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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Occupation of the Philippines
+1898-1912, by James H. Blount
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The American Occupation of the Philippines 1898-1912
+
+Author: James H. Blount
+
+Release Date: June 28, 2011 [EBook #36542]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN OCCUPATION OF THE PHILIPPINES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by the
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+
+
+               THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION OF THE PHILIPPINES
+
+                               1898-1912
+
+
+                                   By
+                            JAMES H. BLOUNT
+
+   Officer of United States Volunteers in the Philippines, 1899-1901
+       United States District Judge in the Philippines, 1901-1905
+
+
+
+                               With a Map
+
+                          G. P. Putnam's Sons
+                          New York and London
+                        The Knickerbocker Press
+                                  1912
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                            Copyright, 1912
+                                   By
+                            James H. Blount
+
+                   The Knickerbocker Press, New York
+
+
+
+
+
+
+                                   To
+                           JOHN DOWNEY WORKS
+                             OF CALIFORNIA
+                 AS FINE A TYPE OF CHRISTIAN GENTLEMAN
+                                AS EVER
+            GRACED A SEAT IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
+                                  WHO
+        BELIEVING, WITH THE WRITER, AS TO THE PHILIPPINES, THAT
+             INDEFINITE RETENTION WITH UNDECLARED INTENTION
+                                   IS
+                          INDEFINITE DRIFTING
+                  HAS READ THE MANUSCRIPT OF THIS WORK
+                            AS IT PROGRESSED
+           LENDING TO ITS PREPARATION THE AID AND COUNSEL OF
+                        AN OLDER AND A WISER MAN
+                                  AND
+                       THE CONTAGIOUS SERENITY OF
+                   CONFIDENCE THAT RIGHT WILL PREVAIL
+                  THIS BOOK IS GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED BY
+                               The Author
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+                                          Pardon, gentles all,
+                        The flat unraised spirit that hath dared
+                        On this unworthy scaffold to bring forth
+                        So great an object.
+
+                                                       Henry V.
+
+
+To have gone out to the other side of the world with an army of
+invasion, and had a part, however small, in the subjugation of a
+strange people, and then to see a new government set up, and, as
+an official of that government, watch it work out through a number
+of years, is an unusual and interesting experience, especially to
+a lawyer. What seem to me the most valuable things I learned in the
+course of that experience are herein submitted to my fellow-countrymen,
+in connection with a narrative covering the whole of the American
+occupation of the Philippines to date.
+
+This book is an attempt, by one whose intimate acquaintance with two
+remotely separated peoples will be denied in no quarter, to interpret
+each to the other. How intelligent that acquaintance is, is of course
+altogether another matter, which the reader will determine for himself.
+
+The task here undertaken is to make audible to a great free nation the
+voice of a weaker subject people who passionately and rightly long to
+be also free, but whose longings have been systematically denied for
+the last fourteen years, sometimes ignorantly, sometimes viciously,
+and always cruelly, on the wholly erroneous idea that where the end is
+benevolent, it justifies the means, regardless of the means necessary
+to the end.
+
+At a time when all our military and fiscal experts agree that having
+the Philippines on our hands is a grave strategic and economic mistake,
+fraught with peril to the nation's prestige in the early stages of our
+next great war, we are keeping the Filipinos in industrial bondage
+through unrighteous Congressional legislation for which special
+interests in America are responsible, in bald repudiation of the
+Open Door policy, and against their helpless but universal protest,
+a wholly unprotected and easy prey to the first first-class Power with
+which we become involved in war. Yet all the while the very highest
+considerations of national honor require us to choose between making
+the Filipino people free and independent without unnecessary delay,
+as they of right ought to be, or else imperilling the perpetuity
+of our own institutions by the creation and maintenance of a great
+standing army, sufficient properly to guard overseas possessions.
+
+A cheerful blindness to the inevitable worthy of Mark Tapley himself,
+the stale Micawberism that "something is bound to turn up," and
+a Mrs. Jellyby philanthropy hopelessly callous to domestic duties,
+expenses, and distresses, have hitherto successfully united to prevent
+the one simple and supreme need of the situation--a frank, formal,
+and definite declaration, by the law-making power of the government,
+of the nation's purpose in the premises. What is needed is a formal
+legislative announcement that the governing of a remote and alien
+people is to have no permanent place in the purposes of our national
+life, and that we do bona fide intend, just as soon as a stable
+government, republican in form, can be established by the people
+of the Philippine Islands, to turn over, upon terms which shall be
+reasonable and just, the government and control of the islands to
+the people thereof.
+
+The essentials of the problem, being at least as immutable as human
+nature and geography, will not change much with time. And whenever
+the American people are ready to abandon the strange gods whose
+guidance has necessitated a new definition of Liberty consistent with
+taxation without representation and unanimous protest by the governed,
+they will at once set about to secure to a people who have proven
+themselves brave and self-sacrificing in war, and gentle, generous,
+and tractable in peace, the right to pursue happiness in their own way,
+in lieu of somebody else's way, as the spirit of our Constitution,
+and the teachings of our God, Who is also theirs, alike demand.
+
+After seven years spent at the storm-centre of so-called "Expansion,"
+the first of the seven as a volunteer officer in Cuba during and after
+the Spanish War, the next two in a like capacity in the Philippines,
+and the remainder as a United States judge in the last-named country,
+the writer was finally invalided home in 1905, sustained in spirit,
+at parting, by cordial farewells, oral and written, personal and
+official, but convinced that foreign kindness will not cure the
+desire of a people, once awakened, for what used to be known as
+Freedom before we freed Cuba and then subjugated the Philippines; and
+that to permanently eradicate sedition from the Philippine Islands,
+the American courts there must be given jurisdiction over thought
+as well as over overt act, and must learn the method of drawing an
+indictment against a whole people.
+
+Seven other years of interested observation from the Western Hemisphere
+end of the line have confirmed and fortified the convictions above
+set forth.
+
+If we give the Filipinos this independence they so ardently desire
+and ever clamor for until made to shut up, "the holy cause,"
+as their brilliant young representative in the American House
+of Representatives, Mr. Quezon, always calls it, will not be at
+once spoiled, as the American hemp and other special interests so
+contemptuously insist, by the gentleman named, and his compatriot,
+Senor Osmena, the Speaker of the Philippine Assembly, and the rest of
+the leaders of the patriot cause, in a general mutual throat-cutting
+incidental to a scramble for the offices. This sort of contention is
+merely the hiss of the same old serpent of tyranny which has always
+beset the pathway of man's struggle for free institutions.
+
+When first the talk in America, after the battle of Manila Bay,
+about keeping the Philippines, reached the islands, one of the
+Filipino leaders wrote to another during the negotiations between
+their commanding general and our own looking to preservation of
+the peace until the results of the Paris Peace Conference which
+settled the fate of the islands should be known, in effect, thus:
+"The Filipinos will not be fit for independence in ten, twenty, or a
+hundred years if it be left to American colonial office-holders drawing
+good salaries to determine the question." Is there not some human
+nature in that remark? Suppose, reader, you were in the enjoyment
+of a salary of five, ten, or twenty thousand dollars a year as a
+government official in the Philippines, how precipitately would you
+hasten to recommend yourself out of office, and evict yourself into
+this cold Western world with which you had meantime lost all touch?
+
+The Filipinos can run a far better government than the Cubans. In 1898,
+when Admiral Dewey read in the papers that we were going to give Cuba
+independence, he wired home from Manila:
+
+
+    These people are far superior in their intelligence, and more
+    capable of self-government than the people of Cuba, and I am
+    familiar with both races.
+
+
+After a year in Cuba and nearly six in the Philippines, two as an
+officer of the army that subjugated the Filipinos, and the remainder
+as a judge over them, I cordially concur in the opinion of Admiral
+Dewey, but with this addition, viz., that the people of those islands,
+whatever of conscious political unity they may have lacked in 1898,
+were welded into absolute oneness as a people by their original
+struggle for independence against us, and will remain forever so
+welded by their incurable aspirations for a national life of their
+own under a republic framed in imitation of ours. Furthermore, the one
+great difference between Cuba and the Philippines is that the latter
+country has no race cancer forever menacing its peace, and sapping
+its self-reliance. The Philippine people are absolutely one people,
+as to race, color, and previous condition. Again, American sugar and
+tobacco interests will never permit the competitive Philippine sugar
+and tobacco industries to grow as Nature and Nature's God intended;
+and the American importers of Manila hemp--which is to the Philippines
+what cotton is to the South--have, through special Congressional
+legislation still standing on our statute books--to the shame of the
+nation--so depressed the hemp industry of the islands that the market
+price it brings to-day is just one half what it brought ten years ago.
+
+If three strong and able Americans, familiar with insular conditions
+and still young enough to undertake the task, were told by a President
+of the United States, by authority of Congress, "Go out there and
+set up a stable native government by July 4, 1921, [1] and then come
+away," they could and would do it; and that government would be a
+success; and one of the greatest moral victories in the annals of
+free government would have been written by the gentlemen concerned
+upon the pages of their country's history.
+
+We ought to give the Filipinos their independence, even if we have
+to guarantee it to them. But, by neutralization treaties with the
+other great Powers similar to those which safeguard the integrity and
+independence of Switzerland to-day, whereby the other Powers would
+agree not to seize the islands after we give them their independence,
+the Philippines can be made as permanently neutral territory in
+Asiatic politics as Switzerland is to-day in European politics.
+
+
+James H. Blount.
+
+1406 G Street, N. W.,
+Washington, D. C.,
+July 4, 1912.
+
+
+P.S.--The preparation of this book has entailed examination of a
+vast mass of official documents, as will appear from the foot-note
+citations to the page and volume from which quotations have been
+made. The object has been to place all material statements of fact
+beyond question. For the purpose of this research work, Mr. Herbert
+Putnam, Librarian of Congress, was kind enough to extend me the
+privileges of the national library, and it would be most ungracious
+to fail to acknowledge the obligation I am under, in this regard,
+to one whom the country is indeed fortunate in having at the head
+of that great institution. I should also make acknowledgment of the
+obligation I am under to Mr. W. W. Bishop, the able superintendent
+of the reading-room, for aid rendered whenever asked, and to my
+life-long friends, John and Hugh Morrison, the most valuable men,
+to the general public, except the two gentlemen above named, on the
+whole great roll of employees of the Library of Congress.
+
+
+J. H. B.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                                                 Pages
+Chapter I
+
+Mr. Pratt's Serenade                                              1-15
+
+    Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the United States at Singapore,
+    in the British Straits Settlements, finding Aguinaldo a political
+    refugee at that place at the outbreak of our war with Spain,
+    April 21, 1898, arranges by cable with Admiral Dewey, then at
+    Hong Kong with his squadron, for Aguinaldo to come to Hong Kong
+    and thence to Manila, to co-operate by land with Admiral Dewey
+    against the Spaniards, Pratt promising Aguinaldo independence,
+    without authority. Mr. Pratt is later quietly separated from the
+    consular service.
+
+Chapter II
+
+Dewey and Aguinaldo                                              16-45
+
+    After the battle of Manila Bay, May 1, 1898, Admiral Dewey brings
+    Aguinaldo down from Hong Kong, whither he had proceeded from
+    Singapore, lands him at Cavite, and chaperones his insurrection
+    against the Spaniards until the American troops arrive, June 30th.
+
+Chapter III
+
+Anderson and Aguinaldo                                           46-66
+
+    General Anderson's official dealings with Aguinaldo from June 30,
+    1898, until General Merritt's arrival, July 25th,
+
+Chapter IV
+
+Merritt and Aguinaldo                                            67-87
+
+    General Merritt's five weeks' sojourn in the Islands, from July 25,
+    1898, to the end of August, including fall of Manila, August 13th,
+    and our relations with Aguinaldo during period indicated.
+
+Chapter V
+
+Otis and Aguinaldo                                              88-106
+
+    Dealings and relations between, September-December,
+1898.
+
+Chapter VI
+
+The Wilcox-Sargent Trip                                        107-120
+
+    Two American naval officers make an extended tour through
+    the interior of Luzon by permission of Admiral Dewey and with
+    Aguinaldo's consent, in October-November, 1898, while the Paris
+    peace negotiations were in progress. What they saw and learned.
+
+Chapter VII
+
+The Treaty of Paris                                            121-138
+
+    An account of the negotiations, October-December, 1898. How we came
+    to pay Spain $20,000,000 for a $200,000,000 insurrection. Treaty
+    signed December 10, 1898.
+
+Chapter VIII
+
+The Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation                       139-151
+
+    President McKinley's celebrated proclamation of December 21,
+    1898, cabled out to the Islands, December 27, 1898, after the
+    signing of the Treaty of Paris on the 10th, and intended as
+    a fire-extinguisher, in fact acted merely as a firebrand, the
+    Filipinos perceiving that Benevolent Assimilation meant such
+    measure of slaughter as might be necessary to "spare them from
+    the dangers of" the independence on which they were bent.
+
+Chapter IX
+
+The Iloilo Fiasco                                              152-163
+
+    By order of President McKinley, General Otis abstains from
+    hostilities to await Senate action on Treaty of Paris.
+
+Chapter X
+
+Otis and Aguinaldo (Continued)                          164-185
+
+    Still waiting for the Senate to act.
+
+Chapter XI
+
+Otis and the War                                               186-223
+
+    Covering the period from the outbreak of February 4, 1899, until
+    the fall of that year.
+
+Chapter XII
+
+Otis and the War (Continued)                            224-269
+
+    From the fall of 1899 to the spring of 1900.
+
+Chapter XIII
+
+Macarthur and the War                                          270-281
+
+    Carries the story up to the date of the arrival of the Taft
+    Commission, sent out in the spring of 1900, to help General
+    MacArthur run the war.
+
+Chapter XIV
+
+The Taft Commission                                            282-344
+
+    Shows how the Taft Commission, born of the McKinley Benevolent
+    Assimilation theory that there was no real fundamental opposition
+    to American rule, lived up to that theory, in their telegrams
+    sent home during the presidential campaign of 1900, and in 1901
+    set up a civil government predicated upon their obstinate but
+    opportune delusions of the previous year.
+
+
+            "The papers 'id it 'andsome
+            But you bet the army knows."
+
+
+Chapter XV
+
+Governor Taft--1901-2                                          345-402
+
+    Shows the prematurity of a civil government set up under pressure
+    of political expediency, and the disorders which followed.
+
+Chapter XVI
+
+Governor Taft--1903                                            403-436
+
+    Shows divers serious insurrections in various provinces amounting
+    to what the Commission itself termed, in one instance, "a reign of
+    terror"--situations so endangering the public safety that to fail
+    to order out the army to quell the disturbances was neglect of
+    plain duty, such neglect being due to a set policy of preserving
+    the official fiction that peace prevailed, and that Benevolent
+    Assimilation was a success.
+
+Chapter XVII
+
+Governor Taft--1903 (Continued)                         437-445
+
+    Shows the essentially despotic, though theoretically benevolent,
+    character of the Taft civil government of the Philippines, and
+    its attitude toward the American business community in the Islands.
+
+Chapter XVIII
+
+Governor Wright--1904                                          446-498
+
+    Shows the change of the tone of the government under Governor
+    Taft's successor, his consequent popularity with his fellow-country
+    men in the Islands, and his corresponding unpopularity with the
+    Filipinos. Shows also a long series of massacres of pacificos by
+    enemies of the American government between July and November,
+    1904, permitted out of super-solicitude lest ordering out the
+    army and summarily putting a stop to said massacres might affect
+    the presidential election in the United States unfavorably to
+    Mr. Roosevelt, by reviving the notion that neither the Roosevelt
+    Administration nor its predecessor had ever been frank with the
+    country concerning the state of public order in the Islands.
+
+Chapter XIX
+
+Governor Wright--1905                                          499-514
+
+    Shows the prompt ordering of the army to the scene of the
+    disturbances after the presidential election of 1904 was safely
+    over, and the nature and extent of the insurrections of 1905.
+
+Chapter XX
+
+Governor Ide--1906                                             515-523
+
+    Describes the last outbreak prior to the final establishment of
+    a state of general and complete peace.
+
+Chapter XXI
+
+Governor Smith--1907-9                                         524-557
+
+    Describes divers matters, including a certificate made March 28,
+    1907, declaring that a state of general and complete peace had
+    prevailed for the two years immediately the preceding. Describes
+    also the formal opening of First Philippine Assembly by Secretary
+    of War Taft in October, 1907, and his final announcement to them
+    that he had no authority to end the uncertainty concerning their
+    future which is the corner-stone of the Taft policy of Indefinite
+    Tutelage, and that Congress only could end that uncertainty.
+
+Chapter XXII
+
+Governor Forbes--1909-12                                       558-570
+
+    Suggests the hypocrisy of boasting about "the good we are doing"
+    the Filipinos when predatory special interests are all the while
+    preying upon the Philippine people even more shamelessly than
+    they do upon the American people, and by the same methods, viz.:
+    legislation placed or kept on the statute-books of the United
+    States for their special benefit, the difference being that
+    the American people can help themselves if they will, but the
+    Philippine people cannot.
+
+Chapter XXIII
+
+"Non-Christian" Worcester                                      571-586
+
+    Professor Worcester, the P. T. Barnum of the "non-Christian tribe"
+    industry, and his menagerie of certain rare and interesting wild
+    tribes still extant in the Islands, specimens of which you saw at
+    the St. Louis Exposition of 1903-4; by which device the American
+    people have been led to believe the Igorrotes, Negritos, etc.,
+    to be samples of the Filipino people.
+
+Chapter XXIV
+
+The Philippine Civil Service                                   587-594
+
+    Showing how imperatively simple justice demands that Americans,
+    who go out to enter the Philippine Civil Service should, after
+    a tour of duty out there, be entitled, as matter of right, to
+    be transferred back to the Civil Service in the United States,
+    instead of being left wholly dependent on political influence to
+    "place" them after their final return home.
+
+Chapter XXV
+
+Cost of the Philippines                                        595-603
+
+    In life, and money, together with certain consolatory reflections
+    thereon.
+
+Chapter XXVI
+
+Congressional Legislation                                      604-622
+
+    Showing how a small group of American importers of Manila
+    hemp--hemp being to the Philippines what cotton is to the
+    South--have so manipulated the Philippine hemp industry as to
+    depress the market price of the main source of wealth of the
+    Islands below the cost of production; also other evils of taxation
+    without representation.
+
+Chapter XXVII
+
+The Rights of Man                                              623-632
+
+    Industrial slavery to predatory interests and physical slavery
+    compared.
+
+Chapter XXVIII
+
+The Road to Autonomy                                           633-646
+
+    Shows how entirely easy would be the task of evolving the American
+    Ireland we have laid up for ourselves in the Philippines into
+    complete Home Rule by 1921, the date proposed for Philippine
+    independence in the pending Jones bill, introduced in the House
+    of Representatives in March, 1912.
+
+Chapter XXIX
+
+The Way Out                                                    647-655
+
+    Shows how, by neutralization treaties with the other powers, as
+    proposed in many different resolutions, of both Republican and
+    Democratic origin, now pending in Congress, whereby the other
+    powers should agree not to annex the Islands after we give them
+    their independence, the Philippines can be made permanently neutral
+    territory in Asiatic politics exactly as both Switzerland and
+    Belgium have been for nearly a hundred years in European politics.
+
+Index                                                              657
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+                                                                    Page
+The Capture of Aguinaldo, March 23, 1901--The Central
+Fact of the American Military Occupation                    Frontispiece
+    From the Drawing by F. C. Yohn
+    Copyright by Charles Scribner's Sons
+
+Bird's-eye View of the Philippine Archipelago, Showing
+Preponderating Importance of Luzon                                   228
+
+Outline Sketch of the Theatre of Operations in Luzon, 1899           232
+
+Sketch Map of the Philippines                                     At End
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE AMERICAN OCCUPATIONS OF THE PHILIPPINES
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+MR. PRATT'S SERENADE
+
+                        Had I but served my God with half the zeal
+                        I served my king, he would not in mine age
+                        Have left me naked to mine enemies.
+
+                                      King Henry VIII., Act III., Sc. 2.
+
+
+Any narrative covering our acquisition of the Philippine Islands
+must, of course, centre in the outset about Admiral Dewey, and the
+destruction by him of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay on Sunday
+morning, May 1, 1898. But as the Admiral had brought Aguinaldo down
+from Hong Kong to Manila after the battle, and landed him on May
+19th to start an auxiliary insurrection, which insurrection kept the
+Spaniards bottled up in Manila on the land side for three and a half
+months while Dewey did the same by sea, until ten thousand American
+troops arrived, and easily completed the reduction and capture of the
+beleaguered and famished city on August 13th, it is necessary to a
+clear understanding of the de facto alliance between the Americans and
+Aguinaldo thus created, to know who brought the Admiral and Aguinaldo
+together and how, and why.
+
+The United States declared war against Spain, April 21, 1898,
+to free Cuba, and at once arranged an understanding with the Cuban
+revolutionists looking to co-operation between their forces and ours
+to that end. For some years prior to this, political conditions in the
+Philippines had been quite similar to those in Cuba, so that when, two
+days after war broke out, the Honorable Spencer Pratt, Consul-General
+of the United States at Singapore, in the British Straits Settlements,
+found Aguinaldo, who had headed the last organized outbreak against
+Spain in the Philippines, temporarily sojourning as a political
+refugee at Singapore, in the Filipino colony there, he naturally
+sought to arrange for his co-operating with us against Spain, as
+Gomez and Garcia were doing in Cuba. Thereby hangs the story of
+"Mr. Pratt's Serenade." However, before we listen to the band whose
+strains spoke the gratitude of the Filipinos to Mr. Pratt for having
+introduced Aguinaldo to Dewey, let us learn somewhat of Aguinaldo's
+antecedents, as related to the purposes of the introduction.
+
+The first low rumbling of official thunder premonitory to the war
+with Spain was heard in Mr. McKinley's annual message to Congress of
+December, 1897, [2] wherein he said, among other things:
+
+
+    The most important problem with which this government is now
+    called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns
+    its duty toward Spain and the Cuban insurrection.
+
+
+In that very month of December, 1897, Aguinaldo was heading a
+formidable insurrection against Spanish tyranny in the Philippines,
+and the Filipinos and their revolutionary committees everywhere were
+watching with eager interest the course of "The Great North American
+Republic," as they were wont to term our government.
+
+The Report of the First Philippine Commission sent out to the Islands
+by President McKinley in February, 1899, of which President Schurman
+of Cornell University was Chairman, contains a succinct memorandum
+concerning the Filipino revolutionary movement of 1896-7, which had
+been begun by Aguinaldo in 1896, and had culminated in what is known as
+the Treaty of Biac-na-Bato, [3] signed December 14, 1897. This treaty
+had promised certain reforms, such as representation in the Spanish
+Cortez, sending the Friars away, etc., and had also promised the
+leaders $400,000 if Aguinaldo and his Cabinet would leave the country
+and go to Hong Kong. "No definite time was fixed," says President
+Schurman (vol. I., p. 171), "during which these men were to remain
+away from the Philippines; and if the promises made by Spain were not
+fulfilled, they had the right to return." Of course, "the promises made
+by Spain" were not fulfilled. Spain thought she had bought Aguinaldo
+and his crowd off. "Two hundred thousand dollars," says Prof. Schurman,
+"was paid to Aguinaldo when he arrived in Hong Kong." But instead of
+using this money in riotous living, the little group of exiles began
+to take notice of the struggles of their brothers in wretchedness
+in Cuba, and the ever-increasing probability of intervention by the
+United States in that unhappy Spanish colony, which, of course, would
+be their opportunity to strike for Independence. They had only been
+in Hong Kong about two months when the Maine blew up February 15,
+1898, Then they knew there would be "something doing." Hong Kong
+being the cross-roads of the Far East and the gateway to Asia, and
+being only sixty hours across the choppy China Sea from Manila, was
+the best place in that part of the world to brew another insurrection
+against Spain. But Singapore is also a good place for a branch office
+for such an enterprise, being on the main-travelled route between the
+Philippines and Spain by way of the Suez Canal, about four or five days
+out of Hong Kong by a good liner, and but little farther from Manila,
+as the crow flies, than Hong Kong itself. Owing to political unrest
+in the Philippines in 1896-7-8, there was quite a colony of Filipino
+political refugees living at Singapore during that period. Aguinaldo
+had gone over from Hong Kong to Singapore in the latter half of April,
+1898, arriving there, it so chanced, the day we declared war against
+Spain, April 21st. He was immediately sought out by Mr. Pratt, who
+had learned of his presence in the community through an Englishman
+of Singapore, a former resident of Manila, a Mr. Bray, who seems to
+have been a kind of striker for the Filipino general. Aguinaldo had
+come incognito. Out of Mr. Pratt's interview with the insurgent chief
+thus obtained, and its results, grew the episode which is the subject
+of this chapter.
+
+A word just here, preliminary to this interview, concerning the
+personal equation of Aguinaldo, would seem to be advisable.
+
+While I personally chased him and his outfit a good deal in the latter
+part of 1899, in the northern advance of a column of General Lawton's
+Division from San Isidro across the Rio Grande de Pampanga, over the
+boggy passes of the Caraballa Mountains to the China Sea, and up the
+Luzon West Coast road, we never did catch him, and I never personally
+met him but once, and that was after he was captured in 1901. He
+was as insignificant looking physically as a Japanese diplomat. But
+his presence suggested, equally with that of his wonderful racial
+cousins who represent the great empire of the Mikado abroad, both a
+high order of intelligence and baffling reserve. And Major-General
+J. Franklin Bell, recently Chief of Staff, United States Army, who
+was a Major on General Merritt's staff in 1898, having charge of the
+"Office of Military Information," in a confidential report prepared
+for his chief dated August 29, 1898, "sizing up" the various insurgent
+leaders, in view of the then apparent probability of trouble with them,
+gives these notes on Aguinaldo, the head and front of the revolution:
+"Aguinaldo: Honest, sincere, and * * * a natural leader of men." [4]
+
+Any one acquainted with General Bell knows that he knows what he is
+talking about when he speaks of "a natural leader of men," for he is
+one himself. Our ablest men in the early days were the first to cease
+considering the little brown soldiers a joke, and their government an
+opera-bouffe affair. General Bell also says in the same report that he,
+Aguinaldo, is undoubtedly endowed in a wonderful degree with "the power
+of creating among the people confidence in himself." He was, indeed,
+the very incarnation of "the legitimate aspirations of" his people,
+to use one of the favorite phrases of his early state papers, and
+the faithful interpreter thereof. That was the secret of his power,
+that and a most remarkable talent for surrounding himself with an
+atmosphere of impenetrable reserve. This last used to make our young
+army officers suspect him of being what they called a "four-flusher,"
+which being interpreted means a man who is partially successful in
+making people think him far more important than he really is. But
+we have seen General Bell's estimate. And the day Aguinaldo took the
+oath of allegiance to the United States, in 1901, General MacArthur,
+then commanding the American forces in the Philippines, signalized the
+event by liberating 1000 Filipino prisoners of war. General Funston,
+the man who captured him in 1901, says in Scribner's Magazine for
+November, 1911, "He is a man of many excellent qualities and * * *
+far and away the best Filipino I was ever brought in contact with."
+
+Aguinaldo was born in 1869. To-day, 1912, he is farming about twenty
+miles out of Manila in his native province of Cavite; has always
+scrupulously observed his oath of allegiance aforesaid; occasionally
+comes to town and plays chess with Governor-General Forbes; and
+in all respects has played for the last ten years with really fine
+dignity the role of Chieftain of a Lost Cause on which his all had
+been staked. He was a school-teacher at Cavite at one time, but is not
+a college graduate, and so far as mere book education is concerned, he
+is not a highly educated man. Whether or not he can give the principal
+parts of the principal irregular Greek verbs I do not know, but his
+place in the history of his country, and in the annals of wars for
+independence, cannot, and for the honor of human nature should not,
+be a small one. Dr. Rizal, the Filipino patriot whose picture we print
+on the Philippine postage stamps, and who was shot for sedition by the
+Spaniards before our time out there, was what Colonel Roosevelt would
+jocularly call "one of these darned literary fellows." He was a sort of
+"Sweetness and Light" proposition, who only wrote about "The Rights of
+Man," and finally let the Spaniards shoot him--stuck his head in the
+lion's mouth, so to speak. Aguinaldo was a born leader of men, who knew
+how to put the fear of God into the hearts of the ancient oppressors
+of his people. Mr. Pratt's own story of how he earned his serenade
+is preserved to future ages in the published records of the State
+Department. [5] We will now attempt to summarize, not so eloquently as
+Mr. Pratt, but more briefly, the manner of its earning, the serenade
+itself, and its resultant effects both upon the personal fortunes of
+Mr. Pratt and upon Filipino confidence in American official assurances.
+
+It was on the evening of Saturday, April 23, 1898, that Mr. Pratt
+was confidentially informed of Aguinaldo's arrival at Singapore,
+incognito. "Being aware," says Mr. Pratt, "of the great prestige of
+General Aguinaldo with the insurgents, and that no one, either at
+home or abroad, could exert over them the same influence and control
+that he could, I determined at once to see him." Accordingly, he did
+see him the following Sunday morning, the 24th.
+
+At this interview, it was arranged that if Admiral Dewey, then
+at Hong Kong with his squadron awaiting orders, should so desire,
+Aguinaldo should proceed to Hong Kong to arrange for co-operation
+of the insurgents at Manila with our naval forces in the prospective
+operations against the Spaniards.
+
+Accordingly, that Sunday, Mr. Pratt telegraphed Dewey through our
+consul at Hong Kong:
+
+
+    Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hong Kong arrange
+    with Commodore for general co-operation insurgents Manila if
+    desired. Telegraph.
+
+
+Admiral Dewey (then Commodore) replied:
+
+
+    Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.
+
+
+This message was received late Sunday night, April 24th, and was
+at once communicated to Aguinaldo. Mr. Pratt then did considerable
+bustling around for the benefit of his new-found ally, whom, with
+his aide-de-camp and private secretary, all under assumed names
+he "succeeded in getting off," to use his phrase, by the British
+steamer Malacca, which left Singapore for Hong Kong, April 26th. In
+the letter reporting all this to the State Department, Mr. Pratt
+adds that he trusts this action "in arranging for his [Aguinaldo's]
+direct co-operation with the commander of our forces" will meet
+with the Government's approval. A little later Mr. Pratt sends the
+State Department a copy of the Singapore Free Press of May 4, 1898,
+containing an impressive account of the above transaction and the
+negotiations leading up to it. This account describes the political
+conditions among the population of the Philippine archipelago, "which,"
+it goes on to say, "merely awaits the signal from General Aguinaldo to
+rise en masse." Speaking of Pratt's interview with Aguinaldo, it says:
+
+
+    General Aguinaldo's policy embraces the independence of the
+    Philippines. * * * American protection would be desirable
+    temporarily, on the same lines as that which might be instituted
+    hereafter in Cuba.
+
+
+Mr. Pratt also forwards a proclamation gotten up by the Filipino
+insurgent leaders at Hong Kong and sent over to the Philippines in
+advance of Admiral Dewey's coming, calling upon the Filipinos not
+to heed any appeals of the Spaniards to oppose the Americans, but to
+rally to the support of the latter. This manifesto of the Filipinos
+is headed, prominently--for all we know it may have had a heading
+as big as a Hearst newspaper box-car type announcement of the latest
+violation of the Seventh Commandment--: "America's Allies."
+
+It begins thus:
+
+
+    Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence
+    within our reach. * * * The Americans, not from mercenary motives,
+    but for the sake of humanity and the lamentations of so many
+    persecuted people, have considered it opportune * * * etc. [Here
+    follows a reference to Cuba.] At the present moment an American
+    squadron is preparing to sail for the Philippines. * * * The
+    Americans will attack by sea and prevent any reinforcements coming
+    from Spain; * * * we insurgents must attack by land. Probably
+    you will have more than sufficient arms, because the Americans
+    have arms and will find means to assist us. There where you
+    see the American flag flying, assemble in numbers; they are our
+    redeemers! [6]
+
+
+For twelve days after his letter to the State Department enclosing
+the above proclamation, Mr. Pratt, so far as the record discloses,
+contemplated his coup d'etat in silent satisfaction. Since its
+successful pulling off, Admiral Dewey had smashed the Spanish fleet,
+and Aguinaldo had started his auxiliary insurrection. The former was
+patting the latter on the back, as it were, and saying, "Go it little
+man." But nobody was patting Pratt on the back, yet. Therefore, on June
+2d, Mr. Pratt writes the State Department, purring for patting thus:
+
+
+    Considering the enthusiastic manner General Aguinaldo has been
+    received by the natives and the confidence with which he already
+    appears to have inspired Admiral Dewey, it will be admitted,
+    I think, that I did not over-rate his importance and that I
+    have materially assisted the cause of the United States in the
+    Philippines in securing his co-operation. [7]
+
+
+A glow of conscious superiority, in value to the Government, over
+his consular colleague and neighbor, Mr. Wildman, at Hong Kong,
+next suffuses Mr. Pratt's diction, being manifested thus:
+
+
+    Why this co-operation should not have been secured to us during
+    the months General Aguinaldo remained awaiting events in Hong
+    Kong, and that he was allowed to leave there without having been
+    approached in the interest of our Government, I cannot understand.
+
+
+Considering that in his letter accepting the nomination for the
+Vice-Presidency two years after this Mr. Roosevelt compared Aguinaldo
+and his people to that squalid old Apache medicine man, Sitting Bull,
+and his band of dirty paint-streaked cut-throats, Mr. Pratt's next
+Pickwickian sigh of complacent, if neglected, worth is particularly
+interesting:
+
+
+    No close observer of what had transpired in the Philippines during
+    the past four years could have failed to recognize that General
+    Aguinaldo enjoyed above all others the confidence of the Filipino
+    insurgents and the respect alike of Spaniards and foreigners in
+    the islands, all of whom vouched for his high sense of justice
+    and honor.
+
+
+In other words, knowing the proverbial ingratitude of republics,
+Mr. Pratt is determined to impress upon his Government and on the
+discerning historian of the future that he was "the original Aguinaldo
+man." A week later (June 9th) Mr. Pratt writes the Department enclosing
+copies of the Singapore papers of that date, giving an account of
+a generous outburst of Filipino enthusiasm at Singapore in honor
+of America, Admiral Dewey, and, last, if not least, Mr. Pratt. He
+encloses duplicate copies of these newspaper notices "for the press,
+should you consider their publication desirable." His letter begins:
+
+
+    I have the honor to report that this afternoon, on the occasion of
+    the receipt of the news of General Aguinaldo's recent successes
+    near Manila, I was waited upon by the Philippine residents in
+    Singapore and presented an address. * * *
+
+
+He then proceeds with further details of the event, without
+self-laudation. The Singapore papers which he encloses, however, not
+handicapped by the inexorable modesty of official correspondence,
+give a glowing account of the presentation of the "address," and
+of the serenade and toasts which followed. Says one of them, the
+Straits Times:
+
+
+    The United States consulate at Singapore was yesterday afternoon
+    in an unusual state of bustle. That bustle extended itself to
+    Raffles Hotel, of which the consulate forms an outlying part. From
+    a period shortly prior to 5 o'clock, afternoon, the natives of
+    the Philippines resident in Singapore began to assemble at the
+    consulate. Their object was to present an address to Hon. Spencer
+    Pratt, United States Consul-General, and, partly, to serenade him,
+    for which purpose some twenty-five or thirty of the Filipinos
+    came equipped with musical instruments.
