear of Russia, + which the different countries entertain at present, is more + terrible than the fear they formerly held, because this policy of + peace not only overthrew the Russian imperialism, but (purposed) to + overthrow also imperialism in the (whole world).”</span><a id= + "noteref_256" name="noteref_256" href="#note_256"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">256</span></span></a> This + fight against imperialism was a good work in the mind of Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering + the principles of Sun more than a decade after they were + pronounced, one cannot permit one's own knowledge of the events of + the last eleven years to make one demand of Sun Yat-sen a similar + background. That would amount to requiring that he be a prophet. At + the time when he spoke of the excellence of Russia he had no reason + to question the good faith of the Communists who were helping him. + It is conceivable that even the Bolsheviks who were aiding and + advising the Nationalists did not realize how soon the parting of + the ways would come, how much the two ideologies differed from one + another, how much each of the two parties endangered the other's + position. At the time Sun spoke, the Communists were his allies in + the struggle against imperialism; <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page195">[pg 195]</span><a name="Pg195" id="Pg195" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> they had agreed from the beginning that China + was a country not suited to communism; and Sun Yat-sen, relying on + them not to use him in some wider policy of theirs, had no cause to + mistrust or fear them. What has happened since is history. Sun + Yat-sen can scarcely be required to have predicted it. His comments + on imperialism, therefore, must be accepted at face value in a + consideration of the nationalist program in his theories.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The method by + means of which Sun reconciled his denial of the superiority of + class to nation is an interesting one, profoundly significant as a + clue to the understanding of his thought. He estimates the + population of the world at 1500 million. Now, of this total 400 + million are members of the white race, who constitute the most + powerful and prosperous people in the modern world. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“This white race regards (its 400,000,000 + representatives) as the unit which must swallow up the other, + colored races. Thus the Red tribes of America have already been + exterminated.... The Yellow Asiatic race is now oppressed by the + Whites, and it is possible that it will be exterminated before + long.”</span><a id="noteref_257" name="noteref_257" href= + "#note_257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">257</span></span></a> Thus, + as Sun viewed it, imperialism before the war was racial as well as + economic. The White Peril was a reality. This emphasis on the + doctrine of race shows the emphasis that Sun put upon race once he + had narrowed down the old world-society to the Chinese race-nation. + The most vigorous <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "de"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Rassenpolitiker</span></span>, such as Homer + Lea or Lothrop Stoddard,<a id="noteref_258" name="noteref_258" + href="#note_258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">258</span></span></a> would + approve heartily of such a <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page196">[pg 196]</span><a name="Pg196" id="Pg196" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> system of calculation in politics. Sun + Yat-sen differed with them, as he differed with the Marxians, and + with the race-theorists in general, by not following any one + Western absolute to the bitter end, whether it was the class war or + the race struggle.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Russia fitted + into this picture of race struggle. One hundred and fifty million + Russians left the camp of the 400 million white oppressors, and + came over to the just side of the 1100 million members of oppressed + nations. Consequently the figures came out somewhat more favorably + for the oppressed, in spite of the fact that the imperialist powers + were still economically and militarily supreme. Sun Yat-sen quoted + an apocryphal remark of Lenin's: <span class="tei tei-q">“There are + in the world two categories of people; one is composed of + 1,250,000,000 men and the other of 250,000,000 men. These + 1,250,000,000 men are oppressed by the 250,000,000 men. The + oppressors act against nature, and in defiance of her. We who + oppose <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">might</span></em> are following + her.”</span><a id="noteref_259" name="noteref_259" href= + "#note_259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">259</span></span></a> Sun + regarded the Russian Revolution as a shift in the race-struggle, in + which Russia had come over to the side of the oppressed nations. + (He did, of course, refer to Germany as an oppressed nation at + another time, but did not include, so far as we can tell, the + German population in the thesis under consideration.)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">On this basis + China was to join Russia in the class struggle of the nations. The + struggle was to be between the oppressed and the oppressors among + the nations, and not between the races, as it might have been had + not Russia come over to the cause of international equality.<a id= + "noteref_260" name="noteref_260" href="#note_260"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">260</span></span></a> + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page197">[pg 197]</span><a name= + "Pg197" id="Pg197" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> After the class + struggle of the nations had been done with, the time for the + consideration of cosmopolitanism would have arrived.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In taking class + lines in a scheme of nations, Sun was reconciling the requirements + of the old ideology and the international struggle against + imperialism. It is characteristic of his deep adherence to what he + believed to be the scheme of realities in political affairs that he + did not violate his own well-knit ideology in adopting the Marxian + ideology for the anti-imperialist struggle, but sought to preserve + the marvellous unity of his own society—a society which he believed + to have been the most nearly perfect of its time. The + race-interpretation of the international class struggle is at one + and the same time an assertion of the natural and indestructible + unity of Chinese society, and the recognition of the fact that + China and Russia, together with the smaller nations, had a common + cause against the great advances of modern imperialism.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc81" id="toc81"></a> <a name="pdf82" id="pdf82"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Racial Nationalism and + Pan-Asia.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The dual + orientation of Sun Yat-sen's anti-imperialist programs has already + been made partly evident in the examination of this belief in a + class war of the nations. A much more nearly complete exposition of + this doctrine, although with the emphasis on its racial rather than + on its economic aspects, is to be found in the third sub-principle + of the nationalist program: the race-national aspect of the + national revolution. Each of the three principles was to contribute + to this implementation of nationalism. <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page198">[pg 198]</span><a name="Pg198" id="Pg198" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min + shêng</span></span> was to provide the foundation for economic + nationalism. Democracy was to follow and reinforce political + nationalism, which would clear away the political imperialism and + let the Chinese, inculcated with state-allegiance, really rule + themselves.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the end of + his life, even after he had delivered the sixteen lectures on the + three principles, Sun Yat-sen issued another call for the + fulfillment in action of his principle of nationalism. This, too, + praised Russia and stressed the significance of the defection of + Russia from the band of the white oppressing powers; but it is + important as showing the wider implications of Sun Yat-sen's + race-national doctrines. During the greater part of his life, Sun + spoke of the Chinese race-nation alone. His racial theory led him + into no wider implications, such as the political reality of race + kinship. In this last pronouncement, he recognized the wide sweep + of consequences to which his premises of race-reality had led him. + This call was issued in his celebrated Pan-Asiatic Speech of + November 28, 1924, given in Kobe, Japan.<a id="noteref_261" name= + "noteref_261" href="#note_261"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">261</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The content of + the speech is narrower than the configuration of auxiliary + doctrines which may be discussed in connection with it. These are: + the race orientation of the Chinese race-nation; the possibility of + Pan-Asia; and the necessary function of the future Chinese society + as the protector and teacher of Asia, and of the whole world. These + points in his theoretical program were still far in the future when + he spoke of them, and consequently did not receive much attention. + In the light of the developments of the last several years, and the + continued references to Sun's Pan-Asia which Japanese officials and + propagandists have been making, this part of his program requires + new attention.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page199">[pg + 199]</span><a name="Pg199" id="Pg199" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The speech + itself is a re-statement of the race-class war of the nations. He + points out that <span class="tei tei-q">“It is contrary to justice + and humanity that a minority of four hundred million should oppress + a majority of nine hundred million....”</span><a id="noteref_262" + name="noteref_262" href="#note_262"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">262</span></span></a> + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Europeans hold us Asiatics down + through the power of their material accomplishments.”</span><a id= + "noteref_263" name="noteref_263" href="#note_263"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">263</span></span></a> He + then goes on to stress the necessity of emulating the material + development of the West not in order to copy the West in politics + and imperialism as well, but solely for the purpose of national + defense. He praises Japan, Turkey, and the Soviet Union as leaders + of the oppressed class of nations and predicts that the time will + come when China will resume the position she once had of a great + and benevolent power. He distinguishes, however, between the + position of China in the past and Great Britain and the United + States in the present. <span class="tei tei-q">“If we look back two + thousand five hundred years, we see that China was the most + powerful people of the world. It then occupied the position which + Great Britain and the United States do today. But while Great + Britain and the United States today are only two of a series of + world powers, China was then the only world power.”</span><a id= + "noteref_264" name="noteref_264" href="#note_264"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">264</span></span></a> Sun + also refers to the significant position of Turkey and Japan as the + two bulwarks of Asia, and emphasizes the strangely just position of + Russia.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In his earlier + days Sun Yat-sen had been preoccupied with Chinese problems, but + not so much so as to prevent <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page200">[pg 200]</span><a name="Pg200" id="Pg200" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> his taking a friendly interest in the + nationalist revolutions of the Koreans against the Japanese, and + the Filipinos against the Americans. This interest seems to have + been a personally political one, rather than a preliminary to a + definition of policy. He said to the Filipinos: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Let us know one another and we shall love each other + more.”</span><a id="noteref_265" name="noteref_265" href= + "#note_265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">265</span></span></a> The + transformation of the ideology in China did not necessarily lead to + the development of outside affiliations. The Confucian + world-society, becoming the Chinese race-nation, was to be + independent.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the + development of his emphasis upon race kinship on the achievement of + race-nationalism, Sun Yat-sen initiated a program which may not be + without great meaning in the furthering of the nationalist program. + He showed that the Chinese race-nation, having racial affinities + with the other Asiatic nations, was bound to them nationally in + policy in two ways: racially, and—as noted—anti-imperialistically. + This theory would permit the Chinese to be drawn into a Pan-Asiatic + movement as well as into an anti-imperialist struggle. This theory + may now be used as a justification for either alternative in the + event of China's having to choose aides in Russo-Japanese conflict. + China is bound to Russia by the theory of the class war of the + nations, but could declare that Russia had merely devised a new + form for imperialism. China is bound to Japan by the common + heritage of Asiatic blood and civilization, but could declare that + Japan had gone over to the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span> + side of Western imperialism, and prostituted herself to the status + of another Westernized-imperialized aggressive power. Whatever the + interpretations of this <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page201">[pg + 201]</span><a name="Pg201" id="Pg201" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + doctrine may be, it will afford the Chinese a basis for their + foreign policy based on the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">When Sun Yat-sen + spoke, Russia and China had not fought over the Chinese Eastern + Railway and the Chinese Communist problem, nor had Japan and China + entered into the Manchurian conflict. He was therefore in no + position to see that his expressions of approval for Pan-Asianism + and for pro-Soviet foreign policy might conflict. In one breath he + praised Japan as the leader and inspirer of modern Asia, and lauded + Russia as the pioneer in a new, just policy on the part of the + Western powers. He saw little hope that the example of the Soviet + Union would be followed by any other Western power, although he did + state that there was <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... in England and + America a small number of people, who defend these our ideals in + harmony with a general world movement. As far as the other + barbarian nations are concerned, there might be among them people + who are inspired by the same convictions.”</span><a id= + "noteref_266" name="noteref_266" href="#note_266"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">266</span></span></a> The + possibility of finding allies in the West did not appear to be a + great one to Sun Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun did + something in this speech which he had rarely hitherto done. He + generalized about the whole character of the East, and included in + that everything which the Westerners regarded as Eastern, from + Turkey to Japan. We have seen that the Chinese world of Eastern + Asia had little in common with the middle or near East. In this + speech Sun accepted the Western idea of a related Orient and speaks + of Asiatic ideals of kindliness and justice. This is most strange. + <span class="tei tei-q">“If we Asiatics struggle for the creation + of a pan-Asiatic united front, we must consider ... on what + fundamental constitution we wish to erect this united <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page202">[pg 202]</span><a name="Pg202" id="Pg202" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> front. We must lay at the foundations + whatever has been the special peculiarity of our Eastern culture; + we must place our emphasis on moral value, on kindliness and + justice.”</span><a id="noteref_267" name="noteref_267" href= + "#note_267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">267</span></span></a> This + Pan-Asian doctrine had been the topic of frequent discussion by + Japanese and Russians. The former naturally saw it as a great + resurgency of Asia under the glorious leadership of the Japanese + Throne. The Russians found pan-Asianism to be a convenient + instrument in the national and colonial struggle against + imperialism for communism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + joined neither of these particular pan-Asiatic outlooks. The + foreign policy of the Chinese race-nation was to fight oppressors, + and to join the rest of Asia in a struggle against white + imperialist domination. But—here is the distinction—how was China + to do these things? Sun Yat-sen never urged the Chinese to accept + the leadership of the Western or Japanese states, however friendly + they might be. China was to follow a policy of friendship and + coöperation with those powers which were friendly to her and to the + cause of justice throughout the world. Sun praised the old system + of Eastern Asia, by which the peripheral states stood in vassalage + to China, a vassalage which he regarded as mutually voluntary and + not imperialistic in the unpleasant sense of the word.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the end, he + believed Chinese society should resume the duty which it had held + for so many centuries in relation to its barbarian neighbors. China + should be rightly governed and should set a constant instance of + political propriety. Sun even advocated ultimate intervention by + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page203">[pg 203]</span><a name= + "Pg203" id="Pg203" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the Chinese, a + policy of helping the weak and lifting up the fallen. He concluded + his sixth lecture on nationalism by saying: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“If we want to <span class="tei tei-q">‘govern the + country rightly and pacify the world,’</span> we must, first of + all, restore our nationalism together with our national standing, + and unify the world on the basis of the morality and peach which + are proper (to us), in order to achieve an ideal + government.”</span><a id="noteref_268" name="noteref_268" href= + "#note_268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">268</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">We may conclude + that his racial sub-principle in a program of nationalism involved: + 1) orientation of Chinese foreign policy on the basis of blood + kinship as well as on the basis of class war of the nations; 2) + advocacy of a pan-Asiatic movement; and 3) use of China's + resurgence of national power to restore the benevolent hegemony + which the Chinese had exercised over Eastern Asia, and possibly to + extend it over the whole world.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc83" id="toc83"></a> <a name="pdf84" id="pdf84"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The General Program of + Nationalism.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It may be + worthwhile to attempt a view of the nationalist program of Sun + Yat-sen as a whole. The variety of materials covered, and the + intricate system of cross-reference employed by Sun, make it + difficult to summarize this part of his doctrines on a simple + temporal basis. The plans for the advancement of the Chinese + race-nation do not succeed each other in an orderly pattern of + future years, one stage following another. They mirror, rather, the + deep conflict of forces in the mind of Sun, and bring to the + surface of his teachings some of the almost irreconcilable + attitudes and projects which he had to put together. In the + ideological part of his doctrines we do not find such contrasts; + his ideology, a readjustment of the ideology of old China, before + the impact of the new world, to conditions developing after that + impact, is fairly homogeneous and consistent. It does not possess + the rigid and iron-bound consistency required to meet the logic of + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page204">[pg 204]</span><a name= + "Pg204" id="Pg204" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the West; but, in a + country not given to the following of absolutes, it was as stable + as it needed to be. His programs do not display the same high level + of consistency. They were derived from his ideology, but, in being + derived from it, they had to conform with the realities of the + revolutionary situation in words addressed to men in that + situation. As Wittfogel has said, the contradictions of the actual + situation in China were reflected in the words of Sun Yat-sen; + Marxians, however, would suppose that these contradictions ran + through the whole of the ideology and plans. It may be found that + in the old security transmitted by Sun from the Confucian ideology + to his own, there is little contradiction; in his programs we shall + find much more.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This does not + mean, of course, that Sun Yat-sen planned things which were + inherently incompatible with one another. What he did do was to + advocate courses of action which might possibly have all been + carried out at the same time, but which might much more probably + present themselves as alternatives. His ardor in the cause of + revolution, and his profound sincerity, frequently led him to + over-assess the genuineness of the cordial protestations of others; + he found it possible to praise Japan, Turkey, and the Soviet Union + in the same speech, and to predict the harmonious combination, not + only of the various Asiatic nationalisms with each other, but of + all the nations of Asia with Western international communism. The + advantage, therefore, of the present treatment, which seeks to + dissever the ideology of Sun Yat-sen from his plans, may rest in + large part upon the fact that the ideology, based in the almost + timeless scheme of things in China, depended little upon the + political situations of the moment, while his plans, inextricably + associated with the main currents of the contemporary political + situation, may have been invalidated as plans by the great + political changes that occurred after his death. That is not to + say, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page205">[pg 205]</span><a name= + "Pg205" id="Pg205" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> however, that his + plans are no longer of importance. The Chinese nationalists may + still refer to them for suggestions as to their general course of + action, should they wish to remain orthodox to the teachings of + Sun. The plans also show how the ideology may be developed with + reference to prevailing conditions.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Clearly, some + changes in the plans will have to be made; some of the changes + which have been made are undoubtedly justified. Now that war + between the Soviet Union and Japan has ceased to be improbable, it + is difficult to think of the coördination of a pan-Asiatic crusade + with a world struggle against imperialism. Chinese nationalists, no + longer on good terms with the Japanese—and on worse terms with the + Communists—must depend upon themselves and upon their own nation + much more than Sun expected. At the time of his death in 1925 the + Japanese hostility to the Kuomintang, which became so strikingly + evident at Tsinanfu in 1928-9, and the fundamental incompatibility + of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China, had not + manifested themselves. On the other hand, he could not have + foreseen that the imperialist nations, by no means cordial to the + Chinese Nationalists, would become as friendly to the Chinese + nationalism as they have. The United States, for instance, while + not acting positively against the political restrictions of Western + imperialism (including its own) in China, has been friendly to the + Nanking government, and as far as a rigid policy of neutrality + permitted it, took the side of China against Japan in the + Manchurian conflict in and after 1931. Such developments cannot + easily be reconciled to the letter of the plans of Sun Yat-sen, + and, unless infallibility is expected of him, there is no reason + why they should.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page206">[pg + 206]</span><a name="Pg206" id="Pg206" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">His plans + possess an interest far more than academic. It is not the province + of this work to judge the degree to which the Nationalists carried + out the doctrines of Sun, nor to assess the relative positions of + such leaders as Chiang Chieh-shih and Wang Ching-wei with respect + to orthodoxy. The plans may be presented simply as a part of the + theory of Sun Yat-sen, and where there is possibility of + disagreement, of his theory in its final and most authoritative + stage: the sixteen lectures of 1924, and the other significant + writings of the last years of his life.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first part + of his plans for China—those dealing with the applications of + nationalism—may be more easily digested in outline form:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">1. The Kuomintang was to be the instrument of the + revolution. Re-formed under the influence of the Communist + advisers, it had become a powerful weapon of agitation. It was, as + will be seen in the discussion of the plans for democracy, to + become a governing system as well. Its primary purpose was to carry + out the advancement of nationalism by the elimination of the</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">tuchuns</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">and other anti-national groups in + China, and by an application of the three principles, one by one, + of the nationalist program.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">2. The Kuomintang should foster the ideology of + nationalism and arouse the Chinese people to the precarious + position of their country. In order to make nationalism + politically effective, state allegiance had to supplant the old + personal allegiance to the Dragon Throne, or the personal + allegiance to the neo-feudal militarists.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">3. Nationalism should be exerted economically, + to develop the country in accord with the ideology of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">and to clear + away imperialist economic oppression which interfered with both + nationalism and</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">4. Nationalism had to be exerted politically, + for two ends: Chinese democracy, and Chinese autonomy, which Sun + often spoke of as one. This had to be done by active + political</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page207">[pg + 207]</span><a name="Pg207" id="Pg207" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">resistance to + aggression and by the advancement of a China state-ized and + democratic.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">5. Nationalism had also to be exercised + politically, in another manner: in the class war of the nations. + China should fight the racial and economic oppression of the + ruling white powers, in common with the other oppressed nations + and the one benevolent white nation (Soviet Russia).</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">6. Nationalism had to reinforce itself through + its racial kinships. China had to help her fellow Asiatic + nations, in a pan-Asia movement, and restore justice to Asia and + to the world.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This + recapitulation serves to show the curious developments of Sun + Yat-sen's nationalist program. Originally based upon his ideology, + then influenced by the race-orientation of a good deal of his + political thought, and finally reconciled to the programmatic + necessities of his Communist allies, it is surprising not in its + diversity but in its homogeneity under the circumstances. This + mixture of elements, which appears much more distinctly in Sun's + own words than it does in a rephrasing, led some Western students + who dealt with Sun to believe that his mind was a cauldron filled + with a political witch-brew. If it is remembered that the points + discussed were programmatic points, which changed with the various + political developments encountered by Sun and his followers, and + not the fundamental premises of his thought and action (which + remained surprisingly constant, as far as one can judge, throughout + his life), the inner consistency of Sun Yat-sen will appear. These + plans could not have endured under any circumstances, since they + were set in a particular time. The ideology may.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In turning from + the nationalist to the democratic plans of Sun Yat-sen, we + encounter a distinct change in the type of material. Orderly and + precise instead of chaotic and near-contradictory, the democratic + plans of Sun Yat-sen <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page208">[pg + 208]</span><a name="Pg208" id="Pg208" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + present a detailed scheme of government based squarely on his + democratic ideology, and make no concessions to the politics of the + moment. Here his nationalism finds its clearest expression. The + respective autonomies of the individual, the clan, the <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> and the nation are + accounted for; the nature of the democratic nationalist state + becomes clear. Programmatically, it is the clearest, and, perhaps, + the soundest, part of Sun's work.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page209">[pg 209]</span><a name= + "Pg209" id="Pg209" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc85" id="toc85"></a> <a name="pdf86" id="pdf86"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VI. The Programs of + Democracy.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc87" id="toc87"></a> <a name="pdf88" id="pdf88"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Stages of + Revolution.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + doctrine of the three stages of revolution attracted a considerable + degree of attention. By the three stages of the revolution he meant + (1) the acquisition of political power by the teachers of the new + ideology (the revolution), (2) the teaching of the new ideology + (tutelage), and (3) the practice of government by the people in + accord with the new ideology (constitutional democracy). Enough of + Sun Yat-sen's teaching concerning the new ideology has been shown + to make clear that this proposal is merely a logical extension of + his doctrine of the three classes of men.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Western writers + who have acquainted themselves with the theory seem, in some + instances, inclined to identify it with the Marxist theory of the + dictatorship of the proletariat, into which the proletarian + revolution is to be divided into three stages—the conquest of + political power by the masses; the dictatorship of the proletariat; + and the inauguration (in the remote future) of the non-governmental + class-less society.<a id="noteref_269" name="noteref_269" href= + "#note_269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">269</span></span></a> It + scarcely seems necessary to go so far afield to discover the origin + of the theory. As a matter of record, Sun Yat-sen made his earliest + recorded announcement of this theory in 1905, when he was not at + all under the influence of Marxism, although he was acquainted + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page210">[pg 210]</span><a name= + "Pg210" id="Pg210" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> with it.<a id= + "noteref_270" name="noteref_270" href="#note_270"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">270</span></span></a> + Finally, the theory forms so necessary a link between his theory of + Kuomintang control of the revolution, and his equally insistent + demand for ultimate democracy, that it may be regarded as a + logically necessary part of his complete plan. The coincidence + between his and the Marxian theories would consequently appear as a + tribute to his acumen; this was the view that the Communists took + when they discovered that Sun Yat-sen was afraid of the weaknesses + of immediate democracy in a country not fit for it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One might also + observe that, once the premise of revolution for a purpose is + accepted, the three stages fit well into the scheme of age-old + traditional political thought advocated by the Confucians. + Confucius did not see the value of revolution, although he condoned + it in specific instances. He did, however, believe in tutelage and + looked forward to an age when the ideology would have so + impregnated the minds of men that <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta + t'ung</span></span> (the Confucian Utopia) would be reached, and, + presumably, government would become superfluous. That which Sun + sought to achieve by revolution—the placing of political power in + the hands of the ideological reformers (or, in the case of the + Marxist theory, the proletariat, actually the Communist party, its + trustee)—Confucius sought, not by advocating a general conspiracy + of scholars for an oligarchy of the intellectuals, but the more + peaceful method of urging princes to take the advice of scholars in + government, so that the ideology could be established (by the + introduction of <span class="tei tei-q">“correct names,”</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>) and ideological + control introduced.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The three stages + of revolution may resemble Communist doctrine; they may have been + influenced by Confucian teaching; whatever their origin, they play + an extremely important part in the doctrines of Sun Yat-sen, and in + the <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page211">[pg 211]</span><a name= + "Pg211" id="Pg211" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> politics springing + from his principles. If the Kuomintang is the instrument of the + revolution, the three stages are its process. The clearest + exposition of this theory of the three stages is found in + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Fundamentals of National Reconstruction</span></span>, a manifesto + which Sun Yat-sen issued in 1924:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">3. The next element of reconstruction is + democracy. To enable the people to be competent in their knowledge + of politics, the government should undertake to train and guide + them so that they may know how to exercise their rights of + election, recall, initiative, and referendum....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">5. The order of reconstruction is divided into + three periods, viz.</span></p> + + <div class="tei tei-lg" style= + "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi" + style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">a</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">) + Period of Military Operations;</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi" + style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">b</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">) + Period of Political Tutelage;</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi" + style="text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">c</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">) + Period of Constitutional Government.</span> + </div> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">6. During the period of military operations the + entire country should be subject to military rule. To hasten the + unification of the country, the Government to be controlled by + the Kuomintang should employ military force to conquer all + opposition in the country and propagate the principles of the + Party so that the people may be enlightened.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">7. The period of political tutelage in a + province should begin and military rule should cease as soon as + order within the province is completely restored....</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He then goes on + to describe the method by which tutelage shall be applied, and when + it should end. It should end, Sun declares, in each <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> (district; township) as + the people of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> become + self-governing, through learning and practice in the democratic + techniques. As soon as all the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> within a province are + self-governing, the provincial government shall be released to + democratic control.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">23. When more than one half of the provinces in + the country have reached the constitutional government + stage,</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">i. e.</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">more</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page212">[pg 212]</span><a name="Pg212" id="Pg212" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">than one half of + the provinces have local self-government full established in all + their districts, there shall be a National Congress to decide on + the adoption and promulgation of the Constitution....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">(</span><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Signed</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Sun + Wen</span></span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">12th day, 4th month, 13th year of the Republic + (April 12, 1924).</span><a id="noteref_271" name="noteref_271" + href="#note_271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">271</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + emphatic about the necessity of a period of tutelage. The dismal + farce of the first Republic in 1912, when the inexperience and + apathy of the people, coupled with the venality of the militarists + and politicians, very nearly discredited Chinese democracy, + convinced Sun Yat-sen that effective self-government could be built + up only as the citizens became ready for it. A considerable number + of the disputes concerning the theory of self-government to be + employed by the policy-making groups of the National + (Kuomintang-controlled) Government have centered on the point of + criteria for self-government. Even with the insertion of a + transition stage, and with a <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page213">[pg 213]</span><a name="Pg213" id="Pg213" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> certain amount of tutelage, difficulties are + being encountered in the application of this theory of the + introduction of constitutional government as soon as the people in + a <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> are + prepared for it. Other considerations, military or political, may + make any venture beyond the secure confines of a benevolent Party + despotism dangerous; and the efficacy of tutelage can always be + questioned. The period of tutelage was set for 1930-1935; it is + possible, however, that the three stages cannot be gone through as + quickly as possible, since the Japanese invasions and the world + economic depression exercised a thoroughly disturbing influence + throughout the country.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A final point + may be made with regard to the three stages of the revolution as + Sun Yat-sen planned them. Always impetuous and optimistic in + revolutionary endeavor, Sun Yat-sen expected that the military + conquest would be rapid, the period of tutelage continue a few + years, and constitutional democracy endure for ages, until in the + end <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ta t'ung</span></span> should + reign upon earth. The transition period was not, as in the theory + of the Confucians and the Marxians, an indefinite period beginning + with the present and leading on down to the age of the + near-perfection of humanity. It was to Sun Yat-sen, in his more + concrete plans, an interval between the anarchy and tyranny of the + warlord dictatorships and the coming of Nationalist democracy. It + was not a scheme of government in itself.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To recapitulate: + Sun Yat-sen believed that revolution proceeded or should proceed by + three stages—the (military) revolution proper; the period of + tutelage; and the period of constitutional democracy. His theory + resembles the Communist, although it provides for a dictatorship of + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page214">[pg 214]</span><a name= + "Pg214" id="Pg214" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the patriotic elite + (Kuomintang) and not of any one class such as the proletariat; it + also resembles the Confucian with respect to the concepts of + tutelage and eventual harmony. Military conquest was to yield + swiftly to tutelage; tutelage was to lead, <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> by <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, into democracy. With the + establishment of democracy in more than one-half of the provinces, + constitutional government was to be inaugurated and the expedient + of Party dictatorship dispensed with.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This theory, + announced as early as 1905, Sun did not insist upon when the first + Republic was proclaimed in 1912, with the tragic results which the + history of that unfortunate experiment shows. In the experience + derived from that great enthusiasm, Sun appreciated the necessity + of knowledge before action. He was willing to defer the enjoyment + of democracy until the stability of the democratic idea in the + minds of the people was such that they could be entrusted with the + familiar devices of Western self-government.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">What kind of a + democratic organization did Sun Yat-sen propose to develop in China + on the basis of his Nationalist and democratic ideology? Having + established the fundamental ideas of national unity, and the + national self-control, and having allowed for the necessity of an + instrument of revolution—the Kuomintang—and a process of + revolution—the three stages, what mechanisms of government did Sun + advocate to permit the people of China to govern themselves in + accord with the Three Principles?</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc89" id="toc89"></a> <a name="pdf90" id="pdf90"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Adjustment of Democracy to + China.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is apparent + that, even with tutelage, the democratic techniques of the West + could impair the attainment of democracy in China were they applied + in an unmodified form, and without concession to the ideological + and institutional <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page215">[pg + 215]</span><a name="Pg215" id="Pg215" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + backgrounds of the Chinese. The Westerner need only contemplate the + political structure of the Roman Republic to realize how much this + modern democracy is the peculiar institution of his race, bred in + his bone and running, sacred and ancient, deep within his mind. The + particular methods of democracy, so peculiarly European, which the + modern—that is, Western or Westernized—world employs, is no less + alien to the imperial anarchy of traditional China than is the + Papacy. Sun Yat-sen, beholding the accomplishments of the West in + practical matters, had few illusions about the excellence of + democratic shibboleths, such as parliamentarism or liberty, and was + profoundly concerned with effecting the self-rule of the Chinese + people without leading them into the labyrinth of a strange and + uncongenial political system.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In advocating + democracy he did not necessarily advocate the adoption of strange + devices from the West. While believing, as we have seen, in the + necessity of the self-rule of the Chinese race-nation, he by no + means desired to take over the particular parliamentary forms which + the West had developed.<a id="noteref_272" name="noteref_272" href= + "#note_272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">272</span></span></a> He + criticised the weakness of Western political and social science as + contrasted with the strength of Western technology: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“It would be a gross error to believe that just as we + imitate the material sciences of the foreigners, so we ought + likewise to copy their politics. The material civilization of the + foreigners changes from day to day; we attempt to imitate it, and + we find it difficult to keep step with it. But there is a vast + difference between the progress of foreign politics <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page216">[pg 216]</span><a name="Pg216" id="Pg216" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> and the progress of material + civilization; the speed of (the first) is very slow.”</span><a id= + "noteref_273" name="noteref_273" href="#note_273"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">273</span></span></a> And + he said later, in speaking of the democracy of the first Republic: + <span class="tei tei-q">“China wanted to be in line with foreign + countries and to practice democracy; accordingly she set up her + representative government. But China has not learned anything about + the good sides of representative governments in Europe and in + America, and as to the bad sides of these governments, they have + increased tenfold, a hundredfold in China, even to the point of + making swine, filthy and corrupt, out of government + representatives, a thing which has not been witnessed in other + countries since the days of antiquity. This is truly a peculiar + phenomenon of representative government. Hence, China not only + failed to learn well anything from the democratic governments of + other countries, but she learned evil practices from + them.”</span><a id="noteref_274" name="noteref_274" href= + "#note_274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">274</span></span></a> This + farce-democracy was as bad as no government at all. Sun Yat-sen had + to reject any suggestion that China imitate the example of some of + the South American nations in borrowing the American Constitution + and proclaiming a <span class="tei tei-q">“United States of + China.”</span> The problem was not to be solved so easily.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In approaching + Sun Yat-sen's solution the Western student must again remember two + quite important distinctions between the democracy of Sun Yat-sen + and the democracy of the West. Sun Yat-sen's principle of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span> was the self-control + of the whole people first, and a government by the mass of + individuals making up the people secondarily. The Chinese social + system was well enough organized to permit the question of + democracy to be a question of the nation as a whole, rather than a + question of the reconciliation of particular interests within the + nation. Special interests already found their outlet in + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page217">[pg 217]</span><a name= + "Pg217" id="Pg217" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the recognized + social patterns—so reminiscent of the institutions envisaged by the + pluralists—of the ancient order. In the second place, China was + already a society which was highly organized socially, although + politically in ruins; the democratic government that Sun Yat-sen + planned had infinitely less governing to do than did Western + governments. The new Nationalist government had to fit into rather + than supplant the old order. As a consequence of these + distinctions, one may expect to find much less emphasis on the + exact methods of popular control of the government than one would + in a similar Western plan; and one must anticipate meeting the + ancient devices and offices which the usage of centuries had + hallowed and made true to the Chinese.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One may find + that democracy in China is not so radical a novelty as it might at + first thought be esteemed. A figure of speech, which somewhat + anticipates the exposition, may serve to prepare one for some of + the seeming omissions of Sun Yat-sen's plan for a democracy. The + suggestion is this: that the democracy of Sun Yat-sen is, roughly, + a modernization of the old Imperial system, with the Emperor (as + the head of the academic civil service) removed, and the majority + placed in his stead. Neither in the old system nor in the new were + the minorities the object of profound concern, for, to the Chinese, + the notion of a minority (as against the greater mass of the + tradition-following people) is an odd one. The rule of the Son of + Heaven (so far as it was government at all) was to be replaced by + the rule of the whole people (<span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min</span></span>, which is more similar to + the German <span lang="de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "de"><span style="font-style: italic">Volk</span></span> than the + English <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">people</span></em>). The first Sun Yat-sen + called monarchy; the second, democracy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The old ideology + was to yield to the new, but even the new as a review of it has + shown, was not broad enough completely to supplant the old. The + essential continuity <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page218">[pg + 218]</span><a name="Pg218" id="Pg218" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + of Chinese civilization was not to be broken. Democracy as a + Western institution could be nothing more than a sham, as the + parliaments at Peking had showed; democracy in China had to be not + only democracy, but Chinese as well.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is not, + therefore, extraordinarily strange to find the ancient institutions + of the Empire surviving by the side of the most extreme methods of + popular government. The censorate and the referendum, the + examination system and the recall, all could work together in the + democracy planned by Sun Yat-sen. Even with the idea of popular + rule adopted in the formal Western manner, Sun Yat-sen proposed to + continue the idea of natural and ineradicable class differences + between men. The Chinese democracy was not to be any mere imitation + of the West; it was to be the fundamentally new fusion of Chinese + and Western methods, and offered as the solution for the political + readjustment of the Chinese society in a world no longer safe for + it.