+
+
+First there was music by the band. Then followed the formal reading and
+presentation of the address by a Dr. Santos, representing the Filipino
+community of Singapore. The address pledged the "eternal gratitude"
+of the Filipino people to Admiral Dewey and the honored addressee,
+alluded to the glories of independence, and to how Aguinaldo had been
+enabled by the arrangement so happily effected with Admiral Dewey
+by Consul Pratt to arouse 8,000,000 of Filipinos to take up arms
+"in defence of those principles of justice and liberty of which your
+country is the foremost champion" and trusted "that the United States
+* * * will efficaciously second the programme arranged between you,
+sir, and General Aguinaldo in this port of Singapore, and secure to
+us our independence under the protection of the United States."
+
+Mr. Pratt arose and "proceeded speaking in French," says the
+newspaper--it does not say Alabama French, but that is doubtless what
+it was--"to state his belief that the Filipinos would prove and were
+now proving themselves fit for self-government." The gentleman from
+Alabama then went on to review the mighty events and developments of
+the preceding six weeks, Dewey's victory of May 1st,
+
+
+    the brilliant achievements of your own distinguished leader,
+    General Emilio Aguinaldo, co-operating on land with the Americans
+    at sea, etc. You have just reason to be proud of what has
+    been and is being accomplished by General Aguinaldo and your
+    fellow-countrymen under his command. When, six weeks ago, I
+    learned that General Aguinaldo had arrived incognito in Singapore,
+    I immediately sought him out. An hour's interview convinced me
+    that he was the man for the occasion; and, having communicated
+    with Admiral Dewey, I accordingly arranged for him to join the
+    latter, which he did at Cavite. The rest you know.
+
+
+Says the newspaper clipping which has preserved the Pratt oration:
+"At the conclusion of Mr. Pratt's speech refreshments were served,
+and as the Filipinos, being Christians, drink alcohol, [8] there was
+no difficulty in arranging as to refreshments."
+
+Then followed a general drinking of toasts to America, Dewey, Pratt,
+and Aguinaldo. Then the band played. Then the meeting broke up. Then
+the Honorable Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the United States,
+retired to the seclusion of his apartments in Raffles Hotel, and,
+under the soothing swish of his plunkah, forgot the accursed heat of
+that stepping-off place, Singapore, and dreamed of future greatness.
+
+A few days later the even tenor of Mr. Pratt's meditations was
+disturbed by a letter from the State Department saying, in effect,
+that it was all right to get Aguinaldo's assistance "if in so doing
+he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be practicable to
+gratify." [9] But it did not tell him to tell the Filipinos so. For
+Aguinaldo was keeping the Spaniards bottled up in the old walled city
+of Manila on short and ever shortening rations, and American troops
+were on the way to join him, and the shorter the food supply grew
+in Manila the readier the garrison would be to surrender when they
+did arrive, and the fewer American soldiers' lives would have to be
+sacrificed in the final capture of the town. Every day of Aguinaldo's
+service under the Dewey-Pratt arrangement was worth an American life,
+perhaps many. It was too valuable to repudiate, just yet. July 20th,
+the State Department wrote Mr. Pratt a letter acknowledging receipt of
+his of June 9th "enclosing printed copies of a report from the Straits
+Times of the same day, entitled 'Mr. Spencer Pratt's Serenade,'
+with a view to its communication to the press," and not only not
+felicitating him on his serenade, but making him sorry he had ever
+had a serenade. It said, among other things:
+
+"The extract now communicated by you from the Straits Times of the
+9th of June has occasioned a feeling of disquietude and a doubt as
+to whether some of your acts may not have borne a significance and
+produced an impression which this government would feel compelled
+to regret." [10] Hapless Pratt! "Feel compelled to regret" is State
+Department for "You are liable to be fired."
+
+The letter of reprimand proceeds:
+
+"The address * * * discloses an understanding on their part that * * *
+the ultimate object of our action is * * * the independence of the
+Philippines * * *. Your address does not repel this implication * * *".
+
+The letter then scores Pratt for having called Aguinaldo "the man
+for the occasion," and for having said that the "arrangement" between
+Aguinaldo and Dewey had "resulted so happily," and after a few further
+animadversions, concludes with this great blow to the reading public
+of Alabama:
+
+"For these reasons the Department has not caused the article to be
+given to the press lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to
+views the expression of which it had not authorized."
+
+"The Department" was very scrupulous about even the appearance, at
+the American end of the line, of "lending a sanction" to Pratt's
+arrangement with Aguinaldo, while all the time it was knowingly
+permitting the latter to daily risk his own life and the lives of
+his countrymen on the faith of that very "arrangement," and it was
+so permitting this to be done because the "arrangement" was daily
+operating to reduce the number of American lives which it would be
+necessary to sacrifice in the final taking of Manila. The day the
+letter of reprimand was written our troop-ships were on the ocean,
+speeding toward the Philippines. And Aguinaldo and his people were
+fighting the Spaniards with the pent-up feeling of centuries impelling
+their little steel-jacketed messengers of death, thinking of "Cuba
+Libre," and dreaming of a Star of Philippine Independence risen in
+the Far East.
+
+Such are the circumstances from which the Filipino people derived
+their first impressions concerning the faith and honor of a strange
+people they had never theretofore seen, who succeeded the Spaniards
+as their overlords. Mr. Pratt was subsequently quietly separated from
+the consular service, and doubtless lived to regret that he had ever
+unloosed the fountains of his Alabama French on the Filipino colony
+of Singapore.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+DEWEY AND AGUINALDO
+
+                    Armaments that thunderstrike the walls
+                    Of rock-built cities, bidding nations quake
+                    And monarchs tremble in their capitals.
+
+                                                          Childe Harold.
+
+
+The battle of Manila Bay was fought May 1, 1898. Until the thunder of
+Dewey's guns reverberated around the world, there was perhaps no part
+of it the American people knew less about than the Philippine Islands.
+
+We have all heard much of what happened after the battle, but
+comparatively few, probably, have ever had a glimpse at our great
+sailor while he was there in Hong Kong harbor, getting ready to go
+to sea to destroy the Spanish armada. Such a glimpse is modestly
+afforded by the Admiral in his testimony before the Senate Committee
+in 1902. [11]
+
+Asked by the Committee when he first heard from Aguinaldo and his
+people in 1898, Admiral Dewey said [12]:
+
+
+    I should think about a month before leaving Hong Kong, that is,
+    about the first of April, when it became pretty certain that there
+    was to be war with Spain, I heard that there were a number of
+    Filipinos in the city of Hong Kong who were anxious to accompany
+    the squadron to Manila in case we went over. I saw these men two
+    or three times myself. They seemed to be all very young earnest
+    boys. I did not attach much importance to what they said or to
+    themselves. Finally, before we left Hong Kong for Mirs Bay [13]
+    I received a telegram from Consul-General Pratt at Singapore
+    saying that Aguinaldo was there and anxious to see me. I said to
+    him "All right; tell him to come on," but I attached so little
+    importance to Aguinaldo that I did not wait for him. He did not
+    arrive, and we sailed from Mirs Bay without any Filipinos.
+
+
+From his testimony before the Committee it is clear that Admiral
+Dewey's first impressions of the Filipinos, like those of most
+Americans after him, were not very favorable, that is to say, he did
+not in the outset take them very seriously. It will be interesting
+to consider these impressions, and then to compare them with those he
+gathered on better acquaintance from observing their early struggles
+for independence. The more intimate acquaintance, as has been the case
+with all his fellow countrymen since, caused him to revise his first
+verdict. Answering a question put by Senator Carmack concerning what
+transpired between him and the Philippine Revolutionists at Hong Kong
+before he sailed in search of the Spanish fleet, the Admiral said [14]:
+
+
+    They were bothering me. I was getting my squadron ready for battle,
+    and these little men were coming on board my ship at Hong Kong and
+    taking a good deal of my time, and I did not attach the slightest
+    importance to anything they could do, and they did nothing; that
+    is, none of them went with me when I went to Mirs Bay. There had
+    been a good deal of talk, but when the time came they did not
+    go. One of them didn't go because he didn't have any tooth-brush.
+
+    Senator Burrows: "Did he give that as his reason?"
+
+    Admiral Dewey: "Yes, he said 'I have no tooth-brush.'"
+
+    They used to come aboard my ship and take my time, and finally
+    I would not see them at all, but turned them over to my staff.
+
+
+Now the lack of a tooth-brush is hardly a valid excuse for not going
+into battle, however great a convenience it may be in campaign. But
+the absence of orders from your commanding officer stands on a very
+different footing. Aguinaldo had not yet arrived. Three hundred years
+of Spanish misgovernment and cruelty is not conducive to aversion
+to fictitious excuses by the lowly in the presence of supreme
+authority. The answer was amusingly uncandid, but disproved neither
+patriotism nor intelligence.
+
+Aguinaldo arrived at Hong Kong from Singapore a day or so after
+Admiral Dewey had sailed for Manila. Of the battle of May 1st,
+no detailed mention is essential here. Every schoolboy is familiar
+with it. It will remain, as long as the republic lasts, a part of
+the heritage of the nation. But the true glory of that battle, to my
+mind, rests, not upon the circumstance that we have the Philippines,
+but upon the tremendous fact that before it occurred the attitude of
+our State Department toward an American citizen sojourning in distant
+lands and becoming involved in difficulties there had long been,
+"Why didn't he stay at home? Let him stew in his own juice"; whereas,
+since then, to be an American has been more like it was in the days
+of St. Paul to be a Roman citizen.
+
+May 16th, our consul at Hong Kong, Mr. Wildman, succeeded in
+getting the insurgent leader and his staff off for Manila on board
+the U. S. S. McCulloch by authority of Admiral Dewey. Like his
+colleague over at Singapore, Consul Wildman was bent on the role of
+Warwick. Admiral Dewey was quite busy there in Manila Bay the first
+two or three weeks after the battle, but yielding to the letters
+of Wildman, who meantime had constituted himself a kind of fiscal
+agent at Hong Kong for the prospective revolution in the matter of
+the purchase of guns and otherwise, the Admiral told the commanding
+officer of the McCulloch that on his next trip to Hong Kong he might
+bring down a dozen or so of the Filipinos there. The frame of mind
+they were in on reaching Manila, as a result of the assurances of
+Pratt and Wildman, is well illustrated by a letter the latter wrote
+Aguinaldo a little later (June 25th) which is undoubtedly in keeping
+with what he had been telling him earlier:
+
+
+    Do not forget that the United States undertook this war for the
+    sole purpose of relieving the Cubans from the cruelties under
+    which they were suffering, and not for the love of conquest or
+    the hope of gain. They are actuated by precisely the same feelings
+    for the Filipinos. [15]
+
+
+And at the time, they were.
+
+"Every American citizen who came in contact with the Filipinos at
+the inception of the Spanish War, or at any time within a few months
+after hostilities began," said General Anderson in an interview
+published in the Chicago Record of February 24, 1900, "probably
+told those he talked with * * * that we intended to free them from
+Spanish oppression. The general expression, was 'We intend to whip
+the Spaniards and set you free.'"
+
+The McCulloch arrived in Manila Bay with Aguinaldo and his outfit,
+May 19th. Let Admiral Dewey tell what happened then [16]:
+
+
+    Aguinaldo came to see me. I said, "Well now, go ashore there; we
+    have got our forces at the arsenal at Cavite, go ashore and start
+    your army." He came back in the course of a few hours and said,
+    "I want to leave here; I want to go to Japan." I said, "Don't give
+    it up, Don Emilio." I wanted his help, you know. He did not sleep
+    ashore that night; he slept on board the ship. The next morning
+    he went on shore, still inside my lines, and began recruiting men.
+
+
+Enterprises of great pith and moment have often turned awry and lost
+the name of action for lack of a word spoken in season by a stout
+heart. Admiral Dewey spoke the word, and Aguinaldo, his protege,
+did the rest. "Then he began operations toward Manila, and he did
+wonderfully well. He whipped the Spaniards battle after battle * * *."
+[17] In fact, the desperate bravery of those little brown men
+after they got warmed up reminds one of the Japs at the walls of
+Peking, in the advance of the Allied Armies to the relief of the
+foreign legations during the Boxer troubles of 1900. Admiral Dewey
+told the Senate Committee in 1902 that Aguinaldo actually wanted to
+put one of the old smooth-bore Spanish guns he found at Cavite on a
+barge and have him (Dewey) tow it up in front of Manila so he could
+attack the city with it. "I said, 'Oh no, no; we can do nothing until
+our troops come.'"
+
+Otherwise he was constantly advising and encouraging him. Why? Let the
+Admiral answer: "I knew that what he was doing--driving the Spaniards
+in--was saving our troops." [17] In other words they were daily dying
+that American soldiers might live, on the faith of the reasons for
+which we had declared war, and trusting, because of the words of our
+consuls and the acts of our admiral, in the sentiment subsequently
+so nobly expressed by Mr. McKinley in his instructions to the Paris
+peace Commissioners:
+
+
+    The United States in making peace should follow the same high
+    rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. [18]
+
+
+"I did not know what the action of our Government would be," said
+the Admiral to the Committee, [19] adding that he simply used his
+best judgment on the spot at the time; presumably supposing that his
+Government would do the decent thing by these people who considered
+us their liberators. "They looked on us as their liberators," said
+he. [20] "Up to the time the army came he (Aguinaldo) did everything I
+requested. He was most obedient; whatever I told him to do he did. I
+saw him almost daily. [21] I had not much to do with him after the
+army came." [22]
+
+That was no ordinary occasion, that midsummer session of the
+Senate Committee in 1902. It was a case of the powerful of the earth
+discussing a question of ethics, even as they do in Boston. The nation
+had been intoxicated in 1898 with the pride of power--power revealed
+to it by the Spanish War; and in a spirit thus mellowed had taken
+the Philippines as a sort of political foreign mission, forgetting
+the injunction of the Fathers to keep Church and State separate,
+but not forgetting the possible profits of trade with the saved. A
+long war with the prospective saved had followed, developing many
+barbarities avenged in kind, and the breezes from the South Seas were
+suggesting the aroma of shambles. "How did we get into all this mess,
+anyhow?" said the people. "Let us pause, and consider." Hear the
+still small voice of a nation's conscience mingling with demagogic
+nonsense perpetrated by potent, grave, and reverend Senators:
+
+
+    Admiral Dewey: "I do not think it makes any difference what my
+    opinion is on these things."
+
+    Senator Patterson: "There is no man whose opinion goes farther
+    with the country than yours does, Admiral, and therefore I think
+    you ought to be very prudent in expressing your views."
+
+    Senator Beveridge (Acting Chairman): "The Chairman will not permit
+    any member to lecture Admiral Dewey on his prudence or imprudence."
+
+
+This of course would read well to "Mary of the Vine-clad Cottage"
+out in Indiana, whose four-year-old boy was named George Dewey--,
+or to her counterpart up in Vermont who might name her next boy
+after the brilliant and distinguished Acting Chairman, in token of
+her choice for the Presidency.
+
+
+    Senator Patterson: "I was not lecturing him."
+
+    Senator Beveridge: "Yes; you said he ought to be prudent."
+
+    Senator Patterson: "And I think it was well enough to suggest
+    those things." [23]
+
+
+Thawed into theorizing by these indubitably genuine evidences of
+a nation's high regard, the man of action tried to help the nation
+out. He said he had used the Filipinos as the Federal troops used the
+negroes in the Civil War. Senator Patterson struck this suggestion
+amidships and sunk it with the remark that the negroes were expecting
+freedom. Admiral Dewey had said "The Filipinos were slaves too"
+and considered him their liberator. [24] But he never did elaborate
+on the new definition of freedom which had followed in the wake of
+his ships to Manila, viz., that Freedom does not necessarily mean
+freedom from alien domination, but only a change of masters deemed
+by the new master beneficial to the "slave."
+
+Apropos of why he accepted Aguinaldo's help, the Admiral also said:
+
+
+    I was waiting for troops to arrive, and I felt sure the Filipinos
+    could not take Manila, and I thought that the closer they invested
+    the city the easier it would be when our troops arrived to march
+    in. The Filipinos were our friends, assisting us; they were doing
+    our work. [25]
+
+
+Asked as to how big a force Aguinaldo had under arms then and
+afterwards, the Admiral said maybe 25,000, adding, by way of
+illustration of the pluck, vim, and patriotism of his valuable new-made
+friends, "They could have had any number of men; it was just a question
+of arming them. They could have had the whole population." [26]
+Eleven months after that, when we captured the first insurgent capital,
+Malolos, General MacArthur, the ablest and one of the bravest generals
+we ever set to slaughtering Filipinos, said to a newspaper man just
+after a bloody and of course victorious fight: "When I first started in
+against these rebels, I believed that Aguinaldo's troops represented
+only a faction." "I did not like," said this veteran of three
+wars, who was always "on the job" in action out there as elsewhere,
+"I did not like to believe that the whole population of Luzon * * *
+was opposed to us * * * but after having come thus far, and having
+been brought much in contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have
+been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses are
+loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads". [27]
+
+Is it at all unlikely that Admiral Dewey did in fact say of his
+proteges, the Filipinos, to an American visiting Manila in January,
+1899, three or four weeks before the war broke out, "Rather than
+make a war of conquest upon the Filipino people, I would up anchor
+and sail out of the harbor." [28]
+
+If Dewey and MacArthur were right, then, about the situation around
+Manila in 1898, it was a case of an entire people united in an
+aspiration, and looking to us for its fulfilment.
+
+When the American troops reached the Philippines and perfected
+their battle formations about Manila, and the order to advance
+was given, they did "march in," to use Admiral Dewey's expression
+above quoted. But they did not let the Filipinos have a finger in the
+pie. The conquest and retention of the islands had then been determined
+upon. The Admiral's reasons for saddling his protege with a series of
+bloody battles and a long and arduous campaign are certainly stated
+with the proverbial frankness of the sailorman: "I wanted his help,
+you know." But what was Aguinaldo to get out of the transaction,
+from the Dewey point of view?
+
+"They wanted to get rid of the Spaniards. I do not think they looked
+much beyond that," [29] said the Admiral to the Senate Committee. Let
+us see whether they did or not. Aguinaldo had been shipped by the
+Honorable E. Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the United States at
+Singapore, from that point to Hong Kong on April 26th, consigned to
+his fellow Warwick, the Honorable Rounseville Wildman, Consul-General
+of the United States at the last-named place, and had been received
+in due course by the consignee. May 5th, at Hong Kong, the Filipino
+Revolutionary Committee had a meeting, the minutes of which we
+subsequently came into possession of, along with other captured
+insurgent papers. The following is an extract from those minutes:
+
+
+    Once the President [Aguinaldo] is in the Philippines with his
+    prestige, he will be able to arouse the masses to combat the
+    demands of the United States, if they should colonize that country,
+    and will drive them, the Filipinos, if circumstances render it
+    necessary, to a Titanic struggle for their independence, even
+    if later they should succumb to the weight of the yoke of a new
+    oppressor. If Washington proposes to carry out the fundamental
+    principles of its Constitution, it is most improbable that an
+    attempt will be made to colonize the Philippines or annex them. It
+    is probable then that independence will be guaranteed. [30]
+
+
+The truth is that instead of leaving everything to the chance of
+our continuing in the same unselfish frame of mind we were really in
+when the Spanish-American War started, Aguinaldo and his people, not
+sure but what in the wind-up they might even be thrown back upon the
+tender mercies of Spain, played their cards boldly and consistently
+from the beginning with a view of organizing a de facto government
+and getting it recognized by the Powers as such at the very earliest
+practicable moment. They believed that the Lord helps those who help
+themselves. They had anticipated our change of heart and already had
+it discounted before we were aware of it ourselves. They were already
+acting on the idea that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty
+while public opinion in the United States concerning them was in a
+chrysalis state, and trying to develop a new definition of Liberty
+which should comport with the subjugation of distant island subjects
+by a continental commonwealth on the other side of the world based on
+representative government. The prospective subjects did not believe
+that a legislature ten thousand miles away in which they had no vote
+would ever give them a square deal about tariff and other laws dictated
+by special interests. They had had three hundred years of just that
+very sort of thing under Spain and instinctively dreaded continuance
+of it. That their instincts did not deceive them, our later study of
+Congressional legislation will show. The Filipinos had greatly pondered
+their future in their hearts during the last twelve months of Spain's
+colonial empire, watching her Cuban embarrassments with eager eye.
+
+Having seen the frame of mind in which they approached the contract
+implied in Admiral Dewey's cheery words, "Well now, go ashore there
+and start your army," what were the facts of recent history within
+the knowledge of both parties at the time? What had been the screams
+of the American eagle, if any, concerning his moral leadership of
+the family of unfeathered bipeds?
+
+President McKinley's annual message to Congress of December, 1897,
+[31] calling attention to conditions in Cuba as intolerable,
+had declared that if we should intervene to put a stop to them,
+we certainly would not make it the occasion of a land-grab. The
+other nations said: "We are from Missouri." But Mr. McKinley said,
+"forcible annexation" was not to be thought of by us. "That by
+our code of morality would be criminal," etc. So the world said,
+"We shall see what we shall see." Then had come the war message
+of April 11, 1898, [32] reiterating the declaration of the Cuban
+message of December previous, that "forcible annexation by our code of
+morality would be criminal aggression." In other words we announced
+to the overcrowded monarchies of the old world, whose land-lust is
+ever tempted by the broad acres of South America, and ever cooled
+by the virile menace of the Monroe doctrine, that we not only were
+against the principle of land-grabbing, but would not indulge in the
+practice. Immediately upon the conclusion of the reading of the war
+message, Senator Stewart was recognized, and said, among other things:
+"Under the law of nations, intervention for conquest is condemned,
+and is opposed to the universal sentiment of mankind. It is unjust,
+it is robbery, to intervene for conquest." Then Mr. Lodge stood up,
+"in the Senate House a Senator," and said:
+
+
+    We are there [meaning in this present Cuban situation] because we
+    represent the spirit of liberty and the spirit of the new time, and
+    Spain is over against us because she is mediaeval, cruel, dying. We
+    have grasped no man's territory, we have taken no man's property,
+    we have invaded no man's rights. We do not ask their lands. [33]
+
+
+These speeches went forth to the world almost like a part of the
+message itself. And Admiral Dewey, like every other American, in
+his early dealings with Aguinaldo, after war broke out, must have
+assumed a mental attitude in harmony with these announcements. But
+the world said, "All this is merely what you Americans yourselves
+call 'hot air.' We repeat, 'We are from Missouri.'" Then we said:
+"Oh very well, we will show you." So in the declaration of war against
+Spain we inserted the following:
+
+
+    Fourth: That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
+    intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over
+    said island except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its
+    determination when that is accomplished, to leave the government
+    and control of the island to its people.
+
+
+This meant, "It is true we do love the Almighty Dollar very dearly,
+oh, Sisters of the Family of Nations, but there are some axiomatic
+principles of human liberty that we love better, and one of them is the
+'unalienable right' of every people to pursue happiness in their own
+way, free from alien domination." All these things were well known to
+both the contracting parties when Admiral Dewey set Aguinaldo ashore
+at Cavite, May 20, 1898, and got him to start his insurrection "under
+the protection of our guns," as he expressed it. [34] Accordingly,
+when the insurgent leader went ashore, the declaration of war was
+his major premise, the assurances of our consuls and the acts of our
+Admiral pursuant thereto were his minor premise, and Independence was
+his conclusion. Trusting to the faith and honor of the American people,
+he took his life in his hands, left the panoplied safety of our mighty
+squadron, and plunged, single-handed, into the struggle for Freedom.
+
+What was the state of the public mind on shore, and how was it
+prepared to receive his assurances of American aid? Consider the
+following picture in the light of its sombre sequel.
+
+Just as the war broke out, Consul Williams had left Manila and gone
+over to Hong Kong, where he joined Admiral Dewey, and accompanied him
+back to Manila, and was thus privileged to be present at the battle
+of Manila Bay, May 1st. Under date of May 12th, from his consular
+headquarters aboard the U. S. S. Baltimore, he reports [35] going
+ashore at Cavite and being received with enthusiastic greetings by
+vast crowds of Filipinos. "They crowded around me," says Brother
+Williams, "hats off, shouting 'Viva los Americanos,' thronged about
+me by hundreds to shake either hand, even several at a time, men,
+women, and children, striving to get even a finger to shake. So I
+moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands."
+
+Tut! tut! says the casual reader. What did the Government at
+Washington know of all these goings on, that it should be charged
+later with having violated as binding a moral obligation as ever a
+nation assumed? It is true that the news of the Williams ovation,
+as in the case of the Pratt serenade, reached Washington only by the
+slow channels of the mail. But Washington did in fact receive the
+said news by due course of mail. When it came, however, Washington
+was nursing visions of savages in blankets smoking the pipe of peace
+with the agents of the Great White Father in the White House--i.e.,
+thought, or hoped, the Filipinos were savages--and remained as deaf
+to the sounds of the Williams ovation as it had been to the strains
+of the Pratt serenade.
+
+However, hardly had Admiral Dewey taken his binoculars from the gig
+that carried Aguinaldo ashore to raise his auxiliary insurrection,
+when he called his Flag Secretary, or the equivalent, and dictated
+the following cablegram to the Secretary of the Navy:
+
+
+    Aguinaldo, the rebel commander-in-chief, was brought down by
+    the McCulloch. Organizing forces near Cavite, and may render
+    assistance that will be valuable. [36]
+
+
+This sounds a little more serious than "earnest boys" alleging the
+lack of a toothbrush as an excuse for declining mortal combat, does
+it not? How valuable did this assistance prove? Admiral Dewey had to
+wait three and one half months for the army to arrive, and this is
+how the commanding general of the American forces describes conditions
+as he found them in the latter part of August:
+
+
+    For three and one half months Admiral Dewey with his squadron
+    and the insurgents on land had kept Manila tightly bottled. All
+    commerce had been interdicted, internal trade paralyzed, and food
+    supplies were nearly exhausted. [37]
+
+
+And, he might have added, the taking of the city was thus made
+perfectly easy. Otherwise, as Aguinaldo put it in one of his letters
+to General Otis, we would not have taken a city, but only the ruins
+of a city. Admiral Dewey said to the Senate Committee in 1902: "They
+[the Spaniards] surrendered on August 13th, and they had not gotten
+a thing in after the 1st of May." [38]
+
+In the early part of the next year, 1899, President McKinley sent
+out a kind of olive-branch commission, of which President Schurman
+of Cornell University was Chairman. The olive branch got withered
+in the sulphur of exploding gun-powder, so the Commission contented
+itself with making a report. And this is what they said concerning
+what followed the Dewey-Aguinaldo entente:
+
+
+    Shortly afterwards, the Filipinos began to attack the
+    Spanish. Their number was rapidly augmented by the militia who
+    had been given arms by Spain, all of whom revolted and joined
+    the insurgents. Great Filipino successes followed, many Spaniards
+    were taken prisoners, and while the Spanish troops now remained
+    quietly in Manila, the Filipino forces made themselves masters
+    of the entire island [of Luzon] except that city. [39]
+
+
+Of conditions in July, sixty days after Admiral Dewey had on May 20th
+said to Aguinaldo in effect, "Go it, little man, we need you in our
+business," Mr. Wildman, our Consul at Hong Kong, writing to the State
+Department, said, in defending himself for his share in the business
+of getting Aguinaldo's help under promises, both express and implied,
+which were subsequently repudiated, that after he, Wildman, put the
+insurgent chief aboard the McCulloch, May 16th, bound for Manila to
+co-operate by land with our navy: "He * * * organized a government
+* * * and from that day to this he has been uninterruptedly successful
+in the field and dignified and just as the head of his government,"
+[40] a statement which Admiral Dewey subsequently endorsed. [41]
+
+We have seen the preliminaries of this "government" started under
+the auspices of our Admiral and under what he himself called "the
+protection of our guns" (ante). Let us note its progress. If you
+turn the leaves of the contemporaneous official reports, you see
+quite a moving picture show, and the action is rapid. On May 24th,
+still "under the protection of our guns," Aguinaldo proclaimed his
+revolutionary government and summoned the people to his standard for
+the purpose of driving the Spaniards out forever. The situation was an
+exact counterpart of the cotemporary Cuban one as regards identity of
+purpose between "liberator" and "oppressed." His proclamation promised
+a constitutional convention to be called later (and which was duly
+called later) to elect a President and Cabinet, in whose favor he
+would resign the emergency authority now assumed; referred to the
+United States as "undoubtedly disinterested" and as considering the
+Filipinos "capable of governing for ourselves our unfortunate country";
+and formally announced the temporary assumption of supreme authority
+as dictator. Copies of these proclamations were duly furnished Admiral
+Dewey. The latter was too busy looking after the men behind his guns
+and watching the progress of his plucky little ally to study Spanish,
+so he forwarded them to the Navy Department without comment--"without
+reading them," said he to the Senate Committee in 1902. [42] When his
+attention was called to them before the Committee by one of the members
+reading them, his comment was, "Nothing about independence there, is
+there?" [43] It seems to me it did not take an international lawyer
+to see a good deal "there," about independence. In a proclamation
+published at Tarlac in the latter part of 1899, which appears to have
+been a sort of swan-song of the Philippine Republic, Aguinaldo had
+said, in effect, "Certainly Admiral Dewey did not bring me from Hong
+Kong to Manila to fight the Spaniards for the benefit of American
+Trade Expansion," and in this proclamation he claimed that Admiral
+Dewey promised him independence. It is true, that in a letter to
+Senator Lodge, which that distinguished gentleman read on the floor
+of the Senate on January 31, 1900, Admiral Dewey denounced this last
+statement as false. It is also true that those Americans are few and
+far between who will take Aguinaldo's word in preference to Admiral
+Dewey's. Certainly the writer is not one of them. But Aguinaldo
+is no Spanish scholar, being more of a leader of men than a master
+of language, and what sort of an interpreter acted between him and
+the Admiral does not appear. Certainly he never did get anything in
+writing from Admiral Dewey. But after the latter brought him to Manila,
+set him to fighting the common enemy, and helped him with guns and
+otherwise in quickly organizing an army for the purpose, the Admiral
+was at least put on inquiry as to just what Aguinaldo supposed he was
+fighting for. What did the Admiral probably suppose? He told the Senate
+Committee that the idea that they wanted independence "never entered
+his head." The roar of mighty guns seems to have made it difficult for
+him to hear the prattlings of what Aguinaldo's proclamations of the
+time called "the legitimate aspirations of a people." The milk in the
+cocoanut is this: How could it ever occur to a great naval commander,
+such as Admiral Dewey, familiar with the four quarters of the globe,
+that a coterie of politicians at home would be so foolish as to buy
+a vast straggly archipelago of jungle-covered islands in the South
+Seas which had been a nuisance to every government that ever owned
+them? But let us turn from the Senate Committee's studies of 1902 to
+the progress of the infant republic of 1898 at Cavite.
+
+The same day the above proclamations of May 24th were issued, we
+find Consul Williams, now become a sort of amphibious civilian
+aide to Dewey, having his consular headquarters afloat, on the
+U. S. S. Baltimore, of the squadron, writing the State Department,
+describing the great successes of the insurgents, his various
+conferences with Aguinaldo and the other leaders, and his own
+activities in arranging the execution of a power of attorney whereby
+Aguinaldo released to certain parties in Hong Kong $400,000 then
+on deposit to his credit in a Hong Kong bank, for the purpose of
+enabling them to pay for 3000 stand of arms bought there and expected
+to arrive at Cavite on the morrow, and for other needed expenses of the
+revolutionary movement. He says, in part: "Officers have visited me
+during the darkness of the night to inform the fleet and me of their
+operations, and to report increase of strength. When General Merritt
+arrives he will find large auxiliary land forces adapted to his service
+and used to the climate." [44] Throughout this period Admiral Dewey
+reports various cordial conferences with Aguinaldo, though he is not so
+literary as to vivify his accounts with allusions to the weather. In
+one despatch he states that he has "refrained from assisting him * * *
+with the forces under my command" [45]--explaining to him that "the
+squadron could not act until the arrival of the United States troops."
+
+Six days after the issuance of the Dictatorship proclamations above
+mentioned, viz., on May 30th, Admiral Dewey cables the Navy Department
+[46]:
+
+
+    Aguinaldo, revolutionary leader, visited Olympia yesterday. He
+    expects to make general attack May 31st.
+
+
+He did not succeed entirely, but there was hard fighting, and the
+cordon around the doomed Spaniards in Manila and its suburbs was
+drawn ever closer and closer.
+
+The remarkable feat of Aguinaldo's raising a right formidable fighting
+force in twelve days after his little "Return from Elba," which force
+kept growing like a snowball, is difficult, for one who does not know
+the Filipinos, and the conditions then, to credit. It is explained
+by the fact that Admiral Dewey let him have the captured guns in the
+Cavite arsenal, that Cavite was a populous hotbed of insurrection,
+and that many native regiments, or parts of regiments, quite suited
+to be the nucleus of an army, having lots of veteran non-commissioned
+officers, deserted the Spaniards and went over to the insurgents,
+their countrymen, as soon as Aguinaldo arrived.