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc91" id="toc91"></a> <a name="pdf92" id="pdf92"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Four Powers.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + divided all men into three categories: the geniuses, the followers, + and the unthinking. To reconcile this theory of natural inequality + with democracy, he distinguished between <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, the right to rule as + sovereign, and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, the right + to administer as an official. He furthermore considered the state + similar to a machine. How should the unthinking, who would possess + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, the right to rule, be + granted that right without attempting to usurp <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This was to be + accomplished by two means. The Four Powers were to be given to the + people, in order to assure their possession of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>. The Five Rights were to + assure that the government might be protected in its right to + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, in its right to have only + the most competent officials. Together the Four Powers and the Five + Rights implement <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page219">[pg + 219]</span><a name="Pg219" id="Pg219" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> a + scheme of government so novel that Sun Yat-sen himself believed it + to be a definite contribution to political method. The learned + Jesuit translator of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chin I</span></span> does not even + term it democracy, but neo-democracy instead.<a id="noteref_275" + name="noteref_275" href="#note_275"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">275</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Four Powers + represent an almost extreme limit of popular control. Sun Yat-sen + divided the four into two groups: the first two are powers of the + people over the administrators—the power of election and the power + of recall; the second two are powers of the people over the + laws—the power of initiative and the power of referendum. Having + secured the government from undue interference, Sun Yat-sen had no + reluctance in giving these powers to the people. He said: + <span class="tei tei-q">“As for our China, since she had no old + democratic system, she ought to be able to make very good use of + this most recent and excellent invention.”</span><a id= + "noteref_276" name="noteref_276" href="#note_276"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">276</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">These four + powers are perhaps the most Western element in the whole theory of + Sun. History does not record the technique by which the Chinese + chose Yao to be their Emperor, and even where actions comparable to + elections were performed, it was not by use of the ballot-box or + the voting machine, or drilling on an appointed field. The Chinese + way of getting things done never tended that much to formality. A + man who wanted to be a village head might be quietly chosen head by + a cabal of the most influential persons, or at a meeting of many of + the villagers. He might even decide to be head, and act as head, in + the hope that people would pay attention to him and think that he + was head. The Four Powers represent <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page220">[pg 220]</span><a name="Pg220" id="Pg220" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> a distinct innovation in Chinese politics + for, apart from a few ridiculous comic-opera performances under the + first Republic, and the spurious plebiscite on the attempted + usurpation of Yüan Shih-k'ai, the voting method has been a + technique unknown in China. It is distinctly Western.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Another + distinction may be made with a certain degree of reservation and + hesitancy. It is this: the Chinese, without the elaborate system of + expedient fictions which the West terms juristic law, were and are + unable to conceive of corporate action. A law passed by the Peking + parliament was not passed by the dictator in parliament, or the + people in parliament; it was simply passed by parliament, and was + parliament's responsibility. The only kind of law that the people + could pass would be one upon which they themselves had voted.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Seen in this + light, the Four Powers assume a further significance greater than + the Western political scientist might attribute to them. In America + there is little difference between a law which the people of Oregon + pass in the legislature, and one which they pass in a referendum. + To the Chinese there is all the difference in the world. The one is + an act of the government, and not of the people; the other, the act + of the people, and not of the government. The people may have + powers over the government, but never, by the wildest swing of + imagination, can they discover themselves personified in it. A + Chinese democracy is almost a dyarchy of majority and officialdom, + the one revising and checking the other.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not comment on the frequency with which he expected these powers to + be exercised, nor has the political development of democratic China + gone far enough to afford any test of experience; it is + consequently impossible to state whether these powers were to be, + or shall be, exercised constantly as a matter of course, or whether + they shall be employed by the people only as <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page221">[pg 221]</span><a name="Pg221" id="Pg221" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> courses for emergency action, when the + government arouses their displeasure. The latter seems the more + probable, in view of the background of Chinese tradition, and the + strong propensities of the Chinese to avoid getting involved in + anything which does not concern them immediately and personally. + This probability is made the more plausible by the self-corrective + devices in the governmental system, which may seem to imply that an + extensive use of the popular corrective power was not contemplated + by Sun Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + said:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Now we separate power from capacity and we + say</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">that the people are the + engineers and the government is the + machine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">. On the one + hand, we want the machinery of the government to be all-powerful, + able to do anything, and on the other hand we want the engineer, + the people, to have great power so as to be able to control that + all-powerful machine.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">But what must be the mutual rights of the people + and of the government in order that they might balance? We have + just explained that. On the people's side there should be the + four rights of</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">election</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">,</span> + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">recall</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">,</span> + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">initiative</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">, + and</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">referendum</span></em><span style="font-size: 90%">. + On the government's side there must be five powers.... If the + four governing powers of the people control the five + administrative powers of the government, then we shall + have</span> <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">a perfect + political-democratic machine</span></em><span style= + "font-size: 90%">....</span><a id="noteref_277" name= + "noteref_277" href="#note_277"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">277</span></span></a></p> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc93" id="toc93"></a> <a name="pdf94" id="pdf94"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Five Rights.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + implemented his theory of democracy by assigning Four Powers to the + people and Five Rights to the government. This latter doctrine is + one of the most disputed points in his proposal. Some writers see + in it nothing more than a crass conjunction of the theory of + Montesquieu and the practices of the Chinese Imperial system.<a id= + "noteref_278" name="noteref_278" href="#note_278"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">278</span></span></a> His + followers are disposed to regard the doctrine <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page222">[pg 222]</span><a name="Pg222" id="Pg222" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of the Five Rights as the product of + intrepid imagination, which succeeded in reconciling the + traditional scheme of Chinese things with the requirements of + modern self-government.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun made the + point that both Chinese and Western governments had in the past had + tripartite governments. He illustrated this by a diagram:<a id= + "noteref_279" name="noteref_279" href="#note_279"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">279</span></span></a></p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Constitution of + China</span></span></p> + + <div class="tei tei-lg" style= + "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Examining Power + (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style= + "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Kao Shih + ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Imperial Power + (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style= + "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chun + ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style= + "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Legislative Power</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style= + "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Executive Power</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style= + "text-align: left; margin-left: 1.80em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Judicial Power</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Power to Impeach + (</span><span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style= + "text-align: left" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tan k'ê + ch'üan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">)</span> + </div> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-variant: small-caps">Foreign + Constitutions</span></span></p> + + <div class="tei tei-lg" style= + "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Legislative Power combined + with the Power to Impeach</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Executive Power combined + with the Examining Power</span> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">The Judicial Power</span> + </div> + </div> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + believed that in separating the Five Rights from one another he + would make clear certain differentiations <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page223">[pg 223]</span><a name="Pg223" id="Pg223" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of function which had led to numberless + disputes in the past, and would present to the world a model + government.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thus far, the + Five Rights seem the complement of the Four Powers. The two sets of + controls, of people over the government, and of the government over + the people, assure China that a neo-democratic administration will + have no less continuity and power than did its Imperial + predecessor, and nevertheless be subject to the will of the + majority of the four hundred odd million sovereigns. Contemplated + in this manner, the Five Rights are an amalgamation of the Western + theory upon the Chinese, and significant as a novelty in democratic + administrative theory rather than as institutions altering the + fundamental premises and methods of democracy.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">If, however, a + further step is taken, and the Five Powers are associated with Sun + Yat-sen's doctrine of the three naturally unequal classes of men, + they assume a somewhat less superficial significance. If the rule + of the people is placed over the administration by the geniuses, + the geniuses must be assured a method of entering the government + service. The oligarchy of the intellectuals is to be reconciled + with the dictatorship of the majority. The old Chinese system of a + trained class of scholars, entrance to which was open on a + competitive system to members of almost all classes of society, had + to be preserved in the new China, and at the same time disciplined + and purified of unworthy or unsuitable elements, while + simultaneously subject to the policy-making authority of the + majority.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The preservation + of a leader class was to be assured by an examination division in + the new democratic government, and its purification and discipline + continued by a supervisory or censoring division. The + administrative setup of the nationalist democracy would appear as + follows, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page224">[pg + 224]</span><a name="Pg224" id="Pg224" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + when the present official translations of the Chinese names for the + divisions (<span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Yuan</span></span>) are + adopted:</p> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label">1. </th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the executive + (Executive Yuan).</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label">2. </th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the legislative + (Legislative Yuan).</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label">3. </th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">The division of the judicial + (Judicial Yuan).</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label">4. </th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">The division of censorship, + impeachment and accounting (Control Yuan).</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label">5. </th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">And the division of the examination + system (Examination Yuan).</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is an + illustration of the further difference between the democracy of Sun + Yat-sen and Western democracy, that each of the divisions, even the + legislative, was to have a single head. The whole government was to + be departmentally, not camerally, organized.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The system of + Five Powers emphasizes the implied dyarchy of government and people + in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> by assigning to + the government itself functions which, in the usual course of + events, are supposed to be exercised by the people themselves in + Western democracies. The people are supposed to eliminate unfit + officials and decide on the merits and trustworthiness of + incumbents. By the expedient of non-reëlection, the people are + supposed to remove officials, who are incapable or unsuitable for + public office. The two functions have been taken over by the + Examination and Control Yuans, respectively; the Four Powers of the + people are not, in all probability, instruments for continual + popular intrigue and meddling in government, but almost + revolutionary implements for shifting the course or composition of + the government.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Five Rights + are instruments for the self-government of the official class + (Examination and Control), and for the government of the people by + the official class (Executive, Legislative, and Judicial). The Four + Powers are the instruments for the government of the official class + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page225">[pg 225]</span><a name= + "Pg225" id="Pg225" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> by the people. Out + of the checks and balances of government and people the integrity, + efficacy, and stability of Sun Yat-sen's democracy was to be + assured.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The exercise of + the Four Rights of the people could, in the theory of Sun Yat-sen, + be used to check the development of an arrogant, inefficient or + irresponsible bureaucracy, in that the people would assist in the + selection of officials and would be able to remove incompetents at + any time. The civil service mechanism of the government would, on + the other hand, resist the too free play of popular caprice. No + incompetent person would be elected to office, since the civil + service would extend even to elective offices. The voters could + remove a bad official but they could not replace him with an + untrained person; they would have to select their candidate from + the roster of scholar-officials eligible for the rank of the office + in question. The people were to supervise the operations of the + age-old Chinese civil service, as revivified by the nationalists; + they were to appoint and remove officers, to repeal and enact laws; + but in no case were they to tear down the structure of the civil + service and inaugurate a spoils democracy such as that found in the + United States. This blending of extreme democracy and traditional + administrative hierarchy would result, said Sun Yat-sen, in perfect + government.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The democratic + nationalist government was to supersede the Empire. In between + there was no central government, since the various military leaders + paid scant respect to the unfortunate clique of diplomats and + officials who carried on the few functions left to the powerless + Peking government.<a id="noteref_280" name="noteref_280" href= + "#note_280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">280</span></span></a> The + new government was not, therefore, <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page226">[pg 226]</span><a name="Pg226" id="Pg226" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> so much a new political order to be set up in + place of the old as a political order to be built up out of + military chaos. The social system, although shaken and affected by + Western ideas, continued much as usual, and was to be woven into + the new socio-political patterns that Sun Yat-sen projected.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Nationalist + government was to be the nation's answer to the foreign aggression. + The White Peril, which had flooded Asia, could only be held back by + the dykes of a militant nationalist movement, expressing itself in + a formal state such as the Westerners themselves had developed, and + which fitted them to undertake the conquest of the world. This + government was to be the agent of the whole Chinese people who, + casting off the oppression of the militarists and the imperialists, + was to rise again with its ancient power, formidable and ready to + fight if necessary, more ready to bring about world-coöperation and + peace if possible. It was to be a government made up of a trained + officialdom such as ancient China had possessed for centuries, + which had led to the integration of control and culture (in the + narrowest sense of the word), and of a people ruling by checking + that officialdom: an all-powerful state-machine ruled by an + all-powerful people.<a id="noteref_281" name="noteref_281" href= + "#note_281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">281</span></span></a> A + state was to appear in the world of states and enclose the Chinese + people, by political power, more effectively than could the Great + Wall.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This aspect of + democracy, the self-rule of the Chinese society <span class= + "tei tei-foreign"><span style= + "font-style: italic">vis-à-vis</span></span> the linked despotism + of militarists, renegades and imperialists, was, although the most + important facet of democracy, not the whole story. In order to + systematize the loose democracy of old China, in order to + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page227">[pg 227]</span><a name= + "Pg227" id="Pg227" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> lead all force to + the top, where it could be exerted outwards, the democratic plan + had to plan links with the traditional system. The government could + not be democratic if it were not tied to the people. The people + could not govern themselves, as apart from governing the + officialdom making up the National government, unless they had + mechanisms with which to do so. Although the family, the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span> and the <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> provided self-government, + this self-government had to be associated with the scheme of + nationalist and national self-government in order to guarantee the + latter's effectiveness. Beyond or beneath the national democracy of + China there was to be a system of democracy (the politicalization, + as it were, of the old social organs) running through society. What + these separate or subordinate organs were to be, what relations + they were to have with the national government, and what other + intermediate institutions were to facilitate those relations must + be studied to gain a complete picture of the democracy of Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc95" id="toc95"></a> <a name="pdf96" id="pdf96"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">Confederacy Versus + Centralism.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One of the most + involved questions in the political thought of the Chinese + revolution has been the problem of provincial autonomy. The Chinese + provinces differ considerably more from one another in economic + conditions, language and race than do the American states; it has + been said that one of the causes of the overthrow of the Manchu + monarchy was the encroachment of the Imperial central power, in its + last desperate attempts to modernize itself and cope with the last + crisis, upon the old autonomy of the provinces.<a id="noteref_282" + name="noteref_282" href="#note_282"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">282</span></span></a> + Institutionally, the provinces were relatively independent; this + degree of independence was, however, minimized by the general + unimportance of government <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page228">[pg 228]</span><a name="Pg228" id="Pg228" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> in Chinese society. The Chinese, toward each + other, feel conscious of family, village and provincial ties; face + to face with the foreigners, they are beginning to know themselves + as Chinese. Until the wave of nationalism swept the country, + provincial rivalry was a live issue; even today, it cannot be + called forgotten.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + opinions on many points of government remained stable through his + life. The fundamental ideas and ideals seem to have been expanded, + rather than changed, as his theory met the test of his growing + experience and the lessons of the revolution; but even with + expansion, they remain, for the most part, consistent. Sun Yat-sen + was steadfast in his beliefs.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This cannot be + said of his and his successors' opinions on the problem of province + versus nation. There is no one doctrine dealing with the question + of provincial autonomy. There may be a trend, however, which can be + described as a swing from definite emphasis upon the province + toward neglect of that unit of administration. This trend may be + illustrated by several points.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">At the time of + the first Republic the provinces were treated much as are states in + the United States. The members of the Senate of the Republic + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ts'an Yi + Yuan</span></span>) were to be elected by the Assemblies of the + provinces, and, when representing persons not under the + jurisdiction of a provincial Assembly, by Electoral Colleges. The + House of Representatives was to be elected directly by the people, + in the proportion of one member to each eight hundred thousand of + population, with the reservation—again in propitiation of + provincial vanity—that no province should have less than ten + representatives.<a id="noteref_283" name="noteref_283" href= + "#note_283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">283</span></span></a> The + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page229">[pg 229]</span><a name= + "Pg229" id="Pg229" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> first Republic was + distinctly federal although by no means confederate.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen did + not immediately shift from this position. As late as 1919-1922, + when he was preparing his official biography, he spoke + enthusiastically to his biographer of the potentialities of + democratic provincial home rule.<a id="noteref_284" name= + "noteref_284" href="#note_284"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">284</span></span></a> He + still believed in the importance of the provinces as units of a + future democracy in China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">From the time + that Sun went South, and the Kuomintang was reorganized, to the + present, the tendency in the Sun-Kuomintang theory seems to have + been toward minimization of the importance of the provinces in the + democracy to be set up. The Party Declaration of the Kuomintang at + its First National Convention in 1924 in Canton criticised several + political viewpoints prevalent; among these was that of the + Confederalists, so called. The Declaration states, in part: + <span class="tei tei-q">“Undoubtedly regional self-government is in + entire accord with the spirit of democracy and is a great need of + our nation. But a true regional self-government can be realized + only when our national independence is won, for without national + freedom, local freedom is impossible.... Many social, economic and + political problems facing the individual provinces can be solved + only by the nation as a whole. So the success of the peoples' + revolution is a prerequisite to the realization of provincial + autonomy.”</span><a id="noteref_285" name="noteref_285" href= + "#note_285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">285</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + himself stated, a few months earlier, a point of view which may + seem inconsistent with the Party Declaration:</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page230">[pg 230]</span><a name="Pg230" id="Pg230" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">18. The</span> <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">is the unit of self-government. The + province links up and provides means of co-operation between the + Central Government and the local governments of the + districts.</span><a id="noteref_286" name="noteref_286" href= + "#note_286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">286</span></span></a> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Whatever the + occasion for the slight difference of opinion, it has been the + policy of the Kuomintang to emphasize <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> rather than provinces as + units of self-government. The Party itself is quite centralized. + The Resumé of the Kuomintang Third National Congress Resolutions + Concerning Political Matters, adopted March 27, 1929, states + unequivocally: <span class="tei tei-q">“The traditional policy of + attaching greater importance to provincial government than to + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> or district government + must be corrected or even reversed.”</span> It adds, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The provincial government, on the other hand, shall + act only as a supervisor of local self-government, standing in + between the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> or + district government on the one hand, and the Central Government on + the other.”</span><a id="noteref_287" name="noteref_287" href= + "#note_287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">287</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The province is + thus reduced to the lowest possible level. It is not probable that + this tendency was influenced by Marxism, but it certainly resembled + the Marxian idea of a vast confederation of self-governing + communes, acting, by some proletarian metempsychosis, as a highly + centralized instrument of revolution.<a id="noteref_288" name= + "noteref_288" href="#note_288"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">288</span></span></a> The + doctrine of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>-province-nation + relationship which places emphasis upon the first and the last is + the authoritative one, and is quite harmonious with the earlier + picture of Imperial China which, apart from the strictly + governmental, was a vast confederacy of largely autonomous + communities. In the picture of the new democratic national + government which emerges from this doctrine, the central government + may be regarded as a centralism versus the provinces, and a + super-government in relation to the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; that is, while the + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page231">[pg 231]</span><a name= + "Pg231" id="Pg231" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> people govern + themselves as groups in the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, + they will govern themselves as one people in the National + Government. The province will remain as a convenient intermediary + between the two.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This is one of + the few doctrines of Sun Yat-sen upon which no one definitive and + final pronouncement is to be found and concerning which, + consequently, recourse must be had to the history of the + development of the Sun Yat-sen political philosophy.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc97" id="toc97"></a> <a name="pdf98" id="pdf98"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The</span> <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style= + "font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Hsien</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 144%">in a Democracy.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, or district, was one of + the most important social institutions in old China. The lowest + official, the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> + Magistrate, represented the Empire to the people of the <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, while within the villages + or the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> the + people enjoyed a very high degree of autonomy. The <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> was the meeting point of + the political system and the extra-legal government, generally of a + very vaguely organized nature, by which the Chinese managed their + own affairs in accord with tradition. An estimate of the position + of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> may be + gleaned from the fact that China has approximately four hundred + eighty million inhabitants; apart from the cities and towns, there + are about half a million villages; and the whole country, with the + exception of certain Special Municipalities, such as Shanghai, is + divided into nineteen hundred and forty-three <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>.<a id="noteref_289" name= + "noteref_289" href="#note_289"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">289</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, however significant they + may be in the social system of China, both past and present, cannot + be described in a work such as this. It is not inappropriate, + however, to reiterate that they form what is perhaps the most + important grouping within China, and that much of <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page232">[pg 232]</span><a name="Pg232" id="Pg232" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Chinese life is centred in <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> affairs. It is by reason + of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> autonomy + that the Chinese social system has been so elastic as to permit the + shocks of invasion, insurrection, conquest, famine and flood to + pass through and over China without disrupting Chinese social + organization.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun once quoted + the old Chinese proverb about the Lu Shan (mountains): <span class= + "tei tei-q">“We cannot find the real shape of the Lu Shan—for we + ourselves are on it.”</span> From the viewpoint of the Western + reader this proverb could be turned against Sun in his treatment of + the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>. He was + passionately emphatic in discussing the importance of the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> with his foreign + friends;<a id="noteref_290" name="noteref_290" href= + "#note_290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">290</span></span></a> in + his writings, addressed to his countrymen, he, as they, simply + assumed the importance of the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> without troubling to make + any cardinal point of it.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> is in the unit of the most + direct self-government of the people, without the interference of + any elaborate set-up from officialdom. Apart from its age-old + importance, it will gain further significance in the democracy of + Sun Yat-sen.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Some of the + functions to be assigned to the people in a <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> are assessment, + registration, taxation, and/or purchase of all lands in the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; the collection of all + unearned increment on lands within the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; land profits to be + subjected to collection by the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, and disbursement for + public improvements, charitable work, or other public service. Add + this to the fact that the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> + have been the chief agencies for police, health, charity, religious + activity and the regulative control of custom—sometimes with the + assistance of persons—through the centuries, and the great + importance of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> in the + nationalist democracy becomes more clear.</p> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page233">[pg 233]</span><a name= + "Pg233" id="Pg233" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc99" id="toc99"></a> <a name="pdf100" id="pdf100"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Family System.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + democracy differs further from the parliamentary, mechanical + democracy of the West in that it incorporates the family + system.<a id="noteref_291" name="noteref_291" href= + "#note_291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">291</span></span></a> Of + course Sun understood the extraordinary part that the family plays + in China—a part more conspicuous, perhaps, than in any other + country. He pointed out that the family required in China much of + the loyalty which in the West is given to the state. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Among the Chinese people the family and kinship ties + are very strong. Not infrequently the people sacrifice their lives + and homes for some affair of kinship; for instance, in Kuangtung, + two clans may fight regardless of life and property. On the other + hand, our people hesitate to sacrifice themselves for a national + cause. The spirit of unity has not extended beyond the family and + clan relationships.”</span><a id="noteref_292" name="noteref_292" + href="#note_292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">292</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Speaking of the + early Emperors and the revolution, he said: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“You see, gentlemen, the methodology of Yao, like that + of ours, was to begin his moral and political teachings with the + family, then the nation-group, then the world.”</span><a id= + "noteref_293" name="noteref_293" href="#note_293"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">293</span></span></a> How + did Sun Yat-sen propose to join the strength of the family spirit + and of nationalism, to the common advantage?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He planned to + reorganize the already existing clan organizations in each + district. These organizations have existed from time immemorial for + the purposes of preserving <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page234">[pg 234]</span><a name="Pg234" id="Pg234" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> clan unity, commemorating clan ancestry, + performing charitable functions, and acting as a focus—although + this last was not an avowed purpose—for clan defense. The + reorganization which Sun proposed would probably have involved some + systematizing of the organization for the purposes of uniformity + and official record, as well as effectiveness.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Once the + district headquarters were reorganized, they could be combined + throughout a province into a provincial clan organization. Such + organizations already exist, but they are neither systematic nor + general. After the clan was organized on a provincial basis + throughout the provinces, the various provincial organizations + could be gathered together in a national clan organization.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is only when + one contemplates the strength of the family system in China that + the boldness of this plan becomes apparent. A series of vast + national clan organizations would include practically every + Chinese. Not content with this, Sun proposed inter-clan + organizations, certain clans being more related to one another. A + further series of national inter-clan organizations would draw + together the allegiance of numberless individuals. There was always + the possibility that a convention of all the clans might be + called—although Sun was not sanguine about this last.<a id= + "noteref_294" name="noteref_294" href="#note_294"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">294</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This + methodology, according to Sun Yat-sen, would automatically bring + about nationalism. The Chinese people were already vigorously + attached to their families and clans. A union of all the families + and clans would lead the Chinese to realize that they were one + people—one enormous family, as it were—and cause them to + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page235">[pg 235]</span><a name= + "Pg235" id="Pg235" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> join together as a + nation. Since there are only about four hundred surnames in China, + the alliance of the clans was not so far-fetched a suggestion as it + might seem. Some clans have a membership running into the millions, + and clan spirit is so great that, in spite of the absence of + legislation, the Chinese marriage system is still largely exogamic + on this clan basis.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The suggestion + of clan organization is relevant to Sun Yat-sen's democracy, in + that the clan was one of the democratizing influences in old China. + An individual who failed to exert appreciable pressure on the + government, or on some other group, might appeal to his clan for + assistance. The Chinese record of relationships was kept so + extensively that there were few men of wealth or power who did not + have their kinsmen commanding their assistance. The non-political + authority of the family system controlled many things which have + been within the scope of the police power in the West, and the + adjustments of society and the individual were frequently mitigated + in their harshness by the entrance of the clan upon the scene. A + stable Chinese democracy with a clan system would be remarkably + like the traditional system. The recourse of political democracy + would have been added, but the familiar methods of political + pressure upwards through the clan to the government might, not + inconceivably, prove the more efficacious.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page236">[pg 236]</span><a name= + "Pg236" id="Pg236" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc101" id="toc101"></a> <a name="pdf102" id="pdf102"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chapter VII. The Programs of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 173%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 173%">.</span></h1> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc103" id="toc103"></a> <a name="pdf104" id="pdf104"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Three Programs of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The new ideology + of Sun Yat-sen, as has been shown, demanded three fulfilments of + the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>: a + nationalistic economic revolution, a deliberate industrial + revolution, and a social revolution. The last was to be + accomplished negatively rather than positively. It was to aim at + the reconstruction of the Chinese economy in such a manner as to + avoid the necessity of class war. Since Chinese society was to be + revolutionized by the development of a nation and a state, with all + that that implied, and was to be changed by a transition from a + handicraft economy to an industrial one, Sun Yat-sen hoped that + these changes would permit the social revolution to develop at the + same time as the others, and did not plan for it separately and + distinctly. The three revolutions, all of them economic, were to + develop simultaneously, and all together were to form a third of + the process of readjustment.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering + the actual plans for carrying out the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> principle, the student + encounters difficulties. The general philosophical position of the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> ideology in relation + to the ideologies of nationalism and democracy, and in connection + with such foreign philosophies as capitalism and Marxism, has + already been set forth. The direct plans that Sun Yat-sen had for + the industrial revolution in China are also clear, since he + outlined them, laboriously although tentatively, in <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International + Development of China</span></span>;<a id="noteref_295" name= + "noteref_295" href="#note_295"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">295</span></span></a> but + whereas the ideology and <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page237">[pg + 237]</span><a name="Pg237" id="Pg237" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + the actual physical blueprints can be understood clearly enough, + the general lines of practical governmental policy with regard to + economic matters have not been formulated in such a way as to make + them indisputable.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen was + averse to tying the hands of his followers and successors with + respect to economic policy. He said: <span class="tei tei-q">“While + there are many undertakings which can be conducted by the State + with advantage, others cannot be conducted effectively except under + competition. I have no hard-and-fast dogma. Much must be left to + the lessons of experience.”</span><a id="noteref_296" name= + "noteref_296" href="#note_296"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">296</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It would be + inexpedient to go into details about railway lines and other modern + industrial enterprises by means of which Sun sought to modernize + China. On the other hand, it would be a waste of time merely to + repeat the main economic theses of the new ideology. Accordingly, + the examination of the program of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> will be restricted to + the consideration of those features that affected <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page238">[pg 238]</span><a name="Pg238" id="Pg238" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> the state, either directly or + indirectly, or which had an important bearing upon the proposed + future social organization of the Chinese. Among the topics to be + discussed are the political nature of the national economic + revolution, the political effect of the industrial revolution upon + the Chinese, and the expediency of Sun's plans for that revolution; + the nature of the social revolution which was to accompany these + two first, especially with reference to the problem of land, the + problem of capital, and the problem of the class struggle; the + sphere of state action in the new economy; and the nature of that + ideal economy which would be realized when the Chinese should have + carried to completion the programs of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Railway maps and + other designs of Sun, which have proved such an inspiration in the + modernization of China and which represent a pioneer attempt in + state planning, will have to be left to the consideration of the + economists and the geographers.<a id="noteref_297" name= + "noteref_297" href="#note_297"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">297</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The program of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was vitally important + to the realization of the Nationalist revolution as a whole, so + important, indeed, that Sun Yat-sen put it first in one of his + plans:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">The first step in reconstruction is to promote the + economic well-being of the people by providing for their four + necessities of life, namely, food, clothing, shelter, and + transportation. For this purpose, the Government will, with the + people's co-operation, develop agriculture to give the people an + adequate food supply, promote textile industries to solve their + clothing problem, institute gigantic housing schemes to provide for + them decent living quarters, and build roads and canals so that + they may have convenient means of travel.</span></p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page239">[pg 239]</span><a name="Pg239" id="Pg239" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Next is the promotion of + democracy....</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">The third step is the development of + nationalism....</span><a id="noteref_298" name="noteref_298" + href="#note_298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">298</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The plans for + realizing <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> were + to be the most necessary and the most difficult. In the change from + a world-society to a race-nation, the Chinese had their own social + solidarity and the experience of the Western nations to guide them. + There was little in the development of a nation that had not + already been tried elsewhere. The only real obstacles were the + ignorance of the people, in relation to the new social environment + in which their whole society was involved, and the possibility of + opposition from the politically oppressing powers.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In the + development of democracy the Chinese could rely in part upon the + experience of the West. The Kuomintang could observe the machinery + of democratic states in regular operation abroad. Although the new + democracy of the five powers and the four rights was differed from + the democratic methods of the West, still, as in mechanics, certain + fundamental rules of political organization in its technical + details could be relied upon. The Chinese people had a democratic + background in the autonomy of the various extra-political + units.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> neither the experience + of the West nor the old Chinese background would be of much value. + More than the other two principles and programs, <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> sought to alter the + constitution and nature of Chinese society. Yet in <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> the Chinese were to be + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page240">[pg 240]</span><a name= + "Pg240" id="Pg240" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> guided only + negatively by Western experience. Into their society, passing + through a great economic upheaval, they must introduce, by a + trial-and-error method, the requirements for economic unity, + efficiency, and justice.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc105" id="toc105"></a> <a name="pdf106" id="pdf106"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The National Economic + Revolution.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">After the + pitiable failure of the 1912 Republic, Sun Yat-sen began to place + an especially heavy emphasis on the necessity of a national + economic revolution which would carry on the achievements of the + national political revolution. He placed an even greater stress + upon the necessity of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> in the revolutionary ideology, and became more + and more clearly conscious of the danger imperialism constituted to + the Chinese race-nation. He believed that, as the 1912 revolution + had been created by the sword, the new economic revolution might be + furthered by the pen, and with this in mind he wrote <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International + Development of China</span></span>. At the time that he wrote this + work, he seems to have been convinced of the fruitlessness of + purely military effort, and the superior value of pacific economic + organization.<a id="noteref_299" name="noteref_299" href= + "#note_299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">299</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This + organization was to be effected through capital brought in from the + outside. As it developed that capital would not come in, that + instead of continuing the terrific pace of production which the + World War had demanded, the nations returned to comparative laissez + faire, and let their economies slump, Sun was persuaded that the + whole revolution would have to be carried on by the Chinese + themselves, with the possible help of the Communist Russians, and + of Japan. He found the reorganized Kuomintang to be the instrument + of this last revolution, both politically and democratically, and + began to emphasize Chinese resistance to the outside, rather than + appeal for help from the barbarian nations.</p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page241">[pg 241]</span><a name="Pg241" id="Pg241" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is this last + attitude which one finds expressed in the acts of the last years of + his life. The national revolution was to be made a reality by being + intimately associated with the economic life and development of the + country. The plans made for economic development should be pushed + as far as possible without waiting for foreign help. The Chinese + should use the instrument of the boycott as a sanction with which + to give weight to their national policy.<a id="noteref_300" name= + "noteref_300" href="#note_300"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">300</span></span></a> They + had to practise economic nationalism in order to rid themselves of + the incubus of imperialism which was sucking the life-blood of + their country. In this connection between nationalism and + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, the economic aspect + of the nationalist program was to be the means, and the national + aspect of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + program the consequence. Unless Chinese, both as members of a state + and as individuals stirred by national sentiment, were moved to + action against Western economic aggression, they might consider + themselves already doomed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">How did Sun + propose to promote the national economic revolution,<a id= + "noteref_301" name="noteref_301" href="#note_301"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">301</span></span></a> as + distinguished from the industrial revolution and the social + revolution? He gave, in the first place, as earlier stated, the + economic part of his theories a greater weight than they had + hitherto enjoyed, and placed them first in his practical program. + Secondly, he tended to associate the national political revolution + more and more with the real seat of economic power: the working + class. <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page242">[pg + 242]</span><a name="Pg242" id="Pg242" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + In this introduction of the working class into the labors for the + fulfilment of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as a + national economic revolution, he was doing two things. He was + hoping to bring the standards of Chinese labor up to those of the + West, and he was making use of the political power of labor in + China as an added instrument of the national economic + revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese + nation could and should not continue, as a nation, on a scale of + living lower than that of the Western nations. He urged the Chinese + workers, as the class most affected, to fight for the economic + advancement of themselves and of their nation. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Comrades, the people meeting here are all workers and + represent a part of the nation. A great responsibility rests on + Chinese labor, and if you are equal to the task, China will become + a great nation and you a mighty working class.”</span><a id= + "noteref_302" name="noteref_302" href="#note_302"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">302</span></span></a> The + Chinese workers were performing not only a duty that they owed to + themselves—they were also acting patriotically.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In advancing the + national economic revolution by advancing themselves, they could + not afford to lose sight of the political part of the revolution. + <span class="tei tei-q">“Beyond the economic struggle for the + shortening of the working day and the increase of wages, there are + before you other much more important questions of a political + character. For our political objectives you must follow the three + principles and support the revolution.”</span><a id="noteref_303" + name="noteref_303" href="#note_303"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">303</span></span></a> The + two parts of the revolution could not be separated from one + another.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page243">[pg + 243]</span><a name="Pg243" id="Pg243" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Besides the + economic part of the national revolution, there was another + readjustment of which Sun did not often speak, because it was not + an open problem which could be served by immediate political + action. This was the problem of the transition of China from an + autarchic to a trading economy. The old Chinese world had been + self-sustaining, so self-sustaining that the Emperor Tao Kuang + wrote to George III of England that he did not desire anything that + the barbarians might have, but, out of the mercy and the bounty of + his heart, would permit them to come to China in order to purchase + the excellent things that the Chinese possessed in such + abundance.<a id="noteref_304" name="noteref_304" href= + "#note_304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">304</span></span></a> The + impact of the West had had serious economic consequences,<a id= + "noteref_305" name="noteref_305" href="#note_305"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">305</span></span></a> and + the Chinese were in the unpleasant position of having their old + economic system disrupted without gaining the advantages of a + nationally organized economy in return. They had the actual + privilege of consuming a greater variety of goods than before, but + this was offset by the fact that the presence of these goods threw + their domestic markets and old native commercial system out of + balance, without offering a correspondingly large potentiality of + foreign export. Furthermore, the political position of the Western + powers in China was such, as Sun Yat-sen complained, that trade was + conducted on a somewhat inequitable basis.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The consequences + of a national economic revolution could not but be far-reaching. + The political changes in the economic situation demanded by Sun + Yat-sen in his program of economic nationalism—the return of tariff + autonomy, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page244">[pg + 244]</span><a name="Pg244" id="Pg244" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + the retrocession of the occupied concessions, etc.—would have a + great positive and immediate effect; but there would be a long + system of development, not to be so easily predicted or foreseen, + which would inevitably appear as a result of Chinese nationhood. If + China were to have a state strong enough to perform the economic + functions which Sun wished to have imposed upon it, and were to + take her place as one of the great importing and exporting nations + of the world, it is obvious that a real economic revolution would + have to be gone through.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Here again the + liberal-national character of Sun's ideology and programs with + respect to relations with the West appears. The Fascist states of + the present time exhibit a definite drift from free trade to + autarchy. In China the change from an autarchic world-society to a + trading nation constituted the reverse. Sun Yat-sen did not leave a + large legacy of programs in this connection, but he foresaw the + development and was much concerned about it.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc107" id="toc107"></a> <a name="pdf108" id="pdf108"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Industrial + Revolution.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The program of + industrial revolution was planned by Sun Yat-sen with great care. + The same belief which led him to urge the social revolution also + guided him in his plans for the industrial revolutionizing of the + Chinese economy, namely, his belief that China could profit by the + example of the West, that what the West had done wastefully and + circuitously could be done by the Chinese deliberately and + straightforwardly. He proposed that the change from the old economy + to the new be according to a well thought out plan. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“However, China must develop her industries by all + means. Shall we follow the old path of western civilization? This + old path resembles the sea route of Columbus' first trip to + America. He set out from Europe by a southwesterly direction + through the Canary Islands to San Salvador, in the Bahama group. + But nowadays <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page245">[pg + 245]</span><a name="Pg245" id="Pg245" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + navigators take a different direction to America and find that the + destination can be reached by a distance many times shorter. The + path of Western civilization was an unknown one and those who went + before groped in the dark as Columbus did on his first voyage to + America. As a late comer, China can greatly profit in covering the + space by following the direction already charted by western + pioneers.”</span><a id="noteref_306" name="noteref_306" href= + "#note_306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">306</span></span></a> By + calling in the help of friends who were familiar with engineering + and by using his own very extensive knowledge of Chinese economic + potentialities, Sun Yat-sen drafted a broad long-range plan by + means of which China would be able to set forth on such a charted + course in her industrial revolution. This plan, offered + tentatively, was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The International Development of + China</span></span> in the English and <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Outline of + Material Reconstruction</span></span> in the Chinese version, both + of which Sun himself wrote.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This outline was + originally prepared as a vast plan which could be financed by the + great powers, who would thereby find markets for their glut of + goods left over by the war. The loan was to be made on terms not + unprofitable to the financial powers, but nevertheless equitable to + the Chinese. Sun Yat-sen hoped that with these funds the Chinese + state could make a venture into state socialism. It was possible, + in his opinion, to launch a coöperative modern economy in China + with the assistance of international capitalism, if the capital + employed were to be remunerated with attractive rates of interest, + and if the plan were so designed as to allow for its being + financially worthwhile. He stated:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Before entering into the details of this + International development scheme four principles have to be + considered:</span></p><a name="Pg246" id="Pg246" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> + <tbody> + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">1. </span></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The + most remunerative field must be selected in order to + attract foreign capital.</span></td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">2. </span></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The + most urgent needs of the nation must be met.</span></td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">3. </span></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The + lines of least resistance must be followed.</span></td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">4. </span></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item"><span style="font-size: 90%">The + most suitable positions must be chosen.</span><a id= + "noteref_307" name="noteref_307" href= + "#note_307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">307</span></span></a></td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He was not + oblivious to the necessity of making each detail of his plan one + which would not involve the tying-up of unproductive capital, and + did not propose to use capital advanced for the purposes of the + industrial revolution for the sake of military or political + advantage.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This may be + shown in a concrete instance. He spoke of his Great Northeastern + railway system as a scheme which might not seem economically + attractive, and then pointed out that, as between a railway system + running between densely-populated areas, the latter would be + infinitely the more preferable. But, said he, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“... a railway between a densely populated country and + a sparsely settled country will pay far better than one that runs + end to end in a densely populated land.”</span><a id="noteref_308" + name="noteref_308" href="#note_308"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">308</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Even though he + came to despair of having this scheme for the development of China + carried out by international financial action, the expediency of + his plans remained. He sought the fulfillment of this outline + throughout his life; it has remained as a part of his legacy, + challenging the Chinese people by the grandeur of its conception + and the precision of its details.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is a work + which cannot easily be summarized in a discussion of political + doctrines. Fully comparable in grandeur to the Russian <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Piatiletka</span></span>, it provides for a + complete communication system including all types of transport, the + development of great ports, colonization and reclamation projects, + and the growth of vast industrial areas comparable to the Donbas or + the Kuzbas. The plan, while sound as a whole and not inexpedient in + detail, is not marked by that irregularity of proportion which + marks <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page247">[pg 247]</span><a name= + "Pg247" id="Pg247" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> planning under + capitalism; although not as fully worked out as the later Russian + projects, Sun's plan, in 1922, was considerably more advanced than + any Russian plan of that time. Sun shared with Lenin a passionate + conviction of the inevitable necessity of industrialization; but + while Lenin saw in industrialism the strengthening of that + revolutionary bulwark, the proletariat, Sun believed in + industrialism as a benefit to the whole nation.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This plan is the + obvious fruit of Sun's advocacy of the adoption of the Western + physical sciences. Here there is little trace of his ideological + consistency with the old premises of Chinese society. He does not + challenge them, but he does present a concrete plan which refers + only incidentally to the political or the ideological. It is heavy + with the details of industrial revolution. Sun Yat-sen's enthusiasm + shows clearly through the pages of this work; he wrote it at a time + when his health was still comparatively good, and when he was not + harassed by the almost explosive dynamics of the situation such as + that in which he delivered the sixteen lectures on the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>. Here the practical aspects of his thinking show + forth, his willingness to consider and debate, the profound and + quiet enthusiasm for concrete projects which animated him and which + was so infectious among his followers.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It were, of + course, unfeasable to attempt any detailed description and + assessment of the plan.<a id="noteref_309" name="noteref_309" href= + "#note_309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">309</span></span></a> The + great amount of point by point elaboration worked over by Sun + Yat-sen in order to make his plan appealing precludes the + consideration of any one project in detail as a sample. Failing + this, the magnitude of the plan may be gauged by a recapitulation + of the chief points in each of his programs. <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page248">[pg 248]</span><a name="Pg248" id="Pg248" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> It must be remembered, however, that + each one of these subheads might necessitate hundreds of millions + of dollars for execution, involving the building of several + industrial cities or the reconstruction of a whole industry + throughout the country. The printing industry, for example, not + even mentioned in the general outline given below, was discussed as + follows:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">This industry provides man with intellectual food. + It is a necessity of modern society, without which mankind cannot + progress. All human activities are recorded, and all human + knowledge is stored in printing. It is a great factor of + civilization. The progress and civilization of different nations of + the world are measured largely by the quantity of printed matter + they turned out annually. China, though the nation that invented + printing, is very backward in the development of its printing + industry. In our international Development Scheme, the printing + industry must also be given a place. If China is developed + industrially according to the lines which I suggested, the demand + for printed matter will be exceedingly great. In order to meet this + demand efficiently, a system of large printing houses must be + established in all large cities in the country, to undertake + printing of all kinds, from newspapers to encyclopedia [sic!]. The + best modern books on various subjects in different countries should + be translated into Chinese and published in cheap edition form for + the general public in China. All the publishing houses should be + organized under one common management, so as to secure the best + economic results.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">In order to make printed matter cheap, other + subsidiary industries must be developed at the same time. The + most important of these is the paper industry. At present all the + paper used by newspapers in China is imported. And the demand for + paper is increasing every day. China has plenty of raw materials + for making paper, such as the vast virgin forests of the + northwestern part of the country, and the wild reeds of the + Yangtze and its neighboring swamps which would furnish the best + pulps. So, large plants for manufacturing paper should be put up + in suitable locations. Besides the paper factories, ink + factories, type</span> <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page249">[pg + 249]</span><a name="Pg249" id="Pg249" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-size: 90%">foundries, + printing machine factories, etc., should be established under a + central management to produce everything that is needed in the + printing industry.</span><a id="noteref_310" name="noteref_310" + href="#note_310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">310</span></span></a></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With this + comment on printing as a small sample of the extent of each minor + project in the plans, let us observe Sun's own summary:</p> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">I. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + The Development of a Communications System. + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" + style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (a) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">100,000 miles + of Railways.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (b) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">1,000,000 + miles of Macadam Roads.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (c) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Improvement of Existing Canals. + + <table summary="This is a list." class= + "tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (1) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Hangchow-Tientsin Canals.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (2) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Sikiang-Yangtze Canals.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (d) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Construction of New Canals. + + <table summary="This is a list." class= + "tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (1) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Liaoho-Sunghwakiang Canal.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (2) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + Others to be projected.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (e) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + River Conservancy. + + <table summary="This is a list." class= + "tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (1) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To + regulate the Embankments and Channel of the + Yangtze River from Hankow to the Sea thus + facilitating Ocean-going ships to reach that + Port at all seasons.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (2) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To + regulate the Hoangho Embankments and Channel + to prevent floods.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (3) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To + regulate the Sikiang.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (4) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To + regulate the Hwaiho.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (5) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">To + regulate various other rivers.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (f) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">The + Construction of more Telegraph Lines and Telephones + and Wireless Systems all over the Country.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + II. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + The Development of Commercial Harbors. <a name="Pg250" id= + "Pg250" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" + style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (a) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Three largest + Ocean Ports with future capacity equalling New York + Harbor to be constructed in North, Central and South + China.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (b) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Various small + Commercial and Fishing Harbors to be constructed + along the Coast.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + (c) </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Commercial + Docks to be constructed along all navigable + rivers.</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + III. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Modern Cities with + public utilities to be constructed in all Railway Centers, + Termini, and alongside Harbors.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + IV. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Water Power + Development.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">V. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Iron and Steel Works + and Cement Works on the largest scale in order to supply the + above needs.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + VI. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Mineral + Development.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + VII. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Agricultural + Development.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + VIII. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Irrigational Work on + the largest scale in Mongolia and Sinkiang.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss"> + IX. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Reforestation in + Central and North China.</td> + </tr> + + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">X. </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss">Colonization in + Manchuria, Mongolia, Sinkiang, Kokonor, and Thibet.<a id= + "noteref_311" name="noteref_311" href= + "#note_311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">311</span></span></a></td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The industrial + revolution is to <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> what + the present program of socialist construction is to the Marxians of + the Soviet Union, what prosperity is to American democracy. Without + industrialization <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> must + remain an academic theory. Sun's program gives a definite physical + gauge by means of which the success of his followers can be told, + and the extent of China's progress estimated. It provides a + material foundation to the social and political changes in + China.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The theory of + Sun Yat-sen in connection with the continuation of the old system + is a significant one. His political doctrines, both ideological and + programmatic, are original and not without great meaning in the + development of an adequate and just state system in modern China. + But this work might have been done, although perhaps not as well, + by other leaders. The significance of Sun in his own lifetime lay + in his deliberate championing <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page251">[pg 251]</span><a name="Pg251" id="Pg251" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> of the cause of industrial revolution as the + <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sine + qua non</span></span> of development in China. In the epoch of the + first Republic he relinquished the Presidency in favor of Yüan + Shih-k'ai in order to be able to devote his whole time to the + advancement of the railway program of the Republic. In the years + that he had to spend in exile, he constantly studied and preached + the necessity of modernizing China. Of his slogan, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Modernization without Westernization!”</span> + modernization is the industrial revolution, and non-Westernization + the rest of his programs and ideology. The unity of Sun Yat-sen's + doctrines is apparent; they are inseparable; but if one part were + to be plucked forth as his greatest contribution to the working + politics of his own time, it might conceivably be his activities + and plans for the industrial revolution.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">He spoke + feelingly and bitterly of the miserable lives which the vast + majority of his countrymen had to lead, of the expensiveness and + insecurity of their material existences, of the vast, tragic waste + of human effort in the form of man-power in a world where + machine-power had rendered muscular work unnecessary. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“This miserable condition among the Chinese proletariat + [he apparently means the whole working class] is due to the + non-development of the country, the crude methods of production, + and the wastefulness of labor. The radical cure for all this is + industrial development by foreign capital and experts for the + benefit of the whole nation.... If foreign capital cannot be + gotten, we will have to get at least their experts and inventors to + make for us our own machinery....”</span><a id="noteref_312" name= + "noteref_312" href="#note_312"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">312</span></span></a> + Howsoever the work was to be done, it had to be done. In bringing + China into the modern world, in modernizing her economy, in + assuring the justice of the new economy which was to emerge, Sun + found the key in the physical advancement of China, in the building + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page252">[pg 252]</span><a name= + "Pg252" id="Pg252" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of vast railway + systems, in creating ports <span class="tei tei-q">“with future + capacity equalling New York harbor,”</span> in re-making the whole + face of Eastern Asia as a better home for his beloved + race-nation.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc109" id="toc109"></a> <a name="pdf110" id="pdf110"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Social Revolution.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In considering + the social revolution which was to form the third part of the + program of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, four + questions appear, each requiring examination. It is in this field + of Sun's programs that the terms of the Western ideology are most + relevant, since the ideological distinctions to be found in old + China as contrasted with the West do not apply so positively in + problems that are to appear in a society which is to be + industrially modern. Even in this, however, some of the old Chinese + ideas may continue in use and give relevance to the terms with + which Sun discusses the social revolution. Private property, that + mysterious relation between an individual and certain goods and + services, has been almost a fetish in the West; the Chinese, + already subject to the collectivisms of the family, the village and + the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, does not + have the deep attachment to this notion that Westerners—especially + those who do have property—are apt to develop. Consequently, even + though the discussion of Sun's programs with regard to distributive + justice are remarkably like the discussions of the same problem to + be found in the West, the possibility, at least, of certain minor + though thoroughgoing differences must be allowed for, and not + overlooked altogether. The four aspects to this problem which one + may distinguish in Sun's program for <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are: what is to be the + sphere of state action? what is to be the treatment accorded + private ownership of land? what is to be the position of private + capital? and, what of the class struggle?</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + said: <span class="tei tei-q">“In modern civilization, the material + essentials of life are five, namely: food, clothing, shelter, + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page253">[pg 253]</span><a name= + "Pg253" id="Pg253" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> means of locomotion, + and the printed page.”</span><a id="noteref_313" name="noteref_313" + href="#note_313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">313</span></span></a> At + other times he may have made slightly different arrangements of + these fundamental necessities, but the essential content of the + demands remained the same.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Behind his + demand for a program to carry out <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> there was the + fundamental belief that a government which does not assure and + promote the material welfare of the masses of its citizens does not + deserve to exist. To him the problem of livelihood, the concrete + aspect of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, was + one which had to be faced by every government, and was a means of + judging the righteousness of a government. He could not tolerate a + state which did not assure the people a fair subsistence. There was + no political or ethical value higher than life itself. A government + which did not see that its subjects were fed, sheltered, clothed, + transported, and lettered to the degree which the economic level of + its time permitted, was a government deserving of destruction. Sun + Yat-sen was not a doctrinaire on the subject of classes; he would + tolerate inequality, so long as it could be shown not to militate + against the welfare of the people. He was completely intolerant of + any government, Eastern or Western, which permitted its subjects to + starve or to be degraded into a nightmare existence of + semi-starvation. Whatever the means, this end of popular + livelihood, of a reasonable minimum on the scale of living for each + and every citizen, had to prevail above all others.<a id= + "noteref_314" name="noteref_314" href="#note_314"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">314</span></span></a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page254">[pg 254]</span><a name="Pg254" id="Pg254" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Within the + limits of this supreme criterion, Sun Yat-sen left the government + to its own choice in the matter of the sphere of state action. If + the system of private initiative could develop more efficiently + than could the government in certain fields, then leave those + fields to private effort. If and when private initiative failed to + meet rigid requirements to be established by the government it was + not merely the privilege, it was the obligation of the government + to intervene. Sun Yat-sen seems to have believed that government + action would in the long run be desirable anyhow, but to have been + enough of a political realist at the same time to be willing to + allow the government a considerable length of time in expanding its + activities. In a developing country like China it seemed to him + probable that the ends of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ming + shêng</span></span> could best be served in many fields by private + enterprise. <span class="tei tei-q">“All matters that can be and + are better carried out by private enterprise should be left to + private hands which should be encouraged and fully protected by + liberal laws....”</span><a id="noteref_315" name="noteref_315" + href="#note_315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">315</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">From the outset, + Sun Yat-sen's plan of empirical collectivism demanded a fairly + broad range of state action. <span class="tei tei-q">“All matters + that cannot be taken up by private concerns and those that possess + monopolistic character should be taken up as national + undertakings.”</span><a id="noteref_316" name="noteref_316" href= + "#note_316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">316</span></span></a> This + view of his may be traced, among others, to three suppositions he + entertained concerning Bismarck, concerning "war socialism," and + concerning the industrial revolution in China. Sun shows a certain + grudging admiration for Bismarck, whom he believed to have offset + the rising tide of democratic socialism in Germany by introducing + state socialism, <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page255">[pg + 255]</span><a name="Pg255" id="Pg255" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + in government control of railroads, etc. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“By this preventive method he imperceptibly did away + with the controversial issues, and since the people had no reason + to fight, a social revolution was naturally averted. This was the + very great anti-democratic move of Bismarck.”</span><a id= + "noteref_317" name="noteref_317" href="#note_317"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">317</span></span></a> + Secondly, he believed that the <span class="tei tei-q">“... + unification and nationalization of all the industries, which I + might call the Second Industrial Revolution ...”</span> on account + of the world war would be even more significant than the + first.<a id="noteref_318" name="noteref_318" href= + "#note_318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">318</span></span></a> It + intensified the four elements of recent economic progress, which + tended to prove the falsity of the Marxian predictions of the + future of capitalism, namely: <span class="tei tei-q">“a. Social + and industrial improvements (i. e. labor and welfare legislation); + b. State ownership of the means of transportation and of + communication; c. Direct taxes; d. Socialized distribution (the + coöperative movement).”</span><a id="noteref_319" name= + "noteref_319" href="#note_319"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">319</span></span></a> + Finally, Sun believed that the magnitude of the Chinese industrial + revolution was such that no private capital could establish its + foundations, and that the state had perforce to initiate the great + undertakings of industrialism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Concerning Sun's + beliefs regarding the sphere of state action in economic matters, + one may say that his ideology of empirical collectivism required a + program calling for: 1) the protection of private enterprise and + the simultaneous launching of great state enterprises at the + beginning; 2) the intermediate pursuance of a policy by means of + which the state would be the guarantor of the livelihood of the + people, and establish the sphere of its own action according to + whether or not private enterprise was sufficient to meet the needs + of the people; and 3) a long range trend toward complete + collectivism.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page256">[pg + 256]</span><a name="Pg256" id="Pg256" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">With respect to + the question of land, Sun Yat-sen believed in his own version of + the <span class="tei tei-q">“single tax,”</span> which was not, in + his programs, the single tax, since he foresaw other sources of + revenue for the state (tariffs, revenue from state enterprises, + etc.). According to the land-control system of Sun Yat-sen the + land-owner would himself assess the value of his land. He would be + prevented from over-assessing it by his own desire to avoid paying + too high a tax; and under-assessment would be avoided by a + provision that the state could at any time purchase the land at the + price set by the owner. If the land were to go up in value the + owner would have to pay the difference between the amount which he + formerly assessed and the amount which he believed it to be worth + at the later time. The money so paid would become <span class= + "tei tei-q">“... a public fund as a reward, to all those who had + improved the community and who had advanced industry and commerce + around the land. The proposal that all future increment shall be + given to the community is the <span class="tei tei-q">‘equalization + of land ownership’</span> advocated by the Kuomintang; it is the + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min-sheng</span></span> Principle. This form + of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min-sheng</span></span> + Principle is communism, and since the members of the Kuomintang + support the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min</span></span> + Principles they should not oppose communism.”</span> Continuing + directly, Sun makes clear the nature of the empirical collectivism + of his <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + program, which he calls communism. <span class="tei tei-q">“The + great aim of the Principle of Livelihood in our Three Principles is + communism—a share in property by all. But the communism which we + propose is a communism of the future, not of the present. This + communism of the future is a very just proposal, and those who have + had property in the past will not suffer at all by it. It is a very + different thing from what is called in the West <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘nationalization of <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page257">[pg 257]</span><a name="Pg257" id="Pg257" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> property,’</span> confiscation for the + government's use of private property which the people already + possess.”</span><a id="noteref_320" name="noteref_320" href= + "#note_320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">320</span></span></a> Sun + Yat-sen declared that the solution to the land problem would be + half of the solution of the problem of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.<a id="noteref_321" + name="noteref_321" href="#note_321"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">321</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + believed in the restriction of private capital in such a way as to + assure its not becoming a socially disruptive force. That is a part + of his ideology which we have already examined. In the matter of an + actual program, he believed in the use of <span class= + "tei tei-q">“harnessed capital.”</span><a id="noteref_322" name= + "noteref_322" href="#note_322"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">322</span></span></a> He + had no real fear of capital; imperialist foreign capital was one + thing—the small native capital another. The former was a political + enemy. The latter was not formidable. In a speech on Red Labor Day, + 1924, when his sympathies were about as far Left as they ever were, + in consideration for the kindliness of the Communist assistance to + Canton, he said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Chinese capitalists are + not so <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page258">[pg + 258]</span><a name="Pg258" id="Pg258" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + strong that they could oppress the Chinese workers,”</span><a id= + "noteref_323" name="noteref_323" href="#note_323"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">323</span></span></a> and + added that, the struggle being one with imperialism, the + destruction of the Chinese capitalists would not solve the + question.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The restriction + of private capital to the point of keeping it harmless, and thus + avoiding the evils which would lead to the class war and a violent + social revolution, was only half the story of capitalism in China + which Sun Yat-sen wanted told in history. The other half was the + advancement of the industrial revolution by the state, which was + the only instrumentality capable of doing this great work. + <span class="tei tei-q">“China cannot be compared to foreign + countries. It is not sufficient (for her) to impose restrictions + upon capital. Foreign countries are rich, while China is poor.... + For that reason China must not only restrict private capital, but + she must also develop the capital of the State.”</span><a id= + "noteref_324" name="noteref_324" href="#note_324"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">324</span></span></a> The + restrictions to be placed upon private capital and upon private + land speculation were negative; the development of state-owned + capital and of capital which the state could trust politically were + positive, as was the revenue which should be gained from the + governmental seizure of unearned increment. In some cases the state + would not even have to trouble itself to confiscate the unearned + increment; it could itself develop the land and profit by its rise + in value, applying the funds thus derived to the paying-off + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page259">[pg 259]</span><a name= + "Pg259" id="Pg259" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of foreign loans or + some socially constructive enterprise.<a id="noteref_325" name= + "noteref_325" href="#note_325"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">325</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ideologically, + Sun Yat-sen was opposed to the intra-national class war. Class war + could, nevertheless, be justified in the programs of Sun in two + ways: 1) if it were international class war, of the oppressed + against the oppressing nations; and 2) if it were the class war of + the nationalist Chinese workers against foreign imperialism. In + these two cases Sun Yat-sen thought class-war a good idea. He did + not think class war necessary in contemporary China, and hoped, by + means of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, to + develop an economy so healthy that the pathological phenomena of + the class struggle would never appear. On the other hand, in + justice to Sun, and to those Marxians who would apologize for him + to their fellow-Marxians, there can be little doubt that Sun + Yat-sen would have approved of the class war, even in China, if he + had thought that Chinese capitalism had risen to such power that it + obstructed the way of the Chinese nation to freedom and economic + health. Even in this he might not have set any particular virtue + upon the proletariat as such; the capitalists would be the enemies + of the nation, and it would be the whole nation which would have to + dispose of them.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A finically + Scrupulous and detailed examination of Sun Yat-sen's programs for + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is intellectually + unremunerative, since it has been established that <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> may be called + empirical collectivism; collectivism which is empirical cannot be + rigidly programmatic, or it loses its empirical character. Sun, not + accepting the dialectics of historical materialism, and following + the traditionally Chinese pragmatic way of thinking, could not + orient his revolution in a world of economic predestinations. With + the characteristic Chinese emphasis on men rather than on rules and + principles, Sun Yat-sen knew that if China <span class="tei tei-pb" + id="page260">[pg 260]</span><a name="Pg260" id="Pg260" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> were ruled by the right sort of men, his + programs would be carried through in accordance with the expediency + of the moment. He does not appear to have considered, as do some of + the left wing, that it was possible for the revolutionary movement + to be diverted to the control of unworthy persons. Even had he + foreseen such a possible state of affairs, he would not, in all + probability, have settled his programs any more rigidly; he knew, + from the most intimate and heart-breaking experience, how easy it + is in China to pay lip-service to principles which are rejected. + The first Republic had taught him that.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One must + consequently regard the programs of national economic revolution, + of industrial revolution, and of social revolution as tentative and + general outlines of the course which Sun wished the Nationalist + Kuomintang and state to follow in carrying out <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Of these programs, + the one least likely to be affected by political or personal + changes was that of the industrial revolution, and it is this which + is most detailed.<a id="noteref_326" name="noteref_326" href= + "#note_326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">326</span></span></a> His + great desire was that the Chinese race-nation continue, not merely + to subsist, but to thrive and multiply and become great, so that it + could restore the ancient morality and wisdom of China, as well as + become proficient in the Western sciences.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A last + suggestion may be made concerning the programs of Sun Yat-sen, + before consideration of the Utopia <span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page261">[pg 261]</span><a name="Pg261" id="Pg261" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> which lay at the end of the road of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. His plans may + continue to go on in <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> because they are so empirical. His nationalism + may be deflected or altered by the new situation in world politics. + His optimism concerning the rapidity of democratic developments may + not be justified by actual developments. The programs of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> are so general that + they can be followed to some degree by governments of almost any + orientation along the Right-Left scale. The really important + criterion in the programs of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> is this: the people + must live. It is a simple one to understand, and may be a great + force in the continued development of his programs, to the last + stage of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <a name="toc111" id="toc111"></a> <a name="pdf112" id="pdf112"></a> + + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">The Utopia of</span> <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" style="text-align: left" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 144%; font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 144%">.</span></h2> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + differs from the empirical collectivists of the West in that he has + an end to his program, which is to be achieved over a considerable + period of time. The means are such that he can be classified with + those Western thinkers; his goal is one which he took from the + ideals in the old ideology and which he identified with those of + the communists, although not necessarily with the Marxists. He + said, at the end of his second lecture on <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>:</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Our way is community of industrial and + social profits. We cannot say, then, that the doctrine of</span> + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">is different + from communism. The</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">means a government</span> + <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">of the + people, by the people, and for the people</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">—that is, the state is the common property of + all the people, its politics are participated in by all, and its + profits are shared by all. Then there will be not only communism + in property, but communism in everything else. Such will be the + ultimate end of</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, a state which + Confucius calls</span> <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">ta + t'ung</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">or the age + of</span> <span class="tei tei-q"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">“</span><span style="font-size: 90%">great + similarity.</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">”</span></span><a id="noteref_327" name= + "noteref_327" href="#note_327"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">327</span></span></a> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page262">[pg 262]</span><a name= + "Pg262" id="Pg262" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Perhaps no other + passage from the works of Sun Yat-sen in relation to <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> could illustrate his + position so aptly. He describes his doctrine. He labels it + <span class="tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> although, as we have + seen, it is quite another thing than Marxism. He cites Lincoln. In + the end he calls upon the authority of Confucius.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">To a Westerner, + the ideal commonwealth of Sun Yat-sen bears a remarkable + resemblance to the world projected in the ideals of the ancient + Chinese. Here again there is <span class="tei tei-q">“great + similarity,”</span> complete ideological harmony, and the + presumable disappearance of state and law. Property, the fount of + war, has been set aside, and men—animated by a profound and sincere + appreciation of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">jên</span></span>—work + together, all for the common good. The Chinese will, in this + Utopia, have struck down <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">might</span></em> from the high places of the + world, and inaugurated an era of <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the kingly + way</span></em> throughout the earth. Their ancient doctrines of + benevolence and peace shall have succeeded in bringing about + cosmospolitanism.