+
+On June 6th, we have another bulletin sent to the Navy Department
+by Admiral Dewey, transmitting with perceptible satisfaction further
+information as to the progress of his indefatigable protege:
+
+
+    Insurgents have been engaged actively within the province of Cavite
+    during the last week; they have had several small victories,
+    taking prisoners about 1800 men, 50 officers; Spanish troops,
+    not native. [47]
+
+
+Along about this period Aguinaldo happens to get hold of a belated
+copy of the London Times of May 5, 1898. It contains considerable
+speculation on the future of the Philippines which casts a shadow
+over the soul of the president of the incipient republic. Having read
+President McKinley's immortal State papers about the moral obliquity
+of "forcible annexation," he is moved to write direct to the source
+of those noble sentiments. The letter is dated June 10, 1898. It is
+addressed, with a quaintness now pathetic, "To the President of the
+Republic of the Great North American Nation." It greets the addressee
+with "the most tender effusion of" the writer's soul, expresses his
+"deep and sincere gratitude," in the name of his people, "for the
+efficient and disinterested protection which you have decided to give
+it to shake off the yoke of the cruel and corrupt Spanish domination,
+as you are doing to the equally unfortunate Cuba" and then proceeds to
+tell of "the great sorrow which all of us Filipinos felt on reading
+in the Times the astounding statement that you, sir, will retain
+these islands," etc. He proceeds:
+
+
+    The Philippine people * * * have seen in your nation, ever since
+    your fleet destroyed in a moment the Spanish fleet which was here
+    * * * the angel who is the harbinger of their liberty; and they
+    rose like a single wave * * * as soon as I trod these shores; and
+    captured in ten days nearly the whole garrison of this Province
+    of Cavite in whose port I have my government--by the consent of
+    the Admiral of your triumphant fleet. [48]
+
+
+The writer closes his letter with an impassioned protest against
+the occurrence of what is suggested in the Times, and speaks of
+his fellow-countrymen as "a people which trusts blindly in you not
+to abandon it to the tyranny of Spain, but to leave it free and
+independent," and adds his "fervent prayers for the ever-increasing
+prosperity of your powerful nation." [49]
+
+But the signer of the foregoing letter did not spend all his time
+praying for us, as may be observed in this bulletin from Admiral Dewey
+concerning the way he was lambasting the common enemy, sent the Navy
+Department, June 12th:
+
+
+    Insurgents continue hostilities and have practically surrounded
+    Manila. They have taken 2500 Spanish prisoners, whom they treat
+    most humanely. They do not intend to attack city proper until
+    the arrival of United States troops thither; I have advised. [50]
+
+
+Four days later Washington chided the hapless Pratt at Singapore about
+having talked to Aguinaldo of "direct co-operation" with Admiral Dewey,
+saying: "To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General
+Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he
+was not induced to form hopes which it might not be practicable to
+gratify." [51] This communication goes on to advise Mr. Pratt that the
+Department cannot approve anything he may have said to Aguinaldo on
+behalf of the United States which would concede that in accepting his
+co-operation we would owe him anything. Yet it did not tell Admiral
+Dewey to quit coaching him, because the service he was rendering
+was too valuable. There is no communication to Admiral Dewey about
+"hopes which it might not be practicable to gratify" in the official
+archives of those times. There was Admiral Dewey coaching Aguinaldo
+and telling him to wait for the main attack until General Merritt
+should arrive with our troops. Why? Because he expected Merritt to
+co-operate with Aguinaldo, and of course Aguinaldo expected exactly
+what Dewey expected.
+
+In reviewing the history of those times the writer has not been
+so careless as to have overlooked Senator Lodge's elaborate speech
+in the Senate on March 7, 1900, wherein attention is called to the
+circumstance that a few days after Aguinaldo landed at Cavite, the
+Navy Department cabled cautioning Dewey to have no alliance with him
+that might complicate us, and that the Admiral answered he had made no
+alliance and would make none. But if actions speak louder than words,
+the Senator's point does not rise above the dignity of a technicality.
+
+The same day the State Department reprimanded Pratt, as above
+indicated, viz., June 16th, Consul Williams at Manila wrote them
+a glowing communication [52] about how "active and almost uniformly
+successful" Aguinaldo was continuing to be. But no resultant enthusiasm
+is of record. Two days later, on June 18th, Aguinaldo issued his
+first formal Declaration of Independence. The infant republic was now
+less than a month old, but it already had a fine set of teeth. The
+Spaniards had seen them. The proclamation was of course addressed to
+the Filipino people, and called on them to rally to the cause, but
+he was also driving at recognition by the Powers. It read in part:
+"In the face of the whole world I have proclaimed that the aspiration
+of my whole life, the final object of all my wishes and efforts,
+is your independence, because I have the inner conviction that it is
+also your constant longing." [53] Many Americans insist that this is
+mere "hot air" and that the average Filipino peasant does not think
+much more than his plough animal, the scoffer himself being stupidly
+unaware that this has been precisely the argument of tyranny in all
+ages. But the pride a people will have in seeing the best educated
+and most able men of their own race in charge of their affairs seems
+to me too obvious to need elaboration. It was always accepted by us
+as axiomatic until we took the Philippines. It is a cruel species of
+wickedness for an American to tell his countrymen that the Filipino
+people do not want independence, for some of them may believe it.
+
+The Declaration of Independence of June 18th is known to students
+of Philippine political archaeology as the Proclamation establishing
+the "dictatorial" government. The principal thing it did was to
+supplement the absolute dictatorship proclaimed May 24th by provisions
+for organizing in detail. It also declared independence. A more
+elaborate Declaration followed on June 23d, known as the proclamation
+establishing the "revolutionary" government. This made provision
+for a Congress, a Cabinet, and courts. Of course it was only a paper
+government the day the ink dried on it. But we will follow it through
+its teething, and adolescence, to the attainment of its majority at
+an inauguration where the president was driven to the place of the
+taking of the oath of office in a coach and four, through a short
+and very self-respecting heyday, and a longer peripatetic existence,
+to final dissolution. The document of June 23d reminds us of a fact
+which in reading it at this late date we are apt to forget, viz.,
+that the Filipinos did not know at what moment their powerful ally,
+the American squadron, might up anchor and sail away to the high
+seas, to meet another Spanish fleet; thus leaving them to the tender
+mercies of the Spaniards, possibly forever. So they were losing no
+time. In fact, they had set to work from the very beginning with a
+determination to try and secure recognition from the Powers at the
+earliest moment. In appealing to the public opinion of the world with a
+view of paving the way to recognition by the Powers--which recognition
+would mean getting arms for war with Spain or any other power without
+the inconveniences of filibustering--Aguinaldo says on behalf of his
+people in the proclamation of June 23d, above mentioned, that they
+"now no longer limit themselves to asking for assimilation with the
+political constitution of Spain, but ask for a complete separation
+(and) strive for independence, completely assured that the time has
+come when they can and ought to govern themselves."
+
+Mr. Frank D. Millet, who reached Manila soon enough (in July) to
+see the ripples of this proclamation, describes the effect on the
+people. While Mr. Millet is one of the best men that anybody ever knew,
+a proposition as to which I am quite sure the President of the United
+States and many people great and small in many lands would affirm my
+judgment, [54] still, he writes from a frankly White Man's Burden or
+land-grabbing standpoint--is in harmony with his environment. At
+page 50 of his book, [55] he reproduces the proclamation last
+above quoted from, and adds the following satirical comment: "This
+flowery production was widely circulated and had a great effect on
+the imagination of the people, who, in the elation of their present
+success in investing the town and in their belief that the United
+States was beginning a campaign in the Philippines to free them from
+Spanish oppression (italics mine) shortly came to think that they
+were already a nation."
+
+Copies of these June proclamations also, as in the case of those
+of May 24th, were duly forwarded by Aguinaldo to Admiral Dewey
+[56] and by him forwarded to Washington without comment. In his
+letter transmitting them to Dewey, Aguinaldo announces that his
+government has "taken possession of the various provinces of the
+archipelago." Just exactly how many provinces he had control of on
+June 23d will be examined later. The very same day the proclamation
+of June 23d declaring independence was issued, Admiral Dewey cabled
+the Navy Department [57]: "Aguinaldo has acted independently of the
+squadron, but has kept me advised of his progress which has been
+wonderful. I have allowed him to take from the arsenal such Spanish
+arms and ammunition as he needed." After adding that "Aguinaldo
+expects to capture Manila without any assistance," the Admiral,
+evidently divining the temptation that was then luring the political
+St. Anthonies at Washington, volunteers this timely suggestion:
+
+
+    In my opinion these people are superior in intelligence and more
+    capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am
+    familiar with both races. [57]
+
+
+That there may be no doubt about the motive behind that suggestion,
+it may be noted here that the Admiral told the Senate Committee in
+1902: "I wrote that because I saw in the newspapers that Congress
+contemplated giving the Cubans independence." [58]
+
+But this is not all. On August 13th, the day after the Peace
+Protocol was signed, Mr. McKinley wired Admiral Dewey asking about
+"the desirability of the several islands," the "coal and mineral
+deposits," and in reply on August 29th, the Admiral wrote:
+
+
+    In a telegram sent the Department on June 23d, I expressed the
+    opinion that "these people are far superior in their intelligence
+    and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba,
+    and I am familiar with both races." Further intercourse with them
+    has confirmed me in this opinion. [59]
+
+
+As a result of one year's stay in Cuba, and six in the Philippines--two
+in the army that subjugated the Filipinos and four as a judge over
+them--I heartily concur in the above opinion of Admiral Dewey,
+but with this addition: Whatever of solidarity for governmental
+purposes the Filipinos may have lacked at the date of the Admiral's
+communications, they were certainly welded into conscious political
+unity, as one people, in their war for independence against us.
+
+In the 1609 or Douay (pronounce Dewey) version of the Bible, the
+Latin Vulgate, Luke's version of the Lord's Prayer only says "Lead
+us not into temptation," while Matthew adds "but deliver us from
+evil." The Dewey suggestions to the Washington Government in 1898
+remind a regretful nation of both the evangelical versions mentioned,
+for the first seems to say what Luke says, and the second seems to
+add what Matthew adds.
+
+There is not an American who has known the Filipinos since the
+beginning of the American occupation who doubts for a moment that
+but for our intervention a Republic would have been established out
+there under the lead of Aguinaldo, Mabini, and their associates,
+which would have compared well with the republican governments
+between the United States and Cape Horn. The writer doubts very
+much if President Taft is of a contrary opinion. The real issue is,
+now that we have them, should we keep them in spite of the tariff
+iniquities which the Trusts perpetrate on them through Congress,
+until they have received the best possible tuition we can give them,
+or be content to give them their independence when they are already at
+least as fit for it as the Republics to the South of us, guaranteeing
+them independence by international agreement like that which protects
+Belgium and Switzerland?
+
+Now why did Admiral Dewey repeat to his home government and emphasize
+on August 29th a suggestion so extremely pertinent to the capacity of
+the Filipinos for self-government which he had already made in lucid
+language on June 23d previous? The answer is not far to seek. General
+Anderson had arrived between the two dates, with the first American
+troops that reached the islands after the naval battle of May 1st,
+and brought the Admiral the first intimation, which came somewhat as
+a surprise of course, that there was serious talk in the United States
+of retaining the Philippines. "I was the first to tell Admiral Dewey,"
+says General Anderson in the North American Review for February, 1900,
+"that there was any disposition on the part of the American people to
+hold the Philippines if they were captured." He adds: "Whether Admiral
+Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman, and Williams did or did not give
+Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino government would be recognized,
+the Filipinos certainly thought so, judging from their acts rather
+than from their words. Admiral Dewey gave them arms and ammunition,
+as I did subsequently at his request."
+
+General Anderson might have added that whenever the Admiral captured
+prisoners from the Spaniards he would promptly turn them over to the
+Filipinos--1300 at one clip in the month of June at Olongapo. [60]
+These 1300 were men a German man-of-war prevented the Filipinos from
+taking until Aguinaldo reported the matter to Admiral Dewey, whereupon,
+he promptly sent Captain Coghlan with the Raleigh and another of his
+ships to the scene of the trouble, and Captain Coghlan said to the
+German "Hoch der Kaiser" etc. or words to that effect, and made him
+go about his business and let our ally alone. Then Captain Coghlan
+took the 1300 prisoners himself and turned them over to Aguinaldo by
+direction of Admiral Dewey. The motive for, as well as the test of,
+an alliance, is that the other fellow can bring into the partnership
+something you lack. The navy had no way to keep prisoners of war. There
+can be no doubt that if Admiral Dewey's original notions about meeting
+the problems presented by his great victory of May 1, 1898, had been
+followed, we never would have had any trouble with the Filipinos;
+nor can there be any doubt that he made them his allies and used
+them as such. They were very obedient allies at that, until they
+saw the Washington Government was going to repudiate the "alliance,"
+and withhold from them what they had a right to consider the object
+and meaning of the alliance, if it meant anything.
+
+The truth is, as Secretary of War Taft said in 1905, before the
+National Geographic Society in Washington, "We blundered into
+colonization." [61] As we have seen, Admiral Dewey repeatedly
+expressed the opinion, in the summer of 1898, that the Filipinos
+were far superior in intelligence to the Cubans and more capable
+of self-government. He of course saw quite clearly then, when
+he was sending home those commendations of Filipino fitness for
+self-government, just as we have all come to realize since, that a
+coaling station would be; the main thing we should need in that part
+of the world in time of war; that Manila, being quite away from the
+mainland of Asia, could never supersede Hong Kong as the gateway to
+the markets of Asia, since neither shippers nor the carrying trade of
+the world will ever see their way to unload cargo at Manila by way of
+rehearsal before unloading on the mainland; and that the taking of the
+islands was a dubious step from a financial standpoint, and a still
+more dubious one from the strategic standpoint of defending them by
+land, in the event of war with Japan, Germany, or any other first-class
+power. At this late date, when the passions and controversies of that
+period have long since subsided, is it not perfectly clear that after
+he destroyed the Spanish fleet, Admiral Dewey not only dealt with the
+Filipinos, until the army came out, substantially as Admiral Sampson
+and General Shatter did with the Cubans, but also that he did all he
+properly could to save President McKinley from the one great blunder
+of our history, the taking of the Philippine Islands?
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+ANDERSON AND AGUINALDO
+
+                        Well, honor is the subject of my story.
+
+                                            Julius Caesar, Act. I, Sc. 2.
+
+
+The destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay on May 1, 1898,
+ten days after the outbreak of the war with Spain, having necessitated
+sending troops to the Philippines to complete the reduction of the
+Spanish power in that quarter, Major-General Wesley Merritt was on
+May 16th selected to organize and command such an expedition.
+
+"The First Expedition," as it was always distinguished, by the officers
+and men of the Eighth Army Corps, there having been many subsequent
+expeditions sent out before our war with the Filipinos was over,
+was itself subdivided into a number of different expeditions, troops
+being hurried to Manila as fast as they could be assembled and properly
+equipped in sufficient numbers. The first batch that were whipped into
+shape left San Francisco under command of Brigadier-General Thomas
+M. Anderson, on May 25th, and arrived off Manila, June 30th. General
+Merritt did not arrive until July 25th. It was General Anderson,
+therefore, who broke the ice of the American occupation of the
+Philippines.
+
+In his annual message to Congress of December, following, [62]
+summing up the War with Spain and its results, Mr. McKinley gives
+a brief account of the First Expedition. After recounting Admiral
+Dewey's victory of May 1st previous, he states that "on the seventh
+day of May the Government was advised officially of the victory at
+Manila, and at once inquired of the commander of the fleet what troops
+would be required." President McKinley does not give the Admiral's
+answer, though he does state that it was received on the 15th day of
+May. The Admiral's answer appears, however, in the Report of the Navy
+Department for 1898, Appendix, page 98. It was: "In my best judgment,
+a well-equipped force of 5000 men." But the President's message does
+state that he at once sent a "total force consisting of 641 officers
+and 15,058 enlisted men."
+
+The difference of view-point of the Admiral and the President is clear
+from the language of both. In recommending 5000 troops, the Admiral
+had said they would be necessary "to retain possession [of Manila]
+and thus control Philippine Islands." This counted, of course, on the
+friendship of the people, as in Cuba. "I had in view simply taking
+possession of the city." said Admiral Dewey to the Senate Committee
+in 1902. [63]
+
+The purpose of the President in sending three times as many troops as
+were needed for the purpose Admiral Dewey had in mind is indicated in
+his account of what happened. After describing the taking of Manila
+by our troops on August 13th, the presidential message says:
+
+
+    By this the conquest of the Philippine Islands, virtually
+    accomplished when the Spanish capacity for resistance was destroyed
+    by Admiral Dewey's victory of May 1st, was formally sealed. [64]
+
+
+Admiral Dewey contemplated that we should merely remain masters of the
+situation out where he was until the end of the war. President McKinley
+set about to effect "the conquest of the Philippine Islands." The
+naval victory of Manila Bay having made it certain that at the
+conclusion of our war against a decadent monarchy we would at last
+have an adequate coaling station and naval base in the Far East, the
+sending of troops to the Philippines, in appropriate prosecution of
+the war, to reduce and capture Manila, the capital and chief port,
+raised the question at once "And then what?"
+
+The genesis of the idea of taking over the archipelago is traceable
+to within a few days after the destruction of the Spanish fleet.
+
+Within a few days after the official news of the battle of Manila
+Bay reached Washington, the Treasury Department set a man to work
+making a "Report on Financial and Industrial Conditions of the
+Philippine Islands." [65] The Interior Department also awoke, about
+the same time to possibilities of an El Dorado in the new overseas
+conquest. "In May, 1898," says Secretary of the Interior, C. N. Bliss,
+in a letter intended for the Peace Commissioners who met at Paris
+that fall, "by arrangement between the Secretary of War with this
+Department"--Mr. Bliss's grammar is bad, but his meaning is plain--"a
+geologist of the United States Geological Survey accompanied the
+military expedition to the Philippines for the purpose of procuring
+information touching the geological and mineral resources of said
+islands." [66] This report, which accompanies the Bliss letter, reads
+like a mining stock prospectus. That summer an Assistant Secretary of
+the Treasury, presumably echoing the sentiments of the Administration,
+came out in one of the great magazines of the period, the Century,
+with an article in which he said: "We see with sudden clearness that
+some of the most revered of our political maxims have outlived their
+force. * * * A new mainspring * * * has become the directing force
+* * * the mainspring of commercialism." [67] Of course, the writer did
+not mention that Manila is an out-of-the-way place, so far as regards
+the main-travelled routes across the Pacific Ocean, and also forgot
+that, as has been suggested once before, the carrying trade of the
+world, and the shippers on which it depends, in the contest of the
+nations for the markets of Asia, would never take to the practice of
+unloading at Manila by way of rehearsal, before finally discharging
+cargo on the mainland of Asia, where the name of the Ultimate
+Consumer is legion. Nevertheless "Expansion"--of Trade, mainly--was
+the slogan of the hour, and any one who did not catch the contagion
+of exuberant allusion to "Our New Possessions" was considered crusty
+and out of date. People who referred back to the political maxims of
+Washington's Farewell Address, and the cognate set represented by the
+Monroe Doctrine, were regarded merely as not knowing a good thing
+when they saw it. So on rode the country, on the crest of the wave
+of war. When President McKinley sent the troops to the Philippines,
+their job was to hurry up and effect what his subsequent message to
+Congress describing their work called "the conquest of the Philippine
+Islands." That is, they were to effect a constructive conquest of
+the archipelago before Spain should sue for peace. It never seemed
+to occur to anybody at home that the Filipinos would object. If the
+country had, through some divine interposition, gotten it into its
+head that the Filipinos were quite a decent lot and really did object
+very bitterly, it would have risen in its wrath and smitten down any
+suggestion of forcing a government on them against their will. But
+nobody knew anything about them. They were a wholly new proposition.
+
+General Anderson was of course furnished with a copy of the President's
+instructions to his chief, General Merritt. They are quite long,
+and go into details about a number of administrative matters that
+would necessarily come up after the city should surrender, such as
+the raising of revenue, the military commander's duty under the law
+of nations with regard to the seizure of transportation lines by
+land or sea, the protection of places of worship from desecration or
+destruction, and the like. The only portion of them that is essential
+to a clear understanding of subsequent events is now submitted:
+They are dated Executive Mansion, May 18, 1898, and read in part [68]:
+
+
+    PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S INSTRUCTIONS TO GENERAL MERRITT
+
+    The destruction of the Spanish fleet at Manila, followed by
+    the taking of the naval station at Cavite, the paroling of the
+    garrisons, and acquisition of control of the bay, have rendered
+    it necessary, in the further prosecution of the measures adopted
+    by this Government for the purpose of bringing about an honorable
+    and durable peace with Spain, to send an army of occupation to the
+    Philippines for the twofold purpose of completing the reduction of
+    the Spanish power in that quarter, and of giving order and security
+    to the islands while in the possession of the United States.
+
+    For the command of this expedition I have designated Major-General
+    Wesley Merritt, and it now becomes my duty to give instructions
+    as to the manner in which the movements shall be conducted.
+
+    The first effect of the military occupation of the enemy's
+    territory is the severance of the former political relations of the
+    inhabitants and the establishment of a new political power. Under
+    this changed condition of things the inhabitants, so long as they
+    perform their duties, are entitled to security in their persons
+    and property and in all their private rights and relations. It is
+    my desire that the people of the Philippines should be acquainted
+    with the purpose of the United States to discharge to the fullest
+    extent its obligations in this regard. It will therefore be
+    the duty of the commander of the expedition, immediately upon
+    his arrival in the islands, to publish a proclamation declaring
+    that we come not to make war upon the people of the Philippines
+    nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them
+    in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal
+    and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or
+    by honest submission, co-operate with the United States in its
+    efforts to give effect to this beneficent purpose will receive
+    the reward of its support and protection. Our occupation should
+    be as free from severity as possible. Though the powers of the
+    military occupant are absolute and supreme and operate immediately
+    upon the political condition of the inhabitants, the municipal
+    laws of the conquered territory, such as affect private rights
+    of persons and property and provide for the punishment of crime,
+    are to be considered as continuing in force, so far as they are
+    compatible with the new order of things, until they are suspended
+    or superseded by the occupying belligerents; and in practice they
+    are not usually abrogated, but are allowed to remain in force
+    and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals substantially as
+    they were before the occupation. This enlightened practice is, so
+    far as possible, to be adhered to on the present occasion. * * *
+    The freedom of the people to pursue their accustomed occupations
+    will be abridged only when it may be necessary to do so.
+
+    While the rule of conduct of the American commander-in-chief will
+    be such as has just been defined, it will be his duty to adopt
+    measures of a different kind if, unfortunately, the course of the
+    people should render such measures indispensable to the maintenance
+    of law and order. He will then possess the power to replace or
+    expel the native officials in part or altogether, to substitute
+    new courts of his own constitution for those that now exist, or
+    to create such supplementary tribunals as may be necessary. In
+    the exercise of these high powers the commander must be guided
+    by his judgment and experience and a high sense of justice.
+
+
+While this document declares the purpose of our government to be a "two
+fold purpose," viz., first, to make an appropriate move in the game
+of war, and, second, to police the Islands "while in the possession
+of the United States," it is wholly free from inherent evidence of any
+intention out of harmony with the policy as to Cuba. In fact when the
+city of Santiago de Cuba surrendered to our forces in July thereafter,
+and it became necessary to issue instructions for the guidance of the
+military commander there, exactly the same instructions were given him,
+[69] verbatim et literatim. But in respect of the Cuban instructions
+there was never any concealment practised or necessary because the
+Cubans had been assured by the Teller amendment to the resolutions
+declaring war against Spain that we had no ulterior designs on their
+country, and that, as soon as peace and public order were restored,
+we intended "to leave the government and control of the island to its
+people." The Cuban instructions were therefore frankly and promptly
+published in General Orders No. 101 by the War Department, July 18,
+1898, five days after they were received from the President, and
+were then translated into Spanish and spread broadcast over Santiago
+province without unnecessary delay. I remember poring over a Spanish
+copy of General Orders 101, at Santiago de Cuba, shortly after the
+fall of that city, which copy was one of many already posted about
+that city by direction of General Wood. The words "the powers of the
+military occupant are absolute and supreme and operate immediately
+upon the political condition of the inhabitants" never disturbed the
+Cuban leaders in the least, because they were read in the light of the
+disclaimer contained in the declaration of war. On the other hand,
+the proclamation which the military commander in the Philippines
+was enjoined by his instructions to publish "immediately upon his
+arrival in the islands," which arrival occurred July 25th, was not so
+published until after we had taken Manila, August 13th, and then it
+copied only the glittering generalities of the instructions themselves,
+such as the part assuring the people that we had not come to make war
+on them and that vested rights would be respected, but it carefully
+omitted the words about the powers of the military occupant being
+absolute and supreme, because when the army arrived it found a native
+government that had already issued its declaration of independence,
+was making wonderful progress against the common enemy, and was able
+to put up a right good fight against us also, in case we should deny
+them independence. [70]
+
+General Anderson arrived in Manila Bay, June 30, 1898, with about
+2500 men, and when General Merritt arrived, July 25th, we had about
+10,000 all told, while the Filipinos had half again that many, and
+there were 12,000 Spanish soldiers in Manila. General Anderson had not
+been long camped on the bayshore, under cover of the Navy's guns and
+in the neighborhood of Aguinaldo's headquarters, before he understood
+the whole situation clearly and wrote the War Department as follows:
+
+
+    Since reading the President's instructions to General Merritt,
+    I think I should state to you that the establishment of a
+    provisional government on our part will probably bring us in
+    conflict with insurgents.
+
+
+This letter is dated July 18, 1898. [71]
+
+When General Anderson arrived in the islands on June 30th,
+the Washington Government was still wrestling with the angel of
+its announced creed about "Forcible Annexation" being "criminal
+aggression," and Mr. McKinley had to get both that angel's shoulders on
+the mat and put him out of business before he could get his own consent
+to giving any instructions to his generals which might sanction their
+killing people for objecting to forcible annexation. Hence his early
+anxiety to avoid a rupture with the Filipino leaders. The first stage
+of this wrestling coincides in point of time with General Anderson's
+tenure as the ranking military officer commanding our forces in
+the Philippines, which was from June 30th until the date of General
+Merritt's arrival, July 25th. As already made plain, the President's
+instructions for the guidance of the military commander were entirely
+free from any land-grabbing suggestion. On the other hand, when General
+Anderson left San Francisco for Manila, May 25th, there was already
+talk in the United States about retaining the Islands, if they were
+captured, for he so informed Admiral Dewey in the first interview
+they had after the transports which brought his command cast anchor
+near our squadron in Manila Bay on the last day of June. "I was the
+first to tell Admiral Dewey," says he, in the North American Review
+for February, 1900, "that there was any disposition on the part of the
+American people to hold the Philippines, if they were captured. The
+current opinion was setting that way when the expeditionary force
+left San Francisco, but this the Admiral had no reason to surmise."
+
+Relegated by the circumstances to his own discretion as to how he
+should act until Washington knew its mind, General Anderson's attitude
+in the outset represented a "peace-at-any-price" policy, suffused
+with benevolent pride at championing the cause of the oppressed, but
+secretly knowing from the beginning that it might become necessary
+later to slaughter said "oppressed," should they seriously object to
+a change of masters.
+
+"On July 1st," says General Anderson, in the North American Review
+article above quoted, "I called on Aguinaldo with Admiral Dewey." Of
+the Admiral's dealings with the insurgent chief prior to this time,
+the General says in this same article:
+
+"Whether Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman, and Williams did
+or did not give Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino government would
+be recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so, probably inferring
+this from their acts rather than from their statements." This last
+quoted passage was read to Admiral Dewey by a member of the Senate
+Committee in 1902, along with other parts of the magazine article
+cited, and he was asked to comment on the same. He said:
+
+"These are General Anderson's statements. They are very interesting,
+indeed; I am here to make my own statements."
+
+He had stated that he never did specifically promise Aguinaldo
+independence, and the questioner was trying to show that his acts had
+amounted to assurances and therefore had committed the Government to
+giving the Filipinos their independence. Then Senator Patterson began
+another question, and had gotten as far as "I want to know whether
+your views--" when out came this, as of a sailor-man clearing decks
+for action:
+
+"I do not like your questions a bit. I did not like them yesterday and
+I do not like them to-day." So the Admiral's feelings were respected
+and the question was not pressed. There is no doubt at all that in
+the Philippines in the summer of 1898 the army turned the back of its
+hand to Aguinaldo as soon as it got there and baldly repudiated what
+the navy had done in the way of befriending the Filipinos. But both
+had acted under the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army
+and Navy--the President. The Admiral's sensitiveness on the subject
+ought to have been respected. And it was.
+
+By the time Admiral Dewey and General Anderson decided to call on
+"Don Emilio," the day after the General's arrival, the unexpected
+intimations which the latter brought, as to the Washington programme
+for the Philippine revolutionists being different from that as to Cuba,
+had begun to get in its work on the former. Not being a politician,
+the gallant Admiral was there ready and able to carry out any orders
+his government might send him, whenever the politicians should decide
+what they wanted to do. But in the absence of orders, he began to
+trim his sails a bit, so as to be prepared for whatever might be the
+policy. Accordingly, before he and the General started out to pay their
+call on "Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of the Revolutionary
+Government of the Philippines and General in Chief of its Army"--as he
+had styled himself in his proclamation of June 23d,--the Admiral said,
+"Do not take your sword or put on your uniform, but just put on your
+blouse. Do not go with any ceremony." And says he, in telling this, "We
+went in that way." [72] The reason of thus avoiding too much ceremony
+toward our "ally" claiming to represent an existing government which
+had lately declared its independence, is explained by an expression
+of the Admiral's concerning said Declaration of Independence itself:
+"That was my idea, not taking it seriously." At that same hearing the
+Admiral explained with much genuine feeling that from the day of the
+naval battle of May 1st until the arrival of the army "these great
+questions" were coming up constantly and he simply met them as they
+arose by acting on his best judgment on the spot at the time. But what
+a terrible mistake it was not to take that Declaration of Independence
+of June 23d, seriously, backed as it was by an army of 15,000 men
+flushed with victory, and under the absolute control of the author of
+the Declaration! Of course the Declaration had been published to the
+army. Could its author have checked them by repudiating it even if
+he had wanted to? As Aguinaldo himself expressed what would happen in
+such a contingency, "They would fail to recognize me as the interpreter
+of their aspirations and would punish me as a traitor, replacing me
+by another more careful of his own honor and dignity." [73]
+
+This Dewey-Anderson call on Aguinaldo was on July 1st. Admiral Dewey
+now began to foresee that the Washington programme was going to
+put him in an awkward position. So he began to take Aguinaldo more
+seriously. On July 4th, he wired Washington: "Aguinaldo proclaimed
+himself President of the Revolutionary Republic on July 1st." [74]
+It was on July 7th that Admiral Dewey captured 1300 armed Spanish
+prisoners, the garrison of Isla la Grande, off Olongapo, and turned
+them over to the forces of the Aguinaldo government because he had
+no way to keep them. [75] Was not that taking that government a
+bit seriously? How wholly unauthorized by the facts was this of "not
+taking it seriously," on the part of "The Liberator of the Filipinos,"
+[76] the immortal victor of Manila Bay, who two months before had
+taught the nation the magnitude of its power for good, in a cause as
+righteous as the crusades of old, and more sensible!
+
+But to return to General Anderson's account in the North American
+Review of his call, with Admiral Dewey, on the insurgent chief: "He
+asked me at once whether the 'United States of the North' either had,
+or would recognize his government. I am not quite sure as to the form
+of the question, whether it was 'had' or 'would'? In either form it was
+embarrassing." General Anderson then tells of Aguinaldo's returning
+his call: "A few days thereafter he made an official call, coming
+with cabinet, staff, and band. He asked if we, the North Americans,
+as he called us, intended to hold the Philippines as dependencies. I
+said I could not answer that, but that in 122 years we had established
+no colonies. He then made this remarkable statement: 'I have studied
+attentively the Constitution of the United States, and I find in it no
+authority for colonies, and I have no fear.'" General Anderson adds:
+"It may seem that my answer was evasive, but I was at the time trying
+to contract with the Filipinos for horses, fuel, and forage."
+
+While this history must not lapse into an almanac, it may not be
+amiss to follow these early stages of this matter through a few more
+successive dates, because the history of that period was all indelibly
+branded into Filipino memory shortly afterward with the red-hot iron
+of war.
+
+July 4th, General Anderson writes the Filipino candidate for
+Independence inviting him to "co-operate with us in military operations
+against the Spanish forces." [77] This was written not to arrange
+any plan of co-operation but in order to get room about Cavite as a
+military base without a row. In his North American Review article
+General Anderson says that on that same day, the Fourth of July,
+Aguinaldo was invited to witness a parade and review "in honor of
+our national holiday." "He did not come," says the article, "because
+he was not invited as President but as General Aguinaldo." An odd
+situation, was it not? Here was a man claiming to be President of a
+newly established republic based on the principles set forth in our
+Declaration of Independence, which republic had just issued a like
+Declaration, and he was invited to come and hear our declaration read,
+and declined because we would not recognize his right to assert the
+same truths. On subsequent anniversaries of the day in the Philippines
+it was deemed wise simply to prohibit the reading of our Declaration
+before gatherings of the Filipino people. It saved discussion.
+
+July 6th, General Anderson writes telling Aguinaldo that he is
+expecting more troops soon and therefore "I would like to have your
+excellency's advice and co-operation." [78]
+
+July 9th, General Anderson writes the War Department that Aguinaldo
+tells him he has about 15,000 fighting men, 11,000 armed with guns,
+and some 4000 prisoners, [79] and adds: "When we first landed he
+seemed very suspicious, and not at all friendly but I have now come
+to a better understanding with him and he is much more friendly and
+seems willing to co-operate."
+
+July 13th, we find Admiral Dewey also still in a co-operative mood. On
+that day he cables the Navy Department of the capture of the 1,300
+prisoners on July 7th, mentioned above, which capture was made, it
+appears, because Aguinaldo complained to him that a German war-ship
+was interfering with his operations, [80] the prisoners being at once
+turned over to Aguinaldo, as stated above.
+
+July 18th, is the date of the letter to the War Department
+in which General Anderson states that the establishment of a
+provisional government by us will probably mean a conflict with the
+insurgents. This was equivalent to saying that they will probably be
+ready to fight whenever we assert the "absolute and supreme" authority
+that the President's instructions had directed to be asserted by the
+army as soon as it should arrive in the Philippines. Yet in the fall
+of 1899, President McKinley said he "never dreamed" that Aguinaldo's
+"little band" would oppose our rule to the extent of war against it. It
+would have been more accurate if the martyred Christian gentleman
+who used those words had said he "always hoped" they would not,
+instead of "never dreamed" they would. This letter of July 18th,
+informs the Department:
+
+
+    Aguinaldo has declared himself dictator and self-appointed
+    president. He has declared martial law and promulgated a minute
+    method of procedure under it.
+
+
+July 19th, General Anderson sends Major (now Major-General) J. F. Bell,
+to Aguinaldo, and asks of him a number of favors, such as any
+soldier may properly ask of an ally, for example, permission to see
+his military maps, etc., and that Aguinaldo "place at his [Bell's]
+disposal any information you may have on the above subjects, and also
+give him [Bell] a letter or pass addressed to your subordinates which
+will authorize them to furnish him any information they can * * *
+and to facilitate his passage along the lines, upon a reconnaissance
+around Manila, on which I propose to send him." [81] All of which
+Aguinaldo did.
+
+Military training is very keen on honor. Talk about what the French
+call foi d'officier,--the "word of an officer"! Did ever a letter from
+one soldier to another more completely commit the faith and honor of
+his government, to recognition of the existence of an alliance? "In
+122 years we have established no colonies," he had told Aguinaldo. "It
+looks like we are about to go into the colonizing business," he had,
+in effect, said to Admiral Dewey, about the same time.