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There are, + however, differences from the old order of ideals. According to the + Marxists, nationality, after it has served its purpose as an + instrument in the long class struggle, may be set aside. + Speculation of this sort is rare among them, however, and it is + difficult to envision their final system. To Sun Yat-sen, however, + there was the definite ideal that the Chinese live on forever. This + was an obligation imposed upon him and his ideology by the + teleological element in the old ideology which required that + humanity be immortal in the flesh and that it be immortal through + clearly traceable lines of descent. The individual was settled in a + genealogical web, reaching through time and space, which gave him a + sense of certainty that otherwise he might lack. This is + inconsistent <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page263">[pg + 263]</span><a name="Pg263" id="Pg263" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + with the Marxian ideal, where the family system, a relic of brutal + days, shall have vanished.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The physical + immortality of the Chinese race was not the only sort of + immortality Sun Yat-sen wished China to have. His stress on the + peculiar virtues of the Chinese intellectual culture has been + noted. The Chinese literati had sought an immortality of integrity + and intellect, a continuity of civilization without which mere + physical survival might seem brutish. In the teleology of Sun's + ideal society, there would no doubt be these two factors: filial + piety, emphasizing the survival of the flesh; and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, emphasizing the continuity + of wisdom and honor. Neither could aptly continue unless China + remained Chinese, unless the particular virtues of the Chinese were + brought once again to their full potency.<a id="noteref_328" name= + "noteref_328" href="#note_328"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">328</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The family + system was to continue to the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> Utopia. So too were + the three natural orders of men. Sun Yat-sen never advocated that + the false inequality of the present world be thrown down for the + purpose of putting in its place a false equality which made no + distinction between the geniuses, the apostles, and the unthinking. + The Chinese world was to be Chinese to the end of time. In this the + narrowness of Sun Yat-sen's ideals is apparent; it is, perhaps, a + narrowness which limits his aspirations and gives them + strength.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese + Utopia which was to be at the end of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was to be established + in a world, moreover, which might not have made a complete return + to ideological control, in which the state might still survive. The + requirements of an industrial economy certainly presupposes an + enormous length of time before the ideology and the society shall + have been completely adjusted to the peculiarities <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page264">[pg 264]</span><a name="Pg264" id="Pg264" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of life in a world not only of working + men but of working machines. The state must continue until all men + are disciplined to labor: "When all these vagrants will be done + away with and when all will contribute to production, then clothing + will be abundant and food sufficient; families will enjoy + prosperity, and individuals will be satisfied.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Then the question of the <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘people's life’</span> will be solved.”</span><a id= + "noteref_329" name="noteref_329" href="#note_329"><span class= + "tei tei-noteref"><span style= + "font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">329</span></span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thus Sun Yat-sen + concluded his last lecture on <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page265">[pg 265]</span><a name= + "Pg265" id="Pg265" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc113" id="toc113"></a> <a name="pdf114" id="pdf114"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Bibliography.</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The bibliography + of works in Western languages dealing with Sun Yat-sen is short. The + author has made no attempt to gather various fugitive pieces, such as + newspaper clippings. He believes, however, that the following + bibliography of Western works on Sun is the most nearly complete + which has yet appeared, and has listed, for the sake of completeness, + two Russian items as yet unavailable in the United States.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The first half of + the bibliography presents these Western materials, arranged according + to their subject. Within each category, the individual items are + presented in chronological order; this has been done in order to make + clear the position of the works in point of time of publication—a + factor occasionally of some importance in the study of these + materials.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The second half of + the bibliography lists further works which have been referred to or + cited. The first group of these consists of a small collection of + some of the more important Chinese editions of, and Chinese and + Japanese treatises upon, Sun Yat-sen's writings. The second group + represents various Western works on China or on political science + which have been of assistance to the author in this study.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese names have + been left in their natural order, with the patronymic first. Where + Chinese names have been Westernized and inverted, they have been + returned to their original Chinese order, but with a comma inserted + to indicate the change.</p> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">A. Major Sources on Sun Yat-sen Which + are Available in Western Languages.</span></h2> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">I. Biographies of Sun + Yat-sen.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Ponce, Mariano,</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, El fundador + de la Republica de China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Manila, 1912.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A popular + biography. Valuable for the period just before 1912.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Cantlie, James and Sheridan-Jones, + C.,</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the + Awakening of China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York, 1912.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Also a popular + work. Valuable for the description of Sun Yat-sen's + education.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul (and Sun + Yat-sen),</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and The Chinese + Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1925.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The only + biography authorized by Sun Yat-sen, who wrote parts <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page266">[pg 266]</span><a name="Pg266" id= + "Pg266" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> of it himself. A propaganda + work, it presents the most complete record of Sun's early life. + Does not go beyond 1922.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Vilenskii (Sibiriakov), V.,</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun' Iat-Sen—otets kitaiskoe + revoliutsii</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Moscow, + 1925. The same, Moscow, 1926.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not + available.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Lee, Edward Bing-shuey,</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Dr. Sun Yat-sen, His Life + and Achievements</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">(English and French), Nanking, n. d.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A synopsis, by + a spokesman for the Nationalist Party.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Wou, Saofong,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen, Sa Vie et Sa Doctrine</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Paris, 1929.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An excellent + outline, largely from Chinese sources.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Restarick, Henry Bond,</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Liberator of + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New Haven, + 1931.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Useful for a + description of Sun Yat-sen's life in Honolulu, and of some of his + overseas connections.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">—— (R.-Ch. Duval, translator),</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Liberator de la + Chine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">de Morant, George Soulie,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Soun + Iat-sènn</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1932.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A romantic + work based upon Chinese sources, and the Chinese translation of + Linebarger's work.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul; Linebarger, Paul M. A. + (editor),</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Gospel of Sun + Chung-shan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sharman, (Mrs.) Lyon,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life and + Its Meaning, A Criticall Biography</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1934.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most + complete biography of Sun Yat-sen. Well documented and prepared. + Mrs. Sharman's work will remain authoritative for many years to + come. Its main fault is its somewhat hyper-sensitive criticism of + Sun Yat-sen's personality, with which the author never comes in + contact.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + Life of Sun Chung-san</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai, 1932. Fragmentary proofsheets. See note in + Preface.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Reissig, Paul,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen und die + Kuomintang</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin, + n. d. A Lutheran missionary tract.</span></p> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">II. Translations of the Sixteen + Lectures on the</span> <span class="tei tei-hi" style= + "text-align: left"><span style= + "font-size: 120%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span><span style="font-size: 120%">.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Anonymous,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + Three Principles</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai 1927.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Of no + value.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsan Wan,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Die + Drei Nationalen Grundlehren, Die Grundlehren von dem + Volkstum</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin, + 1927.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A translation + of the lectures on Nationalism; excellent as far as it goes.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">d'Elia, Paschal M., S. J. + (translator and editor);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Le + Triple Demisme de Suen Wen</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1929.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The only + annotated translation. The style is simple and direct, and the + notes accurate, for the most part, and informative. The + <span class="tei tei-pb" id="page267">[pg 267]</span><a name= + "Pg267" id="Pg267" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> uninitiated reader + must make allowances for Father d'Elia's religious viewpoints. + This is probably the most useful translation.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Price, Frank W. (translator), Chen, + L. T. (editor);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I, The Three + Principles of the People</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1930.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + translation most widely known and quoted.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">d'Elia, Paschal M., S. J.,</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Triple Demism of Sun + Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Wuchang, + 1931.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A translation + of the French version.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Hsü, Leonard Shihlien;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Political + and Social Ideals</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Los + Angeles, 1933.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most + complete selection of the documents of Sun Yat-senism available + in English. Dr. Hsü has assembled his materials remarkably well. + His chapter <span class="tei tei-q">“The Basic Literature of + Sunyatsenism”</span> is the best of its kind in English.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">III. Other Translations of the + Chinese Works of Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Anonymous;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Zapiski kitaiskogo + revoliutsionera</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Moscow, 1926.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not + available.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Memoirs of a + Chinese Revolutionary</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Philadelphia, n. d.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not documented + and apparently unreliable. English version of the above.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Wittfogel, Karl;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen, + Aufzeichnungen eines chinesischen + Revolutionärs</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Vienna and Berlin, n. d. (ca. 1927).</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The most + complete Marxist critique, containing also an excellent short + biography.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsan Wan;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">30 + Jahre Chinesische Revolution</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Berlin, 1927.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An excellent + translation of one of the short autobiographies of Sun + Yat-sen.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Wei Yung (translator);</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr. Sun, Sun Wên + Hsüeh Shê</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1931.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Also referred + to as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Outline of Psychological + Reconstruction</span></span>. It comprises a series of popular + essays discussing the problems involved in modernization of the + Chinese outlook, and presenting Sun Yat-sen's theory of knowledge + versus action.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">IV. Works in English by Sun + Yat-sen.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Kidnapped in + London</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Bristol, + 1897.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + first book in English. Expresses his Christian, modernist, + anti-Manchu attitude of the time.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">How China was + Made a Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai, 1919.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A short + autobiography of Sun Yat-sen; see note in Preface.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">——</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + International Development of China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York and London, 1929.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen's + bold project for the industrialization of China. <span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page268">[pg 268]</span><a name="Pg268" id= + "Pg268" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> First proposed in 1919, the + work calls for a coördinated effort of world capitalism and + Chinese nationalism for the modernization of China. Also called + the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Outline of Material + Reconstruction</span></span>.</p> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">V. Commentaries on the Principles + of Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Li Ti tsun;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + Politico-Economic Theories of Sun + Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This work has + not been published, but portions of it appeared in the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese + Students' Monthly</span></span>, XXIV, New York, 1928-1929, as + follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“The Life of Sun + Yat-sen,”</span> no. 1, p. 14, November, 1928; <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Theoretical System of Dr. Sun Yat-sen,”</span> + no. 2, p. 92, December 1928, and no. 3, p. 130, January 1929; and + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Sunyatsenian Principle of + Livelihood,”</span> no. 5, p. 219, March 1929. It is most + regrettable that the whole work could not be published as a unit, + for Li's work is extensive in scope and uses the major Chinese + and foreign sources quite skilfully.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Tai Chi-tao (Richard Wilhelm, + translator);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Die Geistigen Grundlagen des + Sunyatsenismus</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Berlin, 1931.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An informative + commentary on the ethical system of Sun Yat-sen. Tai Chi-tao is + an eminent Party leader.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Antonov, K.:</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun'iatsenizm i kitaiskaia + revoliutsiia</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Moscow, + 1931.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Not available + to the author.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">William, Maurice;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Vs. + Communism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Baltimore, 1932.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A + presentation, by the author of <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Social + Interpretation of History</span></span>, of the influence which + that work had on Sun; useful only in this connection.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul; Linebarger, Paul + M. A. (editor);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Conversations With Sun + Yat-sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + 1919-1922.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">For comment on + this and the following manuscript, see Preface.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A + Commentary on the San Min Chu I</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">. Four volumes, unpublished, 1933.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Tsui, Shu-Chin,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Influence of the + Canton-Moscow Entente upon Sun Yat-sen's political + Philosophy</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + in</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese Social and + Political Science Review</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, XVIII, 1, 2, 3, Peiping, 1934.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A dissertation + presented to Harvard University. Dr. Tsui covers the ground very + thoroughly; his conclusions challenge the general belief that the + Communists influenced Sun Yat-sen's philosophy. Ranks with the + works of Tai Chi-tao, Hsü Shih-lien, and Father d'Elia as an aid + to the understanding of the Three Principles.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Jair Hung:</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Les + Idées Économiques de Sun Yat Sen</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Toulouse, 1934.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral + thesis presented to the University of Toulouse, treating, + chiefly, the programmatic parts of the principle of <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Tsiang Kuen;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Les + origines économiques et politiques du socialisme de Sun Yat + Sen</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1933.</span> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page269">[pg + 269]</span><a name="Pg269" id="Pg269" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral + thesis presented to the University of Paris, which deals with the + institutional and historical background of min sheng.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Li Chao-wei;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La + souveraineté nationale d'après la doctrine politique de + Sun-Yet-Sin</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Dijon, + 1934.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A doctoral + thesis presented to the University of Dijon, concerning the four + popular powers of election, recall, initiative, and + referendum.</p> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <h2 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"> + <span style="font-size: 144%">B. Chinese Sources and Further + Western Works Used as Auxiliary Sources.</span></h2> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">I. Chinese and Japanese Works by or + Concerning Sun Yat-sen.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Anonymous;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Fêng An Shih Lu (A + True Record of the Obsequies of the + Leader)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Nanking, n. + d.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Bai-ko-nan (Mei Sung-nan);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San-min-shu-gi To Kai-kyu + To-so (The San Min Chu I and the Struggle between Capitalism + and Labor)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tokyo, + 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Chung Kung-jên;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San Min Chu I Li Lun Ti + Lien Chiu (A Study of the Theory of the San Min Chu + I)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Huang Huan-wên;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Wên Chu I Chen Ch'üan + (The Real Interpretation of the Principles of Sun + Wên)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Nanking, + 1933.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Lin Pai-k'ê (Linebarger, Paul M. W.), Hsü + Chih-jên (translator);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun I-hsien Chüan Chi (The + Life of Sun Yat-sen)</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, 4th ed., Shanghai, 1927.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The Chinese + translator has appended an excellent chronology of Sun's + life.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sun Fu-hao;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">San + Min Chu I Piao Chieh (An Elementary Explanation of the Sun Min + Chu I)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1933.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen, Hu Han-min, ed.;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Ch'üan Chi (The + Complete Works of the Leader)</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, 4 vol. in 1; 2nd ed., Shanghai, + 1930.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The best + collection, but by no means complete.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun + Chung-shan Yen Chiang Chi (A Collection of the Lectures of Sun + Chung-shan)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, 3rd ed., + Shanghai, 1927.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sun Yat-sen;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tsung-li Yü Mo (The + Posthumous Papers of the Leader)</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Nanking, n. d.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Têng Hsi;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chung Shan Jên Shêng Shih + Hsia Tan Yüan, (An Inquiry into the Origin of Chung Shan's + Philosophy of Life)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai, 1933.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Tsao Kê-jen;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Chung Shan Hsien-shêng + Ching Chi Hsüeh Shê (The Economic Theory of Mr. Sun + Chung-shan)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Nanking, 1935.</span></p> + </div> + </div> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <h3 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.40em; margin-top: 2.40em"> + <span style="font-size: 120%">II. Works on China or the + Revolution.</span></h3> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Amann, Gustav;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Sun Yatsens + Vermächtnis</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Berlin, + 1928.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Bland, J. O. and Backhouse, E.;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Under the Empress + Dowager</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Philadelphia, 1910.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page270">[pg 270]</span><a name="Pg270" id="Pg270" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Beresford, Lord Charles;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Break-up of + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London, + 1899.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Bonnard, Abel;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">En Chine + (1920-1921)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1924.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Burgess, J. S.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Guilds of + Peking</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1928.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Buxton, L. H. Dudley;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China, The Land and the + People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Oxford, + 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Chen Tsung-hsi, Wang An-tsiang, and Wang + I-ting;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">General Chiang Kai-shek: + The Builder of New China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese Social and + Political Science Review, The</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Peking (Peiping), 1916-. The foremost + journal of its kind in the Far East.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China + Today</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1934-. Communist Monthly.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Weekly Review, + The</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1917-.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">The leading English-language weekly in China, + Liberal in outlook.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China Year Book, + The</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1919-?</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">A necessary + reference work for government personnel, trade statistics, and + chronology. Perhaps inferior to the corresponding volumes in + other countries.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Close, Upton,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pseud.</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(Hall, Josef Washington);</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Challenge: Behind the Face + of Japan</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Eminent + Asians</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Coker, Francis;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Recent Political + Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Creel, H. G.; Sinism,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A + Study of the Evolution of the Chinese + World-view</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Chicago, + 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Cressey, George Babcock;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China's Geographic + Foundations</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">de Groot, J. J. M.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Religion in + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and + London, 1912.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Djang, Chu (Chang Tso);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese + Suzerainty</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Johns + Hopkins University doctoral dissertation, 1935.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Douglas, Sir Robert K.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Europe and the Far East + 1506-1912</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1913.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Ellis, Henry;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Journal of the Proceedings + of the Late Embassy to China...</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Philadelphia, 1818.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Encyclopedia of the Social + Sciences</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1930-.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Articles on + <span class="tei tei-q">“Kuomintang”</span> and <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen.”</span></p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Erdberg, Oskar;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Tales of + Modern China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Moscow, 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Erkes, Eduard;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinesische + Literatur</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Breslau, + 1922.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Foreign Office of Japan, The (?);</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Present Condition of + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tokyo (?), + 1932.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">No author nor + place of publication is given in this work, which presents a + description of those features of Chinese political and economic + life that might be construed as excusing Japanese + intervention.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Fundamental Laws of the + Chinese Soviet Republic</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, The, New York, 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Goodnow, Frank Johnson;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China: An + Analysis</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Baltimore, + 1926.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Granet, Marcel;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese + Civilization</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1930.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page271">[pg + 271]</span><a name="Pg271" id="Pg271" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Harvey, E. D.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Mind of + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New Haven, + 1933.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Holcombe, Arthur N.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese + Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Spirit of the Chinese + Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Hsia Ching-lin; Chow, James L. E.; and Chang, + Yukon (translators);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Civil Code of The + Republic of China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Hsieh, Pao Chao;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Government of China + (1644-1911)</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Baltimore, 1925.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Hsü, Leonard Shih-lien;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Political Philosophy + of Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Hsü, Pao-chien;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ethical Realism in + Neo-Confucian Thought</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Dissertation, Columbia University, n. + d.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Suggests the + position of Sun Yat-sen in the history of Chinese philosophy.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Hu Shih; and Lin Yu-tang;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China's Own + Critics</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Isaacs, Harold (editor);</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Five Years of Kuomintang + Reaction</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Johnston, Reginald;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Twilight in the Forbidden + City</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London, + 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Koo, V. K. Wellington;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Memoranda Presented to the + Lytton Commission</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York, n. d.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Kotenev, Anatol M.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">New Lamps for + Old</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Kulp, D. H.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Family Life in South + China: The Sociology of Familism</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1925.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Latourette, Kenneth;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese: Their History + and Culture</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1934.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Lea, Homer;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Valor of + Ignorance</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1909.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">History of Chinese + Political Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York and London, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Li Chi;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Formation of the + Chinese People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1928.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Lin Yutang;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">My Country and My + People</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1936.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Linebarger, Paul Myron Wentworth;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Deutschlands Gegenwärtige + Gelegenheiten in China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Brussels, 1936.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Lou Kan-jou;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Histoire Sociale de + l'Epoque Tcheou</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Paris, 1935.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">MacNair, Harley Farnsworth;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China in + Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Chicago, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Chinese + History—Selected Readings</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, 1923.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Mänchen-Helfen, Otto;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Dresden, 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Maybon, Albert;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Politique + Chinoise</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1908.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen + presented a copy of this book to Judge Linebarger, and + enthusiastically recommended it.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page272">[pg 272]</span><a name="Pg272" id="Pg272" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Maybon, Albert;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Republique + Chinoise</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1914.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Mayers, William Frederick;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese Government, A + Manual of Chinese Titles, Categorically Explained and Arranged, + with an Appendix</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Shanghai, 1897.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">McGovern, William Montgomery;</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Japan, Its + Political, Military, and Industrial + Organization</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + London, 1920.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Myron, Paul, pseud. (Linebarger, Paul M. + W.);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Our Chinese Chances + Through Europe's War</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Chicago, 1915.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Meadows, Thomas Taylor;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese and Their + Rebellions</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London, + 1856.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">One of the + permanently outstanding books on China; dealing primarily with + the T'ai P'ing rebellion, it presents an extraordinarily keen + analysis of the politics of the old Chinese social system.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style="font-size: 90%">Ogden, C. K. and Richards, I. + A.;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Meaning of + Meaning</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and + London, 1927.</span> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">It is largely + upon this work that the present author has sought to base his + technique of ideological analysis.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Peffer, Nathaniel;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + Collapse of a Civilization</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Price, Ernest Batson;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Russo-Japanese + Treaties of 1907-1916 Concerning Manchuria and + Mongolia</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Baltimore, + 1933.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pages 1-13 + present stimulating suggestions as to the nature of <span class= + "tei tei-q">“China.”</span></p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Reichwein, Adolf;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">China and Europe: + Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth + Century</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1925.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Roffe, Jean;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">La Chine Nationaliste + 1912-1930</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Paris, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Roy, Manabendra Nath;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Revolution und + Konterrevolution in China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Berlin, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Ruffé, R. d'Auxion de;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Is China + Mad?</span></span> <span style="font-size: 90%">Shanghai, + 1928.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author, + violently hostile to Sun Yat-sen, presents some details of Sun's + life not published elsewhere.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Smith, Arthur;</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"> + <span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Village Life + in China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1899.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Sheean, Vincent;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Personal + History</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1935.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Shryock, John Knight;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Origin and Development + of the State Cult of Confucius</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Starr, Frederick;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Stoddard, Lothrop;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Rising Tide of Color + Against White World Supremacy</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, New York, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">T'ang Leang-li;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Inner History of the + Chinese Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Wang + ching-wei</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping, + 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Tawney, Richard Henry;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Land and Labour in + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London, + 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Thomas, Elbert Duncan;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese Political + Thought</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York, + 1927.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Treat, Payson J.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Far + East</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New York and + London, 1928.</span></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id= + "page273">[pg 273]</span><a name="Pg273" id="Pg273" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Trotsky, Leon;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Problems of the Chinese + Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Tyau Min-ch'ien T. Z.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist + China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">van Dorn, Harold Archer;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Twenty Years of The + Chinese Republic</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + New York, 1932.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Vinacke, Harold Monk;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Modern Constitutional + Development in China</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Princeton, 1920.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Wang Ch'ing-wei et al.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Chinese National + Revolution</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Peiping, + 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Weale, E. L. Putnam,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">pseud.</span></span> + <span style="font-size: 90%">(Simpson, Bertram Lennox);</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Vanished + Empire</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, London, + 1926.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Weber, Max;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Gesammelte Aufsätze zur + Religionssoziologie</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Tübingen, 1922.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Wieger, Leon, S. J.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chine + Moderne</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, 10 volumes, + Hsien-hsien, 1921-32.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">An enormous + scrapbook of translations from the Chinese illustrating political + and religious trends. Catholic point of view.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Textes + Historiques: Histoire Politique de la + Chine</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Hsien-hsien, + 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">—— and Davrout, L., S. J.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Chinese + Characters</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, + Hsien-hsien, 1927.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Wilhelm, Richard (Danton, G. H. and Danton, A. + P., translators);</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Confucius and + Confucianism</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1931.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Geschichte der + chinesischen Philosophie</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Breslau, 1929.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ostasien, Werden und + Wandel des Chinesischen Kulturkreises</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Potsdam and Zürich, 1928.</span></p> + </div> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Perhaps the + best of all works introductory to Chinese civilization.</p> + + <div class="block tei tei-quote" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Williams, S. Wells;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The + Middle Kingdom</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + York, 1895.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">——;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">A + Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese + Language</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Tungchou, + 1909.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Wu Ch'ao-ch'u,</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">The Nationalist Program + for China</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, New + Haven, 1930.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Wu Kuo-cheng;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Ancient Chinese Political + Theories</span></span><span style="font-size: 90%">, Shanghai, + 1928.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em"><span style= + "font-size: 90%">Ziah, C. F.;</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-size: 90%; font-style: italic">Philosophie Politique de + la Chine Ancienne (700-221 AV. J.-C.)</span></span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">, Paris, 1934.</span></p> + </div> + </div> + </div> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page274">[pg 274]</span><a name= + "Pg274" id="Pg274" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc115" id="toc115"></a> <a name="pdf116" id="pdf116"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Chinese-English Glossary.</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The author has not + sought to prepare a lexicon of modern Chinese political terms. He + presents, however, a list of those Chinese words which have + frequently been left untranslated in the text, together with the + ideographs by which they are written in China, and brief definitions. + Variant meanings, however significant, have been omitted. Peculiar + definitions, to be found only in the present work, have been enclosed + in brackets. To locate the phrases, and discussions of them, consult + the index.</p> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">正 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng</span></span>; right; rectified</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">主 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chu</span></span>; used as a compound with + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">i</span></span>, below, + to make <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chu-i</span></span>: + principle, -ism</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">權 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>; power</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">會 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>; society; guild</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">縣 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>; district (a political + subdivision)</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">義 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">i</span></span>; propriety</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">仁 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>; humanity; + fellow-feeling; benevolence, etc. [consciousness of social + orientation]</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">禮 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>; rites; ceremonies + [ideological conformity]</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">民 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min</span></span>; people; <span lang="de" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Volk</span></span></td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">名 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ming</span></span>; name [terminology, or, + a part of ideology]</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">能 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>; capacity</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">霸 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pa</span></span>; violence; violent; + tyrant; tyrannous</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">三 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">san</span></span>; three</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">生 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">shêng</span></span>; life; regeneration; + livelihood</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">大 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ta</span></span>; great</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">道 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tao</span></span>; path; way; + principle</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">德 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">têh</span></span>; virtue</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">族 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tsu</span></span>; unity; kinship</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">同 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">t'ung</span></span>; harmony; concord</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">王 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang</span></span>; king; kingly</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">樂 <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>; rhythm</td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </div><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page275">[pg 275]</span><a name= + "Pg275" id="Pg275" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <hr class="page" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc117" id="toc117"></a> <a name="pdf118" id="pdf118"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Index.</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Proper Names and + Special Terms</span></span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">America + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">see + also</span></span> <a href="#Index-United-States" class= + "tei tei-ref">United States</a>), <a href="#Pg062" class= + "tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href="#Pg220" class= + "tei tei-ref">220</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">American Indians, + <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Anglo-Saxons, + <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Annam, <a href= + "#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Austria, <a href= + "#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Beresford, Lord + Charles, <a href="#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref">187</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Bismarck, <a href= + "#Pg254" class="tei tei-ref">254</a> ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Bolsheviks + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Russians" + class="tei tei-ref">Russians</a>, <a href="#Index-Marxian" class= + "tei tei-ref">Marxian philosophy</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Borodin, <a href= + "#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>, <a href="#Pg007" class= + "tei tei-ref">7</a>, <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Boxer Rebellion, + <a href="#Pg078" class="tei tei-ref">78</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-British" id="Index-British" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + British Empire, <a href="#Pg071" class="tei tei-ref">71</a>, <a href= + "#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Burgess, J. S., + <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41.</a>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cantlie, Sir + James, <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Canton" id="Index-Canton" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Canton, + <a href="#Pg007" class="tei tei-ref">7</a>, <a href="#Pg066" class= + "tei tei-ref">66</a>, <a href="#Pg126" class="tei tei-ref">126</a>, + <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref">233</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Catherine I of + Russia, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Catholic Church, + <a href="#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref">54</a>n., <a href="#Pg122" + class="tei tei-ref">122</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chang Tso (Djang + Chu), <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'en + Ch'iung-ming, <a href="#Pg006" class="tei tei-ref">6</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chen, Eugene, + <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref">159</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chêng, state of, + <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chêng ming</span></span>, <a href="#Pg031" + class="tei tei-ref">31</a>ff., <a href="#Pg083" class= + "tei tei-ref">83</a>ff., <a href="#Pg104" class= + "tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg114" class="tei tei-ref">114</a>, + <a href="#Pg210" class="tei tei-ref">210</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'i</span></span>, <a href="#Pg110" class= + "tei tei-ref">110</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chiang Chieh-shih + (Chiang Kai-shek), <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref">102</a>n., + <a href="#Pg158" class="tei tei-ref">158</a>n., <a href="#Pg163" + class="tei tei-ref">163</a>n., <a href="#Pg206" class= + "tei tei-ref">206</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Fang + Lo</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Program-Reconstruction" class= + "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Program of National + Reconstruction</span></span></a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chien Kuo Ta + Kang</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Outline-Reconstruction" + class="tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see The Outline of National + Reconstruction</span></span></a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'ien Lung, the + Emperor, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'in dynasty, + <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'in Shih Huang + Ti, the, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref">26</a>n., <a href= + "#Pg037" class="tei tei-ref">37</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chinese Eastern + Railway, the, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ch'ing dynasty + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Manchu" class= + "tei tei-ref">Manchu dynasty</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chou dynasty, + <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>, <a href="#Pg028" class= + "tei tei-ref">28</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Christianity, + <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a>, <a href="#Pg067" class= + "tei tei-ref">67</a>, <a href="#Pg133" class="tei tei-ref">133</a>n., + <a href="#Pg155" class="tei tei-ref">155</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg107" class= + "tei tei-ref">107</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class= + "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class= + "tei tei-ref">218</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">chun ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100" + class="tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Chung Hua, The + Republic of, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cohen, Morris, + <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Coker, Francis W., + <a href="#Pg147" class="tei tei-ref">147</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Communists, + <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>, <a href="#Pg064" class= + "tei tei-ref">64</a>ff., <a href="#Pg066" class="tei tei-ref">66</a>, + <a href="#Pg106" class="tei tei-ref">106</a>, <a href="#Pg122" class= + "tei tei-ref">122</a>, <a href="#Pg160" class="tei tei-ref">160</a>, + <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>, <a href="#Pg163" class= + "tei tei-ref">163</a>ff., <a href="#Pg189" class= + "tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a>, + <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucianism, + <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>ff., <a href="#Pg060" + class="tei tei-ref">60</a>, <a href="#Pg066" class= + "tei tei-ref">66</a>ff., <a href="#Pg082" class= + "tei tei-ref">82</a>ff., <a href="#Pg090" class= + "tei tei-ref">90</a>ff., <a href="#Pg106" class= + "tei tei-ref">106</a>, <a href="#Pg109" class="tei tei-ref">109</a>, + <a href="#Pg113" class="tei tei-ref">113</a>ff., <a href="#Pg210" + class="tei tei-ref">210</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Confucius (K'ung + Ch'iu), <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>ff., <a href= + "#Pg060" class="tei tei-ref">60</a>, <a href="#Pg076" class= + "tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a>, + <a href="#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a>, <a href="#Pg261" class= + "tei tei-ref">261</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Creel, H. G., + <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Cressey, George + B., <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Davrout, L., + <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">d'Elia, Paschal + M., <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Donbas region, + <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Douglas, Sir + Robert K., <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Dutch, the, + <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Empress Dowager, + Tzŭ Hsi, the, <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-England" id="Index-England" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + England, <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href= + "#Pg150" class="tei tei-ref">150</a>n., <a href="#Pg188" class= + "tei tei-ref">188</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Erdberg, Oskar, + <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Fascism, <a href= + "#Pg054" class="tei tei-ref">54</a>, <a href="#Pg146" class= + "tei tei-ref">146</a>ff., <a href="#Pg244" class= + "tei tei-ref">244</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ford, Henry, + <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Four Books, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref">75</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">France, <a href= + "#Pg188" class="tei tei-ref">188</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Gandhi, M. K., + <a href="#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref">156</a>n., <a href="#Pg180" + class="tei tei-ref">180</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Genro, the, + <a href="#Pg131" class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">George III of + England, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">George, Henry, + <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg136" class= + "tei tei-ref">136</a>ff., <a href="#Pg144" class= + "tei tei-ref">144</a>, <a href="#Pg256" class= + "tei tei-ref">256</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Germany, <a href= + "#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class= + "tei tei-ref">100</a>, <a href="#Pg196" class="tei tei-ref">196</a>, + <a href="#Pg254" class="tei tei-ref">254</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Goodnow, Frank J., + <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Granet, Marcel, + <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Great Britain + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-British" + class="tei tei-ref">British Empire</a>, <a href="#Index-England" + class="tei tei-ref">England</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Great Learning, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg074" class="tei tei-ref">74</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Greeks, the, + <a href="#Pg133" class="tei tei-ref">133</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hai Ching Kung, + the, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hamilton, + Alexander, <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref">77</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Han Fei-tzŭ, + <a href="#Pg029" class="tei tei-ref">29</a>, <a href="#Pg093" class= + "tei tei-ref">93</a></p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page276">[pg + 276]</span><a name="Pg276" id="Pg276" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Harvey, E. D., + <a href="#Pg154" class="tei tei-ref">154</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hawaii, <a href= + "#Pg061" class="tei tei-ref">61</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hitler, Adolf, + <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Holcombe, Arthur + N., <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref">11</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hongkong, <a href= + "#Pg051" class="tei tei-ref">51</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Honolulu, <a href= + "#Pg126" class="tei tei-ref">126</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hou chih hou chou</span></span>, the, <a href= + "#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsieh, Pao-chao, + <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>, <a href="#Pg045" class= + "tei tei-ref">45</a>, <a href="#Pg211" class= + "tei tei-ref">211</a>ff., <a href="#Pg230" class= + "tei tei-ref">230</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien chih hsien chou</span></span>, the, + <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg106" class= + "tei tei-ref">106</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsin dynasty, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hsü, Leonard + Shih-lien, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hu Han-min, + <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n., <a href="#Pg186" class= + "tei tei-ref">186</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hui</span></span>, <a href="#Pg038" class= + "tei tei-ref">38</a>, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a>, + <a href="#Pg095" class="tei tei-ref">95</a>, <a href="#Pg165" class= + "tei tei-ref">165</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hulutao port, + <a href="#Pg260" class="tei tei-ref">260</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hung fang</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100" class= + "tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hung Hsiu-ch'üan, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Hung Jair, + <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref">236</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> <a href="#Pg018" class= + "tei tei-ref">18</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">India, <a href= + "#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a>, <a href="#Pg181" class= + "tei tei-ref">181</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">International + Development of China, The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class= + "tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Isaacs, Harold, + <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Japan, <a href= + "#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref">28</a>, <a href="#Pg040" class= + "tei tei-ref">40</a>, <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a>, + <a href="#Pg048" class="tei tei-ref">48</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class= + "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class="tei tei-ref">59</a>, + <a href="#Pg063" class="tei tei-ref">63</a>, <a href="#Pg090" class= + "tei tei-ref">90</a>, <a href="#Pg170" class="tei tei-ref">170</a>, + <a href="#Pg184" class="tei tei-ref">184</a>, <a href="#Pg188" class= + "tei tei-ref">188</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class= + "tei tei-ref">199</a>ff., <a href="#Pg240" class= + "tei tei-ref">240</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class= + "tei tei-ref">260</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">jên</span></span>, <a href="#Pg014" class= + "tei tei-ref">14</a>, <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref">30</a>ff., + <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" + class="tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg142" class= + "tei tei-ref">142</a>, <a href="#Pg144" class= + "tei tei-ref">144</a>ff., <a href="#Pg154" class= + "tei tei-ref">154</a>, <a href="#Pg263" class= + "tei tei-ref">263</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Jên T'ai, <a href= + "#Pg031" class="tei tei-ref">31</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Jews, the, + <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Joffe, Adolf, + <a href="#Pg064" class="tei tei-ref">64</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Johnston, Sir + Reginald, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kailan Mining + Administration, The, <a href="#Pg179" class="tei tei-ref">179</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">K'ang Hsi, the + Emperor, <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Kang Têh”</span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Pu-Yi" class= + "tei tei-ref">P'u Yi</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Koo, V. K. + Wellington, <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Korea (Chosen), + <a href="#Pg048" class="tei tei-ref">48</a>, <a href="#Pg059" class= + "tei tei-ref">59</a>, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref">70</a>, + <a href="#Pg127" class="tei tei-ref">127</a>, <a href="#Pg200" class= + "tei tei-ref">200</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kulp, D. H., + <a href="#Pg038" class="tei tei-ref">38</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ku Hung-ming, + <a href="#Pg077" class="tei tei-ref">77</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">K'ung family, + <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kung, H. H., + <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuo Hsing-hua, + <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuomintang, the, + <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class= + "tei tei-ref">158</a>ff., <a href="#Pg205" class= + "tei tei-ref">205</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kwangtung Province + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Canton" class= + "tei tei-ref">Canton</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Kuzbas region, + <a href="#Pg246" class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lao Tzŭ, <a href= + "#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Latins, the, + <a href="#Pg062" class="tei tei-ref">62</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Latourette, + Kenneth Scott, <a href="#Pg091" class="tei tei-ref">91</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lea, Homer, + <a href="#Pg195" class="tei tei-ref">195</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lee, Frank C., + <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Legge + translations, the, <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n., + <a href="#Pg075" class="tei tei-ref">75</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lenin, V. I., + <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>, <a href="#Pg230" class= + "tei tei-ref">230</a>n., <a href="#Pg247" class= + "tei tei-ref">247</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span>, <a href="#Pg031" class= + "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff., <a href="#Pg104" class= + "tei tei-ref">104</a>, <a href="#Pg115" class= + "tei tei-ref">115</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Chao-wei, + <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref">219</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Chi, <a href= + "#Pg086" class="tei tei-ref">86</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Li Ti-tsun, + <a href="#Pg137" class="tei tei-ref">137</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, + <a href="#Pg030" class="tei tei-ref">30</a>, <a href="#Pg031" class= + "tei tei-ref">31</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lin Shen, + President, <a href="#Pg122" class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lincoln, Abraham, + <a href="#Pg262" class="tei tei-ref">262</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Linebarger, Paul + Myron Wentworth, <a href="#Pg008" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>n., + <a href="#Pg084" class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lotus society, + the, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lovejoy, Arthur + O., <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref">18</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Lynn, Jermyn + Chi-hung, <a href="#Pg221" class="tei tei-ref">221</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Macao, <a href= + "#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Machiavelli, + Niccolò, <a href="#Pg026" class="tei tei-ref">26</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“machine state,”</span> <a href="#Pg054" class= + "tei tei-ref">54</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">MacNair, Harley + Farnsworth, <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref">11</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Malaysia, <a href= + "#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Manchu" id="Index-Manchu" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Manchu + (Ch'ing) dynasty, <a href="#Pg022" class="tei tei-ref">22</a>, + <a href="#Pg043" class="tei tei-ref">43</a>, <a href="#Pg044" class= + "tei tei-ref">44</a>n., <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a>, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a>ff., <a href="#Pg096" + class="tei tei-ref">96</a>, <a href="#Pg111" class= + "tei tei-ref">111</a>, <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>, + <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a>, <a href="#Pg131" class= + "tei tei-ref">131</a>, <a href="#Pg159" class= + "tei tei-ref">159</a>ff., <a href="#Pg167" class= + "tei tei-ref">167</a>ff., <a href="#Pg172" class= + "tei tei-ref">172</a>ff., <a href="#Pg182" class= + "tei tei-ref">182</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a>, + <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref">227</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Manchukuo”</span> (<span class= + "tei tei-q">“Manchoukuo”</span>), <a href="#Pg071" class= + "tei tei-ref">71</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Manchuria, + <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class= + "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a>, + <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a>, <a href="#Pg260" class= + "tei tei-ref">260</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mandarins, + <a href="#Pg104" class="tei tei-ref">104</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Manifesto</span></span> + of the first Party congress, <a href="#Pg004" class= + "tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mannheim, Karl, + <a href="#Pg018" class="tei tei-ref">18</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Marx, Karl, + <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>n., <a href="#Pg163" + class="tei tei-ref">163</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Marxian" id="Index-Marxian" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + Marxian philosophy, <a href="#Pg014" class="tei tei-ref">14</a>ff., + <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref">52</a>, <a href="#Pg055" class= + "tei tei-ref">55</a>, <a href="#Pg070" class="tei tei-ref">70</a>, + <a href="#Pg072" class="tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg081" class= + "tei tei-ref">81</a>n., <a href="#Pg106" class="tei tei-ref">106</a>, + <a href="#Pg125" class="tei tei-ref">125</a>, <a href="#Pg134" class= + "tei tei-ref">134</a>n., <a href="#Pg137" class= + "tei tei-ref">137</a>ff., <a href="#Pg144" class= + "tei tei-ref">144</a>, <a href="#Pg192" class= + "tei tei-ref">192</a>ff., <a href="#Pg209" class= + "tei tei-ref">209</a>ff., <a href="#Pg236" class= + "tei tei-ref">236</a>, <a href="#Pg257" class= + "tei tei-ref">257</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Marxism-Leninism, + <a href="#Pg081" class="tei tei-ref">81</a>, <a href="#Pg136" class= + "tei tei-ref">136</a>, <a href="#Pg182" class="tei tei-ref">182</a>, + <a href="#Pg189" class="tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg192" class= + "tei tei-ref">192</a>ff.</p><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page277">[pg + 277]</span><a name="Pg277" id="Pg277" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mayers, William + Frederick, <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Meiji Emperor, + the, <a href="#Pg082" class="tei tei-ref">82</a>, <a href="#Pg131" + class="tei tei-ref">131</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mencius (Mêng + Tzŭ), <a href="#Pg076" class="tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg093" + class="tei tei-ref">93</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class= + "tei tei-ref">97</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Miao tribes, + <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mill, John Stuart, + <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref">98</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Millar, John, + <a href="#Pg098" class="tei tei-ref">98</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min</span></span>, <a href="#Pg217" class= + "tei tei-ref">217</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg099" + class="tei tei-ref">99</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class= + "tei tei-ref">100</a>n., <a href="#Pg209" class= + "tei tei-ref">209</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Min Ch'üan Ts'u + Pu</span></span> (see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Primer of Democracy</span></span>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, <a href="#Pg012" class= + "tei tei-ref">12</a>, <a href="#Pg101" class="tei tei-ref">101</a>, + <a href="#Pg121" class="tei tei-ref">121</a>, <a href="#Pg122" class= + "tei tei-ref">122</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class= + "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg180" class="tei tei-ref">180</a>, + <a href="#Pg193" class="tei tei-ref">193</a>, <a href="#Pg236" class= + "tei tei-ref">236</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min tsu</span></span>, <a href="#Pg036" class= + "tei tei-ref">36</a>, <a href="#Pg099" class="tei tei-ref">99</a>, + <a href="#Pg120" class="tei tei-ref">120</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ming dynasty, + <a href="#Pg096" class="tei tei-ref">96</a>, <a href="#Pg124" class= + "tei tei-ref">124</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ming T'ai Tsung, + the Emperor, <a href="#Pg124" class="tei tei-ref">124</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mo Ti, <a href= + "#Pg093" class="tei tei-ref">93</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mohammedans, + <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Mongol" id="Index-Mongol" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> Mongol + (Yüan) dynasty, <a href="#Pg047" class="tei tei-ref">47</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mongolia, <a href= + "#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg087" class= + "tei tei-ref">87</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class= + "tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Montesquieu, + Charles de S., Baron, <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>, + <a href="#Pg221" class="tei tei-ref">221</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mussolini, Benito, + <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">National + Government of China, The, <a href="#Pg003" class= + "tei tei-ref">3</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nêng</span></span>, <a href="#Pg107" class= + "tei tei-ref">107</a>ff., <a href="#Pg141" class= + "tei tei-ref">141</a>, <a href="#Pg218" class= + "tei tei-ref">218</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">New Deal, the, + <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref">238</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">New Life Movement, + the, <a href="#Pg102" class="tei tei-ref">102</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Outline-Reconstruction" id="Index-Outline-Reconstruction" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Outline of National Reconstruction, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span>, <a href="#Pg071" class= + "tei tei-ref">71</a>, <a href="#Pg200" class= + "tei tei-ref">200</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pan-Asia, <a href= + "#Pg197" class="tei tei-ref">197</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Pareto, Vilfredo, + <a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref">15</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Peffer, Nathaniel, + <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Peru, <a href= + "#Pg165" class="tei tei-ref">165</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Philippines, + <a href="#Pg186" class="tei tei-ref">186</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class= + "tei tei-ref">187</a>n., <a href="#Pg200" class= + "tei tei-ref">200</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Philosophy of Sun Wên, + The</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-Sun-Wen" class= + "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sun Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span></a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Piatiletka (The + Five-Year Plan), <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>, + <a href="#Pg238" class="tei tei-ref">238</a>n., <a href="#Pg246" + class="tei tei-ref">246</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Plato, <a href= + "#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref">79</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Poland, <a href= + "#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political Testament, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ponce, Mariano, + <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Portuguese, the, + <a href="#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Presidency of + ancient states, the, <a href="#Pg028" class="tei tei-ref">28</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Price, Frank W., + <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Primer of Democracy, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Program-Reconstruction" id="Index-Program-Reconstruction" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Program of National Reconstruction, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pu chih pu chou</span></span>, the, <a href= + "#Pg105" class="tei tei-ref">105</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Pu-Yi" id="Index-Pu-Yi" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> P'u Yi, + <a href="#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Radcliffe-Brown, + A. R., <a href="#Pg091" class="tei tei-ref">91</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Rea, George + Bronson, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Reichwein, Adolf, + <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Republic, + The</span></span>, <a href="#Pg079" class="tei tei-ref">79</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Rome, <a href= + "#Pg215" class="tei tei-ref">215</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Roy, Manabendra + Nath, <a href="#Pg052" class="tei tei-ref">52</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Russians" id="Index-Russians" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + Russians (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see also</span></span> <a href= + "#Index-Soviet-Union" class="tei tei-ref">Soviet Union</a>), <a href= + "#Pg049" class="tei tei-ref">49</a>, <a href="#Pg051" class= + "tei tei-ref">51</a>, <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref">100</a>, + <a href="#Pg103" class="tei tei-ref">103</a>n., <a href="#Pg137" + class="tei tei-ref">137</a>, <a href="#Pg194" class= + "tei tei-ref">194</a>ff., <a href="#Pg240" class= + "tei tei-ref">240</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-San-Min" id="Index-San-Min" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sharman, Lyon, + <a href="#Pg001" class="tei tei-ref">1</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sheean, Vincent, + <a href="#Pg161" class="tei tei-ref">161</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">shen ch'üan</span></span>, <a href="#Pg100" + class="tei tei-ref">100</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Shih Yeh Chi + Hua</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Shryock, John K., + <a href="#Pg036" class="tei tei-ref">36</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Shun, the Emperor, + <a href="#Pg097" class="tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg168" class= + "tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Siam, <a href= + "#Pg187" class="tei tei-ref">187</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Smith, Adam, + <a href="#Pg237" class="tei tei-ref">237</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Smith, Arthur, + <a href="#Pg040" class="tei tei-ref">40</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">South Manchuria + Railway, The, <a href="#Pg179" class="tei tei-ref">179</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Soviets in China, + <a href="#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg212" class= + "tei tei-ref">212</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Soviet-Union" id="Index-Soviet-Union" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> Soviet Union (U. S. S. R.), <a href="#Pg064" + class="tei tei-ref">64</a>, <a href="#Pg147" class= + "tei tei-ref">147</a>, <a href="#Pg155" class= + "tei tei-ref">155</a>n., <a href="#Pg184" class= + "tei tei-ref">184</a>ff., <a href="#Pg189" class= + "tei tei-ref">189</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>, + <a href="#Pg201" class="tei tei-ref">201</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Spring and Autumn + Period, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Stalin, Joseph, + <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>, <a href="#Pg158" class= + "tei tei-ref">158</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Starr, Frederick, + <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Stoddard, Lothrop, + <a href="#Pg197" class="tei tei-ref">197</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun-Joffe + Manifesto, The, <a href="#Pg064" class="tei tei-ref">64</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-Sun-Wen" id="Index-Sun-Wen" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Wên + Hsüeh Shê</span></span>, <a href="#Pg004" class= + "tei tei-ref">4</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sun Yat-sen, Mme. + (née Soong Ching-ling), <a href="#Pg122" class= + "tei tei-ref">122</a>n., <a href="#Pg158" class= + "tei tei-ref">158</a>n., <a href="#Pg159" class= + "tei tei-ref">159</a>n., <a href="#Pg253" class= + "tei tei-ref">253</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sung Chiao-jên, + <a href="#Pg138" class="tei tei-ref">138</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Sung dynasty, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ta chia</span></span>, <a href="#Pg141" class= + "tei tei-ref">141</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ta t'ung</span></span>, <a href="#Pg120" class= + "tei tei-ref">120</a>, <a href="#Pg210" class="tei tei-ref">210</a>, + <a href="#Pg261" class="tei tei-ref">261</a></p><span class= + "tei tei-pb" id="page278">[pg 278]</span><a name="Pg278" id="Pg278" + class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tagore, Sir + Rabindranath, <a href="#Pg132" class="tei tei-ref">132</a>, <a href= + "#Pg156" class="tei tei-ref">156</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tai Chi-tao, + <a href="#Pg069" class="tei tei-ref">69</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tai-p'ing + Rebellion, the, <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>, <a href= + "#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a>, <a href="#Pg172" class= + "tei tei-ref">172</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Taiwan (Formosa), + <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n., <a href="#Pg051" + class="tei tei-ref">51</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">T'ang Liang-li + (T'ang Leang-li), <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>n., + <a href="#Pg056" class="tei tei-ref">56</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tang pu</span></span>, <a href="#Pg164" class= + "tei tei-ref">164</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Taoism, <a href= + "#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tao Kuang, the + Emperor, <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tawney, R. H., + <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">têh</span></span> (<span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tê</span></span>), <a href="#Pg031" class= + "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Thomas, Elbert + Duncan, <a href="#Pg025" class="tei tei-ref">25</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tibet, <a href= + "#Pg002" class="tei tei-ref">2</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class= + "tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Triad Society, + the, <a href="#Pg041" class="tei tei-ref">41</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Triple Demism, + The</span></span> (see <a href="#Index-San-Min" class= + "tei tei-ref"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span></a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ts'an Yi + Yüan</span></span>, the, <a href="#Pg228" class= + "tei tei-ref">228</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsao Kun, <a href= + "#Pg119" class="tei tei-ref">119</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsiang Kuen, + <a href="#Pg236" class="tei tei-ref">236</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsinanfu, <a href= + "#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tsui Shu-chin + <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tsung Li</span></span>, + <a href="#Pg162" class="tei tei-ref">162</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tung Meng Hui, + <a href="#Pg136" class="tei tei-ref">136</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Turkey, <a href= + "#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>, <a href="#Pg201" class= + "tei tei-ref">201</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Tyau, Minch'ien T. + Z., <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><a name= + "Index-United-States" id="Index-United-States" class= + "tei tei-anchor"></a> United States of America, The, <a href="#Pg079" + class="tei tei-ref">79</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class= + "tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg112" class="tei tei-ref">112</a>, + <a href="#Pg130" class="tei tei-ref">130</a>, <a href="#Pg187" class= + "tei tei-ref">187</a>n., <a href="#Pg188" class= + "tei tei-ref">188</a>, <a href="#Pg199" class="tei tei-ref">199</a>, + <a href="#Pg205" class="tei tei-ref">205</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Versailles + Conference, the, <a href="#Pg190" class="tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vilenskii + (Sibiriakov), V., <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vinacke, Harold + Monk, <a href="#Pg227" class="tei tei-ref">227</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Vladislavich, + <a href="#Pg243" class="tei tei-ref">243</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang An-shih, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Ch'ing-wei, + <a href="#Pg005" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>, <a href="#Pg164" class= + "tei tei-ref">164</a>, <a href="#Pg206" class= + "tei tei-ref">206</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Mang, + <a href="#Pg058" class="tei tei-ref">58</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, <a href="#Pg071" class= + "tei tei-ref">71</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wang Yang-ming, + <a href="#Pg080" class="tei tei-ref">80</a>n., <a href="#Pg084" + class="tei tei-ref">84</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Warring States, + the Age of, <a href="#Pg027" class="tei tei-ref">27</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Washington + Conference, the, <a href="#Pg188" class="tei tei-ref">188</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Weale, Putnam (B. + L. Simpson), <a href="#Pg050" class="tei tei-ref">50</a>, <a href= + "#Pg225" class="tei tei-ref">225</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Weber, Max, + <a href="#Pg015" class="tei tei-ref">15</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wei Yung, <a href= + "#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wên Wang, the, + <a href="#Pg168" class="tei tei-ref">168</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wieger, Leon, + <a href="#Pg032" class="tei tei-ref">32</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wilhelm, Richard, + <a href="#Pg023" class="tei tei-ref">23</a>n., <a href="#Pg068" + class="tei tei-ref">68</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">William, Maurice, + <a href="#Pg010" class="tei tei-ref">10</a>, <a href="#Pg072" class= + "tei tei-ref">72</a>, <a href="#Pg142" class= + "tei tei-ref">142</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Williams, S. + Wells, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>, <a href="#Pg122" + class="tei tei-ref">122</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wilson, Woodrow, + <a href="#Pg006" class="tei tei-ref">6</a>, <a href="#Pg190" class= + "tei tei-ref">190</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wittfogel, Karl, + <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wou Saofong, + <a href="#Pg111" class="tei tei-ref">111</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wu Pei-fu, + <a href="#Pg222" class="tei tei-ref">222</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yangtze river (the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ch'ang + Chiang</span></span>), <a href="#Pg100" class= + "tei tei-ref">100</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yao, the Emperor, + <a href="#Pg076" class="tei tei-ref">76</a>, <a href="#Pg097" class= + "tei tei-ref">97</a>, <a href="#Pg219" class="tei tei-ref">219</a>, + <a href="#Pg233" class="tei tei-ref">233</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yellow river (the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Huang + Ho</span></span>), <a href="#Pg100" class="tei tei-ref">100</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yen Shing Kung, + the, <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>n.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yi</span></span> (<span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">i</span></span>), <a href="#Pg031" class= + "tei tei-ref">31</a>ff.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yoshemitsu, the + Ashikaga Shogun, <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yuan, the Five, + <a href="#Pg224" class="tei tei-ref">224</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yüan dynasty + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">see</span></span> <a href="#Index-Mongol" class= + "tei tei-ref">Mongol dynasty</a>)</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Yüan Shih-k'ai, + <a href="#Pg159" class="tei tei-ref">159</a>, <a href="#Pg166" class= + "tei tei-ref">166</a>, <a href="#Pg173" class="tei tei-ref">173</a>, + <a href="#Pg183" class="tei tei-ref">183</a>, <a href="#Pg220" class= + "tei tei-ref">220</a>, <a href="#Pg251" class= + "tei tei-ref">251</a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">yüeh</span></span>, <a href="#Pg091" class= + "tei tei-ref">91</a>ff.</p> + </div> + </div> + <hr class="doublepage" /> + + <div class="tei tei-back" style= + "margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em"> + <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc119" id="toc119"></a> <a name="pdf120" id="pdf120"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1> + + <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes"> + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href= + "#noteref_1">1.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">China Today</span></span> (March, 1935), I, + No. 6, p. 112. This is the leading English-language journal of the + Chinese Communists. Mme. Sun's letter to the paper is + characteristic of the attitude toward Nanking adopted throughout + the magazine.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href= + "#noteref_2">2.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">These manuscripts consist of the + following chief items: Linebarger, Paul Myron Wentworth, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations with Sun Yat-sen + 1919-1922</span></span> (written in 1933-1935); the same, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A + Commentary on the San Min Chu I</span></span> (four volumes, + 1932-1933); and Sun Yat-sen, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">How China Was Made a Republic</span></span> + (Shanghai, 1919). These are all typescripts, with autograph + corrections by their respective authors. The manuscripts of Judge + Linebarger represent his attempts to replace, from memory, books + which were destroyed at the time of the bombardment of the + Commercial Press in Shanghai by the Japanese. He had prepared a + two-volume work on the life and principles of Sun Yat-sen and had + left his manuscripts and other papers in the vaults of the Press. + When the Press was bombed the manuscripts, documents, plates and + Chinese translations were all destroyed; the only things remaining + were a few pages of proof sheets for <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Life and + Principles of Sun Chung-san</span></span>, which remain in the + possession of the present author. Judge Linebarger attempted to + replace these volumes. He had a few notebooks in which he had kept + the outlines of his own speeches; he had not used these, because of + the secondary value. When, however, the major volumes were lost, he + returned to these notebooks and reconstructed his speeches. They + were issued in Paris in 1932 under the title of <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Gospel of Sun + Chung-shan</span></span>. He also prepared the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Commentary</span></span> and the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span> from memory. These + manuscripts possess a certain somewhat questionable value. Judge + Linebarger himself suggested that they be allowed the same weight + that testimony, based upon memory but delivered under oath, upon a + subject ten years past would receive in a court of justice. The + seven volumes described are in the possession of the present + author. Other materials to which the author has had access are his + father's diaries and various other private papers; but since he has + not cited them for references, he does not believe any description + of them necessary. Finally, there are the manuscripts of + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen and the Chinese Republic</span></span>, which contain a + considerable amount of material deleted from the published version + of that work, which appeared in New York in 1925. For comments on + other source material for Sun Yat-sen which is not generally used, + see Bibliography.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href= + "#noteref_3">3.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lyon Sharman, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life + and Its Meaning</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 405.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href= + "#noteref_4">4.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">He did this in his <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political + Testament</span></span>, which is given in almost every work on Sun + Yat-sen or on modern Chinese politics. It was written in February + and signed in March 1925, shortly before his death.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href= + "#noteref_5">5.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Chinese text of these is given in + Hu Han-min, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ed.</span></span>, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tsung-li Ch'üan + Chi</span></span> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Complete Works of the + Leader</span></span>), 4 vol. in 1, Shanghai, 1930. This collection + comprises the most important works of Sun which were published in + his lifetime. Edited by one of the two scholars closest to Sun, it + is the standard edition of his works. English versions of varying + amounts of this material are given in Paschal M. d'Elia, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Triple Demism of Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, Wuchang, 1931; Frank W. + Price, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I, The Three Principles of the + People</span></span>, Shanghai, 1930; and Leonard Shih-lien Hsü, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen, His Political and Social Ideals</span></span>, Los + Angeles, 1933. Each of these works will henceforth be cited by the + name of its editor; for brief descriptions and appraisals, see the + bibliography.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href= + "#noteref_6">6.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The only English version of this work + is one prepared by Wei Yung, under the title of <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr. + Sun</span></span>, Shanghai, 1931. Fragments of this work are also + to be found in Vilenskii (Sibiriakov), V., <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun' Iat-sen, Otets + Kitaiskoi Revoliutsii</span></span>, (<span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, Father + of the Chinese Revolution</span></span>), Moscow, 1925; + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zapiski + Kitaiskogo Revoliutsionera</span></span>, (<span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Notes of a Chinese + Revolutionary</span></span>), Moscow, 1926; <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Memoirs of a Chinese + Revolutionary</span></span>, Philadelphia, n. d.; and Karl + Wittfogel, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sun Yat Sen, Aufzeichnungen eines chinesischen + Revolutionärs</span></span>, Vienna & Berlin, n. d. (ca. + 1927).</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href= + "#noteref_7">7.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This work has not been translated into + any Western language.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href= + "#noteref_8">8.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The International + Development of China</span></span>, New York and London, 1929.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href= + "#noteref_9">9.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is given in Hsü, cited above, and + in Min-ch'ien T. Z. Tyau, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist China</span></span>, + Shanghai, 1930, pp. 439-442. Dr. Tyau substitutes the word + <span class="tei tei-q">“Fundamentals”</span> for <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Outline,”</span> a rather happy choice.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href= + "#noteref_10">10.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See bibliography for a complete list + of the translations. d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 36-49, + dedicates a whole chapter to the problem of an adequate translation + of the Chinese phrase <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>. He concludes that + it can only be rendered by a nelogism based upon Greek roots: + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the + triple demism</span></span>, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“demism”</span> including the meaning of <span class= + "tei tei-q">“principle concerning and for the people”</span> and + <span class="tei tei-q">“popular principle.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href= + "#noteref_11">11.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang Leang-li, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Inner History of + the Chinese Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 166.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href= + "#noteref_12">12.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 58.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href= + "#noteref_13">13.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 58.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href= + "#noteref_14">14.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Lyon Sharman, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen, His Life + and Its Meaning</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 292, for a + stimulating discussion of the parts that the various documents + played in the so-called "cult of Sun Yat-sen."</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href= + "#noteref_15">15.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, cited, p. 270.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href= + "#noteref_16">16.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A typical instance of this sort of + criticism is to be found in the annotations to the anonymous + translation of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> which was + published by a British newspaper in 1927 (<span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Three + Principles</span></span>, Shanghai, 1927). The translator and + annotator both remained anonymous; the translation was wholly + inadequate; and the annotations a marvel of invective. Almost every + page of the translation was studded with notes pointing out and + gloating over the most trivial errors and inconsistencies. The + inflamed opinion of the time was not confined to the Chinese.