+
+July 21st, General Anderson writes the Adjutant-General of the army
+as follows:
+
+
+    Since I last wrote, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate
+    system of military government. * * * It may seem strange that I
+    have made no formal protest against his proclamation as dictator,
+    his declaration of martial law, etc. I wrote such a protest but
+    did not publish it at Admiral Dewey's request. [82]
+
+
+When he wrote this letter, General Anderson was evidently beginning
+to have some compunctions about the trouble he now saw ahead. He was
+a veteran of the Civil War, whose gallantry had then been proven on
+many a field against an enemy compared with whom these people would
+be a picnic. But things did not look to the grim old hero like there
+was going to be a square deal. So he put this in the letter:
+
+
+    I submit, with all deference, that we have heretofore underrated
+    the natives. They are not ignorant savage tribes, but have
+    a civilization of their own, and although insignificant in
+    appearance are fierce fighters and for a tropical people they are
+    industrious. A small detail of natives will do more work than a
+    regiment of volunteers.
+
+
+Of course, this slam at "volunteers" was a bit rough. But the
+battle-scarred veteran's sense of fair play was getting on his
+nerves. He foresaw the coming conflict, and though he did not shirk it,
+he did not relish it. He understood the "game," and it seemed to him
+the cards were stacked, to meet the necessity of demonstrating that
+forcible annexation, instead of being criminal aggression, was merely
+Trade Expansion, and that his government was right then irrevocably
+committing itself, without any knowledge of, or acquaintance with,
+the Filipinos, to the assumption that they were incapable of running
+a government of their own.
+
+The next day, July 22d, General Anderson wrote Aguinaldo a letter
+advising him that he was without orders as yet concerning the question
+of recognizing his government. But that this letter was neither a
+protest nor in the nature of a protest, is evident from its text:
+
+
+    I observe that Your Excellency has announced yourself dictator
+    and proclaimed martial law. As I am here simply in a military
+    capacity, I have no authority to recognize such an assumption. I
+    have no orders from my government on the subject. [83]
+
+
+Yet General Anderson's letter to the Adjutant-General of the army
+of July 18th [84] uses the words "since reading the President's
+instructions to General Merritt," etc., showing that he had a copy
+of them; and those instructions order and direct (see ante) that
+as soon as the commanding general of the American troops arrives
+he is to let the Filipinos know that "the powers of the military
+occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the
+political condition of the inhabitants." A charitable view of the
+matter would be that, technically, those were Merritt's orders,
+not Anderson's. But the whole scheme was to conceal the intention
+to assume supreme authority and keep Aguinaldo quiet "until," as
+General Merritt afterwards expressed it in his report, "I should be
+in possession of the city of Manila, * * * as I would not until then
+be in a position to * * * enforce my authority, in the event that his
+[Aguinaldo's] pretensions should clash with my designs." [85]
+
+The same day that General Anderson wrote Aguinaldo his billet doux
+about the dictatorship, viz., July 22d, he cabled Washington a much
+franker and more serious message; which read: "Aguinaldo declares
+dictatorship and martial law over all islands. The people expect
+independence." The very next day, July 23d, he wrote Aguinaldo asking
+his assistance in getting five hundred horses, and fifty oxen and
+ox-carts, and manifesting considerable impatience that he had not
+already complied with a similar request previously made "as it was
+to fight in the cause of your people." [86] The following day, July
+24th, replying to General Anderson's letter of the 22d wherein General
+Anderson had advised him that he was as yet without orders concerning
+the question of recognizing his government, Aguinaldo wrote:
+
+
+    It is true that my government has not been acknowledged by any
+    of the foreign powers, but we expected that the great North
+    American nation, which had struggled first for its independence,
+    and afterwards for the abolition of slavery, and is now actually
+    struggling for the independence of Cuba, would look upon it with
+    greater benevolence than any other nation. [87]
+
+
+That cablegram of July 22d, above quoted, in which the commanding
+general of our forces in the Philippines advises the Washington
+government, "The people expect independence," is the hardest thing in
+the published archives of our government covering that momentous period
+for those who love the memory of Mr. McKinley to get around. [88] After
+the war with the Filipinos broke out Mr. McKinley said repeatedly in
+public speeches, "I never dreamed they would turn against us." You do
+not find the Anderson cablegram of July 22d in the published report of
+the War Department covering the period under consideration. General
+Anderson addressed it to the Secretary of War and signed it, and,
+probably for lack of army cable facilities, got Admiral Dewey to send
+it to the Secretary of the Navy for transmission to the Secretary of
+War. [89] Certain it must be that at some Cabinet meeting on or after
+July 22, 1898, either the Secretary of the Navy or the Secretary of War
+read in the hearing of the President and the rest of his advisers that
+message from General Anderson, "The people expect independence." The
+object here is not to inveigh against Mr. McKinley. It is to show
+that, as Gibbon told us long ago, in speaking of the discontent of
+far distant possessions and the lack of hold of the possessor on the
+affections of the inhabitants thereof, "the cry of remote distress
+is ever faintly heard." The average American to-day, if told the
+Filipinos want independence, will give the statement about the same
+consideration Mr. McKinley did then, and if told that the desire
+among them for a government of their people by their people for their
+people has not been diminished since the late war by tariff taxation
+without representation, and the steady development of race prejudice
+between the dominant alien race and the subject one, he will begin
+to realize by personal experience how faintly the uttered longings
+of a whole people may fall on distant ears.
+
+We saw above that in a letter written July 21st, the day before the
+telegram about the "people expect independence," which letter must
+have reached Washington within thirty days, General Anderson not
+only notified Washington all about Aguinaldo's government and its
+pretensions, but stated that at the request of Admiral Dewey he had
+made no protest against it. [90] Yet straight on through the period
+of General Merritt's sojourn in the Islands, which began July 25th,
+and terminated August 29th, we find no protest ordered by Washington,
+and we further find the purpose of the President as announced in
+the instructions to Merritt, "The powers of the military occupant
+are absolute and supreme" throughout the Islands, not only not
+communicated to the Filipino people, but deliberately suppressed
+from the proclamation published by General Merritt pursuant to those
+instructions. [91]
+
+Comments and conclusions are usually impertinent and unwelcome save as
+mere addenda to facts, but in the light of the facts derivable from
+our own official records, is it any wonder that General Anderson,
+a gallant veteran of the Civil War, and perhaps the most conspicuous
+figure of the early fighting in the Philippines, delivered an address
+some time after he came back home before the Oregon Commandery of
+the Loyal Legion of the United States [92] on the subject, "Should
+republics have colonies?" and answered the question emphatically "No!"
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+MERRITT AND AGUINALDO
+
+                    There are no tricks in plain and simple faith.
+
+                                           Julius Caesar, Act IV., Sc. 2.
+
+
+Major-General Wesley Merritt's account of the operations of the troops
+under his command in the First Expedition to the Philippines may be
+found in volume i., part 2, War Department Report for 1898. He left
+San Francisco accompanied by his staff, June 29, 1898, arrived at
+Cavite, Manila Bay, July 25th, received the surrender of the city of
+Manila August 13th, and sailed thence August 30th, in obedience to
+orders from Washington to proceed without unnecessary delay to Paris,
+France, for conference with the Peace Commissioners. According to
+General Merritt's report, about the time he arrived Aguinaldo had
+some 12,000 men under arms, with plenty of ammunition, and a number
+of field-pieces. The late lamented Frank D. Millet has preserved for
+us, in his Expedition to the Philippines, some valuable and intimate
+studies of this army of Filipino besiegers whom our troops found
+busily at work when they arrived in the Islands:
+
+
+    It was an interesting sight at Camp Dewey to see the insurgents
+    strolling to and from the front. Pretty much all day long they
+    were coming and going, never in military formation, but singly,
+    and in small groups, perfectly clean and tidy in dress, often
+    accompanied by their wives and children, and all chatting as
+    merrily as if they were going off on a pigeon shoot. The men who
+    sold fish and vegetables in camp in the morning would be seen
+    every day or two dressed in holiday garments, with rifle and
+    cartridge boxes, strolling off to take their turn at the Spaniards.
+
+
+The reader will readily understand that there were many times as many
+volunteers as guns. Mr. Millet continues:
+
+
+    When they had been at the front twenty-four hours they were
+    relieved and returned home for a rest. They generally passed
+    their rifles and equipments on to another man and thus a limited
+    number of weapons served to arm a great many besiegers. They had
+    no distinctive uniform, the only badge of service being a red
+    and blue cockade with a white triangle bearing the Malay symbol
+    of the sun and three stars, and sometimes a red and blue band
+    pinned diagonally across the lower part of the left sleeve. * * *
+    Many of them * * * had belonged to the native volunteer force.
+    * * * The recruits were soon hammered into shape by the veterans
+    of the rank and file. * * * Their men were perfectly obedient
+    to orders * * * and they made the most devoted soldiers. There
+    was no visible Commissary or Quartermaster's Departments, but
+    the insurgent force was always supplied with food and ammunition
+    and there was no lack of transportation. The food issued at the
+    front was mostly rice brought up in carromatas to within a few
+    hundred yards of the trenches, when it was cooked by the women.
+    * * * Each man had a double handful of rice, sometimes enriched
+    by a small proportion of meat and fish, which was served him in
+    a square of plantain leaf. Thus he was unencumbered with a plate
+    or knife or fork and threw away his primitive but excellent dish
+    when he had "licked the platter clean." It was noticeable that
+    the insurgents carried no water bottles nor haversacks, and no
+    equipments indeed, but cartridge boxes. They did not seem to be
+    worried by thirst like our men.
+
+
+"Although insignificant in appearance, they are fierce fighters," wrote
+General Anderson to the Adjutant-General of the army in July. [93]
+
+General Merritt states in his report that Aguinaldo had "proclaimed an
+independent government, republican in form, with himself as President,
+and at the time of my arrival in the Islands the entire edifice
+of executive and legislative departments had been accomplished, at
+least on paper." [94] Of course at that time we were still officially
+declining to take Filipino aspirations for independence seriously,
+and preferred to treat Aguinaldo's government as purely a matter of
+stationery. As a matter of fact, an exhaustive examination of the
+official documents of that period, made with a view of ascertaining
+just how much of that Aguinaldo government of 1898 was stationery
+fiction and how much was stable fact, has absolutely surprised one
+man who was out there from 1899 to 1905 (the writer), and I have no
+doubt will be interesting, as mere matter of political necrology,
+to any American who was there "in the days of the empire" as the
+"ninety-niners" called it.
+
+Early in the spring of 1899, Mr. McKinley sent out the Commission of
+which President Schurman of Cornell University was Chairman, to try to
+stop the war. They bent themselves to the task in a spirit as kindly
+as that in which we know Mr. McKinley himself would have acted. They
+failed because the war was already on and the Filipinos were bent on
+fighting for independence to the bitter end. But they learned a good
+deal about the facts of the earlier situation. Speaking of these in
+their report to the President [95] with especial reference to the
+period beginning with Aguinaldo's landing at Cavite in May, after
+describing how the Filipino successes in battle with the Spaniards
+finally resulted in all of them being driven into Manila, where they
+remained hemmed in, they say:
+
+
+    While the Spanish troops now remained quietly in Manila, the
+    Filipino forces made themselves masters of the entire island
+    except that city.
+
+
+"For three and one half months," says General Otis in describing
+the facts of this same situation a year later, "the insurgents on
+land had kept Manila tightly bottled [meaning while Admiral Dewey
+had been blockading the place by water] * * * and food supplies were
+exhausted." [96] "We had Manila and Cavite. The rest of the island
+was held not by the Spanish but by the Filipinos," said General
+Anderson, in the North American Review for February, 1900. "It is a
+fact that they were in possession, they had gotten pretty much the
+whole thing except Manila," said Admiral Dewey to the Senate Committee
+in 1902. [97]
+
+General Merritt took Manila August 13th, and sailed away for Paris
+August 31st, and only a week after that General Otis wired Washington
+(under date of September 7th) from Manila: "Insurgents have captured
+all Spanish garrisons in island [of Luzon] and control affairs outside
+of Cavite and this city." [98]
+
+The recruiting by Aguinaldo of an army of 40,000 men with guns
+within one hundred days after his little "Return from Elba"--"15,000
+fighting men, 11,000 of them armed with guns," in fifty days, [99]
+which number had swelled to nearly 40,000 men with guns in another
+fifty days (by August 29th) [100]--is no more remarkable than his
+progress in organizing his government and making its grip on the
+whole island of Luzon effective in a short space of time.
+
+As all Americans who know the Filipinos know how fond they are of what
+government offices call "paper work," and how their escribientes [101]
+can work like bees in drafting documents, it might be easy to ignore
+Aguinaldo's various proclamations, already hereinbefore noticed in
+Chapter II., as representing merely "a government on paper," were
+there no other proof. But among the insurgent captured papers we
+found long afterward, there is a document containing the minutes of
+a convention of the insurrecto presidentes from all the pueblos of
+fifteen different provinces, on August 6, 1898, which throws a flood
+of light on the subject now under consideration. [102] This convention
+was held at Bacoor, then Aguinaldo's headquarters, a little town on
+the bay shore between Manila and Cavite. The minutes of the convention
+recite that its members had been previously chosen as presidentes
+of their respective pueblos in the manner prescribed by previous
+decrees issued by Aguinaldo (already noticed), and that thereafter
+they had taken the oath of office before Aguinaldo as President of the
+government, etc. They then declare that the Filipino people whom they
+speak for are "not ambitious for power, nor honors, nor riches, aside
+from the rational aspirations for a free and independent life," and
+"proclaim solemnly, in the face of the whole world, the Independence
+of the Philippines." They also re-affirm allegiance to Aguinaldo as
+President of the government and request him to seek recognition of it
+at the hands of the Powers, "because," says the paper, "to no one is it
+permitted to * * * stifle the legitimate aspirations of a people"--as
+if Europe cared a rap what we did to them except in the way of regret
+that it did not have a finger in the pie. However, they were not only
+apprehensive, on the one hand, lest we might be tempted to take their
+country away from Spain for ourselves, but also, on the other hand,
+lest we might in the wind-up decide to leave them to Spain at the end
+of the war. That this last was not an idle fear is shown by the fact
+that during the deliberations of the Paris Peace Commission, Judge
+Gray urged, in behalf of his contention against taking the islands
+at all, that if Dewey had sunk the Spanish fleet off Cadiz, instead
+of in Manila Bay, and the Carlists had incidentally helped us about
+that time, we would have been under no resulting obligation "to stay
+by them at the conclusion of the war." [103] When the presidentes in
+convention assembled as aforesaid got through with their whereases and
+resolutions they presented them to His Excellency the President of the
+Republic, Aguinaldo, who then issued a proclamation which recited,
+among other things: "In these provinces [the fifteen represented
+in the convention] complete order and perfect tranquillity reign,
+administered by the authorities elected" [104] according to his
+previous decrees as Dictator, which decrees have already been placed
+before the reader. The proclamation claims that the new government
+has 9,000 prisoners of war and 30,000 combatants. The former claim
+no one having any acquaintance with those times and conditions
+will question for a moment. As to the 30,000 combatants, if he had
+11,000 men armed with guns on July 9th and 40,000 on August 29th,
+why not 30,000 on August 6th? Of course, men without guns, bolo men,
+do not count for much in a serious connection like this now being
+considered. In November, 1899, at San Jose, in Nueva Ecija province,
+I heard General Lawton tell Colonel Jack Hayes to disarm and turn
+loose 175 bolo men the colonel had just captured and was lining up on
+the public square as we rode into the town. But we are considering how
+much of a government the Filipinos had in 1898, because the answer is
+pertinent to what sort of a government they could run if permitted now
+or at any time in the future; and, physical force being the ultimate
+basis of stability in all government, when we come to estimate how much
+of an army they had when their government was claiming recognition as a
+legitimate living thing, we must remember that "It was just a question
+of arming them. They could have had the whole population." [105]
+
+Now the great significant fact about this Bacoor convention of
+presidentes of August 6th--a week before Manila surrendered to our
+forces--is that in it more than half the population of the island of
+Luzon was represented. The total population of the Philippines is
+about 7,600,000, [106] and, of these, one-half, or 3,800,000 [107]
+live on Luzon. The other islands may be said to dangle from Luzon
+like the tail of a kite. Taking the tables of the American census
+of the Philippines of 1903 (vol. ii., p. 123), as a basis on which
+to judge what Aguinaldo's claims of August 6th amounted to if true,
+the population of the provinces thus duly incorporated into the new
+government and in working order on that date, was, in round numbers,
+about as follows: South of Manila:--Cavite, 135,000; Batangas, 260,000;
+Laguna, 150,000; Tayabas, 150,000; North of Manila:--Bulacan, 225,000;
+Pampamga, 225,000; Nueva Ecija, 135,000; Tarlac, 135,000; Pangasinan,
+400,000; Union, 140,000; Bataan, 45,000; Zambales, 105,000. This
+represents a total of more than 2,000,000 of people.
+
+But Aguinaldo's claims of August 6th are not the only evidence as to
+the political status of the provinces of Luzon in August, 1898. Toward
+the end of that month, Maj. J. F. Bell, Chief of General Merritt's
+Bureau of Military Information, made a report on the situation as
+it stood August 29th, the report being made after most careful
+investigation, and intended as a summary of the then situation
+according to the most reliable information obtainable, in order that
+General Merritt might know, as far as practicable, what he would be
+"up against" in the event of trouble with the insurgents. [108]
+
+This report not only corroborates Aguinaldo's claims of August 6th,
+but it also concedes to the Aguinaldo people eight other important
+provinces--four south of the Pasig River with a total population of
+about 630,000, [109] the only four of southern Luzon not included in
+Aguinaldo's claim of August 6th, thus conceding him practically all
+of Luzon south of the Pasig; and it furthermore concedes him four
+great provinces of northern Luzon with a total population of nearly
+600,000. [110] General Bell states that these last are "still in the
+possession of the Spanish," but practically certain to be with the
+insurgents in the very near future. "Insurgents have been dispatched
+to attack the Spanish in these provinces," says the Bell report.
+
+In this same report Major Bell said: "There is not a particle of doubt
+but what Aguinaldo and his leaders will resist any attempt of any
+government to reorganize a colonial government here." [111] When the
+insurgent government was finally dislodged from its last capital and
+Aguinaldo became a fugitive hotly pursued by our troops, he started
+for the mountains of northern Luzon, passing through provinces he
+had never visited before. The diary of one of his staff officers,
+Major Villa, in describing a brief stop they made in a town en route
+(Aringay, in Union province) says: "After the honorable President
+had urged them [the townspeople] to be patriotic, we continued the
+march." [112] They certainly did "continue the march." The Maccabebe
+scouts, of which the writer commanded a company at the time, took
+the town a few hours later, Aguinaldo's rear-guard retiring after
+a brief resistance, following which we found, among the dead in the
+trenches, a major other than Villa. Certainly, to read this little
+extract from the diary of Aguinaldo's retreat is to feel the pulse
+of northern Luzon as to its loyalty to the revolution at that time,
+and is corroborative of these claims of Aguinaldo made in August,
+1898, supplemented, as we have seen them, by General Bell's appraisal.
+
+As to the political conditions which prevailed in southern Luzon,
+particularly in the Camarines, in August and the fall of 1898,
+information derived from one who was there then would seem appropriate
+here. Major Blanton Winship, Judge Advocate's Corps, U. S. A., Major
+Archibald W. Butt, the late lamented military aide to President Taft,
+and the writer, lived together in Manila, in 1900, at the house of a
+Spanish physician, a Dr. Lopez, who had been a "prisoner" at Nueva
+Caceres, a town situated in one of the provinces of southern Luzon
+(Camarines) in the fall of 1898. Dr. Lopez had a large family. They had
+also been "prisoners" down there. No evil befell them at the hands of
+their "captors." They had the freedom of the town they were in. They
+had good reason to be pretty well scared as to what the insurgents
+might do to them. But they were never maltreated. The main impression
+we got from Dr. Lopez and his family was that the political grip of
+the Aguinaldo government on southern Luzon was complete during the
+time they were "prisoners" there. If anybody doubts the absoluteness
+of the grip of the Revolutionary government on the situation in the
+provinces which were represented at the Bacoor convention of August 6,
+1898, above mentioned, when the Filipino Declaration of Independence
+was signed and proclaimed, let him ask any American who had a part
+in putting down the Philippine insurrection what a presidente, an
+insurrecto presidente, in a Filipino town, was in 1899 and 1900. He
+was "the whole thing." Even to-day the presidente of a pueblo is as
+absolute boss of his town as Charles F. Murphy is of Tammany Hall. And
+a town or pueblo in the Philippines is more than an area covered
+by more or less contiguous buildings and grounds. It is more like a
+township in Massachusetts. So that when you account governmentally for
+the pueblos of a given province, you account for every square foot of
+that province and for every man in it. For several years before our war
+with Spain, nearly every Filipino of any education and spirit in the
+archipelago belonged to the secret revolutionary society known as the
+Katipunan. This had its organization in every town when Dewey sank the
+Spanish fleet and landed Aguinaldo at Cavite. The rest may be imagined.
+
+By September, 1898, Aguinaldo was absolute master of the whole of
+Luzon. Before the Treaty of Paris was signed (December 10, 1898), in
+fact while Judge Gray of the Peace Commission was cabling President
+McKinley that not to leave the government of the Philippines to the
+people thereof "would be to make a mockery of instructions," Aguinaldo
+had become equally absolute master of the situation throughout the
+rest of the archipelago outside of Manila.
+
+Toward the end of July, 1898, our Manila Consul, Mr. Williams, who
+was one of our consular triumvirate of would-be Warwicks, or "original
+Aguinaldo men," of 1898, used to have nice talks with Aguinaldo about
+the lion and the lamb lying down together without the lion eating the
+lamb, and in one instance, at least, he goes so far as to represent
+Aguinaldo as willing to some such arrangement--e. g., annexation, or
+some vague scheme of dependence. But whenever we hear from Aguinaldo
+over his own signature, we hear him saying whatever means in Tagalo
+"Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes." For instance, at page 15, of Senate
+Document 208, he writes Williams, under date of August 1st, with
+fine courtesy:
+
+
+    I congratulate you with all sincerity on the acuteness and
+    ingenuity which you have displayed in painting in an admirable
+    manner the benefits which, especially for me and my leaders, and
+    in general for all my compatriots, would be secured by the union of
+    these islands with the United States of America. Ah! that picture,
+    so happy and so finished * * * This is not saying that I am not
+    of your opinion * * * You say all this and yet more will result
+    from annexing ourselves to your people * * * You are my friend
+    and the friend of the Filipinos and have said it. But why should
+    we say it? Will my people believe it? * * * I have done what they
+    desire, establishing a government * * * not only because it was my
+    duty, but also because had I acted in any other manner they would
+    fail to recognize me as the interpreter of their aspirations,
+    and would punish me as a traitor, replacing me by another more
+    careful of his own honor and dignity.
+
+
+Now that we know what was in the Filipino mind when General Merritt
+arrived in the Philippines, let us see what was in the American
+military mind out there at the same time. Says General Merritt:
+"General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival nor offer his
+services as a subordinate leader." We trust the reason of this
+at once suggests itself from what has preceded, including General
+Anderson's dealings with the insurgent chief. The latter wanted some
+understanding as to what the intentions of our government were, and
+what was to be the programme afterward, should he and his countrymen
+assist in the little fighting that now remained necessary to complete
+the taking of Manila. Those intentions were precisely what Merritt
+was determined to conceal. "As my instructions from the President
+fully contemplated the occupation of the Islands by the American
+land forces, and stated that 'the powers of the military occupant
+are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political
+condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to hold any
+direct communication with the insurgent leader until I should be in
+possession of the city of Manila." [113]
+
+On one occasion General Merritt passed through the village of Bacoor
+where Aguinaldo had his headquarters, but, says Mr. Millet [114]
+in mentioning this, "They never met." After the taking of the city,
+General Merritt remembered that with some 13,000 Spanish prisoners
+to guard, and a city of 300,000 people, all but a sprinkling of whom
+were in sympathy with the insurgent cause, on his hands, and an army
+of at least 14,000 insurgents--probably far more than that--clamoring
+without the gates of that city, and only 10,000 men of his own with
+whom to handle such a situation, frankness was out of the question,
+in view of his orders from the President. [115] Therefore, on the day
+after the city surrendered, General Merritt issued a proclamation,
+copying [116] verbatim from Mr. McKinley's instructions (ante)
+such innocuous milk-and-water passages as the one which assured the
+people that our government "has not come to wage war upon them * * *
+but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their
+personal and religious rights; all persons who, by active aid or honest
+submission, co-operate with the United States * * * will receive the
+reward of its support and protection." But he carefully omitted the
+words quoted above about the powers of the military occupant being
+absolute and supreme, "lest his [Aguinaldo's] pretensions," to use
+General Merritt's expression, "should clash with my designs." "For
+these reasons," says General Merritt (p. 40), "the preparations for
+the attack on the city were * * * conducted without reference to the
+situation of the insurgent forces."
+
+Here General Merritt is speaking frankly but not accurately. He means
+he made his preparations without any more reference to the situation
+of the insurgent forces than he could help. As a matter of fact,
+their situation bothered him a good deal. They were in the way. For
+instance, there was a whole brigade of them at one point between
+our people and Manila. "This," says General Merritt (p. 41), "was
+overcome by instructions to General Greene to arrange if possible
+with the insurgent brigade commander in his immediate vicinity to
+move to the right and allow the American forces unobstructed control
+of the roads in their immediate front. No objection was made,"
+etc. That reads very well--that about "arrange if possible," "no
+objection was made," etc.,--does it not? Nothing there through which
+"the lustre and the moral strength" of the motives that prompted the
+Spanish war might be "dimmed by ulterior designs which might tempt
+us," [117] is there? It was stated above that General Merritt was
+speaking frankly in this report. He was. He probably did not know how
+General Greene carried out the order to "arrange if possible with the
+insurgent brigadier-commander." But it so happened that there was a
+newspaper correspondent along with General Greene who has since told
+us. This gentleman was Mr. Frank D. Millet, from whom we have already
+above quoted, the correspondent of the London Times and of Harper's
+Weekly. General Greene had known him years before in the campaigns of
+the Turco-Russian war. Mr. Millet had been a war correspondent in those
+campaigns also, and General Greene was there taking observations. So
+that in the operations against Manila, Mr. Millet, being an old friend
+of General Greene's, known to be a handy man to have around in a close
+place, was acting as a civilian volunteer aide to the general. [118]
+Here is Mr. Millet's account of what happened, taken from his book,
+The Expedition to the Philippines:
+
+
+    On the afternoon of the 28th [of July, 1898], General Greene
+    received a verbal message from General Merritt suggesting that
+    he juggle the insurgents out of part of their lines, always on
+    his own responsibility, and without committing in any way the
+    commanding general to any recognition of the native leaders
+    or opening up the prospect of an alliance. This General Greene
+    accomplished very cleverly.
+
+
+Mr. Millet then goes on to tell how General Greene persuaded one
+of Aguinaldo's generals (Noriel) to evacuate certain trenches so he
+(Greene) could occupy them, "with a condition attached that General
+Greene must give a written receipt for the entrenchments." This
+condition, Mr. Millet says, was imposed by "the astute leader"
+(Aguinaldo). General Greene's "cleverness" consisted in purposely
+failing and omitting to give the receipt, which Mr. Millet says
+"looked very much like a bargain concluded over a signature, and was
+a little more formal than General Greene thought advisable." The key
+to this sorry business may be found in the first paragraph of General
+Merritt's instructions to all his generals at the time:
+
+
+    No rupture with insurgents. This is imperative. Can ask insurgent
+    generals or Aguinaldo for permission to occupy trenches, but if
+    refused not to use force. [119]
+
+
+"I am quite unable to explain," says Mr. Millet (p. 61), "why we
+did not in the very beginning make them understand that we were
+masters of the situation, and that they must come strictly under our
+authority." The obvious reason was that a war of conquest to subjugate
+a remote people struggling to be free from the yoke of alien domination
+was sure to be more or less unpopular with many of the sovereign
+voters of a republic, and more or less dangerous therefore, like all
+unpopular wars, to the tenure of office of the party in power. So that
+in entering upon a war for conquest, a republic must "play politics,"
+using the military arm of the government for the twofold purpose of
+crushing opposition and proving that there is none.
+
+The maxim which makes all fair in war often covers a multitude of
+sins. But let us turn for a moment from strategy to principle, and
+see what two other distinguished American war correspondents were
+thinking and saying about the same time. Writing to Harper's Weekly
+from Cavite, under date of July 16th, concerning the work of the
+Filipinos during the eight weeks before that, Mr. O. K. Davis said:
+"The insurgents have driven them [the Spaniards] back over twenty
+miles of country practically impassable for our men. * * * Aguinaldo
+has saved our troops a lot of desperately hard campaigning * * *. The
+insurgent works extend clear around Manila, and the Spaniards are
+completely hemmed in. There is no hope for them but surrender." Writing
+to the same paper under date of August 6th, Mr. John F. Bass says:
+"We forget that they drove the Spaniards from Cavite to their present
+intrenched position, thus saving us a long-continued fight through
+the jungle." This gentleman did not tackle the question of inventing
+a new definition of liberty consistent with alien domination. He
+simply says: "Give them their liberty and guarantee it to them." In
+the face of such plucky patriotism as he had witnessed, political
+casuistry about "capacity for self-government" would have hung its
+head. Yet Mr. Bass was by no means a novice. He had served with the
+British army in Egypt in 1895, through the Armenian massacres of 1896,
+and in the Cretan rebellion and Greek War of 1897. His sentiments were
+simply precisely what those of the average American not under military
+orders would have been at the time. After the fall of Manila he wrote
+(August 17th): "I am inclined to think that the insurgents intend to
+fight us if we stay and Spain if we go."
+
+There were 8500 American troops in the taking of the city of Manila,
+on August 13, 1898. The Filipinos were ignored by them, although they
+afterwards claimed to have helped. As a matter of fact, the Spanish
+officers in command were very anxious to surrender and get back to
+Spain. The Filipinos had already made them "long for peace," to use
+a famous expression of General J. F. Bell. The garrison only put up
+a very slight resistance, "to save their face," as the Chinese say,
+i. e., to save themselves from being court-martialed under some
+quixotic article of the Spanish army regulations. The assault was
+begun about 9.30 A.M., and early that afternoon the Spanish flag
+had been lowered from the flag-staff in the main square and the
+Stars and Stripes run up in its stead, amid the convulsive sobs of
+dark-eyed senoritas and the muttered curses of melodramatic Spanish
+cavaliers. Thanks to the Filipinos' three and one half months' work,
+the performance only cost us five men killed out of the 8500. The
+list of wounded totalled 43. Our antecedent loss in the trenches
+prior to the day of the assault had been fourteen killed and sixty
+wounded. So the job was completed, so far as the records show, at a
+cost of less than a score of American lives. [120]
+
+As Aguinaldo's troops surged forward in the wake of the American
+advance they were stopped by orders from the American commander, and
+prevented from following the retreating Spaniards into Manila. They
+were not even allowed what is known to the modern small boy as "a
+look-in." They were not permitted to come into the city to see the
+surrender. President McKinley's message to Congress of December,
+1898, describes "the last scene of the war" as having been "enacted
+at Manila its starting place." [121] It says: "On August 13th,
+after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, in which the
+squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally." In this
+connection, by way of explaining Aguinaldo's treatment at the hands of
+our generals from the beginning, the message says, "Divided victory
+was not permissible." "It was fitting that whatever was to be done
+* * * should be accomplished by the strong arm of the United States
+alone." But what takes much of the virtue out of the "strong arm"
+proposition is that Generals Merritt and Anderson were carrying out
+President McKinley's orders all the time they were juggling Aguinaldo
+out of his positions before Manila, and giving him evasive answers,
+until the city could be taken by the said "strong arm" alone. For,
+as the message puts it, in speaking of the taking of the city, "By
+this the conquest of the Philippine Islands * * * was formally sealed."
+
+When General Merritt left Manila on August 30th, he proceeded to Paris
+to appear before the Peace Commission there. His views doubtless
+had great weight with them on the momentous questions they had to
+decide. But his views were wholly erroneous, and that they were so
+is not surprising. As above stated, he did not even meet Aguinaldo,
+purposely holding himself aloof from him and his leaders. He never did
+know how deeply they were incensed at being shut out of Manila when
+the city surrendered. In his report prepared aboard the steamship
+China, en route for Paris, he says: "Doubtless much dissatisfaction
+is felt by the rank and file of the insurgents, but * * * I am of the
+opinion that the leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances,"
+etc. (p. 40). If General Merritt had caught the temper of the trenches
+he would have known better, but he saw nothing of the fighting prior
+to the final scene, nor did he take the field in person on the day of
+the combined assault on the city, August 13th, and therefore missed
+the supreme opportunity to understand how the Filipinos felt. Says
+General Anderson in his report:
+
+
+    I understood from the general commanding that he would be
+    personally present on the day of battle. * * * On the morning of
+    the 13th, General Babcock came to my headquarters and informed
+    me that the major-general commanding would remain on a despatch
+    boat. [122]
+
+
+Indeed, so reduced was Manila, by reason of the long siege conducted by
+the insurgents, that the assault of August 13th, not only was, but was
+expected to be, little more than a sham battle. Says Lieutenant-Colonel
+Pope, chief quartermaster, "On the evening of August 12th an order was
+sent me to report with two battalions of the Second Oregon Volunteers,
+under Colonel Summers the next day on the Kwong Hoi to the commanding
+general on the Newport, as an escort on his entrance into Manila. At
+the hour named, I reported etc." [123] As soon as Spanish "honor"
+was satisfied, up went the white flag and General Merritt was duly
+escorted ashore and into the city, where he received the surrender
+of the Spanish general.
+
+In the Civil War, General Merritt had received six successive
+promotions for gallantry, at Gettysburg, Yellow Tavern, Five Forks,
+etc., and had been with Sheridan at Winchester. So the way he
+"commanded" the assault on Manila is proof only of the obligations
+we then owed the Filipinos. They had left very little to be done.
+
+In his account of General Merritt's original personal disembarkation
+at Cavite, Mr. Frank Millet acquaints his readers with a Philippine
+custom we afterwards grew quite familiar with and found quite useful,
+of keeping your shoes dry in landing from a rowboat on a beach
+by riding astride the shoulders of some husky native boatman. The
+boatmen make it a point of special pride not to let their passengers
+get their feet wet. Mr. Millet tells us that a general in uniform
+looks neither dignified nor picturesque under such circumstances,
+and that therefore he will not elaborate on the picture, but that it
+is suggestive "more of the hilarious than of the heroic." Presumably
+when General Merritt went ashore on August 13th, from the despatch
+boat from which he had been watching the assault on Manila, to
+receive the surrender of the Spanish general, he followed the same
+custom of the country he had used on the occasion of his original
+disembarkation. So that in the taking of Manila, we were probably
+literally, as well as ethically, like General Mahone of Virginia as
+he is pictured in a familiar post-bellum negro story, according to
+which the general met a negro on a steep part of the road to heaven,
+told him that St. Peter would only admit mounted parties, mounted
+the negro with the latter's consent, rode on his back the rest of
+the toilsome journey to the heavenly gate, dismounted, knocked,
+and was cordially welcomed by the saint at the sacred portal thus:
+"Why how d' ye do, General Mahone; jess tie yoh hoss and come in."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+OTIS AND AGUINALDO
+
+                            Where people and leaders are agreed,
+                            What can the archon do?
+
+                                                        Athenian Maxims.
+
+
+Major-general Elwell S. Otis and staff arrived at Manila August 21,
+1898. [124] He relieved General Merritt and succeeded to the command
+of the American troops in the Philippines, August 29th. Archbishop
+Chapelle, who was papal delegate to the Philippines in 1900, once
+said to the writer at Manila, in that year, that General Otis was
+"of about the right mental calibre to command a one-company post
+in Arizona." The impatience manifested in the remark was due to
+differences between him and the commanding-general about the Friar
+question. The remark itself was of course intended, and understood, as
+hyperbole. But the selection of General Otis to handle the Philippine
+situation was a serious mistake. He was past sixty when he took
+command. He continued in command from August 29, 1898, to May 5,
+1900, a period of some twenty months. The insurrection was held in
+abeyance for some five months after he took hold, the leaders hoping
+against hope that the Treaty of Paris would leave their country to
+them as it did Cuba to the Cubans; and during all that time General
+Otis was apparently unable to see that war would be inevitable in the
+event the decision at Paris was adverse to Filipino hopes. A member
+of General Otis's staff once told me in speaking of the insurrection
+period that his chief pooh-poohed the likelihood of an outbreak
+right along up to the very day before the outbreak of February 4,
+1899, occurred. Before the insurrection came he would not see it,
+and after it came he--literally--did not see it; that is to say,
+during fifteen months of fighting he commanded the Eighth Army Corps
+from a desk in Manila and never once took the field. His Civil War
+record was all right, but he was now getting well along in years. He
+was also a graduate of the Harvard Law School of the Class of 1861,
+rather prided himself on being "a pretty fair jack-leg lawyer," and had
+a most absorbing passion for the details of administrative work. They
+used to say that the only occasion on which General Otis ever went
+out of Manila the whole time he was there was when he went up the
+railroad once to Angeles to see that a proper valuation was put on a
+then recently deceased Quartermaster's Department mule. When he left
+the Islands he remarked to a newspaper man that he had had but one "day
+off" since he had been there. Unswerving devotion to a desk in time of
+war, on the part of the commanding general of the army in the field,
+seemed to him an appropriate subject for just pride. This showed his
+limitations. He was a man wholly unable to see the essentials of an
+important situation, or to take in the whole horizon. He was known
+to the Eighth Corps, his command, as a sort of "Fussy Grandpa," his
+personality and general management of things always suggesting the
+picture of a painfully near-sighted be-spectacled old gentleman busily
+nosing over papers you had submitted, and finding fault to show he knew
+a thing or two. However, he had many eminently respectable traits, and
+did the best he knew how, though wholly devoid of that noble serenity
+of vision which used to enable Mr. Lincoln, amid the darkest and most
+tremendous of his problems, to say with a smile to Horace Greeley:
+"Don't shoot the organist, he's doing the best he can."
+
+Before General Otis relieved General Merritt, the latter had written
+Aguinaldo politely requesting him to move his troops beyond certain
+specified lines about the city, [125] and Aguinaldo had replied
+August 27th, agreeing to do so, but asking that the Americans promise
+to restore to him the positions thus vacated in the event under the
+treaty the United States should leave the Philippines to Spain. [126]
+August 31st, Otis notified Aguinaldo, then still at Bacoor, his first
+capital, that General Merritt had been unexpectedly called away,
+and that he, Otis, being unacquainted with the situation must take
+time before answering the Aguinaldo letter to Merritt of the 27th. On
+September 8th, he did answer, in a preposterously long communication
+of about 3000 words, which says, among other things: "I have not been
+instructed as to what policy the United States intends to pursue in
+regard to its legitimate holdings here"; and therefore declines to
+promise anything about restoring the insurgent positions in the event
+we should leave the Islands to Spain under the treaty. Commenting
+on this in the North American Review for February, 1900, General
+Anderson says: "I believe we came to the parting of the ways when we
+refused this request." General Anderson was right. General Merritt
+had on August 21st sent Aguinaldo a memorandum by the hand of Major
+J. Franklin Bell which promised: "Care will be taken to leave him
+[Aguinaldo] in as good condition as he was found by the forces of the
+government." [127] In the role of political henchman for President
+McKinley, which General Otis seems to have conceived it his duty to
+play from the very beginning in the Philippines, it thus appears that
+he was not troubled about keeping unsullied the faith and honor of
+the government as pledged by his predecessor. His 3000-word letter to
+Aguinaldo of September 8th ignores Merritt's promise as coolly as if
+it had never been made. His only concern appears to have been to leave
+the government free to throw the Filipinos overboard if it should
+wish to. He peevishly implies later on that Aguinaldo's requests in
+this regard were merely a cloak for designs against us (p. 40). But
+his real reason is given in a sort of stage "aside"--a letter to
+the Adjutant-General of the army dated September 12, 1898, wherein he
+explains: "Should I promise them that in case of the return of the city
+to Spain, upon United States evacuation, their forces would be placed
+by us in positions which they now occupy, I thoroughly believe that
+they would evacuate at once. But, of course, under the international
+obligations resting upon us * * * no such promise can be given." [128]
+In the sacred name of National Honor what of the Merritt promise? You
+only have to turn a few pages in the War Department Report for 1899
+from the Merritt promise to the Otis repudiation of it. Yes, General
+Anderson was right. It was when General Otis practically repudiated
+in writing the written promise of his predecessor, General Merritt,
+that we "came to the parting of the ways" in our relations with the
+Filipinos. Let no American suppose for a moment that the author of
+this volume is engaged in the ungracious, and frequently deservedly
+thankless task of mere muck-raking. He never met General Otis but once,
+and then for a very brief official interview of an agreeable nature. He
+is only attempting to make a small contribution to the righting of a
+great wrong unwittingly done by a great, free, and generous people to
+another people then struggling to be free--a wrong which he doubts
+not will one day be righted, whether he lives to see it so righted
+or not. General Otis's letter to the Adjutant-General of the army of
+September 12th, above quoted, shows that he was holding himself in
+readiness to carry out in the Philippines any political programme the
+Administration might determine upon, which would mean that he would
+afterwards come home and tell how entirely righteous that programme
+had been. Had the Administration hearkened back to Admiral Dewey's
+suggestion that the Filipinos were far superior to the Cubans, and
+decided to set before General Otis in the Philippines the same task
+it had set before General Wood in Cuba, we would have heard nothing
+about Filipino "incapacity for self-government." General Otis would
+have taken his cue from the President, his commander-in chief, and
+said: "I cordially concur in the opinion of Admiral Dewey." Then he
+would have gone to work in a spirit of generous rivalry to do in the
+Philippines just what Wood did in Cuba. And the task would have been
+easier. Had the Administration taken the view urged by Judge Gray,
+as a member of the Paris Peace Commission, that "if we had captured
+Cadiz and the Carlists had helped us [we] would not owe duty to stay
+by them at the conclusion of the war," [129] and therefore we were not
+bound to see the Filipinos through their struggle, General Otis would
+have adopted that view with equal loyalty and in the presidential
+campaign of 1900, he would have furnished the Administration with
+arguments to justify that course. This would have been an easy task,
+also, for two of Spain's fleets had been destroyed by us, leaving
+her but one to guard her home coast cities, and making the sending
+of reinforcements to the besieged and demoralized garrison of Manila
+impossible. The native army she relied on throughout the archipelago
+had gone over bodily to the patriot cause, and there was no hope
+of successful resistance to it. But General Otis did not have the
+boundless prestige of Admiral Dewey and so volunteered no advice. As
+soon as the Administration chose its course, he set to work to prove
+the correctness of it. From him, of course, came all the McKinley
+Administration's original arguments against doing for the Filipinos
+as we did in the case of Cuba. He was the only legitimate source
+the American people could look to at that time to help them in their
+dilemma. They were standing with reluctant feet where democracy and
+its antithesis meet, and Otis was their sole guide. But the guide
+was of the kind who wait until you point and ask "Is that the right
+direction?" and then answer "Yes." Four days after General Otis sent
+his above quoted letter of September 12th, to Adjutant-General Corbin,
+Mr. McKinley signed his instructions to the Paris Peace Commissioners,
+directing them to insist on the cession of Luzon at least, the
+instructions being full of eloquent but specious argument about the
+necessity of establishing a guardianship over people of whom we then
+knew nothing. From that day forward General Otis bent himself to the
+task of showing the righteousness of that course. "I will let nothing
+go that will hurt the Administration," was his favorite expression
+to the newspaper correspondents when they used to complain about
+his press censorship. Hypocrisy is defined to be "a false assumption
+of piety or virtue." The false assumption of piety or virtue which
+has handicapped the American occupation of the Philippines from the
+beginning, and which will always handicap it, until we throw off the
+mask and honestly set to work to give the Filipinos a square deal on
+the question of whether they can or cannot run a decent government of
+their own if permitted, is traceable back to the Otis letter to the
+Adjutant-General of September 12, 1898, ignoring General Merritt's
+promise to leave Aguinaldo "in as good condition as he was found by
+the forces of the government" in case we should, under the terms of
+the treaty of peace, leave the Islands to Spain.
+
+General Otis's letter of September 8th to Aguinaldo is apparently
+intended to convince him that he ought to consider everything the
+Americans had done up to date as exactly the correct thing, according
+to the standards of up-to-date, philanthropic, liberty-loving nations
+which pity double-dealing as mediaeval; and that he should cheer up,
+and feel grateful and happy, instead of sulking, Achilles-like, in his
+tents; and furthermore--which was the crux--that he must move said
+tents. General Otis does not forget "that the revolutionary forces
+under your command have made many sacrifices in the interest of civil
+liberty (observe, he does not call it independence) and for the welfare
+of your people"; admits that they have "endured great hardships, and
+have rendered aid"; and avers, as a reason for Aguinaldo's evacuating
+that part of the environs of Manila occupied by his troops: "It [the
+war with Spain] was undertaken by the United States for humanity's sake
+* * * not for * * * aggrandizement or for any national profit." After
+stating, as above indicated, that he does not yet know what the
+policy of the United States is to be "in regard to its legitimate
+holdings here," General Otis proceeds to declare that in any event
+he will not be a party to any joint occupation of any part of the
+city, bay, and harbor of Manila--the territory covered by the Peace
+Protocol of August 13th--and that Aguinaldo must effect the evacuation
+demanded in the letter of General Merritt "before Tuesday the 15th"
+(of September), i.e., within a week. Aguinaldo finally withdrew his
+troops, after much useless parleying and much waste of ink.
+
+There was some of the parleying and ink, however, that was not wholly
+wasted. But to properly appreciate it as illustrative of the fortitude
+and tact which the early Filipino leaders seem to have combined in
+a remarkable degree, some prefatory data are essential.
+
+Aguinaldo's capital was then at Bacoor, one of the small coast villages
+you pass through in going by land from Manila to Cavite. From Manila
+over to Cavite by water is about seven miles, and by land about three
+or four times that. The coast line from Manila to Cavite makes a
+loop, so that a straight line over the water from Manila to Cavite
+subtends a curve, near the Cavite end of which lies Bacoor. Thus,
+Bacoor, being at the mercy of the big guns at Cavite, and also easily
+accessible by a land force from Manila, to say nothing of Dewey's
+mighty armada riding at anchor in the offing, was a good place to
+move away from. There it lay, right in the lion's jaws, should the
+lion happen to get hungry. Aguinaldo had reflected on all this,
+and had determined to get himself a capital away from "the city,
+bay, and harbor of Manila," that is to say, to take his head out
+of the lion's jaws. General Otis's demand of September 8th that
+he move his troops out of the suburbs of Manila determined him to
+move his capital as well. He moved it to a place called Malolos, in
+Bulacan province. Bulacan lies over on the north shore of Manila Bay,
+opposite Cavite province on the south shore. Malolos is situated some
+distance inland, out of sight and range of a fleet's guns, and about
+twenty-odd miles by railroad northwest of Manila. Malolos was also
+desirable because it was in the heart of an insurgent province having a
+population of nearly a quarter of a million people, a province which,
+by reason of being on the north side of the bay, was sure to be in
+touch, strategically and politically, with all Luzon north of the
+Pasig River, just as Cavite province, the birthplace of Aguinaldo,
+and also of the revolutionary government, had been with all Luzon
+south of the Pasig. Should the worst come to the worst--and as has
+already been indicated, the insurgents played a sweepstake game from
+the beginning for independence, with only war as the limit--northern
+Luzon had more inaccessible mountains from which to conduct such
+a struggle for an indefinite period than southern Luzon. But while
+the Otis demand of September 8th decided the matter of the change
+of capital, Aguinaldo could not afford to tell his troops that he
+was moving them from the environs of Manila because made to. He was
+going to accept war cheerfully when it should become necessary to
+fight for independence, but he still had some hopes of the Paris
+Peace Conference deciding to do with the Philippines as with Cuba,
+and wished to await patiently the outcome of that conference. Besides,
+he was getting in shipments of guns all the time, as fast as the
+revenues of his government would permit, and thus his ability to
+protract an ultimate war for independence was constantly enlarging
+by accretion. The Hong Kong conference of the Filipino revolutionary
+leaders held in the city named on May 4, 1898, at which Aguinaldo
+presided, and which mapped out a programme covering every possible
+contingency, has already been mentioned. Its minutes say:
+
+
+    If Washington proposes to carry out the fundamental principles
+    of its Constitution, it is most improbable that an attempt will
+    be made to colonize the Philippines or annex them. [130]
+
+
+On the other hand, the minutes of this same meeting as we saw
+recognized that America might be tempted into entering upon a career
+of colonization, once she should get a foothold in the islands. The
+programme of Aguinaldo and his people was thus, from the beginning,
+not to precipitate hostilities until it should become clear that,
+in the matter of land-grabbing, the gleam of hope held out by the
+American programme for Cuba was illusive. According to the minutes of
+the meeting alluded to, such a contingency would, of course, "drive
+them, the Filipinos * * * to a struggle for their independence,
+even if they should succumb to the weight of the yoke," etc. Such
+a struggle, as all the world knows, did ultimately ensue. That
+part of the parleying following Otis's demand of September 8th
+(that Aguinaldo move his troops) which was not useless was this:
+In order to "save their face," with the rank and file of their
+army, the Filipino Commissioners asked General Otis "if I [Otis,]
+would express in writing a simple request to Aguinaldo to withdraw
+to the lines which I designated--something which he could show to
+the troops." [131] So, on September 13th, General Otis wrote such a
+"request," and Aguinaldo moved his troops as demanded, but no farther
+than demanded. He wanted to be in the best position possible in case
+the United States should finally leave the Philippines to Spain,
+and always so insisted. Long afterward General Otis insinuated in
+his report that this insistence, which was uniformly pressed until
+after the Treaty was signed, was mere dishonest pretence, to cloak
+warlike intentions against the United States. Yet, as we have seen
+above, one of our Peace Commissioners at Paris, Judge Gray, just
+about the same time, was taking that contingency quite as seriously
+as did Aguinaldo. And early in May, 1898, our Secretary of the Navy,
+Mr. Long, had cabled Admiral Dewey "not to have political alliances
+with the insurgents * * * that would incur liability to maintain their
+cause in the future." [132] Before moving his troops pursuant to the
+Otis demand of September 8th, the Otis "request" was duly published
+to the insurgent army, and as the insurgents withdrew, the American
+troops presented arms in most friendly fashion. "They certainly made a
+brave show," says Mr. Millet (Expedition to the Philippines, p. 255),
+"for they were neatly uniformed, had excellent rifles, marched well,
+and looked very soldierly and intelligent." "The withdrawal," says
+General Otis (p. 10), "was effected adroitly, as the insurgents marched
+out in excellent spirits, cheering the American forces." Absolute
+master of all Luzon outside Manila at this time, with complete
+machinery of government in each province for all matters of justice,
+taxes, and police, an army of some 30,000 men at his beck, and his
+whole people a unit at his back, Aguinaldo formally inaugurated
+his permanent government--permanent as opposed to the previous
+provisional government--with a Constitution, Congress, and Cabinet,
+patterned after our own, [133] just as the South American republics
+had done before him when they were freed from Spain, at Malolos, the
+new capital, on September 15, 1898. The next day, September 16th, at
+Washington, President McKinley delivered to his Peace Commissioners,
+then getting ready to start for the Paris Peace Conference, their
+letter of instructions, directing them to insist on the cession by
+Spain to the United States of the island of Luzon "at least." [134]
+In other words, the day after the little Filipino republic, gay
+with banners and glad with music, started forth on its journey,
+Mr. McKinley signed its death-warrant. The political student of 1912
+may say just here, "Oh, I read all that in the papers at the time,
+or at least it was all ventilated in the Presidential campaign of
+1900." Mr. McKinley's instructions to the Paris Peace Commission were
+not made public until after the Presidential election of 1900. To be
+specific, they were first printed and given out to the public in 1901,
+in Senate Document 148, having been extracted from the jealous custody
+of the Executive by a Senate resolution. It was not until then that the
+veil was lifted. By that time, no American who was not transcendental
+enough to have lost his love for the old maxim, "Right or wrong, my
+country," cared to hear the details of the story. The Filipinos and
+"our boys" had been diligently engaged in killing each other for a
+couple of years, and the American people said, "A truce to scolding;
+let us finish this war, now we are in it."
+
+But to return from the death-warrant of the Philippine republic
+signed by Mr. McKinley on September 16th, to its christening,
+or inauguration, the day before. Mr. Millet gives an intensely
+interesting account of the inaugural ceremonies of September 15th,
+which as Manila correspondent of the London Times and Harper's Weekly
+he had the good fortune to witness. Says he:
+
+
+    The date was at last * * * fixed for September 15th. A few days
+    before Aguinaldo had made a triumphant entry into Malolos in
+    a carriage drawn by white horses, and there had been a general
+    celebration of his arrival, with speeches, a gala dinner, open air
+    concerts, and a military parade. Mr. Higgins (an Englishman), the
+    manager of the Railway, kindly offered to take me up to Malolos to
+    witness the ceremony of the inauguration of the new government.
+    * * * The only other passenger was to be Aguinaldo's secretary
+    * * * a small boyish-looking young man. * * * [135]
+
+
+It seems there had been a strike of the native employees of the
+railway up the road.
+
+
+    Mr. Higgins calmly remarked to the secretary that, in his opinion,
+    if the affairs of the Filipino government were managed in the
+    future as they were at present, the proposed republic would be
+    nothing but a cheap farce. The secretary timidly asked what there
+    was to complain about.
+
+
+Then came a tirade from Higgins, ending with, "I am going to lay this
+* * * before Aguinaldo to-day, and I shall expect you to arrange an
+interview for my friend and myself." Then, turning to the astonished
+Millet, he said in English: "It does these chaps good to be talked
+to straight from the shoulder. Since they came to Malolos, the earth
+isn't big enough to hold them."
+
+This scene on the train is, decidedly, as Thomas Carlyle would say,
+"of real interest to universal history." Mr. Millet's Government was
+a lion about to eat a lamb, but the head of his nation, Mr. McKinley,
+clothed with absolute authority in the premises for the nonce, was
+balking at the diet. Now, Mr. Millet rather admired the British
+boldness, just as a Northern man likes to hear a Southerner talk
+straight from the shoulder to a "darkey." As soon as the era of good
+feeling was over, our people quit treating the Filipinos as Perry
+did the Japanese in 1854, and began calling them "niggers." In fact
+the commanding general found it necessary a little later to put a
+stop to this pernicious practice among the soldiers by issuing a
+General Order prohibiting it. But Mr. Millet's admiration would have
+been somewhat toned down had he known what we found out later. The
+real secret of Higgins's personal arrogance was this. The Filipino
+government needed his railroad in its business. During the war
+which followed, the insurgents long controlled a large part of this
+railway, from Manila to Dagupan, which was the only railway in the
+Philippines. The railway properties suffered much damage incident
+to the war, and--just how willingly is beside the question--the
+company rendered material aid to the insurgent cause. So much did
+they render, that when Higgins had the assurance later to want our
+Government to pay the damages his properties had suffered at the
+hands of the insurgents, our government at Manila promptly turned his
+claim down. Subsequently the London office of his company actually
+inveigled the British Foreign Office into making representation to
+our State Department about the matter--obviously a very grave step,
+in international law. The claim was promptly turned down by Washington
+also, and, happily, that "closed the incident." [136]
+
+Having exploded Mr. Millet's bubble, let us resume the thread of
+his story:
+
+
+    We reached the station [at Malolos] in about an hour and a half.
+    * * * The town numbers perhaps thirty or forty thousand people.
+    * * * From the first humble nipa shack to the great square where
+    the convent stands, thousands of insurgent flags fluttered from
+    every window and every post. * * * Every man had an insurgent
+    tri-color cockade in his hat.
+
+
+Then follows a detailed account of being introduced, after some
+ceremony, to Aguinaldo, who is described as "a small individual,
+in full evening black suit, and flowing black tie." Higgins made his
+complaint about the strikers, and Aguinaldo said, "I will attend to
+this matter of the strikers," and then changed the topic, asking if
+the visitors did not wish to attend the opening of the Congress--which
+they did.
+
+From Mr. Millet's account, it is evident that, like Admiral Dewey
+and most of the Americans who first dealt with the Filipinos except
+Generals Anderson, MacArthur, and J. F. Bell, he failed to take
+the Filipinos as seriously as the facts demanded. At that time the
+Japanese had not yet taught the world that national aspirations are
+not necessarily to be treated with contumely because a people are small
+of stature and not white of skin. Consul Wildman at Hong Kong at first
+wrote the State Department quite peevishly that Aguinaldo seemed much
+more concerned about the kind of cane he should wear than about the
+figure he might make in history. Wildman did not then know, apparently,
+that canes, with all Spanish-Filipino colonial officialdom, were
+badges of official rank, like shoulder-straps are with us. The reader
+will also remember the toothbrush incident hereinbefore reproduced,
+told by Admiral Dewey to the Senate Committee, in 1902. That incident,
+naturally enough, amused the Committee not a little. But we who know
+the Filipino know it was merely an awkward and embarrassed answer due
+to diffidence, and made on the spur of the moment to cloak some real
+reason which if disclosed would not seem so childish.
+
+Misunderstanding is the principal cause of hate in this world. When
+you understand people, hatred disappears in a way strikingly analogous
+to the disappearance of darkness on the arrival of light. The more
+you know of the educated patriotic Filipino, the more certain you
+become that the government we destroyed in 1898 would have worked
+quite as well as most any of the republics now in operation between
+the Rio Grande and Patagonia. The masses of the people down there,
+the peons, are probably quite as ignorant and docile as the Filipino
+tao (peasant), and I question if the educated men of Latin America,
+the class of men who, after all, control in every country, could,
+after meeting and knowing the corresponding class in the Philippines,
+get their own consent to declare the latter their inferiors either
+in intelligence, character, or patriotism.
+
+But to return to the inauguration. Mr. Millet saw the inaugural
+ceremonies in the church, and heard Aguinaldo's address to the
+Congress. Of the audience he says "few among them would have escaped
+notice in a crowd for they were exceptionally alert, keen, and
+intelligent in appearance." Of this same Congress and government,
+Mr. John Barrett, who was American Minister to Siam about that
+time, and is now (1912) head of the Bureau of American Republics
+at Washington--an institution organized and run for the purpose
+of persuading Latin-America that we do not belong to the Imperial
+International Society for the Partition of the Earth and that we are
+not in the business of gobbling up little countries on pretext of
+"policing" them--said in an address before the Shanghai Chamber of
+Commerce on January 12, 1899:
+
+
+    He [Aguinaldo] has organized a government which has practically
+    been administering the affairs of that great island [Luzon] since
+    the American occupation of Manila, which is certainly better
+    than the former administration; he has a properly constituted
+    Cabinet and Congress, the members of which compare favorably with
+    Japanese statesmen.
+
+
+The present Philippine Assembly had not had its first meeting when I
+left the Islands in the spring of 1905. It was organized in 1907. In
+the summer of 1911, I had the pleasure of renewing an old and very
+cordial acquaintance with Dr. Heiser, Director of Public Health
+of the Philippine Islands, who is one of the most considerable men
+connected with our government out there, and is also thoroughly in
+sympathy with its indefinite continuance in its present form. The
+Doctor is a broad-gauged man likely to be worth to any government,
+in matters of Public Health, whatever such government could reasonably
+afford to pay in the way of salary, and is doubtless well-paid by the
+Philippine Insular Government. He can hardly be blamed, therefore,
+for being in sympathy with its indefinite continuance in its present
+form. Doctor Heiser is a man of too much genuine dignity to be very
+much addicted to slang, but when I asked him about the Philippine
+Assembly, I think he said it was "a cracker-jack." At any rate,
+I have never heard any legislative body spoken of in more genuinely
+complimentary terms than those in which he described the Philippine
+Assembly. I learned from him incidentally that their "capacity for
+self-government" is so crude, however, as yet, that the members have
+not yet learned to read newspapers while a colleague whose seat is
+next to theirs is addressing the house and trying to get the attention
+of his fellows, nor do they keep up such a buzz of conversation that
+the man who has the floor cannot hear himself talk. They listen to
+the programme of the public business.
+
+Some five years ago in an article written for the North American Review
+concerning the Philippine problem, the author of the present volume
+said, among other things: "During nearly four years of service on the
+bench in the Philippines the writer heard as much genuine, impassioned,
+and effective eloquence from Filipino lawyers, saw exhibited in the
+trial of causes as much industrious preparation, and zealous, loyal
+advocacy of the rights of clients, as any ordinary nisi prius judge
+at home is likely to meet with in the same length of time." [137] Any
+country that has plenty of good lawyers and plenty of good soldiers,
+backed by plenty of good farmers, is capable of self-government. As
+President Schurman of Cornell University, who headed the first
+Philippine Commission, the one that went out in 1899, said in closing
+his Founder's Day Address at that institution on January 11, 1902:
+"Any decent kind of government of Filipinos by Filipinos is better
+than the best possible government of Filipinos by Americans." The
+Malolos government which Mr. Millet saw inaugurated on September 15,
+1898, would probably have filled this bill. Had the Filipino people
+then possessed the consciousness of racial and political unity as a
+people which was developed by their subsequent long struggle against
+us for independence, and which has been steadily developing more and
+more under the mild sway of a quasi-freedom whose princely prodigality
+in spreading education is marred only by its declared programme that
+no living beneficiary thereof may hope to see the independence of
+his country, and that the present generation must resign itself to
+tariff schedules "fixed" at Washington, there is no reasonable doubt
+that the original Malolos government of 1898 would have been a very
+"decent kind of government."
+
+All through the last four months of 1898, the two hostile armies faced
+each other in a mood which it needed but a spark to ignite, awaiting
+the outcome of the peace negotiations arranged for in September,
+commenced in October, and concluded in December. While they are thus
+engaged about Manila, let us turn to a happier picture, the situation
+in the provinces under the Aguinaldo government.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+THE WILCOX-SARGENT TRIP
+
+                A smiling, peaceful, and plenteous land
+                As yet unblighted by the scourge of war;
+                Where happiness and hospitality walk hand in hand
+                And new-born Freedom bows to Law.
+
+                                                              Anonymous.
+
+
+In the last chapter, we saw Aguinaldo's republic formally established
+at Malolos, September 15th, claiming jurisdiction over all Luzon. In
+Chapter IV., entitled "Merritt and Aguinaldo," we saw the political
+condition of southern Luzon in August, 1898, and the following months,
+and verified the correctness of Aguinaldo's claims as to complete
+mastery there then. Let us now examine the state of affairs in northern
+Luzon in the fall of 1898.
+
+In Senate Document 196, 56th Congress, 1st Session, dated February
+26, 1900, transmitted by Secretary of the Navy Long, in response to
+a Senate resolution, may be found a report of a tour of observation
+through the half of Luzon Island which lies north of Manila and the
+Pasig River, made between October 8 and November 20, 1898,--note
+the dates, for the Paris Peace Conference began October 1st and
+ended December 10th,--by Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and Naval Cadet
+L. R. Sargent. This report was submitted by them to Admiral Dewey under
+date of November 23, 1898, and by him forwarded to the Navy Department
+for its information, with the comment that it "in my opinion contains
+the most complete and reliable information obtainable in regard to the
+present state of the northern part of Luzon Island." The Admiral's
+endorsement was not sent to the Senate along with the report. It
+appears in a book afterwards published by Paymaster Wilcox in 1901,
+entitled Through Luzon on Highways and Byways. The book is merely an
+elaboration of the report, and reproduces most of the report, if not
+all of it, verbatim. The book of Paymaster Wilcox may be treated as,
+practically, official, for historical purposes. The preface recites
+that in October, 1898, American control was effective only in Manila
+and Cavite, that the insurgents, under Aguinaldo, who had proclaimed
+himself President of the whole Archipelago, immediately after Dewey's
+victory, were in supposedly complete possession of every part of
+the Island outside of these two cities, that their lines were so
+close to the outposts of our army that their people could at times
+converse with our soldiers, and that General Otis's authority did
+not extend much beyond a three-mile radius from the centre of Manila,
+while Admiral Dewey held and operated the navy-yard at Cavite. "Even
+the country between Manila and Cavite was in the hands of Aguinaldo,
+so much so that our officers had been refused permission to land at
+any intermediate point by water, and were prohibited from traversing
+the distance by road." Wilcox and Sargent procured leave of absence
+from Admiral Dewey to make their trip. They went first to Malolos, but
+failed to get anything in the way of safe-conduct from Aguinaldo. He
+is described, however, as of "great force of character * * * and
+he dominates all around him with a power that seems peculiar to
+himself." Wilcox had seen him before at Cavite. "He adroitly read
+between the lines that the Government of the United States did not
+then, nor would it at any future time, recognize his authority,"
+says the writer.
+
+Our travellers left Manila, October 8, 1898, on the Manila-Dagupan
+Railway, for a place called Bayambang, which is the capital of
+Pangasinan province, about one hundred miles north of Manila. In
+Pangasinan "the people were all very respectful and polite and offered
+the hospitality of their homes." From Bayambang they struck off from
+the railroad and proceeded eastward comfortably and unmolested a day's
+journey, to a town in the adjoining province of Nueva Ecija (Rosales)
+where they received a cordial reception at the hands of the Presidente
+(Mayor)--Aguinaldo's Presidente of course, not the Presidente left
+over from the Spanish regime. "At this time all the local government
+of the different towns was in the hands of Aguinaldo's adherents,"
+says the descriptive itinerary we are following. The tourists were
+provided at Rosales by order of Aguinaldo with a military escort,
+"which was continued by relays all the way to Aparri" (the northernmost
+town of Luzon, at the mouth of the Cagayan River). Paymaster Wilcox
+says he carried five hundred Mexican dollars in his saddle-bags,
+but used only a trifling portion of this amount, "for in every town
+my entertainment was given without pay." They went from Rosales to
+Humingan, in Nueva Ecija. At Humingan they were again entertained
+by the Presidente at dinner, with music following, and comfortably
+housed. The Presidente made many inquiries about "the War with
+Spain and their own future." Their future, as revealed by the raised
+curtain of a year later, was that their country was being overrun by
+Lawton's Division of the Eighth Army Corps, the author of this volume
+having passed through this same town of Humingan in November, 1899,
+as an officer of the scouts used to develop fire for General Lawton's
+column. They journeyed eastward through the province of Nueva Ecija
+from Humingan to a little village (Puncan) in the foothills of the
+mountains they planned to cross. Of this place and the hospitality
+there, our traveller remarks: "I shall never forget the welcome of the
+local official" the Presidente. Thence they proceeded a few more stages
+and parasangs, northward over the Caranglan pass, into Nueva Vizcaya
+province, the watershed of north central Luzon, and thence down the
+valley of the Cagayan River via Iligan and Tuguegarao to Aparri, being
+always hospitably entertained in every town through which they passed
+by the Presidente or Mayor of the town, the local representative of
+the Philippine republic. In the New York Independent of September 14,
+1899, Cadet Sargent, in an article about this trip, gives the words
+of the new Filipino national Hymn, which he describes as sung with
+great enthusiasm everywhere he and Wilcox were entertained in the
+various towns. I desire to preserve a sample verse of it here. The
+music it is set to is much like the Marseillaise--quite as stirring:
+
+
+                    Del sueno de tres siglos
+                    Hermanos Despertad!
+                    Gritando "Fuera Espana!
+                    Viva La Libertad!"
+
+
+which, being interpreted, means:
+
+
+                    From the sleep of three centuries
+                    Brothers, awake!
+                    Crying "Out with Spain!
+                    Live Liberty!"
+
+
+Had another Sargent and another Wilcox made a similar trip through
+the provinces of southern Luzon about this same time, under similar
+friendly auspices, before we turned friendship to hate and fear and
+misery, in the name of Benevolent Assimilation, they would, we now
+know, have found similar conditions.