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href= + "#noteref_17">17.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. W. Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Deutschlands + Gegenwärtige Gelegenheiten in China</span></span>, Brussels, 1936, + p. 53. Judge Linebarger repeats the story told him by General + Morris Cohen, the Canadian who was Sun's bodyguard throughout this + period.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href= + "#noteref_18">18.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Nathaniel Peffer, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China: The Collapse + of a Civilization</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 155.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href= + "#noteref_19">19.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia, cited; Hsü, cited; and + Wittfogel, cited.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href= + "#noteref_20">20.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maurice William, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus + Communism</span></span>, Baltimore, 1932; and Tsui Shu-chin, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Influence of the Canton-Moscow Entente upon Sun Yat-sen's Political + Philosophy</span></span>, in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Social and Political Science + Review</span></span>, XVIII, 1, 2, 3, Peiping, 1934; and other + works listed in bibliography, pp. 268-269.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href= + "#noteref_21">21.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Two such are the chapters on Sun + Yat-sen's thought to be found in Harley Farnsworth MacNair, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China in + Revolution</span></span>, Chicago, 1931, pp. 78-91 (Chapter VI, + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Ideology and Plans of Sun + Yat-sen”</span>) and Arthur N. Holcombe, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese + Revolution</span></span>, Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1930, pp. + 120-155 (Chapter V, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Revolutionary + Politics of Sun Yat-sen”</span>). The former is the shorter of the + two, and is a summary of the various documents involved. The + distinction between the ideology and the plans is so convenient and + illuminating that the present writer has adopted it. Except for the + comments on the influence of William upon Sun Yat-sen, it is + completely reliable. The latter is a discussion, rather than an + outline, and admirably presents the gist of Sun's thought.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href= + "#noteref_22">22.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Holcombe, cited, p. 136 ff.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href= + "#noteref_23">23.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The word <span class= + "tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> is one of the catchwords of the hour. + The author regrets having to use it, but dares not coin a neologism + to replace it. He does not desire that <span class= + "tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> be opposed to <span class= + "tei tei-q">“truth,”</span> but uses the word in its broadest + possible sense, referring to the whole socio-psychological + conditioning of a group of people. He does not, therefore, speak of + ideologies as a collection of Paretian derivations, fictions which + mask some <span class="tei tei-q">“truth.”</span> He considers his + own background—or Pareto's, for that matter—as ideological, and—in + the sense of the word here employed—cannot conceive of any human + belief or utterance <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">not</span></em> ideological. The task he has + set himself is the transposition of a pattern of Chinese ideas + concerning government from the Chinese ideology to the + Western-traditionalist ideology of the twentieth century. Whether + one, the other, neither, or both, is <span class= + "tei tei-q">“right,”</span> is quite beside the point, so far as + the present enterprise is concerned. In calling the whole + non-physical background of a society the ideology of that society, + the author can excuse his novel use of the term only if he admits + that he establishes the new meaning by definition, without any + necessary reference to the previous use of the term. He has no + intention of following, in the present work, any <span class= + "tei tei-q">“theory of ideology”</span> or definition of + <span class="tei tei-q">“ideology”</span> established by political + philosophers, such as Marx, or sociologists such as Weber, + Mannheim, or Pareto. (Professor A. O. Lovejoy suggested the + following definition of the term, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“ideology,”</span> after having seen the way it was + employed in this work: <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Ideology</span></em> means a complex of ideas, + in part ethical, in part political, in part often religious, which + is current in a society, or which the proponents of it desire to + make current, as an effective means of controlling + behavior.”</span>)</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href= + "#noteref_24">24.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Confucianism may be read in the Legge + translations, a popular abridged edition of which was issued in + 1930 in Shanghai under the title of <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Four + Books</span></span>. Commentaries on Confucius which present him in + a well-rounded setting are Richard Wilhelm, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Confucius and + Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1931; the same, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ostasien, Werden und + Wandel des Chinesischen Kulturkreises</span></span>, Potsdam, 1928, + for a very concise account and the celebrated <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte der + chinesischen Kultur</span></span>, Munich, 1928, for a longer + account in a complete historical setting; Frederick Starr, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1930; H. + G. Creel, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sinism</span></span>, Chicago, 1929; and + Marcel Granet, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">La Civilization Chinoise</span></span>, Paris, + 1929. Bibliographies are found in several of these works. They deal + with Confucius either in his historical setting or as the main + object of study, and are under no necessity of distorting + Confucius' historical rôle for the purpose of showing his + connection with some other topic. The reader may gauge the amount + of distortion necessary when he imagines a work on Lenin, written + for the information and edification of Soviet Eskimos, which—for + the sake of clarity—was forced to summarize all Western thought, + from Plato and Jesus Christ down to Immanuel Kant and Karl Marx, in + a few pages providing a background to Lenin.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href= + "#noteref_25">25.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">There is a work on Confucianism upon + which the author has leaned quite heavily: Leonard Shih-lien Hsü, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Political Philosophy of Confucianism</span></span>, New York, 1932. + Dr. Hsü is interested in sociological political theory. The novelty + of his work has aroused a great amount of criticism among Chinese + scholars of the older disciplines, whether the relatively + conservative and established Western disciplines or the + ultra-conservative schools of the truly classical literati. His + work cannot be recommended for any purposes other than those which + Dr. Hsü himself had in mind; there are several other works, the + product of philosophers, historians, and literary historians, which + will present a portrait of Confucius and Confucianism more + conventionally exact. In its own narrow but definite field Dr. + Hsü's work is an impressive accomplishment; he transposes the + Confucian terms into those of the most advanced schools of social + thought. A reader not forewarned might suffer by this, and read + into Confucius an unwarranted modernity of outlook; if, however, + the up-to-dateness is recognized as Dr. Hsü's and not Confucius', + the work is valuable. It puts Confucius on common ground with + modern social theory, ground on which he does not belong, but where + his ideas are still relevant and interesting. The present author + follows Dr. Hsü in this transposition of Confucius, but begs the + reader to remember that this is one made for purposes of comparison + only, and not intended as valid for all purposes. (He must + acknowledge the stimulating criticism of Mr. Jan Tai, of the + Library of Congress, who made it clear that this distortion of + Confucius was one which could be excused only if it were + admitted.)—An interesting presentation of Confucius as transposed + into the older political theory, untouched by sociology, is to be + found in Senator Elbert Duncan Thomas, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese Political + Thought</span></span>, New York, 1927.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href= + "#noteref_26">26.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Granet, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese + Civilization</span></span>, cited, p. 84. Granet's work, while + challenged by many sinologues as well as by anthropologists, is the + most brilliant portrayal of Chinese civilization to the time of + Shih Huang Ti. His interpretations make the language of the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Odes</span></span> (collected by Confucius) + intelligible, and clear up the somewhat obscure transition from the + oldest feudal society to the epoch of the proto-nations and then to + the inauguration of the world order.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href= + "#noteref_27">27.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Granet, cited, pp. 87-88.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href= + "#noteref_28">28.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geschichte der + chinesischen Philosophie</span></span>, Breslau, 1929, p. 19.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href= + "#noteref_29">29.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">One could therefore say that + membership in a society is determined by the outlook of the + individual concerned.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href= + "#noteref_30">30.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In modern Western political thought, + this doctrine is most clearly demonstrated in the Marxian thesis of + the withering-away of the state. The Marxists hold that, as the + relics of the class struggle are eliminated from the new society, + and classlessness and uniform indoctrination come to prevail, the + necessity for a state—which they, however, consider an instrument + of class domination—will decline and the state will atrophy and + disappear.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href= + "#noteref_31">31.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">History of Chinese + Political Thought during the early Tsin Period</span></span>, + translated by L. T. Chen, New York, 1930, p. 38.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href= + "#noteref_32">32.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (cited, p. 48 and + following) discusses these points.—The author is indebted to Mr. + Jên Tai for the explanation of the relation of these various + factors in the Confucian ideology.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href= + "#noteref_33">33.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leon Wieger and L. Davrout, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Chinese + Characters</span></span>, Hsien-hsien, 1927, p. 6.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href= + "#noteref_34">34.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited above, chapter three, + contains an excellent discussion of the doctrine of + rectification.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href= + "#noteref_35">35.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A stimulating discussion of the + pragmatism of early Chinese thought is to be found in Creel, + cited.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href= + "#noteref_36">36.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It must be pointed out in this + connection that Confucius advocated an ideology which would not + only be socially useful but scientifically and morally exact. He + did not consider, as have some Western thinkers of the past + century, that the ideology might be a quite amoral instrument of + control, and might contain deliberate or unconscious deception. Hsü + writes, in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, p. 93, of + the various translations of the word <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span> into English: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The word <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">li</span></span> has + no English equivalent. It has been erroneously translated as + <span class="tei tei-q">‘rites’</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘propriety’</span>. It has been suggested that the term + civilization is its nearest English equivalent; but <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘civilization’</span> is a broader term, without + necessarily implying ethical values, while <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">li</span></span> is essentially a term + implying such values.”</span> <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Li</span></span> is civilized behavior; that + is, behavior which is civilized in being in conformance with the + ideology and the values it contains.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href= + "#noteref_37">37.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 103.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href= + "#noteref_38">38.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Confucius the individual was quite + nationalistically devoted to his native state of Lu, and, more + philosophically, hostile to the barbarians. Hsü, cited, p. + 118.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href= + "#noteref_39">39.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">John K. Shryock, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Origin and + Development of The State Cult of Confucius</span></span>, New York, + 1932, traces this growth with great clarity and superlative + scholarship. The work is invaluable as a means to the understanding + of the political and educational structure commonly called + <span class="tei tei-q">“Confucian civilization.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href= + "#noteref_40">40.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This expansion took place in China in + the reign of Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, who used the state of Ch'in as an + instrument by means of which to destroy the multiple state-system + and replace it with a powerful unitary state for all China. He + sought to wipe out the past, raising the imperial office to a + position of real power, and destroying the whole feudal + organization. He abolished tenantry and supplanted it with a system + of small freeholds. Although his immediate successors did much to + restore the forms and appearances of the past, his work was not + altogether undone. Himself hostile to Confucius, his actions + implemented the teachings to an enormous degree. See Granet, cited, + pp. 96-104.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href= + "#noteref_41">41.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">D. H. Kulp, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Family Life in South + China</span></span>, New York, 1925, p. xxiv.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href= + "#noteref_42">42.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">H. G. Creel, cited, p. 10. Creole + writes as follows of the significance of the village: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The village life is very important, for it appears to + be the archetype from which the entire Chinese conception of the + world and even of the cosmos grew. The village was, as has been + said, small. It was based on agriculture. It was apparently a + community of a peaceful regularity and a social solidarity beyond + anything which we of the present can imagine.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href= + "#noteref_43">43.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arthur Smith, one of the few + Westerners to live in a Chinese village for any length of years, + wrote: <span class="tei tei-q">“It is a noteworthy fact that the + government of China, while in theory more or less despotic, places + no practical restrictions upon the right of free assemblage by the + people for the consideration of their own affairs. The people of + any village can, if they choose, meet every day of the year. There + is no government censor present, and no restriction upon the + liberty of debate. The people can say what they like, and the local + Magistrate neither knows nor cares what is said.... But should + insurrection break out, these popular rights might be extinguished + in a moment, a fact of which all the people are perfectly well + aware.”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Village Life in China</span></span>, New York, + 1899, p. 228. This was written thirteen years before the fall of + the Ch'ing dynasty.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href= + "#noteref_44">44.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">J. S. Burgess, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Guilds of + Peking</span></span>, New York, 1928. This is perhaps the best work + on the subject of the guilds which has yet appeared. The + information was gathered by the students of the author, who as a + teacher had excellent facilities for developing contacts. The + students, as Chinese, were able to gather data from the + conservative guild leaders in a manner and to a degree that no + Westerner could have done. The classification here given is a + modification of Burgess'.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href= + "#noteref_45">45.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">S. Wells + Williams, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Middle Kingdom</span></span>, New York, + 1895, p. 405. Dr. Williams, whose work is perhaps the most + celebrated single work on China in the English language, wrote as + follows concerning the nobility under the Ch'ing:</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“The titular nobility of the Empire, as a whole, is a + body whose members are without power, land, wealth, office, or + influence, in virtue of their honors; some of them are more or + less hereditary, but the whole system has been so devised, and + the designations so conferred, as to tickle the vanity of those + who receive them, without granting them any real power. The + titles are not derived from landed estates, but the rank is + simply designated in addition to the name....”</span> He also + pointed out that, under the Ch'ing, the only hereditary titles of + any significance were <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Yen Shing Kung</span></span> (for the + descendant of Confucius) and <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hai Ching + Kung</span></span> (for the descendant of Kuo Hsing-hua, the + formidable sea adventurer who drove the Dutch out of Taiwan and + made himself master of that island).</p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href= + "#noteref_46">46.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">William Frederick Mayers, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese + Government, A Manual of Chinese Titles ...</span></span>, Shanghai, + 1897, devotes one hundred and ninety-five pages to the enumeration + of the Ch'ing titles. His work, intended to be used as an office + manual for foreigners having relations with Chinese officials, + remains extremely useful as a presentation of the administrative + outline of the Chinese government in its last days before the + appearance of Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang. Pao Chao Hsieh, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Government of China (1644-1911)</span></span>, Baltimore, 1925, is + a more descriptive work dealing with the whole administration of + the Ch'ing dynasty. No work has as yet appeared in the West, to the + knowledge of the present author, which describes the historical + development of government in China in any detail.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href= + "#noteref_47">47.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The figures given are those of the + present day, which may be more or less exact for the past century. + For earlier times, the number will have to be reduced in proportion + with the remoteness in time. See Richard Henry Tawney, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Land and Labour in + China</span></span>, London, 1932.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href= + "#noteref_48">48.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Confucius and + Confucianism</span></span>, cited, pp. 130-132. The connection + between the naming of names and the operation of the popular check + of revolution is made evident by Wilhelm in a brilliant passage. If + a righteous ruler died a violent death at the hands of one of his + subjects, he was murdered; were he unrighteous, he was only killed. + Confucius himself used such terms in his annals. His use of varying + terms, terms carrying condemnation or condonement, even of such a + subject as regicide, electrified the scholars of his day.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href= + "#noteref_49">49.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An exception must be made in the case + of the first Russian colony in Peking, which was lost in two + centuries and became virtually indistinguishable from the mass of + the population. The Portuguese, at Macao, displayed that tendency + to compromise and miscegenate which marked their whole progress + along the coasts of Asia, but they maintained their political + supremacy in that city; today the Macanese are largely of Chinese + blood, but Portuguese-speaking, and proud of their + separateness.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href= + "#noteref_50">50.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Too many works have been written on + the relations of the Chinese and Westerners to permit any + citations, with one exception. Putnam Weale's <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished + Empire</span></span>, New York, 1925, is an extraordinarily vivid + history of the collision of the civilizations. It is not + particularly commendable as a factual record, but as a brilliant + and moving piece of literature presenting the Chinese viewpoint, it + is unexcelled.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href= + "#noteref_51">51.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Adolf Reichwein, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China and Europe: + Intellectual and Artistic Contacts in the Eighteenth + Century</span></span>, New York, 1925, which makes apparent the + full extent to which modern Europe is indebted to China for the + luxuries of its culture.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href= + "#noteref_52">52.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this connection, it might be + pointed out that the attractive strength of the two civilizations + has not, as yet, been adequately studied, although there is an + enormous amount of loose generalization on the subject: + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese are becoming completely + Westernized,”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese, in + spite of their veneer, are always Chinese; they will, in the end, + absorb their conquerors.”</span> But will they? In the face of a + modern educational and propaganda system, there is at least room + for doubt; it is not beyond all conjecture that the Chinese of + Manchuria might be Japanized as easily as the fiercely chauvinistic + Japanese might be sinicized. The only adequate answer to the + question would be through detailed studies of the social + conditioning and preferences of Chinese under foreign influence (as + in Hongkong, Taiwan, Manchuria), and of foreigners under Chinese + influence (the White Russians in China, the few other Westerners in + preëminently Chinese milieux).</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href= + "#noteref_53">53.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An example of this is to be found in + Manabendra Nath Roy, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Revolution und Konterrevolution in + China</span></span>, Berlin, 1930. Roy was one of the emissaries of + the Third International to the Nationalists, and his ineptness in + practical politics assisted materially in the weakening of the + Communist position. His work quite seriously employs all the + familiar clichés of Western class dispute, and analyzes the Chinese + situation in terms that ignore the fact that China is Chinese.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href= + "#noteref_54">54.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This same line of attack seems, in the + West, to be employed only by the Catholic church which, while + opposing any avowedly collectivistic totalitarian state, seeks to + maintain control on an ideological and not a political basis, over + almost all aspects of the life of its members. No political party + or governing group seems to share this attitude.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href= + "#noteref_55">55.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Karl A. Wittfogel, in his <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, as well as Roy, in the work cited, + thinks very little of the justice of Confucianism. The extreme + mobility of Chinese society, which largely precluded the + development of any permanent class rule, is either unknown to them + or ignored. If the ideologue-officials of old China composed a + class, they were a class like no other known, for they provided for + the continuous purging of their own class, and its continuous + recruitment from all levels of society—excepting that of + prostitutes and soldiers.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href= + "#noteref_56">56.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">T'ang Leang-li + writes, in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Inner History of the Chinese + Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1930, p. 168, as follows + concerning Sun Yat-sen's early teaching of nationalism:</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Previous to the Republican Revolution of 1911, the + principle of nationality was known as the principle of racial + struggle, and was in effect little more than <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">a primitive + tribalism rationalized to serve as a weapon</span></em> in the + struggle against the Manchu oppressors. It was the corner-stone + of revolutionary theory, and by emphasizing the racial + distinction between the ruling and the oppressed classes, + succeeded in uniting the entire Chinese people against the Manchu + dynasty.”</span> (Italics mine.) In speaking of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min ts'u</span></span> as a primitive + tribalism which had been rationalized as a weapon, Dr. T'ang + might lead some of his readers to infer that Sun Yat-sen did not + believe what he taught, and that—as a master-stroke of practical + politics—he had devised an ideological weapon which, regardless + of its truthfulness, would serve him in his struggles. But, it + may be asked, what was Sun Yat-sen struggling for, if not the + union and preservation of the Chinese people?</p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href= + "#noteref_57">57.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See sections, below, on the programs + of nationalism.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href= + "#noteref_58">58.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, p. 131. Sun + Yat-sen said: <span class="tei tei-q">“Formerly China too + entertained the ambition of becoming mistress of the whole world + and of rising above all other countries; so she (too) advocated + cosmopolitanism.... When the Manchus entered the Great Wall, they + were very few; they numbered 100,000 men. How were those 100,000 + men able to subject hundreds of millions of others? Because the + majority of Chinese at that time favored cosmopolitanism and said + nothing about nationalism.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href= + "#noteref_59">59.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, pp. 126 ff.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href= + "#noteref_60">60.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It seems to the present writer that, + whatever criteria are selected for the determination of the + nationhood of a given society, <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">uniqueness</span></em> + certainly is <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">not</span></em> one of the qualities + attributed to a <span class="tei tei-q">“nation.”</span> It is not + appropriate for the author to venture upon any extended search for + a <span class="tei tei-q">“true nation”</span>; he might observe, + however, that in his own use—in contrast to Sun Yat-sen's—he + employs the term in a consciously relative sense, contrasting it + with the old Chinese cosmopolitan society, which thought itself + unique except for certain imitations of itself on the part of + half-civilized barbarians. A <span class= + "tei tei-q">“nation”</span> must signify, among other things, for + the purposes of this work, a society calling itself such and + recognizing the existence of other societies of more or less the + same nature. Sun Yat-sen, on the other hand, regarded a nation as a + group of persons as real as a family group, and consistently spoke + of the Chinese nation as having existed throughout the ages—even in + those times when the Chinese themselves regarded their own society + as the civilized world, and did so with some show of exactness, if + their own viewpoint is taken into account.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href= + "#noteref_61">61.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 130-131. d'Elia's italics, covering the last two sentences in the + quotation, have been omitted as superfluous. As an illustration of + the difference between the translation of d'Elia and that of Hsü, + the same paragraph might also be cited from the latter translation. + <span class="tei tei-q">“The ethical value of everything is + relative and so nothing in the world is innately good or innately + bad. It is determined by circumstances. A thing that is useful to + us is a good thing; otherwise, a bad thing. Also, a thing that is + useful and advantageous to the world is a good thing; otherwise, a + bad thing.”</span> Hsü translation, cited, pp. 210-211. Excepting + for occasional purposes of comparison, the translation of Father + d'Elia will be referred to in citing the sixteen lectures on the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min + Chu I</span></span>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href= + "#noteref_62">62.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 70. The + curiously significant use of the word <span class= + "tei tei-q">“forever”</span> is reminiscent of the teleology of the + Chinese family system, according to which the flesh-and-blood + immortality of man, and the preservation of identity through the + survival of descendants, is a true immortality.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href= + "#noteref_63">63.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Wo-men Chung-kuo jen</span></span> and + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">ni-men wai-kuo jen</span></span>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href= + "#noteref_64">64.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Life and + Principles of Sun Chung-shan</span></span>, p. 102. There is here + told the anecdote of Sun Yat-sen's first encounter with + race-hatred. At Ewa, Hawaii, in 1880, Sun, then a young lad just + arrived from China, met a Westerner on the road. The Westerner + threatened him, and called him <span class="tei tei-q">“Damn + Chinaman!”</span> and various other epithets. When Sun Yat-sen + discovered that the man was neither deranged nor intoxicated, but + simply venting his general hatred of all Chinese, he was so much + impressed with the incident that he never forgot it.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href= + "#noteref_65">65.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 168; d'Elia + translation, cited, p. 68.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_66" name="note_66" href= + "#noteref_66">66.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 70.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_67" name="note_67" href= + "#noteref_67">67.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 71.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_68" name="note_68" href= + "#noteref_68">68.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen said: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“A scrap of paper, a pen, and a mutual agreement will + be enough for the ruin of China ... in order to wipe her out by + common agreement, it suffices that the diplomats of the different + countries meet somewhere and affix their signatures.... One morning + will suffice to annihilate a nation.”</span> d'Elia translation, + cited, p. 170.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_69" name="note_69" href= + "#noteref_69">69.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The danger of + relying too much on foreign aid can be illustrated by a reference + to Sun-Joffe Manifesto issued in Shanghai, January 26, 1922. Sun + Yat-sen, as the leader of the Chinese Nationalist movement, and + Adolf Joffe, as the Soviet Special Envoy, signed a joint + statement, the first paragraph of which reads as follows:</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Dr. Sun Yat-sen holds that the Communistic order or + even the Soviet System cannot actually be introduced into China, + because there do not exist here the conditions for the successful + establishment of either Communism or Sovietism. This view is + entirely shared by Mr. Joffe who is further of the opinion that + China's paramount and most pressing problem is to achieve + unification and attain full national independence, and regarding + this great task he has assured Dr. Sun Yat-sen that China has the + warmest sympathy of the Russian people and can count on the + support of Russia.”</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">See T'ang + Leang-li, cited, p. 156.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">In view of the + subsequent Communist attempt, in 1927, to convert the Nationalist + movement into a mere stage in the proletarian conquest of power + in China, in violation of the terms of the understanding upon + which the Communists and the Chinese Nationalists had worked + together, the leaders of the Kuomintang are today as mistrustful + of what they term Communist politico-cultural imperialism as they + are of capitalist politico-economic imperialism. It is curious + that the APRA leaders in Peru have adopted practically the same + attitude.</p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_70" name="note_70" href= + "#noteref_70">70.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is necessary to remember that in + the four decades before 1925, during which Sun Yat-sen advocated + <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">nationalism</span></em>, the word had not + acquired the ugly connotations that recent events have given it. + The nationalism of Sun Yat-sen was conceived of by him as a pacific + and defensive instrument, for the perpetuation of an independent + Chinese race and civilization. See Paul M. W. Linebarger, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations with Sun Yat-sen, + 1919-1922</span></span>, Book I, ch. 5, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Defensive Nationalism,”</span> and ch. 6, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Pacific Nationalism,”</span> for a further discussion + of this phase of Sun Yat-sen's thought.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_71" name="note_71" href= + "#noteref_71">71.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">tien sha wei kung.</span></span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_72" name="note_72" href= + "#noteref_72">72.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 184. A + reference to clan organization, to be discussed later, has been + deleted.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_73" name="note_73" href= + "#noteref_73">73.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 181 + (summary of the sixth lecture on nationalism).</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_74" name="note_74" href= + "#noteref_74">74.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Richard Wilhelm's preface to + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Die + Geistigen Grundlagen des Sun Yat Senismus</span></span> of Tai + Chi-tao (The Intellectual Foundations of Sun-Yat-senism), Berlin, + 1931 (henceforth cited as <span class="tei tei-q">“Tai + Chi-tao”</span>), pp. 8-9; <span class="tei tei-q">“Die Grösse Sun + Yat Sens beruht nun darauf, dass er eine lebendige Synthese + gefunden hat zwischen den Grundprinzipien des Konfuzianismus and + den Anforderungen der neuen Zeit, eine Synthese, die über die + Grenzen Chinas hinaus für die ganze Menschheit noch einmal von + Bedeutung werden kann. Sun Yat Sen vereinigt in sich die eherne + Konsequenz des Revolutionärs und die grosse Menschenliebe des + Erneuerers. Sun Yat Sen ist der gütigste von allen Revolutionären + der Menschheit gewesen. Und diese Güte hat er dem Erbe des + Konfuzius entnommen. So steht sein geistiges Werk da als eine + verbindende Brücke swischen der alten und der neuen Zeit. Und es + wird das Heil Chinas sein, wenn es entschlossen diese Brücke + beschreitet.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_75" name="note_75" href= + "#noteref_75">75.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 65.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_76" name="note_76" href= + "#noteref_76">76.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 186.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_77" name="note_77" href= + "#noteref_77">77.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 187-8. + Sun Yat-sen's discussion of the old morality forms the first part + of his lecture on nationalism, pp. 184-194 of the d'Elia + translation.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_78" name="note_78" href= + "#noteref_78">78.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 66. The + translation employs the words.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_79" name="note_79" href= + "#noteref_79">79.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 129. In + connection with the doctrine of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span>, it may be mentioned + that this doctrine has been made the state philosophy of + <span class="tei tei-q">“Manchukuo.”</span> See the coronation + issue of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Manchuria Daily News</span></span>, Dairen, + March 1, 1934, pp. 71-80, and the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Japan-Manchoukuo Year + Book</span></span>, Tokyo, 1934, pp. 634-635. The advocacy of + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">wang tao</span></span> in a state which is a + consequence of one of the perfect illustrations of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pa tao</span></span> in the modern Far East, + is astonishing. Its use does possess significance, in demonstrating + that the shibboleths of ancient virtue are believed by the Japanese + and by <span class="tei tei-q">“Emperor Kang Teh”</span> to possess + value in contemporary politics.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_80" name="note_80" href= + "#noteref_80">80.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 528, + 529.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_81" name="note_81" href= + "#noteref_81">81.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, for discussion of the + influence that Henry George, Karl Marx, and Maurice William had + upon the social interpretation of history so far as economic + matters were concerned.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_82" name="note_82" href= + "#noteref_82">82.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-q">“The + Theory of the Confucian World Society,”</span> above.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_83" name="note_83" href= + "#noteref_83">83.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 341.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_84" name="note_84" href= + "#noteref_84">84.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 199.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_85" name="note_85" href= + "#noteref_85">85.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 194.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_86" name="note_86" href= + "#noteref_86">86.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 194. The + original quotation, in Chinese and in English, may be found in + James Legge, translator, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Four Books</span></span>, Shanghai, 1930, + p. 313.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_87" name="note_87" href= + "#noteref_87">87.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 194-195.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_88" name="note_88" href= + "#noteref_88">88.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Judge Paul Linebarger, in <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Conversations with + Sun Yat-sen</span></span> (unpublished), states that Sun said to + him: <span class="tei tei-q">“China will go down in history as the + greatest literary civilization the world has ever known, or ever + will know, but what good does this deep literary knowledge do us if + we cannot combine it with the modernity of Western science?”</span> + p. 64, Book Four.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_89" name="note_89" href= + "#noteref_89">89.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 62. The passage + reads in full: <span class="tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen umfasst + vollkommen die wahren Gedanken Chinas, wie sie bei Yau und Schun + und auch bei Kung Dsï und Mong Dsï wiederfinden. Dadurch wird uns + klar, dass Sun Yat Sen der Erneuerer der seit 2000 Jahre + ununterbrochenen chinesischen sittlichen Kultur ist. Im vergangenen + Jahr hat ein russischer Revolutionär an Sun Yat Sen die folgende + Frage gerichtet: <span class="tei tei-q">‘Welche Grundlage haben + Ihre Revolutionsgedanken?’</span> Sun Yat Sen hat darauf + geantwortet: <span class="tei tei-q">‘In China hat es ein + sittlichen Gedanken gegeben, der von Yau, Schun, Yü, Tang, Wen + Wang, Wu Wang, Dschou Gung his zu Kung Dsï getragen worden ist; + seither ist er ununterbrochen, ich habe wieder an ihn angeknüpft + und versacht, ihn weiter zu entwickeln.’</span> Der Fragende hat + dies nicht verstehen können und sich weiter erkundigt; Sun Yat Sen + hat noch mehrmals versucht, ihm seine Antwort zu erklären. Aus + dieser Unterredung können wir ersehen, dass Sun Yat Sen von seine + Gedanken überzeugt war, gleichzeitig können wir ersehen, dass seine + Nationalrevolution auf dem Widererwachen der chinesischen Kultur + beruht. Er hat die schöpferische Kraft Chinas wieder ins Leben + rufen und den Wert der chinesischen Kultur fur die ganze Welt + nutzbar machen wollen, um somit den Universalismus verwirklichen zu + können.”</span> Allowance will have to be made, as it should always + in the case of Tai Chi-tao, for the author's deep appreciation of + and consequent devotion to the virtues of Chinese culture. Other + disciples of Sun Yat-sen wrote in a quite different vein. The + present author inclines to the opinion, however, that Tai Chi-tao's + summary is a just rendition of Sun Yat-sen's attitude. Sun Yat-sen + loved and fought for the struggling masses of China, whose misery + was always before his pitying eyes; he also fought for the + accomplishments of Chinese civilization. In modern China, many + leaders have fought for the culture, and forgotten the masses (men + such as Ku Hung-ming were typical); others loved the populace and + forgot the culture. It was one of the elements of Sun Yat-sen's + greatness that he was able to remember both.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_90" name="note_90" href= + "#noteref_90">90.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 199-202.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_91" name="note_91" href= + "#noteref_91">91.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 259.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_92" name="note_92" href= + "#noteref_92">92.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This idea, of wealth as national + capacity to produce, is of course not a new one. It is found in the + writings of Alexander Hamilton, among others.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_93" name="note_93" href= + "#noteref_93">93.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 337.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_94" name="note_94" href= + "#noteref_94">94.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wei Yung, translator, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Cult of Dr. Sun, + Sun Wên Hsüeh Shê</span></span>, cited. See the discussion on + dietetics, pp. 3-9.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_95" name="note_95" href= + "#noteref_95">95.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 337.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_96" name="note_96" href= + "#noteref_96">96.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wei Yung's translation, cited, is an + English version of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Outline of Psychological + Reconstruction</span></span> of Sun Yat-sen. This work is devoted + to a refutation of the thesis, first propounded by Wang Yang-ming + (ca. 1472-1528), that knowledge is easy and action difficult. In a + society where the ideology had been stabilized for almost two + millenia, this was undoubtedly quite true. In modern China, + however, faced with the terrific problem of again settling the + problem of an adequate ideology, the reverse was true: knowledge + was difficult, and action easy. This was one of the favorite + aphorisms of Sun Yat-sen, and he devoted much time, effort, and + thought to making it plain to his countrymen. The comparative + points of view of Wang Yang-ming and Sun Yat-sen afford a quite + clear-cut example of the contrast between an established and + unsettled ideology.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_97" name="note_97" href= + "#noteref_97">97.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 336-345. This discussion occurs in the fifth lecture on democracy, + incidental to Sun Yat-sen's explaining the failure of the + parliamentary Republic in Peking, and the general inapplicability + of Western ideas of democracy to China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_98" name="note_98" href= + "#noteref_98">98.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 344.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_99" name="note_99" href= + "#noteref_99">99.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 344.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_100" name="note_100" + href="#noteref_100">100.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It might again be pointed out that Sun + Yat-sen differed with Marxism which, while it, of course, does not + hold that all knowledge is already found, certainly keeps its own + first premises beyond all dispute, and its own interpretations + sacrosanct. The dialectics of Marx and Hegel would certainly appear + peculiar in the Chinese environment. Without going out of his way + to point out the difference between Sun's Nationalism and + Marxism-Leninism, the author cannot refrain—in view of the quite + popular misconception that Sun Yat-sen was at one time almost a + Marxist convert—from pointing out the extreme difference between + the premises, the methods, and the conclusions of the two + philosophies.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_101" name="note_101" + href="#noteref_101">101.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 344.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_102" name="note_102" + href="#noteref_102">102.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, contains + two chapters relevant to the consideration of this problem. Ch. + III, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Doctrine of Rectification”</span> + (pp. 43-61), and Ch. XI, <span class="tei tei-q">“Social + Evolution”</span> (pp. 219-232), discuss rectification and + ideological development within the Confucian ideology.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_103" name="note_103" + href="#noteref_103">103.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">As an illustration of Dr. Sun's + continued activity as a medical man, the author begs the reader's + tolerance of a short anecdote. In 1920 or 1921, when both Judge + Linebarger and Sun Yat-sen were in Shanghai, and were working + together on the book that was to appear as <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the + Chinese Republic</span></span>, the younger son of Judge + Linebarger—the brother of the present author—fell ill with a rather + obscure stomach disorder. The Western physicians having made little + or no progress in the case, Sun Yat-sen intervened with an old + Chinese herbal prescription, which he, a Western-trained physician, + was willing to endorse. The remedy was relatively efficacious—more + so than the suggestions of the European doctors. Even though Sun + Yat-sen very early abandoned his career of professional medical man + for that of revolutionist, he appears to have practised medicine + intermittently throughout his life.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_104" name="note_104" + href="#noteref_104">104.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen wrote, in Wei Yung + translation, cited, p. 115: <span class="tei tei-q">“In our age of + scientific progress the undertaker [sic!], seeks to know first + before undertaking. This is due to the desire to forestall blunders + and accidents so as to ensure efficiency and economy of labor. He + who is able to develop ideas from knowledge, plans from ideas, and + action from plans can be crowned with success in any undertaking + irrespective of its profoundness or the magnitude of labor + involved.