+
+Some suspicions were aroused on one or two occasions, but once the
+local authorities became convinced that the trip was being made
+by consent of "The Illustrious Presidente" (Aguinaldo--"El Egregio
+Presidente" is the Spanish of it) all was sunshine again. The Mayor
+of each town--the Presidente--would receive from the escort coming
+with them from the last town they had stopped at, a letter from the
+Mayor, or Presidente, of said last town; the old escort would return to
+their town, and a new one would be provided to give them safe-conduct
+to the next town. This was no new-fangled scheme of Aguinaldo's. It
+was an ancient custom of the Spanish Government, and was an ideal
+nucleus of administration for the new government. Curiously enough,
+the army knew practically nothing of this trip in the days of the
+early fighting. All that country was to us a terra incognita, until
+overrun by Captain Bacthelor, with a part of the 25th Infantry
+in the fall of 1899, the following year. So was the rest of the
+archipelago a like terra incognita, until likewise slowly conquered
+by hard fighting. That is why we so utterly failed to understand
+what a wonderfully complete "going concern" Aguinaldo's government
+had become throughout the Philippine archipelago before the Treaty of
+Paris was signed. Descending from the watershed of north central Luzon
+in the province of Nueva Viscaya already mentioned, our travellers
+reached the town of Carig, in the foothills which fringe that side
+of the watershed. There they were met by Simeon Villa, military
+commander of Isabela province, the man who was chief of staff to
+Aguinaldo afterwards, and was captured by General Funston along
+with Aguinaldo in the spring of 1901. Villa's immediate superior was
+Colonel Tirona, at Aparri, the colonel commanding all the insurgent
+forces of the Cagayan valley. Villa was accompanied by his aide,
+Lieutenant Ventura Guzman. The latter is an old acquaintance of the
+author of the present volume, who tried him afterwards, in 1901, for
+playing a minor part in the murder of an officer of the Spanish army
+committed under Villa's orders just prior to, or about the time of,
+the Wilcox-Sargent visit. He was found guilty, and sentenced, but later
+liberated under President Roosevelt's amnesty of 1902. He was guilty,
+but the deceased, so the people in the Cagayan valley used to say,
+in being tortured to death, got only the same sort of medicine he had
+often administered thereabouts. At any rate, that was the broad theory
+of the amnesty in wiping out all these old cases. Villa was a Tagal
+and had come up from Manila with the expedition commanded by Colonel
+Tirona, which expedition was fitted out with guns furnished Aguinaldo
+by Admiral Dewey, or, if not furnished, permitted to be furnished. But
+Guzman was a member of one of the wealthiest and most influential
+native families of that province (Isabela). General Otis's reports
+are full of the most inexcusable blunders about how "the Tagals"
+took possession of the various provinces and made the people do this
+or that. Villa's relations with Guzman were just about those of a New
+Yorker or a Bostonian sent up to Vermont in the days of the American
+Revolution to help organize the resistance there, in conjunction with
+one of the local leaders of the patriot cause in the Green Mountain
+State. Both were members of the Katipunan, the Filipino Revolutionary
+Secret Society, an organization patterned after Masonry, membership
+in which was always treated by the Spaniards as sedition, and usually
+visited with capital punishment. Nearly every Filipino of any spirit
+belonged to it on May 1, 1898, the date of the naval battle of Manila
+Bay. It is the all-pervading completeness of this organization at that
+time--it could give old Tammany Hall cards and spades--which explains
+the astonishing rapidity of Aguinaldo's political success, i.e., the
+astonishing rapidity with which the Malolos Government acquired control
+of Luzon between May and October, 1898. Their cabalistic watchword was
+"Paisano" (fellow-countryman), their battle cry "Independence." In
+the fall of 1898, at the time of this Wilcox-Sargent trip through
+Luzon, the Filipinos really "had tasted the sweets of Independence,"
+to use the phrase of the people of Iloilo in declining on that ground
+to surrender to General Miller in December thereafter and electing the
+arbitrament of war. The writer is perhaps as familiar with the history
+of that Cagayan valley as almost any other American. It is true there
+were cruelties practised by the Filipinos on the Spaniards. But they
+were ebullitions of revenge for three centuries of tyranny. They do
+not prove unfitness for self-government. I for one prefer to follow
+the example set by the Roosevelt amnesty of 1902, and draw the veil
+over all those matters. With the Spaniards it was a case of Sauve qui
+peut. With the Filipinos, it was a case, as old man Dimas Guzman,
+father to this Lieutenant Ventura we have just met, used to put
+it, of Me las vais a pagar, which, liberally interpreted, means,
+"The bad quarter of an hour has arrived for the Spaniards. The day
+of reckoning has come." I sentenced both Dimas and Ventura to life
+imprisonment for being accessory to the murder of the Spanish officer
+above named, Lieutenant Piera. Villa officiated as archfiend of the
+gruesome occasion. I am quite sure I would have hung Villa without any
+compunction at that time, if I could have gotten hold of him. I tried
+to get hold of him, but Governor Taft's Attorney-General, Mr. Wilfley,
+wrote me that Villa was somewhere over on the mainland of Asia on
+British territory, and extradition would involve application to the
+London Foreign Office. The intimation was that we had trouble enough
+of our own without borrowing any from feuds that had existed under
+our predecessors in sovereignty. I have understood that Villa is now
+practising medicine in Manila. More than one officer of the American
+army that I know, afterwards did things to the Filipinos almost
+as cruel as Villa did to that unhappy Spanish officer, Lieutenant
+Piera. On the whole, I think President Roosevelt acted wisely and
+humanely in wiping the slate. We had new problems to deal with, and
+were not bound to handicap ourselves with the old ones left over from
+the Spanish regime.
+
+It appears that Villa became a little suspicious of the travellers. He
+detained them at Carig seven days. Finally there came a telegram from
+his chief at Aparri, Colonel Tirona, to our two travellers, which read:
+"I salute you affectionately, and authorize Villa to accompany you to
+Iligan." At Iligan, the capital of Isabela province, the travellers
+were lavishly entertained. They were given a grand baile (ball) and
+fiesta (feast), a kind of dinner-dance, we would call it. To the light
+Messrs. Sargent and Wilcox throw on the then universal acknowledgment
+of the authority of the Aguinaldo government, and the perfect
+tranquillity and public order maintained under it, in the Cagayan
+valley, I may add that as judge of that district in 1901-2 there came
+before me a number of cases in the trial of which the fact would be
+brought out of this or that difference among the local authorities
+having been referred to the Malolos Government for settlement. And
+they always waited until they heard from it. The doubting Thomas will
+attribute this to the partiality of the Filipinos to procrastination
+in general. I know it was due to the hearty co-operation of the
+people with, and their loyalty to, the then existing government,
+and to their pride in it. Mr. Sargent tells a characteristic story
+of Villa, whose vengeful feeling toward the Spaniards showed on all
+occasions. The former Spanish governor of the province was of course
+a prisoner in Villa's custody. Villa had the ex-governor brought in,
+for the travellers to see him, and remarked, in his presence to them,
+"This is the man who robbed this province of $25,000 during the last
+year of his office." From Iligan our travellers proceeded to Aparri,
+cordially received everywhere, and finding the country in fact, as
+Aguinaldo always claimed in his proclamations of that period seeking
+recognition of his government by the Powers, in a state of profound
+peace and tranquillity--free from brigandage and the like. At Aparri
+the visitors were cordially welcomed by Colonel Tirona, and much
+feted. While they were there, Tirona transferred his authority to a
+civil regime. Says Paymaster Wilcox:
+
+
+    The steamer Saturnus, which had left the harbor the day before
+    our arrival, brought news from Hong Kong papers that the Senators
+    from the United States at the Congress at Paris favored the
+    independence of the islands with an American protectorate. Colonel
+    Tirona considered the information of sufficient reliability to
+    justify him in regarding Philippine Independence as assured,
+    and warfare in the Islands at an end.
+
+
+He then goes on to describe the inauguration of civil government
+in Cagayan province. I hope all this will not weary the American
+reader. It was vividly interesting to me when I read it for the first
+time thirteen years afterward, in 1911, because it was such unexpected
+information, so surprising. It will be equally interesting to all other
+Americans who participated in putting down the subsequent insurrection
+and in setting up the Taft civil government in that same valley three
+years later. I was in that town, for a similar purpose, with Governor
+Taft in 1901, after a bloody war which almost certainly would not
+have occurred had the Paris Peace Commission known the conditions then
+existing, just like this, all over Luzon and the Visayan Islands. Of
+course the Southern Islands were a little slower. But as Luzon goes,
+so go the rest. The rest of the archipelago is but the tail to the
+Luzon kite. Luzon contains 4,000,000 of the 8,000,000 people out there,
+and Manila is to the Filipino people what Paris is to the French and to
+France. Luzon is about the size of Ohio, and the other six islands that
+really matter, [138] are in size mere little Connecticuts and Rhode
+Islands, and in population mere Arizonas or New Mexicos. Describing
+the ceremonies of the inauguration of civil government in Cagayan,
+the Wilcox-Sargent report to Admiral Dewey says:
+
+
+    The Presidentes of all the towns in the province were present at
+    the ceremony. * * * Colonel Tirona made a short speech. * * * He
+    then handed the staff of office to the man who had been elected
+    "Jefe Provincial" [Governor of the Province]. This officer also
+    made a speech in which he thanked the military forces * * * and
+    assured them that the work they had begun would be perpetuated
+    by the people, where every man, woman, and child stood ready to
+    take up arms to defend their newly won liberty and to resist with
+    the last drop of their blood the attempt of any nation whatever
+    to bring them back to their former state of dependence. He then
+    knelt, placed his hand on an open Bible, and took the oath of
+    office. [139]
+
+
+Does not such language in an official report made by officers of
+the navy to Admiral Dewey in November, 1898, show an undercurrent
+of deep feeling at the position the Administration had put Admiral
+Dewey in with Aguinaldo, when it decided to take the Philippines,
+and accordingly sent out an army whose generals ignored his protege?
+
+The speech of the provincial governor was followed, says the
+Wilcox-Sargent report (same page) by speeches from "the other
+officers who constitute the provincial government, the heads of
+the three departments--justice, police, and internal revenue. Every
+town in this province has the same organization." Article III. of
+Aguinaldo's decree of June 18th, previous, providing an organic
+law or constitution for his provisional government (see Chapter
+II., ante) had provided precisely the organization which Wilcox
+and Sargent thus saw working at Aparri and throughout the Cagayan
+valley in October, 1898. The importance of all this to the question
+of how the Filipinos feel toward us to-day, in this year of grace,
+1912, and to the element of righteousness there is in that feeling,
+is too obvious to need comment. Americans interested in business in
+the Philippines come back to this country from time to time and give
+out interviews in the papers declaring that the Filipinos do not want
+independence. What they really mean is that it makes no difference
+whether they want it or not, they are not going to get it. And it
+is precisely these Americans, and their business associates in the
+United States, who have gotten through Congress the legislation which
+enables them to give the Filipino just half of what he got ten years
+ago for his hemp, and other like legislation, and the Filipinos
+know it. The gulf in the Philippines between the dominant and the
+subject race will continue to widen as the years go by, so long as
+indirect taxation without representation continues to be perpetrated
+at Washington for the benefit of special interests having a powerful
+lobby. If the American people themselves are groaning under this very
+sort of thing, and apparently unable to help themselves, what is the a
+priori probability as to our voteless and therefore defenceless little
+brown brother. Like the sheep before the shearer, he is dumb. But to
+return to our travellers and their journey.
+
+
+    A Norwegian steamer came into port [meaning the harbor of Aparri]
+    that afternoon, and this seemed our only hope. She was chartered by
+    two Chinamen * * *. At first they refused us permission to embark,
+    and declined to put in at any port on the west coast. No sooner
+    was this related to Colonel Tirona than he sent notice that the
+    ship could not clear without taking us and making a landing where
+    we desired. This argument was convincing.
+
+
+Colonel Tirona provided them with a letter addressed to Colonel
+Tino at Vigan, the chief town of the west coast of Luzon and the
+capital of the province of Ilocos Sur, which province fronts the China
+Sea. Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent proceeded aboard the Norwegian steamer
+from Aparri westward, doubling the northwest corner of Luzon, and
+steaming thence due south to the nearest port. Vigan was the Filipino
+military headquarters of the western half of northern Luzon, just as
+Aparri was at the same time of the eastern half. On the west coast
+the travellers were treated always courteously, but with considerable
+suspicion. The explanation is easy. That region is in closer touch
+with Manila, and with what is going on and may be learned at the
+capital, than is the Cagayan valley which our tourists had just
+left. They bade the commanding officer at Vigan good-bye, November
+13, 1898. Passing south through Namacpacan (which the command I was
+with took a year or so later), they came to San Fernando de Union,
+some twenty miles farther south along the coast road. Here they met
+Colonel Tino and presented their letter from Tirona. He gave them a
+dinner, of course. How a Filipino does love to entertain, and make
+you enjoy yourself! Talk about your "true Southern hospitality"! You
+get it there. "Speeches were made, and great things promised by
+the Philippine republic in the near future" says Mr. Wilcox. After
+the dinner and speech-making came the inevitable dance. After that
+Colonel Tino started them off on their journey southward toward Manila
+duly provided with carriages. Passing Aringay on November 18, 1898
+[140] our travellers finally reached Dagupan, the northern terminus
+of the Manila-Dagupan Railway, and there took a train for Manila,
+120 miles away.
+
+In his report covering the fall of 1898, General Otis always scoldingly
+says of the Filipinos that in all the parleyings of his commissioners
+with Aguinaldo's commissioners before the outbreak, the latter never
+did know what they really wanted. The truth was they believed the
+Americans were going to do with them exactly as every other white
+race they knew of had done with every other brown race they knew of,
+but they did not tell General Otis so. Mr. Wilcox, a more friendly
+witness of that same period states their position thus at page twenty
+of the report to Admiral Dewey: "They desire the protection of the
+United States at sea, but fear any interference on land." "On one
+point they seemed united, viz., that whatever our government may have
+done for them, it had not gained the right to annex them," adding, in
+relation to the physical preparations to make good this contention,
+in the event of war, "The Philippine Government has an organized
+force in every province we visited."
+
+The whole tone of the Wilcox-Sargent report and the subsequent
+Wilcox book is an implied reiteration, after intimate, extended,
+and friendly contact with the people of all Luzon north of the Pasig
+River, of Admiral Dewey's telegram sent to the Navy Department, June
+23, 1898: "The people are far superior in intelligence and capacity
+for self-government to the people of Cuba and I am familiar with both
+races." In fact Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent do not raise the question of
+"capacity for self-government" at all, any more than Commodore Perry
+did when similarly welcomed in 1854 by the Japanese.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE TREATY OF PARIS
+
+                                No man can serve two masters.
+
+                                                        Matthew vi., 24.
+
+                Confine the Empire within those limits which
+                nature seems to have fixed as its natural bulwarks
+                and boundaries.
+
+                                                  Augustus Caesar's Will.
+
+
+This is a tale of three cities, Paris, Washington, and Manila.
+
+Article III. of the Peace Protocol signed at Washington, August 12,
+1898, provided:
+
+
+    The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and harbor
+    of Manila, pending the conclusion of a Treaty of Peace which
+    shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the
+    Philippines. [141]
+
+
+The "Papers relating to the Treaty with Spain" including the
+telegraphic correspondence between President McKinley and our Peace
+Commissioners pending the negotiations, were sent to the Senate,
+January 30, 1899, just one week before the final vote on the treaty,
+but the injunction of secrecy was not removed until January 31,
+1901--after the presidential election of 1900. They then were
+published as Senate Document 148, 56th Congress, 2d Session. It was
+not until then that the veil was lifted. The instructions to the Peace
+Commissioners were dated September 16, 1898. The Commissioners were:
+William R. Day, of Ohio, Republican, just previously Secretary of
+State, now (1912) Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United
+States; Whitelaw Reid, Republican, then editor of the New York Tribune,
+now Ambassador to Great Britain, and three members of the United States
+Senate, Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota, William P. Frye, of Maine,
+Republicans, and George Gray, of Delaware, Democrat. Senator Davis
+died in 1900, and Senator Frye in 1911. Senator Gray has been, since
+1899, and is now, United States Circuit Judge for the 3d Judicial
+District. Among other things, the President's instructions to the
+Commissioners said:
+
+
+    It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace
+    should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in
+    facing war. * * * The lustre and the moral strength attaching
+    to a cause which can be confidently rested upon the considerate
+    judgment of the world should not under any illusion of the hour
+    be dimmed by ulterior designs which might tempt us * * * into an
+    adventurous departure on untried paths.
+
+
+By elaborate rhetorical gradations, the instructions finally get down
+to this:
+
+
+    Incidental to our tenure in the Philippines is the commercial
+    opportunity. * * * The United States cannot accept less than the
+    cession in full right and sovereignty of the island of Luzon.
+
+
+Though already noticed, we venture, in this connection, again to
+recall that in the month previous (August, 1898) a gentleman high in
+the councils of the Administration [142] declared in one of the great
+reviews of the period: "We see with sudden clearness that some of the
+most revered of our political maxims have outlived their force." Among
+these "revered maxims" thus suddenly fossilized by his ipse dixit,
+Mr. Vanderlip exuberantly includes the teachings of "Washington's
+Farewell Address and the later crystallization of its main thought
+by President Monroe"--the Monroe Doctrine, adding that in lieu of
+these "A new mainspring * * * has become the directing force * * *
+the mainspring of commercialism."
+
+As permanent chairman of the Philadelphia convention which renominated
+Mr. McKinley for the Presidency thereafter, in 1900, Senator Lodge,
+speaking of the issues raised by the Treaty of Paris, said: "We make
+no hypocritical pretence of being interested in the Philippines solely
+on account of others. We believe in Trade Expansion."
+
+"Philanthropy and five per cent. go hand in hand," said Mr. Vanderlip's
+Chief, Secretary of the Treasury Lyman J. Gage, about the same
+time. Such was the temper of the times when the treaty was made.
+
+The first meeting with the Spanish Commissioners took place at Paris,
+October 1st. The opening event of the meeting, the initial move of the
+Spaniards, is extremely interesting in the light of subsequent events,
+especially in connection with the Iloilo Fiasco, hereinafter described
+(Chapter IX.).
+
+"Spanish communication represents," says Judge Day's cablegram to
+the President, [143] "that status quo has been altered and continues
+to be altered to the prejudice of Spain by Tagalo rebels, whom it
+describes as an auxiliary force to the regular American troops."
+
+Even diplomacy, in a conciliatory communication limited to the obvious,
+called the Filipinos our allies.
+
+The Spanish initial move was more immediately prompted by the fact
+that in point of absolute astronomical time Manila, though captured
+when it was morning of August 13th there, was captured when it was
+evening of August 12th, at Washington, and the protocol was signed
+at Washington in the evening of August 12th. While this point was
+material, because we had captured $900,000 in cash in the Spanish
+treasury at Manila and much other property, the title to which, under
+the laws of war between civilized nations, depended on just what
+time it was captured, the matter was finally swallowed up and lost
+sight of in the agreement to give Spain a lump $20,000,000 for the
+archipelago. But the initial move had other aspects. In the event we
+should take the Philippines off her hands, Spain was going to insist
+that we should get back from the Filipinos, our "allies," and restore
+to her all the Spaniards they captured after August 12th. She knew
+that in all probability if we bought the Islands we would be buying
+an insurrection, and she was "taking care of her own" at our expense.
+
+The next feature of the proceedings entitled to attention in a
+bird's-eye view like this, concerns the question whether we should
+take only Luzon, or the whole archipelago. President McKinley cabled
+Admiral Dewey on August 13th, the day after the protocol was signed,
+asking as to "the desirability of the several islands," "coal and
+other mineral deposits," and "in a naval and commercial sense which
+(of the several islands) would be most advantageous." [144] Admiral
+Dewey had replied, of course, that Luzon was "the most desirable,"
+but volunteered no advice. He did state, "No coal of good quality can
+be procured in the Philippine Islands," which is still true. Allusion
+is made to this telegram in the proceedings, but no copy of it is
+there set forth. On October 4th, our Commissioners wired President
+McKinley suggesting that he cable out to the Admiral and ask him
+"whether it would be better * * * to retain Luzon * * * or the whole
+group." Mr. McKinley answered that he had asked Admiral Dewey before
+General Merritt left Manila to give the latter his views in writing "on
+general question of Philippines," and that "his report is in your hands
+in response to both questions." But the commission replied that Admiral
+Dewey had sent only a copy of a report of General Francis V. Greene's
+and nothing else. There is no record of any further advice or opinion
+from Admiral Dewey on the point except that in General Otis's Report
+(p. 67) we get glimpses of a telegram that has never yet, apparently,
+been published, sent by Dewey to Washington early in December, 1898,
+suggesting that we "interfere as little as possible in the internal
+affairs of the Islands." No; Admiral Dewey must be acquitted of having
+ever counselled the McKinley Administration to buy the Philippines.
+
+On October 7th the Commission telegraphed Washington that General
+Merritt attaches much weight to the opinion of the Belgian Consul at
+Manila, M. Andre, and that "Consul says United States must take all
+or nothing"; that "if southern islands remained with Spain they would
+be in constant revolt, and United States would have a second Cuba";
+that "Spanish government would not improve," and "would still protect
+monks in their extortion."
+
+To this advice there was absolutely no answer. It was a case of "all or
+nothing," and it had already become a case of "all" when on September
+16th previous Mr. McKinley signed his original instructions to the
+Commission stating "The United States cannot accept less than Luzon."
+
+The Commission's telegram of October 7th goes on to quote from the
+Belgian Consul's opinion that "Present rebellion represents only one
+half of one per cent. of the inhabitants." The Consul was not before
+them in person. They were quoting from a memorandum submitted by him
+to General Merritt at Merritt's request, made at Manila and dated
+August 29th, the day General Merritt sailed away from Manila bound
+for Paris via the Suez Canal. He had brought the memorandum along
+with him. From the previous chapters the reader will, of course,
+understand that Americans and Europeans at Manila in August, 1898,
+were paying very little attention to Aguinaldo and his claims as to
+the extent of his authority in the provinces. It is therefore not
+surprising that M. Andre's memorandum of August 29th should have made
+the foolish statement, "Present rebellion represents only one half of
+one per cent. of inhabitants." But it is eternally regrettable that his
+statement on this point had any weight with the Commissioners, for it
+was, or by that time at least (October 7th) had become, just about 99
+1/2 per cent. wide of the mark. As a matter of fact, by October 7th
+it would have been more accurate to have said, in lieu of the above,
+"Present rebellion represents practically whole people." You see,
+we started an insurrection in May, in October it had become a full
+grown affair, and in December we bought it. The telegram of October
+7th also quoted General Merritt as saying, "Insurgents would be
+victorious unless Spaniards did better in future than in past,"
+and as considering it "feasible for United States to take Luzon
+and perhaps some adjacent islands and hold them as England does her
+colonies." These are about the only two sound suggestions General
+Merritt made to that Commission. In the next breath they quote him as
+saying, "Natives could not resist 5000 troops." The fact that they
+did resist more than 120,000 troops, that it took more than that,
+all told, to put down the insurrection, is sufficient to show how
+much General Merritt's advice was worth. He was right on two points,
+as indicated. Both Spanish fleets had been destroyed and Spain had but
+one left to protect her home coast cities. The death knell of her once
+proud colonial empire had sounded. Decrepit as she was, she could not
+possibly have sent any reinforcements to the Philippines. Besides the
+Filipinos would have "eaten them up." General Merritt's suggestion to
+"hold them as England does her colonies" was also sensible. In fact
+that was the only thoroughly honest thing to have done, if we were
+going to take them at all. England never acts the hypocrite with her
+colonies. She makes them behave. She does not let native people preach
+sedition in native newspapers, because of "sentimental bosh" about
+freedom of the press, until the whole country becomes a smouldering
+hot-bed of sedition. She has blown offending natives from the cannon's
+mouth, when deemed necessary to cure them and their country of the
+desire for independence. If we are going to have colonies at all, we
+ought to govern them with the upright downright ruthless honesty of
+the British. It is more merciful in the long run. But we ought not to
+have colonies at all. For if there is one thing this republic stands
+for, above all other things, it is the righteousness of aversion to
+a foreign yoke.
+
+In their telegram of October 7th, [145] the Peace Commissioners,
+now squarely confronted with the question of forcible annexation,
+begin to let the Administration down easy. They say:
+
+
+    General Anderson in correspondence with Aguinaldo in June and
+    July seemed to treat him and his forces as allies and native
+    authorities, but subsequently changed his tone. Merritt and Dewey
+    both kept clear of any compromising communications.
+
+
+A despatch sent by Judge Day certainly comes from high authority. The
+word "compromising" is therefore important. To say that Admiral
+Dewey did not treat Aguinaldo as an ally is to raise a mere technical
+point. But Aguinaldo never did get anything from him in writing. What
+he got consisted more of deeds than words. And actions speak louder
+than words. We had an alliance with Aguinaldo, a most "compromising"
+alliance and afterwards repudiated it. Admiral Dewey made it and
+General Merritt repudiated it. Dewey did, without the President's
+knowledge, exactly what the President and the American people would
+have had him do at the time. And Merritt did exactly what the President
+ordered him to do. But between the making of the alliance, and the
+repudiation of it, the President and the American people changed their
+minds. I say the American people, because they afterwards ratified
+all that Mr. McKinley did. You see the bitterness that lies away down
+in the secret recesses of the hearts of the Filipino people to-day
+has its source at this point. They had "a gentleman's agreement,"
+as it were, with us, not in writing, made at a time when the thought
+of a colony had never entered our minds. They fought in a common
+cause with us on the faith of that agreement--drove the Spaniards
+into Manila in numerous victorious engagements involving much loss
+of life, on their part, keeping the Dons thereafter bottled up in
+Manila on the land side while their "ally" Admiral Dewey was doing the
+same on the sea side. The said Dons were living on horses and rats,
+and famine was imminent when our troops arrived and began to finish
+the work of taking the beleaguered city. And then, having changed our
+minds and decided to annex the islands, we repudiated our "gentleman's
+agreement," on the idea that the end justified the means. And the end,
+as it has turned out, did not even justify the means, seeing that the
+islands have proved a heavy financial liability instead of a profitable
+asset. Judge Day's telegram to Secretary Hay of October 12th (p. 27)
+contains this curious and surprising passage as to Cuba:
+
+
+    Senator Gray in favor of accepting sovereignty unconditionally
+    * * * that we may thereby avoid future complications with Cubans,
+    claiming sovereignty while we are in process of pacifying island
+    * * * We desire instructions on this point.
+
+
+The future of Cuba, however, trembled in the balance but for
+a moment. Before "the shell-burred cables" had had time to quit
+vibrating with the question thus propounded, there came back this
+splendidly clean-cut answer from the President:
+
+
+    We must carry out the spirit and letter of the resolution of
+    Congress [declaring war].
+
+
+In characterizing Judge Gray's position, above indicated, as
+"surprising," no reflection upon him is intended. On the contrary, such
+a position, assumed by a man of such conceded intellectual probity,
+is illuminating as to the attitude subsequently taken concerning the
+Philippines by the Democratic Senators who voted for the treaty. This
+attitude is stated by Senator Lodge, in his History of the War with
+Spain, with all the incisive forcefulness to which the country has so
+long been accustomed in the public utterances of that distinguished
+man, and, seeing that no promise had been made, as in the case of
+Cuba, Senator Lodge's statement of the position of those who voted
+for the treaty should forever set at rest the stale injustice, still
+occasionally repeated, that Mr. Bryan, "played politics" in 1898-9 in
+urging his friends in the Senate to vote for its ratification. Says
+Senator Lodge (History of the War with Spain, p. 231):
+
+
+    The friends of ratification took the very simple ground that
+    the treaty committed the United States to no policy, but left
+    them free to do exactly as seemed best with all the islands;
+    that the American people could be safely entrusted with this
+    grave responsibility, and that patriotism and common sense alike
+    demanded the end of the war and the re-establishment of peace,
+    which could only be effected by the adoption of the treaty.
+
+
+October 14th, Washington wires the commission that Admiral Dewey has
+just cabled:
+
+
+    It is important that the disposition of the Philippine Islands
+    should be decided as soon as possible. * * * General anarchy
+    prevails without the limits of the city and bay of Manila. Natives
+    appear unable to govern.
+
+
+In this cablegram the Admiral most unfortunately repeated as true some
+wild rumors then currently accepted by the Europeans and Americans
+at Manila which of course were impossible of verification. I say
+"unfortunately" with some earnestness, because it does not appear on
+the face of his message that they were mere rumors. And, that they
+were wholly erroneous, in point of fact, has already been cleared
+up in previous chapters, wherein the real state of peace, order and
+tranquillity which prevailed throughout Luzon at that time has been,
+it is believed, put beyond all doubt. But what manna in the wilderness
+to the McKinley Administration, now that it was bent on taking the
+islands, was that Dewey message of October 14th, "The natives appear
+unable to govern"!
+
+On October 17th, Mr. Day wires Mr. Hay that the Peace Commissioners
+feel the importance of preserving, so far as possible, the condition
+of things existing at the time of signing the protocol, to prevent
+any change in the status quo. He says:
+
+
+    Might not our government * * * take more active and positive
+    measures than heretofore for preservation of order and protection
+    of life and property in Philippine Islands?
+
+
+How could we, when Aguinaldo and his people were in the saddle all
+over Luzon, had taken the status quo between their teeth and run away
+with it, and were prepared to fight if bidden to halt and dismount;
+and, which is more, were preserving order perfectly themselves?
+
+On October 19th, Mr. Hay repeated by wire to Mr. Day a cablegram from
+General Otis which said: "Do not anticipate trouble with insurgents
+* * * Affairs progressing favorably."
+
+General Otis was making a desperate effort to humor Mr. McKinley's
+"consent-of-the-governed" theory and programme. But it was a situation,
+not a theory, which confronted him.
+
+The date of the high-water mark of the Paris peace negotiations is
+October 25th. On that day, Mr. Day wired Mr. Hay:
+
+
+    Differences of opinion among commissioners concerning Philippine
+    Islands are set forth in statements transmitted (by cable also)
+    herewith. On these we request early consideration and explicit
+    instructions. Liable now to be confronted with this question in
+    joint commission almost immediately.
+
+
+Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid, sent a joint signed statement. They
+urged taking over the whole archipelago, saying that, as their
+instructions provided for the retention at least of Luzon, "we do not
+consider the question of remaining in the Philippine Islands as at
+all now properly before us." They also urged that as Spain governed
+and defended the islands from Manila, we became, with the destruction
+of her fleet and the surrender of her army, "as complete masters of
+the whole group as she had been, with nothing needed to complete the
+conquest save to proceed with the ample forces we had at hand to take
+unopposed possession." The vice of this proposition, from the strategic
+as well as the ethical point of view, is of course clear enough now.
+
+Spain's government was already tottering in the Philippines when the
+Spanish-American war broke out. To be "as complete masters as she had
+been" was like becoming the recipient of a quit-claim deed. Also, ours
+was not a case of taking "unopposed possession." An adverse claimant,
+relying on immemorial prescription, was in full possession; all the
+tenants on the land had attorned to him, and he and they were ready to
+defend their claim against all comers with their lives. They reminded
+one of the recurrent small farmer whom some great timber or other
+corporation seeks to oust, patrolling his land lines rifle in hand,
+on the lookout for the corporation's agent and the sheriff with the
+dispossessory warrant.
+
+Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid go on to say:
+
+
+    Military and naval witnesses agree that it would be practically
+    as easy to hold and defend the whole as a part.
+
+
+Hardly any one can fail to read with interest the following accurate
+and vivid picture which they give of the physical strategic unity of
+the Philippine Islands:
+
+
+    There is hardly a single island in the group from which you cannot
+    shoot across to one or more of the others--scarcely another
+    archipelago in the world in which the islands are crowded so
+    closely together and so interdependent.
+
+
+This explains also why the Filipino people are a people. Whenever
+the American people understand that, they will give them their
+independence, unless they get an idea that government of their people
+by their people for their people would be distasteful to them.
+
+In the memorandum of their views telegraphed to Washington on October
+25th, Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid also say:
+
+
+    Public opinion in Europe, including that of Rome, expects us to
+    retain whole of Philippine Islands.
+
+
+Archbishop Chapelle was in Paris at the time of these negotiations. He
+afterwards told the writer in Manila that he got that $20,000,000 put
+in the Treaty of Paris. The Church preferred that our title should be
+a title by purchase rather than a title by conquest, and Mr. McKinley
+was vigorously urging the latter. Between the legal effects of the
+two, there is a world of difference. The Church outgeneralled the
+President--checkmated him with a bishop. Look at that part of the
+treaty which affects church property:
+
+
+    Article VIII. The * * * cession * * * cannot in any respect impair
+    the property or rights * * * of * * * ecclesiastical * * * bodies.
+
+
+The Church of Rome, or at least some of the ecclesiastical
+bodies pertaining to it in the Philippines, owned the cream of the
+agricultural estates. By the treaty they have not lost a dollar. It
+might have been otherwise, had not Mr. McKinley's original claim of
+title by conquest been overcome at Paris.
+
+Judge Day's memorandum of his own views, telegraphed on October 25th
+along with those of his colleagues, stated that he was unable to agree
+that we should peremptorily demand the entire Philippine group; that
+
+
+    In the spirit of our instructions, and bearing in mind the often
+    declared disinterestedness of purpose and freedom from designs
+    of conquest with which the war was undertaken, we should be
+    consistent in demands in making peace * * * with due regard to
+    our responsibility because of the conduct of our military and
+    naval authorities in dealing with the insurgents.
+
+
+Again, he says:
+
+
+    We cannot leave the insurgents either to form a government [he of
+    course did not know what a complete government they had already
+    formed] or to battle against a foe which * * * might readily
+    overcome them.
+
+
+He also was of course unaware how thoroughly anxious the Spaniards then
+in the Philippines were to get away, and how completely they were at
+the mercy of the new Philippine Republic and its forces. "On all hands"
+says Judge Day, "it is agreed that the inhabitants of the islands are
+unfit for self-government." Of course we knew absolutely nothing worth
+mentioning about the Filipinos at that time. Judge Day then proposes,
+for the reasons indicated, to accept Luzon and some adjacent islands,
+as being of "strategic advantage," and to leave Spain the rest, with
+a "treaty stipulation for non-alienation without the consent of the
+United States." It seems to me that Judge Day's scheme was the least
+desirable of all.
+
+Senator Gray's memorandum of the same date is a red-hot argument
+against taking over any part of the archipelago. He begins thus:
+
+
+    The undersigned cannot agree that it is wise to take Philippine
+    Islands in whole or in part. To do so would be to reverse
+    accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted
+    upon through our history. * * * It will make necessary * * *
+    immense sums for fortifications and harbors * * * Climate and
+    social conditions demoralizing to character of American youth * * *.
+    On whole, instead of indemnity, injury * * *. Cannot agree that
+    any obligation incurred to insurgents * * *. If we had captured
+    Cadiz and Carlists had helped us, would not be our duty to stay by
+    them at the conclusion of war * * *. No place for * * * government
+    of subject people in American system * * *. Even conceding all
+    benefits claimed for annexation, we thereby abandon * * * the moral
+    grandeur and strength to be gained by keeping our word to nations
+    of the world * * * for doubtful material advantages and shameful
+    stepping down from high moral position boastfully assumed. * * *
+    Now that we have achieved all and more than our object, let us
+    simply keep our word * * *. Above all let us not make a mockery
+    of the [President's] instructions, where, after stating that we
+    took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity * * *
+    and that we had no designs of aggrandizement and no ambition for
+    conquest, the President * * * eloquently says: "It is my earnest
+    wish that the United States in making peace should follow the
+    same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war."
+
+
+The next day, October 26th, came this laconic answer:
+
+
+    The cession must be of the whole archipelago or none. The latter
+    is wholly inadmissible and the former must be required.
+
+
+Probably the one thing about the Paris Peace negotiations that is
+sure to interest the average American most at this late date is the
+matter of how we came to pay that twenty millions. It was this way. On
+October 27th, the Commission wired Washington:
+
+
+    Last night Spanish ambassador called upon Mr. Reid.
+
+
+It seems they talked long and earnestly far into the night, trying to
+find a way which would prevent the conference from resulting in sudden
+disruption, and consequent resumption of the war. Mr. Reid made plain
+the inflexible determination of the American people not to assume the
+Cuban debt. The Ambassador said: "Montero Rios [146] could not return
+to Madrid now if known to have accepted entire Cuban indebtedness,"
+and asked delay to see "if some concessions elsewhere might not be
+found which would save Spanish Commissioners from utter repudiation at
+home." There is no doubt that the talk we are now considering was a
+"heart-to-heart" affair, probably quite informal. Yet it is one of
+the most important talks that have occurred between any two men in
+this world in the last fifty years. Mr. Reid finally threw out a hint
+to the effect that as the preponderance of American public sentiment
+seemed rather inclined to retain the Philippines, "It was possible,"
+he said, "but not probable that out of these conditions the Spanish
+Commissioners might find something either in territory or debt [147]
+which might seem to their people at least like a concession.!" [148]
+
+It was the leaven of this hint that leavened the whole loaf. There
+was doubtless much informal parleying after that, but finally, the
+American Commissioners, having become satisfied that Spanish honor
+would not be offended by an offer having the substance, if not the
+form, of charity, and being very tired of Spain's sparring for wind
+in the hope of a European coalition against us should war be resumed,
+submitted the following proposal:
+
+
+    The Government of the United States is unable to modify the
+    proposal heretofore made for the cession of the entire archipelago
+    of the Philippine Islands, but the American Commissioners are
+    authorized to offer to Spain, in case the cession should be agreed
+    to, the sum of $20,000,000.
+
+
+This alluring offer was accompanied with the stern announcement that
+
+
+    Upon the acceptance * * * of the proposals herein made * * *
+    but not otherwise, it will be possible * * * to proceed to the
+    consideration * * * of other matters.
+
+
+Also, our Commissioners wired Washington:
+
+
+    If the Spanish Commissioners refuse our proposition * * * nothing
+    remains except to close the negotiations.
+
+
+This was very American and very final. Washington answered: "Your
+proposed action approved."
+
+November 29th, Mr. Day wired Mr. Hay:
+
+
+    Spanish Commissioners at to-day's conference presented a definite
+    and final acceptance of our last proposition.
+
+
+And that is how that twenty millions found its way into the treaty--not
+forgetting the prayers and other contemporaneous activities of
+Archbishop Chapelle.
+
+After the tremendous eight weeks' tension had relaxed, and before
+the final reduction to writing of all the details, we see this dear
+little telegram, from Secretary of State Hay, himself a writer of note,
+come bravely paddling into port, where it was cordially received by
+both sides, taken in out of the wet, and put under the shelter of
+the treaty:
+
+
+    Mr. Hay to Mr. Day: In renewing conventional arrangements do not
+    lose sight of copyright agreement.
+
+
+And here is the last act of the drama:
+
+
+    Mr. Day to Mr. Hay, Paris, December 10, 1898: Treaty signed at
+    8.50 this evening.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+THE BENEVOLENT ASSIMILATION PROCLAMATION
+
+    Prometheus stole the heavenly fire from the altar of Jupiter to
+    benefit mankind, and Jupiter thereupon punished both Prometheus
+    and the rest of mankind by creating and giving to them the woman
+    Pandora, a supposed blessing but a real curse. Pandora brought
+    along a box of blessings, and when she opened it, everything flew
+    out and away but Hope.
+
+                                                    Tales from AEschylus.
+
+
+The ever-memorable Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, the Pandora
+box of Philippine woes, was signed December 21, 1898, and its contents
+were let loose in the Philippines on January 1, 1899.
+
+Let us consider for a moment the total misapprehension of conditions
+in the islands under which Mr. McKinley drafted and signed that famous
+document--a misapprehension due to General Otis's curious blindness
+to the great vital fact of the situation, viz., that the Filipinos
+were bent on independence from the first, and preparing to fight
+for it to the last. Take the following Otis utterance, for example,
+concerning a date when practically everybody in the Eighth Army Corps,
+and every newspaper correspondent in the Philippines, recognized that
+war would be certain in the event the Paris Peace negotiations should
+result, as common rumor then said they would result, in our taking
+over the islands:
+
+
+    My own confidence at this time in a satisfactory solution of
+    the difficulties which confronted us may be gathered from a
+    despatch sent to Washington on December 7th, wherein I stated
+    that conditions were improving, and that there were signs of
+    revolutionary disintegration. [149]
+
+
+There can be no doubt that, at the date of that despatch, General
+Otis had been given to understand that under the Treaty of Paris
+we were going to keep the islands if the treaty should be ratified,
+and also that the if might give the Administration trouble, should
+trouble arise with the Filipinos before the if was disposed of at
+home. As heretofore intimated, in addition to his preference for
+legal and administrative work to the work of his profession, in the
+Philippines General Otis constituted himself from the beginning a
+political henchman. Ample evidence will be introduced later on to
+show beyond all doubt that all through the early difficulties, when
+the American people should have been frankly dealt with and given the
+facts, General Otis would, in the exercise of his military powers
+as press censor, always say to the war correspondents, "I will let
+nothing go that will hurt the Administration."
+
+Let us see what the real facts of the Philippine situation were at
+the date of the Treaty of Paris, December 10th, or, which is the same
+thing, when General Otis sent his despatch of December 7th. When
+the Treaty of Paris was signed, General Otis was in possession of
+Manila and Cavite, with less than 20,000 men under his command,
+and Aguinaldo was in possession of practically all the rest of the
+archipelago, with between 35,000 and 40,000 men under his command,
+armed with guns, and the whole Filipino population were in sympathy
+with the army of their country. We have already seen the conditions
+in the various provinces at that time and also the inauguration of
+the native central government. Let us now examine the military figures.
+
+Ten thousand American soldiers were on hand when Manila was captured,
+August 13th, and 5000 more had arrived under command of Major-General
+Elwell S. Otis a week or so after the fall of the city. [150] They had
+13,000 Spanish soldiers to guard. In addition to this, by the terms of
+the capitulation, the city (population say 300,000), its inhabitants,
+its churches and educational establishments, and its private property
+of all descriptions had been placed "under the special safeguard of
+the faith and honor of the American army." [151] Some 4500 to 5000
+more troops began to swarm out of San Francisco bound for Manila in
+the latter part of October, 1898, the last of them reaching Manila
+December 11th, the day after the Treaty of Paris was signed. After
+that there were no further additions to General Otis's command prior
+to the outbreak of war with the Filipinos, February 4, 1899. [151] Of
+these (approximately) 20,000 men, only 1500 to 2000 were regulars,
+having the Krag-Jorgensen smokeless gun. The rest were State volunteers,
+armed with the antiquated Springfield rifles, the same the 71st New
+York and the 2d Massachusetts had been permitted to carry into the
+Santiago campaign the summer before. Aguinaldo's people were equipped
+entirely with Mausers captured from the Spaniards, and other rifles,
+bought in Hong Kong mostly, using smokeless ammunition. Major (now
+Major-General) J. F. Bell, who is, in the judgment of many, one of the
+best all-round soldiers in the American army to-day, was in charge
+of the "Division of Military Information" at Manila both before and
+after the taking of the city. General Bell has done many fine things,
+in the way of reckless bravery in battle at the critical moment and of
+bold reconnoitring in campaign, and what he fails to find out about
+an enemy, or a prospective enemy, is not apt to be ascertainable. In
+a report bearing date August 29, 1898, [152] prepared in anticipation
+of possible trouble with the Filipinos, he estimated the number of
+men under arms that Aguinaldo had at between 35,000 and 40,000. This
+estimate is based by General Bell in his report on the number of guns
+out in the hands of the Filipinos, which he figures thus:
+
+
+    Captured from Spanish militia                     12,500
+    From Cavite arsenal                                2,500
+    From Jackson & Evans (American merchants
+        trading with Hong Kong)                        2,000
+    From Spanish (captured in battle)                  8,000
+    In hands of Filipinos previous to May 1, 1898     15,000
+                                                      ------
+                            Total                     40,000
+
+
+From this number General Bell deducts several thousands as having
+been recaptured by the Spaniards, or bought in. I at once hear some
+former comrade-in-arms of the Philippine insurrection say: "Oh,
+no. They couldn't have had as many as 40,000 guns, or near that." I
+thought the same thing when I first read General Bell's report on the
+matter. But he removes the doubt thus: "They are being continually
+sent away to other provinces."
+
+We did not understand Aguinaldo's movements then. All his troops were
+not around Manila. From what I learned from General Lawton and his
+staff in 1899, my belief is that Aguinaldo had perhaps 30,000 men
+with guns around Manila, and out along the railroad, at the time of
+the outbreak of February 4th. It is idle, of course, at this late
+date, to claim that the Filipinos were not bent on independence
+from the first. The matured plans of their leaders, formulated at
+Hong Kong May 4, 1898, before they ever started the insurrection,
+preserved in the captured minutes of the meeting already noticed,
+[153] provide the programme to be adopted in the event we should be
+tempted to keep the islands. In that event, they were prepared against
+surprise, or any necessity for making new plans, and were agreed to
+accept war as inevitable. From the first, they made ready for it.
+
+Governmentally and strategically, the Philippine Islands, except
+Mohammedan Mindanao, which is a separate and distinct problem,
+may be described very simply and sufficiently as consisting of the
+great island of Luzon, on which Manila is situated, and the Visayan
+group. [154] We are already familiar with the conditions in Luzon in
+December, 1898. You hear a great deal about the Philippine archipelago
+consisting of a thousand and one islands, but there are only eight
+that are, broadly speaking, worth considering here. The moment a jagged
+submarine ledge peeps out of the water it becomes an island. And even
+before that it may wreck a ship. But we are talking about islands
+that need to be charted on the sea of world politics. The Visayan
+Islands that really count at all in a great problem such as that we
+are now considering, are but six in number: Panay, capital Iloilo;
+Cebu, capital Cebu; Bohol, Negros, Samar, and Leyte. [155] Iloilo is
+some three hundred and odd miles south of Manila, and, besides being
+the capital of Panay, is the chief port of the Visayas and the second
+city of the archipelago, Cebu being the third. Under the Spaniards,
+as now under us, a vessel might clear from either of these places
+for any part of the world. As we saw in the chapter preceding this,
+as early as November 18th, Admiral Dewey had cabled Washington that
+the entire island of Panay was in possession of insurgents, except
+Iloilo. By the end of December, all the Spanish garrisons in the
+Visayan Islands had surrendered to the insurgents. (Otis's Report,
+p. 61.) Iloilo did not surrender to the insurgents until the day
+before Christmas. But let us not anticipate.
+
+December 13th, General Otis received a petition for protection signed
+by the business men and firms of Iloilo (p. 54), sent of course
+with the approval of the general commanding the imperilled Spanish
+garrison. December 14th, he wired Washington for instructions as
+to what action he should take on this petition, saying, among other
+things, "Spanish authorities are still holding out, but will receive
+American troops"; and adding one of his inevitable notes of optimism as
+to the tameness of Filipino aspirations (at Iloilo) for independence:
+"Insurgents reported favorable to American annexation."
+
+General Otis knew the Spanish troops were hard pressed by the
+insurgents down at Iloilo, and eagerly awaited a reply. President
+McKinley was then away from Washington, on a southern trip, to Atlanta
+and Macon, Georgia, and other points, and nobody at home was giving
+any thought to the Filipinos, while they were knocking successively
+at the gates of the various Visayan capitals, and receiving the
+surrender of their Spanish defenders. It was getting toward the
+yuletide season. President McKinley was engaged, quite seasonably,
+in putting the finishing touches to the great work of his life,
+which was welding the North and the South together forever by wise
+and kindly manipulation of the countless opportunities to do so
+presented by the latest war. It was a season of general peace and
+rejoicing in a thrice-blessed land, and nobody in the United States
+was looking for trouble with the Filipinos. With our people it was a
+case of ignorance being bliss, so far as the Philippine Islands and
+their inhabitants were concerned. In his Autobiography of Seventy
+Years, Senator Hoar tells of an interview with President McKinley
+concerning his (the Senator's) attitude toward the Treaty of Paris,
+early in December, 1898. [156] "He greeted me with the delightful and
+affectionate cordiality which I always found in him. He took me by the
+hand, and said: 'How are you feeling this winter, Mr. Senator?' I was
+determined there should be no misunderstanding. I replied at once:
+'Pretty pugnacious, I confess, Mr. President.' The tears came into
+his eyes and he said, grasping my hand again: 'I shall always love
+you whatever you do.'"
+
+It behooves this nation, and all nations, to consider those
+tears. They explain all the subsequent history of the Philippines
+to date. Mr. McKinley had proved himself a gallant soldier in his
+youth, and he knew something of the horrors of war. He was also
+one of the most amiable gentlemen that ever lived. But it is no
+disrespect to his memory to say that while Mr. McKinley was a good
+man, Senator Hoar was his superior in moral fibre, and he knew it,
+and he knew the country knew it. He knew that Senator Hoar was going
+to fight the ratification of the treaty to the last ditch, speaking
+for the Rights of Man and such old "worn out formulae," and that his
+only defence before the bar of history would have to rest on "Trade
+Expansion," alias the "Almighty Dollar." Those tears were harbingers
+of the coming strife in the Philippines. They were shed for such lives
+as that strife might cost. They were an assumption of responsibility
+for such shedding of blood as the treaty might entail. The President
+returned to Washington from his southern trip on December 21st, and
+on December 23d (p. 55) cabled General Otis the following reply to
+his request of December 14th for instructions:
+
+
+    Send necessary troops to Iloilo, to preserve the peace and protect
+    life and property. It is most important that there should be no
+    conflict with the insurgents. Be conciliatory but firm.
+
+
+Senator Hoar had put Mr. McKinley on notice that he was going to
+present the ethics of the case in the debate on the treaty. Congress
+had gone home for the holidays, and after it re-assembled in January
+the treaty would come up. The vote was sure to be close, and a too
+vigorous manifestation of belief on the part of the Filipinos that
+this nation was not closing the war with Spain animated by "the same
+high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war" (Mr. McKinley's
+instructions to the Peace Commissioners) might defeat the ratification
+of the treaty. Indeed, the final vote of February 6th, was so
+close that the Administration had but one vote to spare. The final
+vote was fifty-seven to twenty-seven--just one over the necessary
+two-thirds. The smoke of a battle to subjugate the Filipinos might
+"dim the lustre and the moral strength," as Mr. McKinley had expressed
+it in his instructions to the Peace Commissioners, of a war to free
+the Cubans. Therefore there must be no trouble, at least until after
+the ratification of the treaty. President McKinley had invented in
+the case of Cuba a very catchy phrase, "Forcible annexation would be
+criminal aggression," and every time anybody now quoted it on him
+it tended to take the wind out of his sails. So benevolently eager
+was that truly kind-hearted and Christian gentleman to avoid the
+appearance of "criminal aggression" that he evidently got to thinking
+about that telegram of December 23d in which he had authorized General
+Otis to send troops to the relief of the beleaguered Spanish garrison
+at Iloilo, and also about the message from Admiral Dewey received
+November 18th previous, to the effect that the entire island of Panay
+except Iloilo was then already in the hands of the insurgents. The
+result was that he decided not to let his conciliatory proclamation
+of December 21st await the slow process of the mails, and therefore,
+though it consisted of something like one thousand words, he had it
+cabled out to General Otis in full on December 27th. It is now here
+reproduced in full because it precipitated the war in the Philippines,
+and is the key to all our subsequent dealings with them [157]:
+
+
+    THE BENEVOLENT ASSIMILATION PROCLAMATION
+
+    Executive Mansion, Washington,
+          December 21, 1898.
+
+
+    The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila
+    by the United States naval squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral
+    Dewey, followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender
+    of the Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the
+    Philippine Islands and the suspension of Spanish sovereignty
+    therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the
+    United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at
+    Paris on the 10th instant, and as a result of the victories of
+    American arms, the future control, disposition, and government
+    of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In
+    the fulfilment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and
+    the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the
+    actual occupation and administration of the entire group of the
+    Philippine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and the military
+    government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city,
+    harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible
+    despatch to the whole of the ceded territory. In performing this
+    duty the military commander of the United States is enjoined to
+    make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in
+    succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former
+    political relations, and in establishing a new political power, the
+    authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing
+    of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for
+    the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It
+    will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to
+    announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come not
+    as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives
+    in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and
+    religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by
+    honest submission, co-operate with the Government of the United
+    States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive
+    the reward of its support and protection. All others will be
+    brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness
+    if need be, but without severity, so far as possible. Within the
+    absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and
+    must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation
+    of the United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws
+    of the territory in respect to private rights and property and
+    the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing in
+    force, and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals, so far
+    as practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government
+    are to be performed by such officers as may accept the supremacy
+    of the United States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by
+    officers chosen, as far as practicable, from the inhabitants of
+    the islands. While the control of all the public property and
+    the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while
+    the use and management of all public means of transportation
+    are necessarily reserved to the authority of the United States,
+    private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations,
+    is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes
+    and duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late
+    government become payable to the authorities of the United States
+    unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates
+    or modes of contribution to the expenses of government, whether
+    general or local. If private property be taken for military use,
+    it shall be paid for when possible in cash, at a fair valuation,
+    and when payment in cash is not practicable, receipts are to be
+    given. All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual
+    possession of the land and naval forces of the United States will
+    be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All goods and
+    wares not prohibited for military reasons by due announcement
+    of the military authority will be admitted upon payment of such
+    duties and other charges as shall be in force at the time of their
+    importation. Finally, it should be the earnest wish and paramount
+    aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect,
+    and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring
+    them in every possible way that full measure of individual
+    rights and liberties which is the heritage of free peoples, and
+    by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of
+
+    BENEVOLENT ASSIMILATION
+
+    substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary
+    rule. In the fulfilment of this high mission, supporting the
+    temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the
+    governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of
+    authority, to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles
+    to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government
+    upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of
+    the United States.
+
+
+        William McKinley.
+
+
+The words used in the foregoing proclamation which were regarded by
+the Filipinos as "fighting words," i. e., as making certain the long
+anticipated probability of a war for independence, are those which
+appear in italics. The rest of the proclamation counted for nothing
+with them. They had been used to the hollow rhetoric and flowery
+promises of equally eloquent Spanish proclamations all their lives,
+they and their fathers before them.
+
+In suing to President McKinley for peace on July 22d, previous, the
+Prime Minister of Spain had justified all the atrocities committed
+and permitted by his government in Cuba during the thirty years'
+struggle for independence there which preceded the Spanish-American
+War by saying that what Spain had done had been prompted only by a
+"desire to spare the great island from the dangers of premature
+independence." [158]
+
+Clearly, from the Filipino point of view, the United States was now
+determined "to spare them from the dangers of premature independence,"
+using such force as might be necessary for the accomplishment of that
+pious purpose.
+
+The truth is that, Prometheus-like, we stole the sacred fire from the
+altar of Freedom whereupon the flames of the Spanish War were kindled,
+and gave it to the Filipinos, justifying the means by the end; and
+"the links of the lame Lemnian" have been festering in our flesh ever
+since. The Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation was a kind of Pandora
+Box, supposed to contain all the blessings of Liberty, but when the
+lid was taken off, woes innumerable befell the intended beneficiaries,
+and left them only the Hope of Freedom--from us. Verily there is
+nothing new under the sun. It is written: "Thou shalt not steal"
+anything--not even "sacred fire." There is no such thing as nimble
+morality. The lesson of the old Greek poet fits our case. So also,
+indeed, do those of the modern sage, Maeterlinck, for the Filipinos
+could have found their own Bluebird for happiness. The record of
+our experience in the Philippines is full of reminders, which will
+multiply as the years go by, that, after all, every people have an
+"unalienable right" to pursue happiness in their own way as opposed to
+somebody else's way. That is the law of God, as God gives me to see the
+right. Conceived during the Christmas holiday season and in the spirit
+of that blessed season and presented to the Filipino people on New
+Year's Day, received by them practically as a declaration of war and
+baptized in the blood of thousands of them in the battle of February
+4th thereafter, the manner of the reception of this famous document,
+the initial reversal and subsequent evolution of its policies, and
+all the lights and shadows of Benevolent Assimilation will be traced
+in the chapters which follow.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE ILOILO FIASCO
+
+            The King of France with forty thousand men
+            Marched up the hill and then marched down again.
+
+                                                     Old English Ballad.
+
+
+We have already seen how busily Aguinaldo occupied himself during
+the protracted peace negotiations at Paris in getting his government
+and people ready for the struggle for independence which he early and
+shrewdly guessed would be ultimately forthcoming. General Otis was in
+no position to preserve the status quo. The status quo was a worm in
+hot ashes that would not stay still. The revolution was a snow-ball
+that would roll. The day after Christmas, General Otis at last sent
+an expedition under General Marcus P. Miller to the relief of Iloilo,
+but when it arrived, December 28th, the Spaniards had already turned
+the town over to the insurgent authorities, and sailed away. When
+General Miller arrived, being under imperative orders from Washington
+to be conciliatory, and under no circumstances to have a clash with
+the insurgents, the Administration's most earnest solicitude being
+to avoid a clash, at least until the treaty of peace with Spain
+should be ratified by the United States Senate, he courteously asked
+permission to land, several times, being refused each time. With
+a request of this sort sent ashore January 1, 1899, he transmitted
+a copy of the proclamation set forth in the preceding chapter. The
+insurgent reply defiantly forbade him to land. Therefore he did not
+land--because Washington was pulling the strings--until after the
+treaty was ratified. "So here we are at Iloilo, an exploded bluff,"
+wrote war correspondent J. F. Bass to his paper, Harper's Weekly.
+
+By the time the treaty was ratified the battle of Manila of February
+4th had occurred, and the pusillanimity of self-doubting diplomacy
+had given way to the red honesty of war. [159]
+
+As was noticed in the chapter preceding this, by the end of December,
+1898, all military stations outside Luzon, with the exception of
+Zamboanga, in the extreme south of the great Mohammedan island of
+Mindanao near Borneo, had been turned over by the Spaniards to the
+insurgents. When General Miller, commanding the expedition to Iloilo,
+arrived in the harbor of that city with his teeming troop-ships and
+naval escorts on December 28th, an aide of the Filipino commanding
+general came aboard the boat he was on and "desired to know," says
+General Miller's report, [160] "if we had anything against them--were
+we going to interfere with them." General Miller then sent some of
+his own aides ashore with a letter to the insurgent authorities,
+explaining the peaceful nature of his errand. They at once asked if
+our people had brought down any instructions from Aguinaldo. Answering
+in the negative, General Miller's aides handed them his olive-branch
+letter. They read it and said they could do nothing without orders
+from Aguinaldo "in cases affecting their Federal Government." The grim
+veteran commanding the American troops smoked on this for a day or
+so, and then asked a delegation of insurgents that were visiting his
+ship by his invitation--they would not let him land, you see--whether
+if he landed they would meet him with armed resistance. The Malay
+reverence for the relation of host and guest resulted in an evasive
+reply. They could not answer. But after they went back to the city
+they did answer. And this is what they wrote:
+
+
+    Upon the return of your commissioners last night, we * * *
+    discussed the situation and attitude of this region of Bisayas in
+    regard to its relations and dependence upon the central government
+    of Luzon (the Aguinaldo government, of course); and * * * I have
+    the honor to notify you that, in conjunction with the people,
+    the army, and the committee, we insist upon our pretension not
+    to consent * * * to any foreign interference without express
+    orders from the central government of Luzon * * * with which we
+    are one in ideas, as we have been until now in sacrifices. * * *
+    If you insist * * * upon disembarking your forces, this is our
+    final attitude. May God forgive you, etc."
+
+                                        Iloilo, December 30, 1898. [161]
+
+
+This letter is recited in General Miller's report to be from "President
+Lopez, of the Federal Government of Visayas." General Miller then
+wrote Otis begging permission to attack on the ground that upon the
+success of the expedition he was in charge of "depends the future
+speedy yielding of insurrectionary movements in the islands." War
+correspondent Bass, who was on the ground at the time, also wrote
+his paper: "The effect on the natives will be incalculable all over
+the islands." But General Otis was trying to help Mr. McKinley nurse
+the treaty through the Senate on the idea that there weren't going to
+be any "insurrectionary movements in the islands," that all dark and
+misguided conspiracies of selfishly ambitious leaders looking to such
+impious ends would fade before the sunlight of Benevolent Assimilation.
+
+Cautioning Otis against any clash at Iloilo, Mr. McKinley wired January
+9th: "Conflict would be most unfortunate, considering the present.
+* * * Time given the insurgents cannot injure us, and must weaken and
+discourage them. They will see our benevolent purpose, etc." [162]
+
+The Iloilo fiasco did indeed furnish to the insurgent cause aid and
+comfort at the psychologic moment when it most needed encouragement to
+bring things to a head. It presented a spectacle of vacillation and
+seeming cowardice which heartened the timid among the insurgents and
+started among them a general eagerness for war which had been lacking
+before. In one of his bulletins [163] to Otis, General Miller tells of
+two boats' crews of the 51st Iowa landing on January 5th, and being met
+by a force of armed natives who "asked them their business and warned
+them off," whereupon they heeded the warning and returned to their
+transport. This regiment had then been cooped up on their transport
+continuously since leaving San Francisco November 3d, previous,
+sixty-three days. They were kept lying off Iloilo until January 29th,
+and then brought back to Manila and landed, after eighty-nine days
+aboard ship, all idea of taking Iloilo before the Senate should act
+having been abandoned.
+
+The Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation was received by cable in
+cipher, at Manila, December 29th, and as soon as it had been written
+out in long hand General Otis hurried a copy down to General Miller
+at Iloilo by a ship sailing that day, so that General Miller might
+"understand the position and policy of our government." But he
+forgot to tell Miller to conceal the policy for the present. [164]
+So the latter, on January 1st, not only sent a copy of it to the
+"President of the Federal Government of Visayas," Mr. Lopez, [165]
+but in the note of transmittal he "asked," says his report, "that they
+permit the entry of my troops." [166] What a fatal mistake! Here was
+a proclamation representing all the "majesty, dominion, and power" of
+the American Government, signed by the President of the United States,
+in terms asserting immediate, absolute, and supreme authority, and the
+natives were "asked" if they would "permit" its enforcement. General
+Miller's report says that he also had the proclamation "translated
+into Spanish and distributed to the people." [167] "The people laugh
+at it," he says. "The insurgents call us cowards and are fortifying
+at the point of the peninsula, and are mounting old smooth-bore
+guns left by the Spaniards. They are intrenching everywhere,
+are bent on having one fight, and are confident of victory. The
+longer we wait before the attack the harder it will be to put down
+the insurrection." This is especially interesting in the light of
+President McKinley's justification of the wisdom of temporizing--on
+the idea that delay would weaken the insurgents and could not hurt
+us. "Let no one convince you," writes Miller to Otis on January 5th,
+"that peaceful means can settle the difficulty here."
+
+The appeal to Otis to permit commencement of operations was without
+avail. Otis was the Manila agent of the Aldrich Old Guard in the
+Senate, in charge of the pending treaty. He would simply send the
+disgusted Miller messages not to be hasty, assuring him that the
+firing of a shot at Iloilo would mean the precipitation of general
+conflict about Manila and all over the place, and that this would
+be "most disappointing to the President of the United States, who
+continually urges extreme caution and no conflict." [168]
+
+The Administration was counting senatorial noses at the time, and
+that its anxiety was justified is apparent from the fact already
+noted, that on the final vote whereby the treaty was ratified it had
+but one vote to spare. So General Miller sat sunning himself on the
+deck of his transport, and watching the insurgents working like ants
+at their fortifications, and vainly wishing his 2500 men could get
+ashore at least long enough to stretch themselves a bit. John F. Bass,
+correspondent for Harper's Weekly, left Iloilo, returned to Manila,
+and wrote his paper on January 23d: "I returned to Manila well knowing
+that there was nothing more to be done in Iloilo until the Senate
+voted on the Treaty of Peace."
+
+On the eighth day after General Miller had asked permission of the
+Iloilo village Hampdens to enforce the orders of the President of
+the United States, the "Federal Government of the Visayas," through
+its President, Senor Lopez, finally deigned to notice Mr. McKinley's
+proclamation. It said under date of January 9th:
+
+
+    General: We have the high honor of having received your message,
+    dated January 1st, of this year, enclosing letter of President
+    McKinley. You say in one clause of your message: "As indicated in
+    the President's cablegram, under these conditions the inhabitants
+    of the island of Panay ought to obey the political authority of the
+    United States, and they will incur a grave responsibility if, after
+    deliberating, they decide to resist said authority." So the council
+    of state of this region of Visayas are, at this present moment,
+    between the authority of the United States, that you try to impose
+    on us, and the authority of the central government of Malolos.
+
+
+Then follows this remarkable statement of the case for the Filipinos:
+
+
+    The supposed authority of the United States began with the
+    Treaty of Paris, on the 10th of December, 1898. The authority of
+    the Central Government of Malolos is founded in the sacred and
+    natural bonds of blood, language, uses, customs, ideas, (and)
+    sacrifices. [169]
+
+
+General Otis was fond of throwing cold water on any particularly
+eloquent Filipino insurrecto document he had occasion to put in
+his reports by saying that Mabini was "the brains of" the Malolos
+Government--meaning the only brains it had [170]--and that he probably
+wrote such document, whatever it might be. But here is a piece of
+real eloquence, originating away down in the Visayan Islands, as
+far away from Malolos as Colonel Stark and his "Green Mountain Boys"
+were from Washington and Hamilton in 1776 and after. What then is the
+explanation of composition so forceful in its impassioned simplicity,
+and in the light of subsequent events, so pathetic? There is but
+one explanation. It came from the heart. It was the cry of the Soul
+of Humanity seeking its natural affiliations. It was the language
+of what Aguinaldo's early state papers always used to call the
+"legitimate aspirations of" his people--legitimate aspirations which
+we later strangled. The reason of the writer's earnestness is that a
+few months later he helped do some of the strangling. Thirteen years
+afterwards, a thorough acquaintance with the Filipino side of the
+matter, derived from an examination of the information which has been
+gradually accumulated and published by our government during that time,
+causes him to say, "Father forgive me, for I knew not what I did." The
+35,000 volunteers of 1899 knew nothing about the Filipinos or their
+side of the case. We were like the deputy sheriff who goes out with
+a warrant duly issued to arrest a man charged with unlawful breach
+of the peace. It is not his business to inquire whether the man is
+guilty or not. If the man resists arrest, he takes the consequences.
+
+On the second day after the above defiance of the President of the
+United States was served up to General Miller, that gallant officer
+having dutifully swallowed it, sent an officer ashore on a diplomatic
+mission. The name and rank of this military ambassador were Acting
+Assistant Surgeon Henry DuR. Phelan, who clearly appears to have been
+a man of keen insight and considerable ability. His written report
+to General Miller of what transpired is a document of permanent
+interest and importance to the annals of men's struggles for free
+institutions. [171] It states that at the meeting the spokesman
+of the Filipinos, Attorney Raimundo Melliza, began by saying that
+"all the Americans owned was Manila." That was unquestionably true,
+so our ambassador, it seems, did not gainsay it. Dr. Phelan suggested
+that the Americans had sacrificed lives and money in destroying the
+power of Spain. The spokesman, Attorney Melliza, replied that "they
+also had made great sacrifice in lives, and that they had a right to
+their country which they had fought for, and that we are here now to
+take from them what they had won by fighting; that they had been our
+allies, and we had used them as such." Dr. Phelan's report goes on to
+say: "I replied that military occupation was a necessity for a time,
+* * * and that as soon as order was assured it would be withdrawn
+* * *. They smiled at this." Well they might. Fourteen years have
+elapsed since then, and the law-making power of the United States has
+never yet declared whether the American occupation of the Philippine
+Islands is to be temporary, like our occupation of Cuba was, or
+permanent, like the British occupation of Egypt is. True, Dr. Phelan
+said "military" occupation, but the smile was provoked by the
+suggestion of temporariness. After the committee smiled, they remarked:
+
+
+    We have fought for independence and feel that we have the power
+    of governing and need no assistance. We are showing it now. You
+    might inquire of the foreigners if it is not so.
+
+
+Dr. Phelan's report proceeds:
+
+
+    They stated that their orders were not to allow us to disembark,
+    and that they were powerless to allow us to come in without
+    express orders from their government.
+
+
+In regard to the Treaty of Paris, the spokesman, Lawyer Melliza, said:
+
+
+    International law forbids a nation to make a contract in regard
+    to taking the liberties of its colonies.
+
+
+Lawyer Melliza was wrong. If he had said "the law of righteousness,"
+instead of "international law," his proposition, thus amended, would
+have been incontrovertible. On September 19, 1911, one of the great
+newspapers of this country, the Denver Post, sent out to the members
+of the Congress of the United States, and to "The Fourth Estate" also,
+the newspaper editors, a circular letter proposing that we sell the
+Philippine Islands to Japan. A member of the United States Senate
+sent this answer:
+
+
+    I do not favor your proposition. Selling the Islands means selling
+    the inhabitants. The question of traffic in human beings, whether
+    by wholesale or retail, was forever settled by the Civil War.
+
+
+About the same time a leading daily paper of Georgia had an editorial
+on the Denver Post's proposition, the most conspicuous feature of
+which was that Japan was too poor to pay us well, should we contemplate
+selling the Filipinos to her, so it was no use to discuss the matter
+at length.
+
+No; Lawyer Melliza's proposition has no standing in international
+law yet. But it has with what Mr. Lincoln's First Inaugural called
+"the better angels of our nature," if we stop to reflect.
+
+Another interesting feature of the Phelan report to General Miller
+is the following:
+
+
+    I asked Lawyer Melliza if Aguinaldo said we could occupy the
+    city would they agree to it. He replied most emphatically that
+    they would.
+
+
+At that time, in January, 1899, while the debate on the treaty was
+in progress in the United States Senate, there was hardly a province
+in that archipelago where you would not have encountered the same
+inflexible adherence to the Aguinaldo government.
+
+Dr. Phelan's report closes thus:
+
+
+    At the conclusion of the meeting it was said that as this question
+    involved the integrity of the entire republic, it could not
+    be further discussed here, but must be referred to the Malolos
+    Government.
+
+
+There is one other statement made by the spokesman of the Filipinos,
+at their meeting with Dr. Phelan, which arrested and gripped my
+attention. That it may interest the reader as it did me, it will need
+but a word or so as preface. In the fall of that same year, 1899,
+when my regiment, the 29th Infantry, U. S. Volunteers, reached the
+Islands, it was supposed that the insurrection had about played out,
+i.e., that it had been "beaten to a frazzle," because the Filipinos no
+longer offered to do battle in force in the open. Yet all that fall,
+and all through 1900 and after, a most obstinate guerrilla warfare
+was kept up. Anywhere in the archipelago you were liable to be fired
+on from ambush. At first we could not understand this. Later we found
+out it was the result of an order of Aguinaldo's, faithfully carried
+out, not to assemble in large commands, but to conduct a systematic
+guerrilla warfare indefinitely. We learned this by capturing a copy
+of the order, which was quite elaborate. Dr. Phelan's report says:
+
+
+    I told him [Melliza] that the city was in our power, and that we
+    could destroy it at any time * * *. Lawyer Melliza replied that
+    he cared nothing about the city; that we could destroy it if we
+    wished * * *. "We will withdraw to the mountains and repeat the
+    North American Indian warfare. You must not forget that."