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_105" name="note_105" + href="#noteref_105">105.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai, cited, p. 66: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Wir sind Chinesen, und was wir zunächst zu ändern + haben liegt in China. Aber wenn alle Dinge in China wertlos + gewerden sind, wenn die chinesische Kultur in der Kulturgeschichte + der Welt keine Bedeutung mehr hat, und wenn das chinesische Volk + die Kraft, seine Kultur hochzuhalten, verloren hat, dann können wir + gleich mit gebundenen Händen den Tod abwarten; zu welchem Zweck + brauchen wir dann noch Revolution zu treiben!”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_106" name="note_106" + href="#noteref_106">106.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An interesting discussion of this + attitude is to be found in Li Chi, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Formation of the + Chinese People</span></span>, Cambridge (Massachusetts), 1928.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_107" name="note_107" + href="#noteref_107">107.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tsui Shu-chin, cited, pp. 96-146. + The work of Tsui is good for the field covered; his discussion of + the contrasting policy of the Communists and of Sun Yat-sen with + respect to nationalities may be regarded as reliable.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_108" name="note_108" + href="#noteref_108">108.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 67 and + following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_109" name="note_109" + href="#noteref_109">109.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href= + "#Section_Nation_and_State" class="tei tei-ref"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Nation and State in Chinese + Antiquity.”</span></a></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_110" name="note_110" + href="#noteref_110">110.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The present state of Western knowledge + of the sociology of China is not sufficient to warrant reference to + any authorities for the description of egalitarianism and mobility. + These matters are still on that level of unspecialized knowledge + where every visitor to China may observe for himself. The + bibliography on the social life of the Chinese on pp. 240-242 of + Kenneth Scott Latourette, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The Chinese: Their History and + Culture</span></span>, New York, 1934, contains some of the leading + titles that touch on the subject. Prof. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown of + the University of Chicago informed the present author that he + contemplates the planning of an extensive program of + socio-anthropological field work in Chinese villages which will + assist considerably in the understanding of the sociology of old + China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_111" name="note_111" + href="#noteref_111">111.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Confucianism</span></span>, cited, p. 49, + states the function of the Confucian leaders quite succinctly: + <span class="tei tei-q">“... the Confucian school advocates + political and social reorganization by changing the social mind + through political action.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_112" name="note_112" + href="#noteref_112">112.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 104.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_113" name="note_113" + href="#noteref_113">113.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, pp. 195-196.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_114" name="note_114" + href="#noteref_114">114.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Mariano Ponce, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat + Sen, El fundador de la Republica de China</span></span>, Manila, + 1912, p. 23.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Y tampoco era posible sustituirla por otra dinastía + nacional. Sólo existen al presente dos familias en China, de + donde podían salir los soberanos: uno es la descendencia de la + dinastía Ming, de que usurparon los mandchüs el trone, hace más + de dos siglos y medio, y la otra es la del filósofo Confucio, + cuyo descendiente lineal reconocido es el actual duque Kung. Ni + en una, ni en otra existen vástagos acondicionados para regir un + Estado conforme á los requerimientos de los tiempos actuales. + Hubo de descartarse, pues, de la plataforma de la <span class= + "tei tei-q">‘Joven China’</span> el pensamiento de instalar en el + trono á una dinastía nacional. Y sin dinastía holgaba el + trono.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“No sabemos si aún habiendo en las dos familias + mencionados miembros con condiciones suficientes para ser el Jefe + supremo de un Estado moderno, hubiese prosperado el programa + monarquico.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Lo que sí pueda decir es que desde los primeros + momentos evolucionayon las ideas de Sun Yat Sen hacia el + republicanismo....”</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ponce then + goes on to point out Sun Yat-sen's having said that the + decentralized system of old government and the comparative + autonomy of the vice-regencies presented a background of + <span class="tei tei-q">“a sort of aristocratic republic”</span> + (<span class="tei tei-q">“une especie de república + aristocrática”</span>).</p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_115" name="note_115" + href="#noteref_115">115.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ponce, cited, p. 24. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“... la única garantía posible, el único medio por + excelencia para obtener los mejores gobernantes....”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_116" name="note_116" + href="#noteref_116">116.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 234.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_117" name="note_117" + href="#noteref_117">117.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 235.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_118" name="note_118" + href="#noteref_118">118.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 255.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_119" name="note_119" + href="#noteref_119">119.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 266, + note 1. Father d'Elia discusses the reasons which made it seem more + probable that Sun was transliterating the name Millar into Chinese + rather than (John Stuart) Mill.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_120" name="note_120" + href="#noteref_120">120.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 256 and + following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_121" name="note_121" + href="#noteref_121">121.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 271.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_122" name="note_122" + href="#noteref_122">122.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 273.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_123" name="note_123" + href="#noteref_123">123.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 242-243.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_124" name="note_124" + href="#noteref_124">124.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 223 and + following. Dr. Hsü (cited, p. 263 and following) translates these + four epochs as following: <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hung + fang</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of the great + wilderness”</span>; <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">shen + ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the state of + theocracy”</span>; <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">chun + ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of + monarchy”</span>; and <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + ch'üan</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“the stage of + democracy.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_125" name="note_125" + href="#noteref_125">125.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 241-242.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_126" name="note_126" + href="#noteref_126">126.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book II, + ch. 2.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_127" name="note_127" + href="#noteref_127">127.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is of interest to note that the + <span class="tei tei-q">“New Life Movement”</span> inaugurated by + Chiang Chieh-shih is concerned with many such petty matters such as + those enumerated above. Each of these small problems is in itself + of little consequence; in the aggregate they loom large.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_128" name="note_128" + href="#noteref_128">128.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 331.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_129" name="note_129" + href="#noteref_129">129.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 352. It is + interesting to note that the translation by Father d'Elia gives a + more literal translation of the names that Sun Yat-sen applied to + these categories. He translates the Chinese terms as <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">pre-seeing</span></em>, <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">post-seeing</span></em>, and <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">non-seeing</span></em>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_130" name="note_130" + href="#noteref_130">130.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 352.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_131" name="note_131" + href="#noteref_131">131.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 348.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_132" name="note_132" + href="#noteref_132">132.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 352. Sun + Yat-sen defined democracy thus: <span class="tei tei-q">“... under + a republican government, the people is sovereign.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_133" name="note_133" + href="#noteref_133">133.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tai Chi-tao, cited, p. 25, refers to + this distinction as being between force (<span lang="de" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Gewalt</span></span>) and power (<span lang= + "de" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Macht</span></span>). To the people belonged, + and rightfully, the force which could sanction or refuse to + sanction the existence of the government and the confirmation of + its policies. The government had the power (<span lang="de" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="de"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Macht</span></span>), which the people did not + have, of formulating intelligent policies and carrying them out in + an organized manner.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_134" name="note_134" + href="#noteref_134">134.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liang Chi-ch'ao, cited, pp. + 50-52.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_135" name="note_135" + href="#noteref_135">135.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 279 and + following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_136" name="note_136" + href="#noteref_136">136.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 368.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_137" name="note_137" + href="#noteref_137">137.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. 368-9. + Dr. Wou Saofong, in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span> (Paris, 1929), + summarizes his thesis of Sun Yat-sen in somewhat different terms: + <span class="tei tei-q">“... Sun Yat-sen compare, le gouvernement à + un appareil mécanique, dont le moteur est constitué <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">par les + lois</span></em> ou les ministres, tandis que l'ingénieur que + dirige la machine était autrefois le roi et aujourd'hui le + peuple,”</span> p. 124. (Italics mine.) This suggestion that the + state-machine, in the theory of Sun Yat-sen, is composed of laws as + well as men is quite interesting; Sun Yat-sen himself does not seem + to have used this figure of speech and it may be Dr. Wou's applying + the juristic interpretation on his own initiative. Sun Yat-sen, in + his sixth lecture on democracy, says, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Statesmen and lawyers of Europe and America say that + government is a machine of which law is a tool.”</span> (d'Elia + translation, cited, p. 368.)</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_138" name="note_138" + href="#noteref_138">138.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It must always remain one of those + conjectures upon which scholars may expend their fantasy what Sun + Yat-sen would have thought of the necessity of the juristic state, + which involved a quite radical change throughout the Chinese social + organism, had he lived to see the ebb of juristic polity and, for + all that, of voting democracy. It is not unlikely that his early + impressions of the United States and his reading of Montesquieu + would have led him to retain his belief in a juristic-democratic + state in spite of the fact that such a state would no longer + represent the acme of ultra-modernism.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_139" name="note_139" + href="#noteref_139">139.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 378 and + following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_140" name="note_140" + href="#noteref_140">140.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 369.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_141" name="note_141" + href="#noteref_141">141.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Reginald Johnston, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Twilight in the + Forbidden City</span></span>, cited above, presents an apparently + true account of the conspiracies of the various Northern generals + which centered around the person of P'u Yi. According to Johnston + Tsao Kun was defeated in his attempt to restore the Manchu Emperor + only by the jealousies of his fellow-militarists.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_142" name="note_142" + href="#noteref_142">142.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 406.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_143" name="note_143" + href="#noteref_143">143.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Father d'Elia devotes the whole second + chapter of his introduction to the consideration of a suitable + rendition of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span>, which he calls + the Triple Demism. (Work cited, pp. 36-49.) Again on p. 402, he + explains that, while he had translated <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">socialism</span></em> in the first French + edition of his work, he now renders it as <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the economic + Demism</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">sociology</span></em>. The most current + translation, that of Frank Price, cited, gives <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the principle of + livelihood</span></em>. Paul Linebarger gave it as <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">socialism</span></em> as far back as 1917 + (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Chinese Nationalist Monthly</span></span>, December, 1917, Chicago) + in Chicago, at the time when Lin Shen, Frank C. Lee and he were all + working for Sun in that city. Dr. H. H. Kung, a high government + official related by marriage to Mme. Sun Yat-sen, speaks of the + three principles of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">liberty</span></em>, <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">democracy</span></em>, and <em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">economic + well-being</span></em> (preface to Hsü, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun</span></span>, + cited, p. xvi). Dr. V. K. Wellington Koo, one of China's most + eminent diplomats, speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">social organization</span></em> (<span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Memoranda Presented + to the Lytton Commission</span></span>, New York City, n. d.). + Citations could be presented almost indefinitely. <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Min</span></span> means <span class= + "tei tei-q">“people,”</span> and <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">shêng</span></span> means <span class= + "tei tei-q">“life; vitality, the living, birth, means of + living”</span> according to the dictionary (S. Wells Williams, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">A + Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language</span></span>, + Tungchou, 1909). The mere terms are of very little help in solving + the riddle of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. + Laborious examination is needed, and even this will not, perhaps, + lead us to anything more than probability. Sun Yat-sen, in his + lectures, called it by several different names, which seem at first + sight to contradict each other.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_144" name="note_144" + href="#noteref_144">144.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 91-92.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_145" name="note_145" + href="#noteref_145">145.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Bk. IV, p. + 62: <span class="tei tei-q">“I must confess that the idea of using + the sacred cult of ancestor worship as a political machine is very + abhorrent to me. In fact, I think that even the rashest fool would + never attempt to use this intimate cult with its exclusively + domestic privacy as a revolutionary instrument.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_146" name="note_146" + href="#noteref_146">146.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen and the + Chinese Republic</span></span>, New York, 1925, pp. 68-9.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_147" name="note_147" + href="#noteref_147">147.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 135-139.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_148" name="note_148" + href="#noteref_148">148.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 104-105.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_149" name="note_149" + href="#noteref_149">149.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 122-123.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_150" name="note_150" + href="#noteref_150">150.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 472.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_151" name="note_151" + href="#noteref_151">151.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Karl A. Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Wirtschaft und + Gesellschaft Chinas</span></span>, Leipzig, 1931. The author, the + German Marxian who wrote the best Marxist critique of Sun Yat-sen, + is the only scholar to seek a really complete picture of the old + Chinese economy by the technique of modern Western economic + analysis. Described by the author as an <span class= + "tei tei-q">“attempt,”</span> the first volume of this work runs to + 737 pages. It is valuable for the large amount of statistical + material which it contains, and for its systematic method; its + Marxian bias narrows its interest considerably.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_152" name="note_152" + href="#noteref_152">152.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Both works of Wittfogel, cited above, + are useful for the understanding of the transition from the old + economy to the new. For a general view of the economic situation + and potentialities of China, see George B. Cressey, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">China's Geographic + Foundations</span></span>, New York, 1934. The bibliography on + Chinese economy to be found in Latourette, cited above, vol. II, + pp. 116-119, is useful.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_153" name="note_153" + href="#noteref_153">153.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 97.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_154" name="note_154" + href="#noteref_154">154.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, section on the national + economic revolution.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_155" name="note_155" + href="#noteref_155">155.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, pp. 186-187. + The d'Elia translation gives a more exact rendering of Sun + Yat-sen's words (p. 97), but, by following Sun Yat-sen in calling + China a hypo-colony, is less immediately plain to the Western + reader than is the translation of Dr. Hsü, who in this instance + uses <span class="tei tei-q">“sub”</span> and <span class= + "tei tei-q">“hypo”</span> interchangeably.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_156" name="note_156" + href="#noteref_156">156.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 443.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_157" name="note_157" + href="#noteref_157">157.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 452.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_158" name="note_158" + href="#noteref_158">158.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">His <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">International + Development of China</span></span>, New York, 1922 (republished + 1929), is a colossal plan which could only be compared with the + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Piatiletka</span></span> or with the New Deal + in the United States, since Sun Yat-sen suggested that—in order to + avoid the consequences of a post-war depression—the nations of the + world might cooperate in the equal exploitation of Chinese national + resources with the Chinese. He proposed the modernization of China + by a vast international loan which could permit the Western nations + to maintain their war-time peak production, supplying China (1929 + ed., p. 8). He concludes the work: <span class="tei tei-q">“In a + nutshell, it is my idea to make capitalism create socialism in + China so that these two economic forces of human civilization will + work side by side in future civilization”</span> (p. 237). The work + is, however, generally regarded as a transportation plan, since Sun + Yat-sen sketched out a railway map of China which would require + decades to realize, and which overshadowed, by its very magnitude, + the other aspects of his proposals.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_159" name="note_159" + href="#noteref_159">159.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">At the risk of digression, one might + comment on an interesting element of the Euramerican ideology which + is in sharp contrast to the Chinese. The West has, apparently, + always been devoted to dichotomies of morality. The Greeks had + reason and unenlightenment, and whole series of ideals that could + be fought for and against, but the real division of good and bad in + the West came, of course, with Christianity, which accustomed + Westerners to think for centuries in terms of holiness versus + evil—they being, geographically, holy, and the outsiders (heathen), + evil. Now that the supernatural foundations of Christianity have + been shaken by the progress of scientific and intellectual + uncertainty, many Westerners find an emotional and an intellectual + satisfaction in dividing the world into pure and unclean along + lines of sometimes rather abstruse economic questions. This new + morality seems to be based on distributive economics rather than on + deity. It is employed, of course, by the Marxians, but their + adversaries, in opposing them with equal passion, fall into the + same habit. It is shocking and unbelievable to such persons to + discover that there is a society whose ideology does not center + around the all-meaningful point of the ownership of the means of + production. Their only reaction is a negation of the possibility of + such thought, or, at least, of its realism. The intellectual + position of Sun Yat-sen in the modern world would be more clearly + appreciated if the intellectuals of the West were not adjusting + their ideological and emotional habits from religion to economics, + and meanwhile judging all men and events in economic terms. The + present discussion of Sun Yat-sen's economic ideology is a quite + subordinate one in comparison to the examination of his ideology as + a whole, but some persons will regard it as the only really + important point that could be raised concerning him.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_160" name="note_160" + href="#noteref_160">160.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 345, quotes Nathaniel + Peffer: <span class="tei tei-q">“... Peffer said that Dr. Sun never + <span class="tei tei-q">‘attained intellectual maturity, and he was + completely devoid of the faculty of reason. He functioned mentally + in sporadic hunches. It was typical of him that he met Joffe, read + the Communist Manifesto, and turned Communist, and then read one + book by an American of whom he knew nothing, and rejected communism + all in a few months.’</span> ”</span> Sun Yat-sen knew Marxism, + years before the Russian Revolution. The Communist Manifesto was + not new to him. He was extraordinarily well read in Western + political and economic thought. Sun Yat-sen never turned Communist, + nor did he subsequently reject communism any more than he had done + for years.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_161" name="note_161" + href="#noteref_161">161.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author hopes, at some future time, + to be able to fill in the intellectual background of Sun Yat-sen + much more thoroughly than he is able to at the present, for lack of + materials. One interesting method would involve the listing of + every Western book with which Sun Yat-sen can be shown to have been + acquainted. It might be a fairly accurate gauge of the breadth of + his information.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_162" name="note_162" + href="#noteref_162">162.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 461-468. Father d'Elia's note on the relative positions of Henry + George and Sun (p. 466) is interesting. For a discussion of the + actual program proposed by Sun, see below, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Program of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">Min + Shêng</span></span>”</span> section on land policy.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_163" name="note_163" + href="#noteref_163">163.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lyon Sharman, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 58.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_164" name="note_164" + href="#noteref_164">164.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, pp. 98-99. There is an + inconsistency of wording here, which may or may not be the fault of + the translator. The oath refers to the <span class= + "tei tei-q">“equitable redistribution of the land”</span> (p. 98); + the platform speaks of <span class="tei tei-q">“the nationalization + of land”</span> (p. 98); and one of the slogans is <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Equalize land-ownership!”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_165" name="note_165" + href="#noteref_165">165.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See also the discussion in Tsui, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Canton-Moscow Entente</span></span>, cited, + pp. 371-376; and in Li Ti-tsun, <span class="tei tei-q">“The + Sunyatsenian principle of Livelihood,”</span> <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese Students' + Monthly</span></span>, XXIV (March 1929), pp. 230. Li declares that + Sun envisioned immediate redistribution but ultimate socialization, + but does not cite his source for this. Li's discussion of sources + is good otherwise.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_166" name="note_166" + href="#noteref_166">166.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, p. 58; the same authority for + the statement as to the 1905 manifesto.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_167" name="note_167" + href="#noteref_167">167.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, p. 94.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_168" name="note_168" + href="#noteref_168">168.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 61.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_169" name="note_169" + href="#noteref_169">169.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 66: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Dieses sehr unpräzise Programm, das die Frage der + Klasseninteressen und des Klassenkampfes als des Mittels zur + Brechung privilegierter Klasseninteressen nicht aufwirft, war + objektiv gar nicht Sozialismus, sondern etwas durchaus anderes: + Lenin hat die Formel <span class="tei tei-q">‘<em class= + "tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Subjektiver + Sozialismus</span></em>’</span> dafür geprägt.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_170" name="note_170" + href="#noteref_170">170.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 67: <span class="tei tei-q">“So + bedeutete denn Suns <span class="tei tei-q">‘Sozialismus’</span> im + Munde der Chinesischen Bourgeoisie nichts als ein Art Bekenntness + zu einer <span class="tei tei-q">‘sozialen,’</span> d.h. + massenfreundlichen Wirtschaftspolitik.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_171" name="note_171" + href="#noteref_171">171.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 46.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_172" name="note_172" + href="#noteref_172">172.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 172.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_173" name="note_173" + href="#noteref_173">173.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, p. 172.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_174" name="note_174" + href="#noteref_174">174.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, pp. 171-172.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_175" name="note_175" + href="#noteref_175">175.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, cited, pp. 117-118.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_176" name="note_176" + href="#noteref_176">176.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Wittfogel, + cited, p. 140: <span class="tei tei-q">“... Seine Drei Prinzipien + verkörpern in ihrer <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Entwicklung</span></span> den objektiven + Wandel der ökonomisch-sozialen Situation Chinas, in ihren + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Widersprüchen</span></span> die realen + Widersprüche der chinesischen Revolution, in ihren <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">jüngsten + Tendenzen</span></span> die Verlagerung des sozialen + Schwerpunktes der Revolution, die Klassen in Aktion setzt, deren + Ziel nicht mehr ein bürgerlich-kapitalistisches, sondern ein + proletarisch-sozialistisches und ein + bauerlich-agrar-revolutionäres ist.</span></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“Sun Yat-sen ist demnach nicht nur der bisher + mächtigste Repräsentant der bürgerlich-nationalen, + antiimperialistischen Revolutionen des erwach-enden Asiens + überhaupt, er weist zugleich über die bürgerliche + Klassen-schranke dieser ersten Etappe der asiatischen + Befreiungsbewegung hinaus. Dies zu verkennen, wäre + verhängnisvoll, gerade auch für die proletarisch-kommunistische + Bewegung Ostasiens selbst.”</span></p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_177" name="note_177" + href="#noteref_177">177.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Statement of Judge Linebarger to the + author. See also Linebarger, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, references to + Communism which occur throughout the whole book.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_178" name="note_178" + href="#noteref_178">178.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 144. It would involve + a duplication of effort for the present author to repeat the + material of Dr. Tsui's excellent monograph on Sun Yat-sen and the + Bolsheviks. Since the purpose of the present work is to undertake + an exposition of the Nationalist political ideology and programs + against the background of the old Chinese ideology, such an + emphasis upon one comparatively small point in Sun Yat-sen's + doctrines would be entirely disproportionate as well as + superfluous. The reader is referred to the work of Dr. Tsui for any + details of these relations that he may wish to examine.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_179" name="note_179" + href="#noteref_179">179.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tsui, cited, and section below, on + the class struggle of the nations.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_180" name="note_180" + href="#noteref_180">180.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 450. See + also Tsui, cited, pp. 353-354; and Li, cited, pp. 229 and + following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_181" name="note_181" + href="#noteref_181">181.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Development of + China</span></span>, cited, p. 237.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_182" name="note_182" + href="#noteref_182">182.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maurice William, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus + Communism</span></span>, Baltimore, 1932, p. 4.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_183" name="note_183" + href="#noteref_183">183.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">William, in his <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen Versus + Communism</span></span>, cited, proves beyond doubt that Sun + Yat-sen was strongly indebted to him for many anti-Marxian + arguments.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_184" name="note_184" + href="#noteref_184">184.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, Chapter One, second, third, + and fourth sections.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_185" name="note_185" + href="#noteref_185">185.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 423.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_186" name="note_186" + href="#noteref_186">186.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 121-123, n. 72.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_187" name="note_187" + href="#noteref_187">187.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 472.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_188" name="note_188" + href="#noteref_188">188.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 422. The + Hsü version will be cited from time to time, whenever Father + d'Elia's interesting neologisms might make the citation too + disharmonious, in wording, with the comment.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_189" name="note_189" + href="#noteref_189">189.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 294.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_190" name="note_190" + href="#noteref_190">190.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Francis W. Coker, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Recent Political + Thought</span></span>, New York—London, 1934, pp. 545-562, Ch. XX, + <span class="tei tei-q">“Empirical Collectivism.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_191" name="note_191" + href="#noteref_191">191.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, pp. 546-547.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_192" name="note_192" + href="#noteref_192">192.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, pp. 548-549. Throughout + the discussion of empirical collectivism the present author will + cite, by and large, the categories given by Coker. Any special + exceptions will be noted, but otherwise the discussion will be + based on Coker's chapter on <span class="tei tei-q">“Empirical + Collectivism,”</span> cited above.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_193" name="note_193" + href="#noteref_193">193.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III, + p. 31.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_194" name="note_194" + href="#noteref_194">194.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III, + p. 30.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_195" name="note_195" + href="#noteref_195">195.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 475.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_196" name="note_196" + href="#noteref_196">196.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, however, the d'Elia translation, + cited, pp. 298-301, for a reference to labor unions and a statement + for their need of competent and honest leadership.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_197" name="note_197" + href="#noteref_197">197.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, <span class="tei tei-q">“Die + Arbeiter,”</span> pp. 97-99. T'ang, Hsü, and the various + biographies of Sun almost all contain references from time to time + to Sun's friendliness toward and approval of organized labor.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_198" name="note_198" + href="#noteref_198">198.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, pp. 325-329. The next speech of Sun + Yat-sen given in Wittfogel's work is Sun's indignant attack on + <span class="tei tei-q">“the so-called Labor Government”</span> of + England, which permitted the old methods of British Far Eastern + imperialism to continue.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_199" name="note_199" + href="#noteref_199">199.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III, + p. 18. This work, while it cannot be given the weight of direct + quotations from Sun's own writings or speeches, does contain a good + deal about the policies of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> which does not appear elsewhere. The author has + sought to avoid citation of it where direct sources are available, + since the nature of the material makes it by no means so + authoritative as others might be.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_200" name="note_200" + href="#noteref_200">200.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Coker, cited, p. 551.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_201" name="note_201" + href="#noteref_201">201.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">E. D. Harvey, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Mind of + China</span></span>, New Haven, 1933, deals extensively with these + supernatural elements. The reader who turns to it should keep in + mind the fact that the supernatural plays a rôle in China + distinctly less important than that which it did, say, in medieval + Europe, and that a strong agnostic, rather than a skeptical, spirit + among the Chinese has preserved them from the grossest errors of + superstition.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_202" name="note_202" + href="#noteref_202">202.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Latourette, cited, p. 129. Dr. + Latourette's sketch of Chinese religious thought is especially + good, as indeed it might be, since he is one of the most celebrated + American scholars in the field of Western religion in China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_203" name="note_203" + href="#noteref_203">203.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">H. G. Creel, work cited, p. 127.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_204" name="note_204" + href="#noteref_204">204.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author cannot give a documentary + citation for this observation. It was communicated to him many + times by his father, Judge Paul Linebarger, who stated that Sun + Yat-sen was most apt to talk in terms of morality and morale by + preference. The fact that Sun Yat-sen came from a Chinese Confucian + background into a Western Christian one cannot be ignored. He did + not permit his Christianity to sway him from what he considered his + necessary lines of behavior in politics; it did not, for example, + prevent him from being extremely cordial to the Soviet Union at the + time that that state was still more or less outcaste. And yet, + speaking of the Christian God, he is reputably reported to have + said: <span class="tei tei-q">“God sent me to China to free her + from bondage and oppression, and I have not been disobedient to the + Heavenly mission”</span>; and, again, to have said on the day + before his death: <span class="tei tei-q">“I am a Christian; God + sent me to fight evil for my people. Jesus was a revolutionist; so + am I.”</span> (Both quotations from appendix to the d'Elia + translation, p. 718.)</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_205" name="note_205" + href="#noteref_205">205.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen authorized the biography, + cited, which Judge Linebarger wrote of him. It was a propaganda + work, and neither he nor the author had any particular expectation + that it would ever be regarded as a source, or as an academically + prepared document. The last chapter of this authorized biography + bears the title, <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusion: Sun the Moral + Force.”</span> This, perhaps, is significant as to Sun's own + attitude.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_206" name="note_206" + href="#noteref_206">206.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Note the contrast between the thought + of Sun in this respect and that of Tagore or Gandhi. This has been + pointed out by many Western writers on China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_207" name="note_207" + href="#noteref_207">207.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, Book III, + p. 20.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_208" name="note_208" + href="#noteref_208">208.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sharman, cited, p. 282.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_209" name="note_209" + href="#noteref_209">209.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The reader must bear in mind the fact + that what is presented here is Sun Yat-sen's political program for + China. In many instances the course of affairs has deviated quite + definitely from that program, and it can be only a matter of + conjecture as to what Sun Yat-sen would do were he to return and + observe the Nationalist movement as it now is. It is manifestly + impossible to trace all the changes in this program. The actual + developments have conformed only in part with Sun Yat-sen's plans, + although the leaders seek to have it appear as though they are + following as close to Sun Yat-sen's democratic politics as they + can. Many persons who were close to Sun Yat-sen, such as Mme. Sun + Yat-sen, believe that the National Government has betrayed the + theory of Sun Yat-sen, and that Generalissimo Chiang Chieh-shih has + made himself the autocrat of the National Government. It is, of + course, impossible within the scope of this thesis to enter into + this dispute. Who rules the Soviet—Stalin, or the Communist Party? + Who rules China—Chiang Chieh-shih, or the Kuomintang? In each case + there is the question of whether the leader could get along without + the party, and whether the party could get along without the + leader, as well as the question of the leader's sincerity. These + issues, however burning they might be in real life, could not be + adequately treated in a work such as this. The author has sought to + present Sun Yat-sen's theory of applied politics. Where events + which Sun Yat-sen foresaw have come to pass, the author has + referred to them. He does not wish to be understood as presenting a + description of the whole course of events in China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_210" name="note_210" + href="#noteref_210">210.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Here, again, one must remember that + Mme. Sun Yat-sen, Eugene Chen, and others charge that the Party no + longer rules, that it has been prostituted by Chiang Chieh-shih, + and now serves only to cloak a military despotism. It may be noted, + so far as the other side of the question is concerned, that a + greater number of the persons who were eminent in the Party before + Sun Yat-sen died have remained in it than have left it.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_211" name="note_211" + href="#noteref_211">211.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See T'ang, work cited for an excellent + description of the mutations of the revolutionary party. T'ang + criticizes the present personnel of the Kuomintang severely, but + the reader must keep in mind the fact that he has since become + reconciled with the present leadership, and make allowances for the + somewhat emphatic indignation voiced at the time of writing the + book. The brilliance of the author guarantees that the story is + well told, but it is not told for the last time. See also, + Min-ch'ien T. Z. Tyau, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Two Years of Nationalist China</span></span>, + Shanghai, 1930, for a summary that is as excellent as it is short. + Various changes have occurred in party function, organization, and + personnel since that time, but they have not—to the knowledge of + the author—been completely and adequately covered by any one + work.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_212" name="note_212" + href="#noteref_212">212.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">For a history of this period, see + T'ang, Sharman, or Tsui Shu-chin, all cited above. The Communist + side of the story is told by Harold Isaacs (editor), <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Five Years of + Kuomintang Reaction</span></span>, Shanghai, 1932, and in the + various works of the Stalinist and Trotskyist groups concerning the + intervention of the Third Internationale in China. Two graphic + personal accounts cast in semi-fictional form, are Oscar Erdberg, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tales of + Modern China</span></span>, Moscow, 1932, and Vincent Sheean, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Personal + History</span></span>, New York, 1935; these present the Communist + and the left-liberal viewpoints, respectively. The dramatic story + of the Entente, the separation, and the ensuing conflict are not + yet remote enough to have cooled into material ready for the + historian.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_213" name="note_213" + href="#noteref_213">213.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Kuomintang, in accepting the + Communist administrative structure, was not violating traditional + Chinese patterns altogether. It has been pointed out that the + revised structure of the Kuomintang resembled older Chinese guild + patterns as well as the new Russian style (Sharman, work cited, p. + 262).</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_214" name="note_214" + href="#noteref_214">214.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Here, again, one might refer to the + disputes as to the orthodoxy and integrity of the present + leadership. The preëminence of Generalissimo Chiang Chieh-shih, + which cannot be doubted, is seen by persons friendly to him as a + strong and beneficent influence upon the C. E. C. Persons hostile + to him charge that he has packed the C. E. C. with his adherents, + and controls it as he chooses.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_215" name="note_215" + href="#noteref_215">215.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">An interesting piece of research could + deal with the method of recruitment and registration in the + Kuomintang before the coming of the Communist advisers. There was + rarely any doubt as to who was, or was not, a member, but there was + constant trouble as to the good standing of members. Recruitment + seems to have been on a basis of oath-taking, initiation, etc.; + what Party discipline there was seems to have been applied only in + the most extreme cases, and then crudely.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_216" name="note_216" + href="#noteref_216">216.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is interesting to note that the + Kuomintang is to a certain degree democratic in representing the + various occupational groups in China. Tyau, cited above, p. 25 and + following, lists the percentages in the membership in the + Kuomintang according to occupation, as they stood in 1930: Party + work, 5.84%; government service, 6.61%; army and navy, 3.26%; + police, 4.09%; labor (in general), 7.32%; agriculture, 10.43%; + navigation, 1.20%; railway, 1.14%; commerce, 10.47%; students, + 10.47%; teaching, 21.31%; independent professions, 1.66%; social + work, 1.68%; unemployed, O.54%; unclassified, 3.13%; incomplete + returns, 15.09%.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_217" name="note_217" + href="#noteref_217">217.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, pp. <a href="#Pg059" class= + "tei tei-ref">59</a> and following.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_218" name="note_218" + href="#noteref_218">218.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sun Yat-sen, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Kidnapped in + London</span></span>, cited, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">passim</span></span>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_219" name="note_219" + href="#noteref_219">219.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 122-123.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_220" name="note_220" + href="#noteref_220">220.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The present instances are all taken + from the third lecture on nationalism, d'Elia translation, cited + pp. 127-128. The Hsü translation, in spite of its many merits, is + not strong on geography. Thus, in the translation referring to + Poland which has just been cited, the Hsü reading runs: + <span class="tei tei-q">“Although Persia was partitioned by + foreigners over a century ago, Persian nationalism was not lost; + consequently the Persians have been able to restore their country + to independence; and now Persia has the status of a second or third + class power in Europe”</span> (p. 208), this in spite of the fact + that Persia is translated correctly further on (p. 327). Another + misreading is: <span class="tei tei-q">“After the war, two new + Slavic states were born, namely Czechoslovakia and + Jugoslovakia”</span> (p. 217). These minor errors are, however, + among the very few which can be discovered in the whole book, and + do not mar the text to any appreciable extent.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_221" name="note_221" + href="#noteref_221">221.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 132.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_222" name="note_222" + href="#noteref_222">222.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 63.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_223" name="note_223" + href="#noteref_223">223.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">T'ang, cited, pp. 168 and following, + gives the various documents of the First National Congress of the + Kuomintang, which place the application of nationalism first in + their programs. <span class="tei tei-q">“The Manifesto On Going to + Peking,”</span> issued by Sun November 10, 1924, refers to various + points to be achieved; the first is, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“National freedom from external restriction will enable + China to develop her national economy and to increase her + productivity.”</span> (Hsü translation, p. 148.) This might imply + that the execution of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> was to be coincidental with or anterior to the + fulfillment of nationalism; it probably does not.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_224" name="note_224" + href="#noteref_224">224.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 187.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_225" name="note_225" + href="#noteref_225">225.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Discussions of this are to be found in + Sir Reginald Johnston's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Twilight in the Forbidden City</span></span>, + cited.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_226" name="note_226" + href="#noteref_226">226.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 244.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_227" name="note_227" + href="#noteref_227">227.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 245-247.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_228" name="note_228" + href="#noteref_228">228.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 187. + Numerals have been written out by the present author.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_229" name="note_229" + href="#noteref_229">229.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 365. + Italics are omitted.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_230" name="note_230" + href="#noteref_230">230.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is not due to any mystical + veneration of numbers, or religious influence. In spreading + doctrines which would have to be followed by the unlettered as well + as by the scholars, Sun Yat-sen found it necessary to develop the + general outline of his principles in such a way as to give them a + considerable mnemonic appeal. Thus, the three principles—and the + three French (liberty, equality, fraternity) and American (of, by, + for the people) principles—and the triple foreign aggression, the + four popular powers, the five governmental rights. The use of the + number three permitted Sun Yat-sen to weave together the various + strands of his teaching, and to attain a considerable degree of + cross-reference. It cannot be shown to have induced any actual + distortion of his theories.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_231" name="note_231" + href="#noteref_231">231.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 213. See + also d'Elia translation, p. 134.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_232" name="note_232" + href="#noteref_232">232.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 114.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_233" name="note_233" + href="#noteref_233">233.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 101.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_234" name="note_234" + href="#noteref_234">234.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 113. The + whole present discussion of economic oppression is drawn from the + latter part of the second lecture. Except in the case of direct + quotation, no further reference will be given to this section, + which occurs at pp. 97-115 of the d'Elia translation.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_235" name="note_235" + href="#noteref_235">235.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 106.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_236" name="note_236" + href="#noteref_236">236.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 113.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_237" name="note_237" + href="#noteref_237">237.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 113.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_238" name="note_238" + href="#noteref_238">238.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">In referring to a sub-principle, the + author is following Sun Yat-sen's arrangement of his ideas, even + though the exact term, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“sub-principle,”</span> is not to be found in Sun's + works. Each of the three principles can be considered with respect + to national unity, national autonomy, and national survival. The + correlation of the three principles, each with itself and then the + two others, logically leads to the appearance of nine + sub-principles. The writer has not followed any artificial + compulsion of numbers, merely for the sake of producing a pretty + outline, but has followed Sun Yat-sen in seeking to make clear the + specific relations of each of the three principles to the three + cardinal points which they embody.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_239" name="note_239" + href="#noteref_239">239.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 179-180.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_240" name="note_240" + href="#noteref_240">240.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 180.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_241" name="note_241" + href="#noteref_241">241.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 180.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_242" name="note_242" + href="#noteref_242">242.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 113-114.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_243" name="note_243" + href="#noteref_243">243.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited, pp. 21 and + following, Book I.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_244" name="note_244" + href="#noteref_244">244.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the persons whom he entrusted + with the task of seeking foreign capital for the just and honorable + national development of China through international means were + George Bronson Rea and Paul Linebarger. Mr. Rea was given a power + of attorney by Sun to secure loans for railway purposes to an + unlimited amount. Mr. Rea never used the document, but kept it + among his papers. (Statement of Mr. Rea to the author in + Washington, spring of 1934, at the time that the former was + <span class="tei tei-q">“Special Counsellor to the Ministry of + Foreign Affairs of Manchoukuo,”</span> despite his former Chinese + connections.) Judge Linebarger was also unsuccessful. Sun Yat-sen + was more interested in having Judge Linebarger stop any assistance + offered by the Consortium to the Northern <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Republic of China”</span> than in having him procure + any actual funds.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_245" name="note_245" + href="#noteref_245">245.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is obvious that a strong China + would be a horrid nightmare to Japan. Not only would the Chinese + thwart the use of their man-power and natural resources, as + stepping stones to Asiatic or world hegemony; they might even equal + the Japanese in audacity, and think of restoring the Japanese to + the position of Chinese vassals which they had enjoyed in the time + of Yoshemitsu, the third Ashikaga Shogun.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_246" name="note_246" + href="#noteref_246">246.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, pp. 115-116.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_247" name="note_247" + href="#noteref_247">247.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hu Han-min, cited in Tsui, work cited, + p. 118, n. 63.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_248" name="note_248" + href="#noteref_248">248.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 152. For + a full discussion of this curious relationship between China and + her vassal states, see Djang Chu (Chang Tso), <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Chinese + Suzerainty</span></span>, Johns Hopkins University doctoral + dissertation, 1935. The submission to China was, among other + things, a means by which the rulers of the peripheral states could + get themselves recognized by an authority higher than themselves, + thus legitimizing their position.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_249" name="note_249" + href="#noteref_249">249.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 153. Sun + Yat-sen seems to have had a high opinion of the American + administration of the Philippines, saying: The United States + <span class="tei tei-q">“... even allows the Filipinos to send + delegations to Congress in Washington. Not only does the United + States require no annual tribute in money from them, but, on the + contrary, she gives the Filipinos considerable subsidies to build + and maintain their roads and to promote education. It seems as + though so humanitarian a treatment would be regarded as the utmost + benevolence. Still, until the present day, the Filipinos do not + boast of being <span class="tei tei-q">‘Americanized’</span>; they + are daily clamoring for independence”</span> (d'Elia translation, + p. 153). This statement is interesting in two connections. In the + first place, although Sun Yat-sen had once thought of sending men, + money, or munitions to help the Filipino nationalists in their + struggles against the Americans, he seems to have conceived a warm + admiration for the American administration in those islands. + Secondly, the reader may consider that Sun Yat-sen, at the time + that he made this comment, was in the course of attacking + imperialism. If Sun Yat-sen could offer so enthusiastic an apology + for the Americans in the Philippines, it shows that he must have + let the abstract principle ride, and judged only on the basis of + his own observation. To the orthodox Communist the American rule of + the Philippines is peculiarly wicked because of the American denial + of imperialist practises.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_250" name="note_250" + href="#noteref_250">250.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some of the older books on China give + interesting maps of that country divided up into spheres of + influence between the various powers. It was quite fashionable + among journalists to sketch the various Chinese possessions of the + great powers; the powers never got around to the partition. The + American declaration of the <span class="tei tei-q">“Open + Door”</span> may have had something to do with this, and the + British enunciation of the same doctrine probably carried weight. + For a time, however, the Europeans seemed quite convinced of the + almost immediate break-up of China into three or four big colonies. + Lord Charles Beresford, a prominent English peer, wrote a work + which was extremely popular; its title was <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Break-Up of + China</span></span> (London, 1899).</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_251" name="note_251" + href="#noteref_251">251.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 93.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_252" name="note_252" + href="#noteref_252">252.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 165.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_253" name="note_253" + href="#noteref_253">253.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 165-170.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_254" name="note_254" + href="#noteref_254">254.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 170.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_255" name="note_255" + href="#noteref_255">255.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Communists envision three types of + conflict to be produced by the contradictions of imperialism: + intra-national class war, international class war, and + inter-imperialist war. The first is the struggle of the proletariat + of the whole world against the various national bourgeois + governments; the second, the struggle of the oppressed peoples, + under revolutionary bourgeois or proletarian leadership, against + the oppressions of Western imperialism; and the last, the conflict + of the various imperialist powers with one another. Sun Yat-sen's + theory agreed definitely with the second point, the international + class war; he seems to have admitted the probability of class war + within the nations of the West, and of inter-imperialist war, but + he did not draw the three types of conflict together and because of + them predicate an Armageddon and a millenium. His flexible, + pragmatic thought never ran to extremes; although he agreed, more + or less distinctly, with the Bolshevik premises of the three + conflicts of the imperialist epoch, he did not follow them to their + conclusion.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_256" name="note_256" + href="#noteref_256">256.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 75.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_257" name="note_257" + href="#noteref_257">257.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, pp. + 148-149.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_258" name="note_258" + href="#noteref_258">258.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Such works as Lea's <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Valor of + Ignorance</span></span>, New York, 1909, and Stoddard's + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The + Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy</span></span>, + New York, 1920, make precisely the same sort of statements, + although, of course, they regard the <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Saxon”</span> or <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Teutonic”</span> race as the logical master-race of + the world. Since Lea was associated for some time with Sun Yat-sen, + accompanying him from Europe to Nanking in 1911, and undoubtedly + had plenty of time to talk with him, it may be that some of the + particular terms used by Sun in this discussion are those which he + may have developed in his probable conversations with Lea. Nothing + more definite than this can be stated.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_259" name="note_259" + href="#noteref_259">259.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Quoted by Sun in d'Elia translation, + cited, p. 138. The remark does not sound like Lenin. A Communist + would not invoke nature, nor would he count the whole membership of + an imperialist nation as imperialist. The world, to him, is + misguided by a tiny handful of capitalists and traditional + ideologues and their hangers-on, not by the masses of any + nation.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_260" name="note_260" + href="#noteref_260">260.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Note, however, the reference in d'Elia + translation, cited, p. 76, or the Price translation, p. 18. Sun + Yat-sen speaks of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">international wars, within</span></em> races, + on the lines of social <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">classes</span></em>. He may have meant + international wars within the races and across race lines on the + basis of the oppressed nations of the world fighting the oppressing + nations. He may, however, have meant intra-national class wars. + Since he recognized the presence of the class conflict in the + developed capitalistic states of the West, this would not + necessarily imply his expectation of an intra-national class war in + China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_261" name="note_261" + href="#noteref_261">261.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, pp. 331-337, gives the whole text of the + speech. Sharman, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 304, refers to + it.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_262" name="note_262" + href="#noteref_262">262.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 335. <span class="tei tei-q">“Es ist + gegen Gerechtigkeit und Menschlichkeit, dass eine Minderheit von + vierhundert Millionen eine Mehrheit von neunhundert Millionen + unterdrückt....”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_263" name="note_263" + href="#noteref_263">263.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 333. <span class="tei tei-q">“Die + Europäer halten uns Asiaten durch die Macht ihrer materiellen + Errungenschaften zu Boden.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_264" name="note_264" + href="#noteref_264">264.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 333. <span class="tei tei-q">“Wenn + wir zweitausendfünf-hundert Jahre zurückdenken, so war China damals + das mächtigste Volk der Welt. Es nahm damals eine Stellung ein wie + heute Grossbritannien und Amerika. Doch während Grossbritannien und + die Vereinigten Staaten heute zur zwei unter einer Reihe von + Weltmächten sind, war China damals die einzige grosse + Macht.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_265" name="note_265" + href="#noteref_265">265.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ponce, work cited, p. xiv: + <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conozcámonos y nos amaremos + más</span></em>—decía el gran Sun Yat-sen á sus amigos + orientales.”</span> This work is, by the way, the most extensive + for its account of Sun's associations with Koreans, Filipinos, and + Japanese. It has been completely overlooked by the various + biographers of and commentators on Sun, with the exception of Judge + Linebarger, to whom Sun Yat-sen presented a copy of the work.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_266" name="note_266" + href="#noteref_266">266.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 337: <span class="tei tei-q">“In England + und Amerika gibt es immerhin eine kleine Zahl von Menschen, die + diese unsere Ideale im Einklang mit einer allgemeinen Weltbewegung + verteidigen. Was die anderen Barbarennationen anbelangt, so dürfte + es auch in ihren Reihen Menschen geben, die von der gleichen + Überzeugung beseelt sind.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_267" name="note_267" + href="#noteref_267">267.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 335: <span class="tei tei-q">“Wenn wir + Asiaten nach der Herstellung einer panasiatischen Einheitsfront + streben, müssen wir selbst in unserer Zeit daran denken, auf + welcher grundlegenden Auffassung wir diese Einheitsfront errichten + wollen. Wir sollen dasjenige zugrunde legen, was die besondere + Eigentümlichkeit unserer östlichen Kultur gewesen ist, wir sollten + unseren Nachdruck legen auf die moralischen Werte, auf Güte und + Gerechtigkeit. Sie sollen das Fundament der Einheit ganz Asiens + werden.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_268" name="note_268" + href="#noteref_268">268.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 207. + Italics omitted.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_269" name="note_269" + href="#noteref_269">269.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The article by Tsui, cited, p. 177 and + following, goes into a quite detailed comparison of the Chinese + Nationalist and the Marxian Communist theories of the three stages + of revolution. He draws attention to the fact that, while the + Communists do not speak of "three stages" and prefer to emphasize + the transitional stage of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the + two theories are similar almost to the point of being + identical.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_270" name="note_270" + href="#noteref_270">270.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 181.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_271" name="note_271" + href="#noteref_271">271.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 439 and following. It + is also available in Hsü, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, cited above, p. + <a href="#Pg085" class="tei tei-ref">85</a> and following. The Tyau + translation was preferred since it was written by an official of + the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and may be regarded as the work of + a Government spokesman. It is interesting, by way of contrast, to + quote a passage from the Constitution of the Chinese Soviet + Republic, so-called: <span class="tei tei-q">“The Chinese Soviet + Government is building up a state of the democratic dictatorship + [sic!] of the workers and peasants. All power shall be vested in + the Soviets of Workers, Peasants, and Red Army men.”</span> + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet + Republic</span></span>, New York, 1934, p. 18. The absence of an + acknowledged period of tutelage, in view of the unfamiliarity of + the Chinese people with democratic forms, is significant. The + constitutional jurisprudence of the Chinese Communists is, however, + primarily a matter of academic interest, since the Soviets, where + they have existed, have existed in a state of perpetual emergency, + shielded by the Red Terror and other devices of revolutionary + control. The contrast between a pronouncement of Sun Yat-sen and a + constitution is a fair one, since the writings of Sun Yat-sen form + the final authority in the Nationalist movement and government; in + a dispute as to the higher validity of a governmental provision or + a flat contrary statement of Sun Yat-sen, there can be little + question as to which would—or, in the eyes of the Nationalists, + should—prevail.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_272" name="note_272" + href="#noteref_272">272.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is interesting to note that the + institution which most Western writers would incline to regard as + the very key-stone of democracy, parliament, has a quite inferior + place in the Sun Yat-sen system. In the National Government of + China, the Legislative Yuan is more like a department than like a + chamber. This question, however, will be discussed under the + heading of the Five Rights.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_273" name="note_273" + href="#noteref_273">273.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 341.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_274" name="note_274" + href="#noteref_274">274.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 342.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_275" name="note_275" + href="#noteref_275">275.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">A discussion of the four powers and + the five rights is to be found in Li Chao-wei, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">La Souveraineté + Nationale d'après la Doctrine Politique de + Sun-Yet-Sin</span></span>, Dijon, 1934. This work, a doctoral + thesis submitted to the University of Dijon, treats the Western + theory of democracy and Sun's theory comparatively. It is excellent + in portraying the legal outline of the Chinese governmental + structure, and points out many significant analogies between the + two theories.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_276" name="note_276" + href="#noteref_276">276.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 391.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_277" name="note_277" + href="#noteref_277">277.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 395.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_278" name="note_278" + href="#noteref_278">278.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">The + unfavorable view of the Five Powers is taken by Dr. Jermyn + Chi-hung Lynn in his excellent little book, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Political Parties + in China</span></span>, Peiping, 1930. Since Dr. Lynn speaks + kindly and hopefully of the plans of Wu Pei-fu, one of the + war-lords hostile to Sun Yat-sen and the whole Nationalist + movement, his criticism of Sun Yat-sen need not be taken as + completely impartial. It represents a point that has been made + time and time again by persons antagonistic to the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Wu Chuan Hsien Fa is also no discovery of Dr. + Sun's. As is known, the three power constitution, consisting of + the legislative, judiciary [sic!] and executive functions, was + originally developed, more or less unconsciously, by the English, + whose constitution was critically examined by Montesquieu, and + its working elaborately described by him for the benefit of his + fellow-countrymen. And the unwritten constitution of Old China + contained the civil service examination and an independent Board + of Censors. Now the much-advertised Wu Chuan Hsien Fa or + Five-Power constitution only added the systems of state + examination and public censure to the traditional form of + constitution first advocated by the French jurist.”</span> P. 66, + work cited.</p> + </dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_279" name="note_279" + href="#noteref_279">279.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 104.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_280" name="note_280" + href="#noteref_280">280.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">For an intensively vivid description + of this government, which Sun Yat-sen's planned democracy was to + relegate to limbo, see B. L. Putnam Weale, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished + Empire</span></span>, London, 1926. Putnam Weale was the pseudonym + of Bertram Lennox Simpson, an Englishman born and reared in China, + who understood and participated in Chinese life and policies as + have few since the days of Marco Polo; he was an advisor to the + insurrectionary Peking <span class="tei tei-q">“Nationalist”</span> + Government of 1931 when he was shot to death in his home at + Tientsin. Few other Westerners have left such a wealth of accurate + and sympathetic material about modern China.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_281" name="note_281" + href="#noteref_281">281.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 399.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_282" name="note_282" + href="#noteref_282">282.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Harold Monk Vinacke, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Modern Constitutional + Development in China</span></span>, Princeton, 1920, p. 100.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_283" name="note_283" + href="#noteref_283">283.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vinacke, cited, p. 141 and following. + While Dr. Vinacke's book is now out of date, it contains excellent + material for the period covered, roughly 1898 to 1919. He quotes + Morse's comment on the provinces with approval: <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Provinces are satrapies to the extent that so long + as the tribute and matriculations are duly paid, and the general + policy of the central administration followed, they are free to + administer their own affairs in detail as may seem best to their + own provincial authorities.”</span> (Hosea Ballou Morse, + <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Trade + and Administration of China</span></span>, London, 1913, p. 46, + quoted in Vinacke, work cited, p. 5.)</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_284" name="note_284" + href="#noteref_284">284.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paul M. W. Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Conversations with + Sun Yat-sen</span></span>, mss., 1934; Book two, Chapter Five, + <span class="tei tei-q">“Democratic Provincial Home + Rule.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_285" name="note_285" + href="#noteref_285">285.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 124.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_286" name="note_286" + href="#noteref_286">286.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 441. From <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Outline of National Reconstruction.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_287" name="note_287" + href="#noteref_287">287.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyau, cited, p. 450.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_288" name="note_288" + href="#noteref_288">288.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. I. Lenin, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">State and + Revolution</span></span>, New York, 1932. Lenin's discussion of + Marx's point, p. 39 and following, is stimulating although + inclining to the ingenious.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_289" name="note_289" + href="#noteref_289">289.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The number of the villages is taken + from Tawney, Richard Henry, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Land and Labor in China</span></span>, London, + 1932; and the number of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> + from Tyau, cited, p. 85.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_290" name="note_290" + href="#noteref_290">290.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited above; + throughout this volume, Judge Linebarger recalls references made by + Sun Yat-sen to him concerning the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_291" name="note_291" + href="#noteref_291">291.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is but fair to state, at the + beginning, that this point of the family system as one of the + institutions of the democratic nation has been very largely + neglected by the Kuomintang and the National Government. To the + knowledge of the author, no plan has ever been drafted either by + Party or by Government which would erect the system that Sun + Yat-sen proposed. It is not beyond all conjecture that Sun's + suggestion may at a later date seem more practicable to the leaders + than now appears, and be put into operation in some manner.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_292" name="note_292" + href="#noteref_292">292.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 164.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_293" name="note_293" + href="#noteref_293">293.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü, cited, p. 243.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_294" name="note_294" + href="#noteref_294">294.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The material concerning the clans has + been taken from the fifth lecture on Nationalism (Hsü, cited, p. + 240 and following; d'Elia, cited, p. 174 and following). Judge + Linebarger recorded Sun Yat-sen's mention of a convention of the + clans in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, cited above, Book + One, Chapter Eight, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Clans in the + Nation.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_295" name="note_295" + href="#noteref_295">295.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">There are three excellent discussions + of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> + programs. Wou, cited, gives a clear precis of the doctrine. Hung + Jair, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Les + idées économiques de Sun Yat Sen</span></span>, Toulouse, 1934, and + Tsiang Kuen, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Les origines économiques et politiques du + socialisme de Sun Yat Sen</span></span>, Paris, 1933, cover + essentially the same ground, although they are both doctoral + dissertations submitted to French universities. The former deals + primarily with the theory of Sun's economic ideas, contrasting them + with the economic thought of Adam Smith and of the Marxians. The + latter gives a rather extensive historical and statistical + background to Sun's <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span>, and traces the Chinese economic system, whence + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> was derived in part, + quite fully. These authors have covered the field so widely that + the present work need not enter into the discussion of the precise + immediate policies to be advocated under <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Enough will be given + to describe the relations of <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> with the more formally + political principles of nationalism and democracy, and to afford + the reader an opportunity to assess its scope and significance for + himself. The works of Hung Jair, Tsiang Kuen, Wou Saofong, and Li + Ti-tsun all measure <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min + shêng</span></span> in terms of classical Western <span lang="fr" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="fr"><span style= + "font-style: italic">laissez-faire</span></span> economics and then + in terms of Marxism; they all proceed in considerable detail to + recapitulate the various concrete plans that Sun projected. The + present author will not enter into the minutiae of the problems of + clothing, of transport, of communications, etc., inasmuch as they + have already been dealt with and because they are not directly + relevant to the political or ideological features of Sun's + thought.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_296" name="note_296" + href="#noteref_296">296.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tsui, cited, p. 378, n. 125.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_297" name="note_297" + href="#noteref_297">297.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">The International Development of + China</span></span> was welcomed as an interesting fantasy in a + world which had not yet heard of the Five Year Plans and the + programs of the New Deal. The fact that Sun Yat-sen was a few years + ahead of his contemporaries gave him the air of a dreamer, which + was scarcely deserved.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_298" name="note_298" + href="#noteref_298">298.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, <span class= + "tei tei-q">“The Outline of National Reconstruction,”</span> p. 85. + Two points of detail may be noted here. In the first place, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> has been emphasized by + being placed first, although Sun Yat-sen generally arranged his + principles in their logical order: nationalism, democracy, + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. Secondly, <span lang= + "zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, although emphasized, + is dealt with in one single paragraph in this vitally important + document. The question of the <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">hsien</span></span> is given eight paragraphs + to the one on <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>. This + is indicative of the point stressed above, namely, that Sun + Yat-sen, while he was sure of the importance of <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, did not believe in + hard and fast rules concerning its development.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_299" name="note_299" + href="#noteref_299">299.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Work cited, p. <a href="#Pg232" class= + "tei tei-ref">232</a>.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_300" name="note_300" + href="#noteref_300">300.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg180" class= + "tei tei-ref">180</a> ff.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_301" name="note_301" + href="#noteref_301">301.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author uses the term <span class= + "tei tei-q">“national economic revolution”</span> to distinguish + those parts of the <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" + xml:lang="zh"><span style="font-style: italic">ming shêng chu + i</span></span> which treat the transformation of the Chinese + economy in relation to the development of a nation-state. + Obviously, there is a great difference between the economy of a + society regarding itself as ecumenical, and one faced with the + problem of dealing with other equal societies. The presence of a + state implies a certain minimum of state interference with economic + matters; the national economic revolution of Sun Yat-sen was to + give the Chinese economy a national character, coordinating the + economic with the other programs of nationalism. Hence, the + significant stress in the phrase <span class="tei tei-q">“national + economic revolution”</span> should rest upon the word <span class= + "tei tei-q">“national.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_302" name="note_302" + href="#noteref_302">302.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, cited, p. 329. <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Genossen, die hier Versammelten sind alle Arbeiter und + stellen eine Teil der Nation dar. Auf den chinesischen Arbeitern + lastet eine grosse Verantwortung und wenn ihr dieser Aufgabe + entsprechen werdet, so wird China eine grosse Nation und ihr eine + mächtige Arbeiterklasse.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_303" name="note_303" + href="#noteref_303">303.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 329. <span class="tei tei-q">“Ausser dem + wirtschaftlichen Kampf für die Kürzung des Arbeitstages und die + Erhöhung der Löhne stehen vor Euch noch viel wichtigere Fragen von + politischem Charakter. Für die politischen Ziele müsst ihr meine + Drei Prinzipien befolgen und die Revolution + unterstützen.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_304" name="note_304" + href="#noteref_304">304.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Putnam Weale, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Vanished + Empire</span></span>, London, 1926, pp. 145-147. The same + observation had been made to the Russian ambassador, Vladislavich, + sent by Catherine I to Peking in 1727. The Chinese said at that + time, <span class="tei tei-q">“ ... that foreign trade had no + attraction for the people, who were amply supplied with all the + necessaries of life from the products of their own country.”</span> + Sir Robert K. Douglas, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Europe and the Far East + 1506-1912</span></span>, New York, 1913, pp. 28-29.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_305" name="note_305" + href="#noteref_305">305.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg047" class= + "tei tei-ref">47</a> ff.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_306" name="note_306" + href="#noteref_306">306.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, + cited, p. 237.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_307" name="note_307" + href="#noteref_307">307.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 12.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_308" name="note_308" + href="#noteref_308">308.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 21.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_309" name="note_309" + href="#noteref_309">309.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wou Saofong, cited, gives an excellent + summary of the plan, pp. 184-202. There is no particular reason, + however, why the work by Sun, which he wrote in fluent and simple + English, should not be consulted. The American edition is so well + put together with maps and outlines that a layman will find it + comprehensible and stimulating.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_310" name="note_310" + href="#noteref_310">310.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp. + 220-221.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_311" name="note_311" + href="#noteref_311">311.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp. + 6-8.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_312" name="note_312" + href="#noteref_312">312.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 198.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_313" name="note_313" + href="#noteref_313">313.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 199. Sun Yat-sen discussed only two of these essentials (food, + clothing) in his lectures on the <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">San Min Chu + I</span></span>. According to Tai Chi-tao, he was to have continued + to speak on the topics of <span class="tei tei-q">“Housing,”</span> + <span class="tei tei-q">“Health,”</span> <span class= + "tei tei-q">“Death,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusions on + Livelihood,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“Conclusions on the + San Min Doctrine,”</span> but the only person who may know what he + intended to say on these subjects is Mme. Sun Yat-sen. (See Hsü + translation, <span class="tei tei-q">“The Basic Literature of + Sunyatsenism,”</span> pp. 39-40.)</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_314" name="note_314" + href="#noteref_314">314.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is based upon statements made by + Judge Linebarger to the author. According to him, Sun Yat-sen had + few of the prejudices of class, one way or the other, that affect + the outlook of so many Western leaders. He did not believe that the + only possible solution to the problem of livelihood was the Marxian + one, and was confident that the Chinese Nationalists would be able + to solve the problem. This question was to him paramount above all + others; the life of the masses of Chinese citizens was the life of + China itself.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_315" name="note_315" + href="#noteref_315">315.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 11.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_316" name="note_316" + href="#noteref_316">316.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same, p. 11.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_317" name="note_317" + href="#noteref_317">317.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 326. The + discussion of Bismarck runs from p. 322 to 326; the length of the + discussion shows what Sun thinks of Bismarck's acuteness, although + he disapproved of Bismarck's anti-democratic stand.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_318" name="note_318" + href="#noteref_318">318.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, p. + 4.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_319" name="note_319" + href="#noteref_319">319.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 426.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_320" name="note_320" + href="#noteref_320">320.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Price translation, pp. 434-435. In the + d'Elia translation, pp. 465-466. The Price translation has been + quoted in this instance because Father d'Elia translates + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> as <span class= + "tei tei-q">“the economic Demism,”</span> which—although + interesting when used consistently—might not be clear in its + present context. Sun Yat-sen's courteous use of the word + <span class="tei tei-q">“communism,”</span> in view of the + Canton-Moscow entente then existing, has caused a great deal of + confusion. The reader may judge for himself how much Sun's policy + constitutes communism.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_321" name="note_321" + href="#noteref_321">321.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">One or two further points concerning + the land policy may be mentioned. In the first place, it is the + land which is to be taxed. A tax will be applied, according to this + theory, on the land, and the increment will also be confiscated. + These are two separate forms of revenue. Furthermore, lest all + land-holders simply surrender their land to the government, Sun + makes clear that his taxation program applies only to land. It + would consequently be quite advantageous for the owner to keep the + land; the buildings on it would not be affected by the + increment-seizure program, and the land would be worth keeping. + <span class="tei tei-q">“The value of the land as declared at + present by the landowner will still remain the property of each + individual landowner.”</span> (d'Elia translation, p. 466; Father + d'Elia's note on this page is informing.) The landowner might + conceivably put a mortgage on the land to pay the government the + amount of the unearned increment, and still make a handsome enough + profit from the use of the land to amortize the mortgage.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_322" name="note_322" + href="#noteref_322">322.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Linebarger, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">Conversations</span></span>, Book III, p. + 25.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_323" name="note_323" + href="#noteref_323">323.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wittfogel, <span class= + "tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sun + Yat-sen</span></span>, p. 328. <span class="tei tei-q">“Die + chinesischen Kapitalisten sind nicht so stark, dass sie die + chinesischen Arbeiter unterdrücken könnten.”</span></dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_324" name="note_324" + href="#noteref_324">324.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. 469. + Italics omitted. For the discussion of the relation of the program + of <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang= + "zh"><span style="font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> to + capitalism, see d'Elia's various footnotes and appendices dealing + with the subject. Father d'Elia, as a devout Catholic, does a + thorough piece of work in demonstrating that Sun Yat-sen was not a + Bolshevik and not hostile to the Roman Catholic Church, and had a + warm although infrequently expressed admiration for that + organization. Li Ti-tsun, in <span class="tei tei-q">“The + Sunyatsenian Principle of Livelihood,”</span> cited, tries to find + the exact shade of left orientation in <span lang="zh" class= + "tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span>, and digests the main + policies. Wou and Tsui, both cited, also discuss this point.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_325" name="note_325" + href="#noteref_325">325.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style= + "font-style: italic">International Development</span></span>, pp. + 36-39.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_326" name="note_326" + href="#noteref_326">326.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">By an irony of fate, the most + conspicuous example of the realization of any one of these plans + was the beginning of the port of Hulutao, which was to be + <span class="tei tei-q">“The Great Northern Port”</span> of Sun's + vision. The National Government had already started work on this + port when the Japanese, invading Manchuria, took it. There is so + much pathos in Sun's own life that this frustation of his plans + after his death seems disappointing beyond words to his followers. + In his own trust in mankind, in the eagerness and the sincerity of + his enthusiasms, in the grandeur of his vision—here are to be found + the most vital clues to the tragedy of Sun Yat-sen. Like the other + great founders of the earth's ideals, he charted worlds within the + vision but, perhaps, beyond the accomplishment of ordinary + men.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_327" name="note_327" + href="#noteref_327">327.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hsü translation, cited, p. 440; Price + translation, p. 444; d'Elia translation, cited, p. 476. The first + has been preferred purely as a matter of style. The Chinese words + <span lang="zh" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">min shêng</span></span> and <span lang="zh" + class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="zh"><span style= + "font-style: italic">San Min Chu I</span></span> have been used + instead of the English renderings which Hsü gives, again as a pure + matter of form and consistency with the text.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_328" name="note_328" + href="#noteref_328">328.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">The author is indebted to Mr. Jên Tai + for the clarification of this ideal of dual continuity—of the + family system, preserving the flesh, and the intellectual + tradition, preserving the cultural heritages.</dd> + + <dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_329" name="note_329" + href="#noteref_329">329.</a></dt> + + <dd class="tei tei-notetext">d'Elia translation, cited, p. + 538.</dd> + </dl> + </div> + <hr class="doublepage" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <div id="pgfooter" class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> + <pre class="pre tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF SUN YAT-SEN: AN EXPOSITION OF THE SAN MIN CHU I*** +</pre> + <hr class="doublepage" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <a name="rightpageheader121" id="rightpageheader121"></a><a name= + "pgtoc122" id="pgtoc122"></a><a name="pdf123" id="pdf123"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">Credits</span></h1> + + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">April 2, + 2012 </th> + </tr> + + <tr> + <td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"> + <table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" + style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> + <tbody> + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item">Project Gutenberg TEI + edition 1</td> + </tr> + + <tr class="tei tei-labelitem"> + <th class="tei tei-label"></th> + + <td class="tei tei-item"><span class= + "tei tei-respStmt"><span class= + "tei tei-name">Produced by Adam Buchbinder, David + King, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team + at <http://www.pgdp.net/>.</span></span></td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + </div> + <hr class="doublepage" /> + + <div class="tei tei-div" style= + "margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"> + <a name="rightpageheader124" id="rightpageheader124"></a><a name= + "pgtoc125" id="pgtoc125"></a><a name="pdf126" id="pdf126"></a> + + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style= + "text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"> + <span style="font-size: 173%">A Word from Project + Gutenberg</span></h1> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This file + should be named 39356-h.html or 39356-h.zip.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This and all + associated files of various formats will be found in: <a href= + "http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/3/9/3/5/39356/" class= + "block tei tei-xref" style= + "margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> + <span style= + "font-size: 90%">http://www.gutenberg.org</span><span style= + "font-size: 90%">/dirs/3/9/3/5/39356/</span></a></p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Updated + editions will replace the previous one — the old editions will be + renamed.</p> + + <p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Creating the + works from public domain print editions means that no one owns a + United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and + you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without + permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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