+
+
+Later, they did.
+
+On January 15th, General Otis wrote General Miller [172] again
+cautioning him against any clash at Iloilo, and saying of conditions
+at Manila and Malolos: "The revolutionary government is very anxious
+for peaceful relations."
+
+Three days later Senator Bacon saw the situation with clearer vision
+from the other side of the world than General Otis could see it
+under his nose, and said on the floor of the Senate on January 18th
+concerning the conditions at Manila and Malolos:
+
+
+    While there is no declaration of war, while there is no avowal
+    of hostile intent, with two such armies fronting each other with
+    such divers intents and resolves, it will take but a spark to
+    ignite the magazines which is to explode. [173]
+
+
+The spark was ignited on February 4, 1899, by a sentinel of the
+Nebraska regiment firing on some Filipino soldiers who disregarded
+his challenge to halt, and killing one of them. War once on, General
+Miller was directed on February 10th, after he had lain in Iloilo
+harbor for forty-four days, to take the city. So at last he gave
+written notice to the insurgents in Iloilo demanding the surrender
+of the city and garrison "before sunset Saturday, the 11th instant"
+and requesting them to give warning to all non-combatants. [174]
+Thereupon the insurgents set fire to the city and departed.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+OTIS AND AGUINALDO (Continued)
+
+                A word spoken in due season, how good is it!
+
+                                                       Proverbs xv., 23.
+
+
+In the last chapter we saw the debut of the Benevolent Assimilation
+programme at Iloilo. We are now to observe it at Manila. General Otis
+says in his report for 1899 [175]:
+
+
+    After fully considering the President's proclamation and the
+    temper of the Tagalos with whom I was daily discussing political
+    problems and the friendly intentions of the United States
+    Government toward them, I concluded that there were certain
+    words and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," "right of
+    cession," and those which directed immediate occupation, etc.,
+    * * * which might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party to
+    incite widespread hostilities among the natives. * * * It was my
+    opinion, therefore, that I would be justified in so amending the
+    paper that the beneficent object of the United States Government
+    would be clearly brought within the comprehension of the people.
+
+
+Accordingly, he published a proclamation as indicated, on January 4th,
+at Manila. In a less formal communication concerning this proclamation,
+viz., a letter to General Miller at Iloilo, General Otis comes to
+the point more quickly thus:
+
+
+    After some deliberation we put out one of our own which it was
+    believed would suit the temper of the people. [176]
+
+
+The only thing in the Otis proclamation specifically directed toward
+soothing "the temper of the people" was a hint that the United
+States would, under the government it was going to impose, "appoint
+the representative men now forming the controlling element of the
+Filipinos to civil positions of responsibility and trust" (p. 69). And
+this, far from soothing Filipino temper, was interpreted as an offer
+of a bribe if they would desert the cause of their country. The bona
+fides of the offer they did not doubt for a moment. In fact it caught
+a number of the more timid prominent men, especially the elderly ones
+of the ultraconservative element preferring submission to strife. But
+the younger and bolder spirits were faithful, many of them unto death,
+and all of them unto many battles and much "hiking." [177]
+
+General Otis's report goes on to tell how, about the middle of January,
+after he had published his sugar-coated edition of the presidential
+proclamation at Manila, it then at last occurred to him that General
+Miller might have published the original text of it in full at Iloilo,
+and, "fearing that," says he, "I again despatched Lieut. Col. Potter to
+Iloilo"--evidently post-haste. But it appears that when the breathless
+Potter arrived, the lid was already off. The horse had left the stable
+and the door was open, as we saw in the preceding chapter. However,
+as the Otis report indicates in this connection (p. 67), copies of
+the original McKinley proclamation, as published in full at Iloilo by
+General Miller, were of course promptly forwarded by the insurgents at
+Iloilo to the insurgent government at Malolos. So all that General Otis
+got for his pains was detection in the attempt to conceal the crucial
+words asserting American sovereignty in plain English. He tells us
+himself that as soon as the Malolos people discovered the trick, "it
+[the proclamation] became"--in the light of the Otis doctoring--"the
+object of venomous attack." His report was of course written long after
+all these matters occurred, but its language shows a total failure
+on the part of its author, even then, to understand the cause of the
+bitterness he denominates "venom." This bitterness grew naturally
+out of what seemed to the Filipinos an evident purpose of the United
+States to take and keep the Islands and an accompanying unwillingness
+to acknowledge that purpose, as shown by the conspicuous discrepancies
+between the original text of the proclamation as published at Iloilo
+by General Miller, on January 1st, and the modified version of it
+given out by General Otis at Manila on January 4th. "The ablest of
+the insurgent newspapers," says he (p. 69), "which was now issued
+at Malolos and edited by the uncompromising Luna * * * attacked the
+policy * * * as declared in the proclamation, and its assumption of
+sovereignty * * * with all the vigor of which he was capable." The
+nature of Editor Luna's philippics is not described by General Otis
+in detail, the only specific notion we get of them being from General
+Otis's echo of their tone, which, he tells us, was to the effect that
+"everything tended simply to a change of masters." But in another part
+of the Otis Report (p. 163) we find an epistle written about that
+time by one partisan of the revolution to another, whose key-note,
+given in the following extracts, was doubtless in harmony with the
+Luna editorials:
+
+
+    We shall not have them (Filipinos enough to conduct a decent
+    government) in 10, 20, or a 100 years, because the Yankees
+    will never acknowledge the aptitude of an "inferior" race to
+    govern the country. Do not dream that when American sovereignty
+    is implanted in the country the American office-holders will
+    give up. Never! If * * * it depends upon them to say whether the
+    Filipinos have sufficient men for the government of the country
+    * * * they will never say it."
+
+
+Is not the American who pretends that he would have done anything but
+just what the Filipinos did, had he been in their place, i.e., fought
+to the last ditch for the independence of his country, the rankest
+sort of a hypocrite? General Otis was a soldier, and his views may
+have been honestly colored by his environment. But how at this late
+date can any fair-minded man read the above extracts illustrative
+of the temper in which the Filipinos went to war with us without
+acknowledging the righteousness of the motives which impelled them?
+
+Aguinaldo promptly met General Otis's proclamation of January 4th
+by a counter-proclamation put out the very next day, in which he
+indignantly protested against the United States assuming sovereignty
+over the Islands. "Even the women," says General Otis (p. 70), "in a
+document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand that after
+the men were all killed off they were prepared to shed their patriotic
+blood for the liberty and independence of their country." General
+Otis actually intended this last as a sly touch of humor. But when
+we recollect Mr. Millet's description (Chapter IV. ante) of the women
+coming to the trenches and cooking rice for the men while the Filipinos
+were slowly drawing their cordon ever closer about the doomed Spanish
+garrison of Manila in July and August previous, fighting their way over
+the ground between them and the besieged main body of their ancient
+enemies inch by inch, while Admiral Dewey blockaded them by sea,
+General Otis's sly touch of humor loses some of its slyness. "The
+insurgent army also," he says (p. 70), "was especially affected * * *
+and only awaited an opportunity to demonstrate its invincibility
+in war with the United States troops * * * whom it had commenced to
+insult and charge with cowardice."
+
+The benighted condition of the insurgents in this regard was directly
+traceable to the Iloilo fiasco. It was that, principally, which made
+the insurgents so foolishly over-confident and the subsequent slaughter
+of them so tremendous. Further on in his report General Otis says, with
+perceptible petulance, in summing up his case against the Filipinos:
+
+
+    The pretext that the United States was about to substitute itself
+    for Spain * * * was resorted to and had its effect on the ignorant
+    masses.
+
+
+Speaking of his own modified version of the Benevolent Assimilation
+Proclamation, General Otis says (p. 76):
+
+
+    No sooner was it published than it brought out a virtual
+    declaration of war from, in this instance at least, the wretchedly
+    advised President Aguinaldo, who, on January 5th, issued the
+    following
+
+
+--giving the reply proclamation in full. No man can read the Otis
+report itself without feeling that if he, the reader, had been playing
+Aguinaldo's hand he would have played it exactly as Aguinaldo did. To
+General Otis the government at Malolos--"their Malolos arrangement," he
+used to call it--seemed quite an impudent little opera-bouffe affair,
+"a tin-horn government," as Senator Spooner suggested in the same
+debate on the treaty, in which he called his rugged and fiery friend
+from South Carolina, Senator Tillman, "the Senator from Aguinaldo,"
+and immediately thereafter, with that engaging frankness that always so
+endeared him to his colleagues on both sides of the Chamber, removed
+the sting from the jest by admitting that neither he (Spooner),
+nor Tillman, nor anybody else in the United States, knew anything
+about Aguinaldo or his government. But in the calmer retrospect of
+many years after, we have seen, through the official documents which
+have become available in the interval, that said government was in
+complete and effective control of practically the whole archipelago,
+and had the moral support of the whole population at a time when our
+troops controlled absolutely nothing but the two towns of Manila and
+Cavite. Therefore, when we read in the Aguinaldo proclamation such
+phrases as, "In view of this, I summoned a council of my generals and
+asked the advice of my cabinet, and in conformity with the opinion of
+both bodies I" did so and so; "My government cannot remain indifferent
+to" this or that act of the Americans assuming sovereignty over the
+islands; "Thus it is that my government is disposed to open hostilities
+if" etc.; they do not sound to us so irritatingly bombastic as they
+did to General Otis, distributed under his nose as the proclamation
+containing them at once was, by thousands, throughout a city of which
+he was nominally in possession, but nine-tenths of whose 300,000
+inhabitants he was obliged to believe in sympathy with the insurgents.
+
+"My government," says the Aguinaldo proclamation, "rules the whole
+of Luzon, the Visayan Islands, and a part of Mindanao." Except as to
+Mindanao, which cut absolutely no figure in the insurrection until well
+toward the end of the guerrilla part of it, we have already examined
+this claim and found by careful analysis that it was absolutely true
+by the end of December, 1898.
+
+After a rapid review of how he had been aided and encouraged in
+starting the revolution against the Spaniards by Admiral Dewey, and
+then given the cold shoulder by the army when it came, Aguinaldo's
+manifesto says:
+
+
+    It was also taken for granted that the American forces would
+    necessarily sympathize with the revolution which they had managed
+    to encourage, and which had saved them much blood and great
+    hardships; and, above all, we entertained absolute confidence
+    in the history and traditions of a people which fought for its
+    independence and for the abolition of slavery, and which posed as
+    the champion and liberator of oppressed peoples. We felt ourselves
+    under the safeguard of a free people.
+
+
+That this statement also was authorized by the facts is evident from
+the minutes of the Hong Kong meeting of May 4th, already noticed,
+presided over by Aguinaldo, and called to formulate the programme
+for the insurrection he was about to sail for the Philippines to
+inaugurate, in which, after much discussion among the revolutionary
+leaders it was agreed that while they must be prepared for all possible
+contingencies, yet,
+
+
+    if Washington proposes to carry out the fundamental principles
+    of its constitution, it is most improbable that an attempt will
+    be made to colonize the Filipinos or annex them. [178]
+
+
+In short, the Aguinaldo proclamation of January 5th suggests with
+a briefness which Filipino familiarity with the great mass of
+facts already laid before the reader in the preceding chapters made
+appropriate, all the causes for which the Malolos Government was ready,
+if need be, to declare war, and winds up by boldly serving General
+Otis with notice that if the Americans try to take Iloilo and the
+Visayan Islands "my government is disposed to open hostilities."
+
+On January 9th President McKinley cabled out to General Otis asking
+if it would help matters to send a commission out to explain to
+the Filipinos our benevolent intentions. This idea thus suggested
+materialized, a few weeks later, in the Schurman Commission, of which
+more anon. The next day, January 10th, General Otis answered endorsing
+the sending of "commissioners of tact and discretion," and adding: [178]
+
+
+    Great difficulty is that leaders cannot control ignorant
+    classes. [179]
+
+
+As a matter of fact the leaders were leading. They were not arguing
+with the tide. They were merely riding the crest of it. Actually,
+General Otis would have stopped "The Six Hundred Marseillaise Who
+Knew How to Die"--the ones whose march to Paris, according to Thomas
+Carlyle, inspired the composition of the French national air, "The
+Marseillaise"--and tried to parley with the head of the column on the
+idea of getting them to abandon their enterprise and disperse to their
+several homes. He also says, in the cablegram under consideration:
+
+
+    If peace kept for several days more immediate danger will have
+    passed.
+
+
+In other words, he was holding off the calf as best he could pending
+the ratification of the treaty. From the text itself, however, of
+General Otis's report, it is clear enough, that even he was getting
+anxious to give the Filipinos a drubbing as soon as the treaty should
+be safely passed. Referring to a message from the President enjoining
+avoidance of a clash with the Filipinos he says (p. 80):
+
+
+    The injunction of his Excellency the President of the United
+    States to exert ourselves to preserve the peace had an excellent
+    effect upon the command. Officers and men * * * were restless
+    under the restraints * * * imposed, and * * * eager to avenge the
+    insults received. Now they submit very quietly to the taunts and
+    aggressive demonstrations of the insurgent army who continue to
+    throng the streets of the business portion of the city.
+
+
+See the lamb kick the lion viciously in the face, and observe the
+lion as he first lifts his eyes heavenward and says meekly: "Thy
+will be done. This is Benevolent Assimilation"; and then turns them
+Senate-ward and murmurs: "I cannot stand this much longer, kind
+sirs. Say when!" The way war correspondent John F. Bass puts the
+situation about this time in a letter to his paper, Harper's Weekly,
+was this:
+
+
+    Jimmie Green [180] bites his lip, hangs on to himself, and finds
+    comfort in the idea that his time will come.
+
+
+After Aguinaldo's ultimatum of January 5th about fighting if we took
+Iloilo, General Otis refrained from taking Iloilo, and continued to
+communicate with the insurgent chieftain, appointing commissioners
+to meet commissioners appointed by him. These held divers and sundry
+sessions, whose only result was to kill time, or at least to mark
+time, while the Administration was getting the treaty through the
+Senate. The object of these meetings is thus set forth in the military
+order of January 9, 1899, appointing the Otis portion of the Joint
+High Parleying Board:
+
+
+    To meet a commission of like number appointed by General Aguinaldo,
+    and to confer with regard to the situation of affairs and to arrive
+    at a mutual understanding of the intent, purposes, aim, and desires
+    of the Filipino people and the people of the United States, that
+    peace and harmonious relations between these respective peoples
+    may be continued. [181]
+
+
+The minutes of the first meeting of this board, prepared by the
+Spanish-speaking clerk or recorder, recite the above declared
+purpose verbatim, in all its verbosity, and then go on to say that
+our side asked
+
+
+    That the commissioners appointed by General Aguinaldo give
+    their opinion as to what were the purposes, aspirations, aims,
+    and desires of the people of the archipelago.
+
+
+The next paragraph is almost Pickwickian in its unconscious terseness:
+
+
+    To this request the commissioners appointed by General Aguinaldo
+    made response that in their opinion the aspirations, purposes,
+    and desires of the Philippine people might be summed up in two
+    words "Absolute Independence."
+
+
+Of course even General Otis does not reproduce this laconic answer
+as part of his petulant summing up of how little the Filipinos knew,
+before the outbreak of February 4th, as to what they really wanted. He
+merely alludes to it as being of record elsewhere. It is one oL
+the various pieces of jetsam and flotsam that have floated from the
+sea of those great events to the shores of government publications
+since. The minutes of these meetings may be found among the hearings
+before the Senate Committee of 1902. [182]
+
+General Otis's report complains that Aguinaldo's commissioners did not
+know what they wanted, "could not give any satisfactory explanation"
+of the "measure of protection" they wanted, they having declared
+that they would greatly prefer the United States to establish a
+protectorate over them to keep them from being annexed by some other
+power. But he fails to state, which is a fact shown by the minutes of
+the meeting of January 14 (p. 2721), that the Filipino commissioners
+did say that this was a question which would only be reached between
+their government and ours when the latter should agree to officially
+recognize the former. To quote their exact language, which is rather
+clumsily translated, they said: "The aspiration of the Filipino
+people is the independence with the restrictions resulting from the
+conditions which its government may agree with the American, when
+the latter agree to officially recognize the former."
+
+It is perfectly clear from the voluminous minutes of the proceedings
+that the Filipinos were only seeking some declaration of the purpose
+of our government which would satisfy their people that the programme
+was something more than a mere change of masters. "They begged,"
+says General Otis (p. 82), "for some tangible concession from the
+United States Government--one which they could present to the people
+and which might serve to allay excitement." General Otis of course had
+no authority to bind the government and so could make no promise. But
+the day this Otis-Aguinaldo parleying board had its second meeting,
+January 11th, and probably with no more knowledge of its existence
+than the reader has of what is going on in the Fiji Islands at the
+moment he reads these lines, Senator Bacon introduced in the United
+States Senate some resolutions which were precisely the medicine the
+case required and precisely the thing the Filipinos were pleading
+for. These resolutions concluded thus:
+
+
+    That the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or
+    intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over
+    said islands except for the pacification thereof, and assert their
+    determination when an independent government shall have been duly
+    erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to transfer to
+    said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just,
+    all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to thereupon
+    leave the government and control of the islands to their people.
+
+
+They were a twin brother to the Teller Cuban resolution which was
+incorporated into the resolution declaring war against Spain, being
+verbatim the same, except with the necessary changes of name, of
+"islands" for "island," etc.
+
+On January 18th, while the futile parleying board aforesaid was still
+futilely parleying at Manila, Senator Bacon made an argument in the
+Senate in support of his resolution, whose far-sighted statesmanship,
+considered in relation to the analogies of its historic setting,
+most strikingly reminds us of Burke's great speech on conciliation
+with America delivered under similar circumstances nearly a century
+and a quarter earlier. After alluding to the naturalness of the
+apprehension of the Filipinos "that it is the purpose of the United
+States Government to maintain permanent dominion over them," [183]
+Senator Bacon urged:
+
+
+    The fundamental requirement in these resolutions is that the
+    Government of the United States will not undertake to exercise
+    permanent dominion over the Philippine Islands. The resolutions
+    are intentionally made broad, so that those who agree on that
+    fundamental proposition may stand upon them even though they
+    may differ materially as to a great many other things relative
+    to the future course of the government in connection with the
+    Philippine Islands.
+
+
+Senator Bacon then quoted the following from some remarks Senator
+Foraker had previously made in the course of the great debate on
+the treaty:
+
+
+    I do not understand anybody to be proposing to take the Philippine
+    Islands with the idea and view of permanently holding them.
+    * * * The President of the United States does not, I know, and no
+    Senator in this chamber has made any such statement;
+
+
+and added:
+
+
+    If the views expressed by the learned Senator from Ohio in
+    his speech * * * are those upon which we are to act, there is
+    very little difference between us; and there will be no future
+    contention between us * * * if we can have an authoritative
+    expression from The Law-Making Power of the United States in a
+    joint resolution that such is the purpose of the future. [184]
+
+
+Says the Holy Scripture: "A word spoken in season, how good is it!"
+Had the Bacon resolutions passed the United States Senate in January,
+1899, we never would have had any war with the Filipinos. [185]
+They would have presented at the psychologic moment the very thing
+the best and bravest of the Filipino leaders were then pleading
+with General Otis for, something "tangible," something "which they
+could present to their people and which would allay excitement,"
+by allaying the universal fear that we were going to do with them
+exactly as all other white men they had ever heard of had done with
+all other brown men they had ever heard of under like circumstances,
+viz., keep them under permanent dominion with a view of profit.
+
+In his letter accepting the nomination for the Presidency in 1900,
+Mr. McKinley sought to show the Filipinos to have been the aggressors
+in the war by a reference to the fact that the outbreak occurred
+while the Bacon resolution was under discussion in the Senate. This
+hardly came with good grace from an Administration whose friends in
+the Senate had all along opposed not only the Bacon resolution but
+also all other resolutions frankly declaratory of the purpose of our
+government. The supreme need of the hour then was, and the supreme
+need of every hour of every day we have been in the Philippines since
+has been, "an authoritative expression from the law-making power of
+the United States"--not mere surmises of a President, confessedly
+devoid of binding force, but an authoritative expression from the
+law-making power, declaratory of the purpose of our government with
+regard to the Philippine Islands. Secretary of War Taft visited Manila
+in 1907 to be present at the opening of the Philippine Assembly. In
+view of the universal longing which he knew existed for some definite
+authoritative declaration as to whether our government intends to
+keep the Islands permanently or not, he said:
+
+
+    I cannot speak with authority * * *. The policy to be pursued
+    with respect to them is, therefore, ultimately for Congress to
+    determine. * * * I have no authority to speak for Congress in
+    respect to the ultimate disposition of the Islands. [186]
+
+
+This bitter disappointment of the public expectation and hope
+of something definite, certainly did not lessen the belief of
+the Filipinos that we have no notion of ever giving them their
+independence. Had the Senate known what the Filipino commissioners
+were so earnestly asking of the Otis commissioners in January,
+1899, the Bacon resolution would probably have passed. In fact it
+is demonstrable almost mathematically that, had the Administration's
+friends in the Senate allowed that resolution to come to a vote before
+the outbreak of February 4th, instead of filibustering against it until
+after that event, it would have passed. As stated in the foot-note, the
+roll-call on the final vote on it, which was not taken until February
+14th, showed a tie--29 to 29, the Vice-President of the United States
+casting the deciding vote which defeated it. Much dealing with real
+life and real death has blunted my artistic sensibilities to thrills
+from the mere pantomime of the stage. But as here was a vote where,
+had a single Senator who voted No voted Aye, some 300,000,000 of
+dollars, over a thousand lives of American soldiers killed in battle,
+some 16,000 lives of Filipino soldiers killed in battle, and possibly
+100,000 Filipino lives snuffed out through famine, pestilence, and
+other ills consequent on the war, would have been saved, I can not
+refrain from reproducing the vote--perhaps the most uniquely momentous
+single roll-call in the parliamentary history of Christendom [187]:
+
+
+Ayes
+
+            Bacon                   Jones of Nevada
+            Bate                    Lindsay
+            Berry                   McLaurin
+            Caffery                 Martin
+            Chilton                 Money
+            Clay                    Murphy
+            Cockrell                Perkins
+            Faulkner                Pettigrew
+            Gorman                  Pettus
+            Gray                    Quay
+            Hale                    Rawlins
+            Harris                  Smith
+            Heitfield               Tillman
+            Hoar                    Turner
+            Jones of Arkansas
+
+
+Nays
+
+            Allison                 Mantle
+            Burrows                 Morgan
+            Carter                  Nelson
+            Chandler                Penrose
+            Deboe                   Platt of Connecticut
+            Fairbanks               Platt of New York
+            Frye                    Pritchard
+            Gear                    Ross
+            Hanna                   Shoup
+            Hawley                  Simon
+            Kyle                    Stewart
+            Lodge                   Teller
+            McBride                 Warren
+            McEnery                 Wolcott
+            McMillan
+
+
+In January, 1899, the out-and-out land-grabbers had not yet made bold
+to show their hand, the friends of the treaty confining themselves
+to the alleged shame of doing as we had done with Cuba, on account
+of the supposed semi-barbarous condition of "the various tribes out
+there," leaving the possibility of profit to quietly suggest itself
+amid the noisy exhortations of altruism. It was not until after the
+milk of human kindness had been spilled in war that Senator Lodge
+said at the Philadelphia National Republican Convention of 1900:
+
+
+    We make no hypocritical pretence of being interested in the
+    Philippines solely on account of others. We believe in Trade
+    Expansion.
+
+
+Speaking (p. 82) of the meetings of what for lack of a better term
+I have above called the Otis-Aguinaldo Joint High Parleying Board,
+General Otis says in his report:
+
+
+    Finally, the conferences became the object of insurgent suspicion,
+    * * * and * * * amusement.
+
+
+The Filipino newspapers called attention to the fact that large
+reinforcements of American troops were on the way to Manila, and very
+plausibly inferred that the parleying was for delay only. By January
+26th the politeness of both the American and the Filipino commissioners
+had been worn to a frazzle, and they adjourned, each recognizing that
+the differences between them could ultimately be settled only on the
+field of battle, in the event of the ratification of the treaty.
+
+January 27th, General Otis cabled to Washington a letter from
+Aguinaldo, of which he says in his report: "I was surprised * * *
+because of the boldness with which he therein indicated his purpose
+to continue his assumptions and establish their correctness by the
+arbitrament of war" (p. 84). General Otis was "surprised" to the
+last. Aguinaldo's letter is not at all surprising, though extremely
+interesting. It sends General Otis a proclamation issued January 21st,
+announcing the publication of a constitution modelled substantially
+after that of the United States, even beginning with the familiar
+words about "securing the blessings of liberty, promoting the general
+welfare," etc., and concludes with an expression of confident hope that
+the United States will recognize his government, and a bold implication
+of determination to fight if it does not. On the evening of February
+4th an insurgent soldier approaching an American picket failed to
+halt or answer when challenged, and was shot and killed. Nearly
+six months of nervous tension thereupon pressed for liberation in
+a general engagement which continued throughout the night and until
+toward sundown of the next day, thus finally unleashing the dogs of
+war. In the Washington Post of February 6, 1899, Senator Bacon is
+quoted as saying:
+
+
+    I will cheerfully vote all the money that may be necessary to
+    carry on the war in the Philippines, but I still maintain that we
+    could have avoided a conflict with those people had the Senate
+    adopted my resolution, or a similar resolution announcing our
+    honest intentions with regard to the Philippines.
+
+
+Said the New York Criterion of February 11, 1899:
+
+
+    Whether we like it or not, we must go on slaughtering the natives
+    in the English fashion, and taking what muddy glory lies in this
+    wholesale killing until they have learned to respect our arms. The
+    more difficult task of getting them to respect our intentions
+    will follow.
+
+
+The Washington Post of February 6, 1899, may not have quoted Senator
+Bacon with exactitude. But what the Senator did say on the floor of
+the Senate is important, historically. Under date of February 22,
+1912, Senator Bacon writes me, in answer to an inquiry:
+
+
+    I enclose a speech made by me upon the subject in the Senate
+    February 27, 1899, and upon pages 6, 7, and 8 of which you will
+    find a statement of my position, and the reasons given by me
+    therefor. Of course you cannot go at length into that question
+    in your narration of the events of that day, but my position was
+    that, while I did not approve of the war, and did not approve
+    of the enslavement of the Filipinos, and while if I had my way I
+    would immediately set them free, at the same time, as war was then
+    flagrant, and there were then some twenty odd thousand American
+    troops in the Philippine Islands, we must either support them or
+    leave them to defeat and death. I do not know how far you can use
+    anything then said by me, but if you make allusion to the fact
+    that I was willing to supply money and troops to carry on the war
+    in the Philippines, I would be glad for it to be accompanied by a
+    very brief statement of the ground upon which I based such action.
+
+
+The above makes it unnecessary to quote at length from the speech
+referred to, which may be found at pp. 2456 et seq of the Congressional
+Record for February 27, 1899. However, there is one passage in the
+speech to which I especially say Amen, and invite all whose creed of
+patriotism is not too sublimated for such a common feeling to join
+me in so doing. Senator Bacon will now state the creed:
+
+
+    The oft-repeated expression "our country, right or wrong" has a
+    vital principle in it, and upon that principle I stand.
+
+
+The Senator immediately follows his creed with these commentaries:
+
+
+    In this annexation of the Philippine Islands through the
+    ratification of the treaty, and in waging war to subjugate the
+    Filipinos, I think the country, acting through constitutional
+    authorities, is wrong. But it is not for me to say because the
+    country has been committed to a policy that I do not favor and
+    have opposed, in consequence of which there is war, that I will
+    not support the government.
+
+
+Under the civilizing influence of Krag-Jorgensen rifles and the moral
+uplift of high explosive projectiles, what our soldiers used to call,
+with questionable piety, "the fear of God," was finally put into the
+hearts of the Filipinos, after much carnage by wholesale in battle
+formation and later by retail in a species of guerrilla warfare as
+irritating as it was obstinate. But they have never yet learned to
+respect our intentions, because under the guidance of three successive
+Presidents we have studiously refrained from any authoritative
+declaration as to what those intentions are. We are loth to hark back
+to the only right course, a course similar to our action in Cuba,
+because of the expense we have been to in the Philippines. But we also
+know that the islands are and are likely to continue, a costly burden,
+a nuisance, and a distinct strategic disadvantage in the event of war;
+and that Mr. Cleveland was right when he said:
+
+
+    The government of remote and alien people should have no permanent
+    place in the purposes of our national life.
+
+
+The mistaken policy which involved us in a war to subjugate the
+Filipinos, following our war to free the Cubans, will never stand
+atoned for before the bar of history, nor can the Filipinos ever in
+reason be expected to respect our intentions, until the law-making
+power of the government shall have authoritatively declared what
+those intentions are--i. e., what we intend ultimately to do with the
+islands. Senator Bacon's resolutions of 1899 were, are, and always
+will be the last word on the first act needed to rectify the original
+Philippine blunder, "announcing" as they would, to use the language
+attributed to their distinguished author by the Washington Post of
+February 6, 1899, above-quoted, "our honest intentions with regard to
+the Philippines." So eager is the exploiter to exploit the islands,
+and so apprehensive is the Filipino that the exploiter will have more
+influence at Washington than himself and therefore be able ultimately
+to bring about a practical industrial slavery, that common honesty
+demands such a declaration. To doctor present Filipino discontent
+with Benevolent Uncertainty is a mere makeshift. The remedy the
+situation needs is simple, but as yet untried--Frankness. The chief
+of the causes of the present discontent among the Filipinos with
+American rule is precisely the same old serpent that precipitated
+the war thirteen years ago, to wit, lack of a frank and honest
+declaration of our purpose. The trouble then lay, and still lies,
+and, in the absence of some such declaration as that proposed by
+the Bacon resolution, will always lie in what seemed then, and still
+seems, to the Filipinos "an evident purpose to keep the islands and
+an accompanying unwillingness to acknowledge that purpose." Some
+may object that one Congress cannot bind another. The same argument
+would have killed the Teller amendment to the declaration of war with
+Spain avowing our purpose as to Cuba. Such an argument assumes that
+this nation has no sense of honor, and that it should cling for a
+while longer to the stale Micawberism that the Islands may yet pay,
+before it decides whether it will do right or not, and signalizes
+such decision by formal announcement through Congress. To men capable
+of such an assumption as the one just indicated, this book is not
+addressed. Three successive Presidents, Messrs. McKinley, Roosevelt,
+and Taft, have with earnest asseveration of benevolent intention tried
+without success all these years to win the affections of the Filipino
+people, and to make them feel that "our flag had not lost its gift of
+benediction in its world-wide journey to their shores," as Mr. McKinley
+used to say. But the corner-stone of the policy was laid before we
+knew anything about how the land lay, and on the assumption, made
+practically without any knowledge whatever on the subject, that the
+Filipino people were incapable of self-government. The corner-stone
+of our Philippine policy has been from the beginning precisely that
+urged by Spain for not freeing Cuba, viz., "to spare the people from
+the dangers of premature independence." The three Presidents named
+above have always been willing to imply independence, but never to
+promise it. And the unwillingness to declare a purpose ultimately to
+give the Filipinos their independence has always been due to the desire
+to catch the vote of those who are determined they shall never have
+it. In this inexorable and unchangeable political necessity lies the
+essential contemptibleness of republican imperialism, and the secret
+of why the Filipinos, notwithstanding our good intentions, do not like
+us, and never will under the present policy. How can you blame them?
+
+Yet the more you know of the Filipinos, the better you like
+them. Self-sacrificing, brave, and faithful unto death in war, they
+are gentle, generous, and tractable in peace. Moreover, respect
+for constituted authority, as such, is innate in practically every
+Filipino, which I am not sure can be predicated concerning each and
+every citizen of my beloved native land. And we can win the grateful
+and lasting affection of the whole seven or eight millions of them any
+day we wish to. How? Have done with vague, vote-catching Presidential
+obiter, and through your Congress declare your purpose!
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+OTIS AND THE WAR
+
+                Am I the boss, or am I a tool,
+                Am I Governor-General or a hobo--hobo;
+                Now I'd like to know who's the boss of the show,
+                Is it me, or Emilio Aguinaldo?
+
+                                Army Song of the Philippines under Otis.
+
+
+"The thing is on," said General Hughes, Provost Marshal of Manila, to
+General Otis, at Malacanan palace, on the night of February 4, 1899,
+about half past eight o'clock, as soon as the firing started. [188]
+He was talking about something which every American in Manila except
+General Otis had for months frankly recognized as inevitable--the war.
+
+On the day of the outbreak of February 4th, General Otis had under
+his command 838 officers and 20,032 enlisted men, say in round numbers
+a total of 21,000. Of these some 15,500 were State volunteers mostly
+from the Western States, and the rest were regulars. All the volunteers
+and 1650 of the regulars were, or were about to become, entitled to
+their discharge, and their right was perfected by the exchange of
+ratifications of the treaty of peace with Spain on April 11, 1899. The
+total force which he was thus entitled to command for any considerable
+period consisted of less than 4000. Of the 21,000 men on hand as
+aforesaid, on February 4th, deducting those at Cavite and Iloilo,
+the sick and wounded, those serving in civil departments, and in the
+staff organizations, the effective fighting force was 14,000, and of
+these 3000 constituted the Provost Guard in the great and hostile
+city of Manila. [189] Thus there were only 11,000 men, including
+those entitled to discharge, available to engage the insurgent army,
+"which," says Secretary of War Root, "was two or three times that
+number, well armed and equipped, and included many of the native
+troops formerly comprised in the Spanish army."
+
+Such was the predicament into which General Otis's supremely zealous
+efforts to help the Administration get the treaty through the Senate
+by withholding from the American people the knowledge of facts which
+might have put them on notice that they were paying $20,000,000 for
+a $200,000,000 insurrection, had brought us. This is not a tale of
+woe. It is a tale of the disgust--good-humored, because stoical--which
+finally found expression at the time in the army song that heads this
+chapter, disgust at unnecessary sacrifice of American life which could
+so easily have been prevented had General Otis only revealed the real
+situation in time to have had plenty of troops on hand. It is a requiem
+over those brave men of the Eighth Army Corps from Pennsylvania,
+Tennessee, and the Western States that bore the brunt of the early
+fighting, whose lives were needlessly sacrificed in 1899 as the
+result of an unpreparedness for war due to anxiety not to embarrass
+Mr. McKinley in his efforts to get the treaty through the Senate,
+an unpreparedness which remained long unremedied thereafter in order
+to conceal from the people of the United States the unanimity of the
+desire of the Filipinos for Independence.
+
+It is quite true that none of our people then in the Islands realized
+this unanimity in all its pathos at the outset, but it soon became
+clear to everybody except the commanding general. It naturally dawned
+on him last of all, because he did not visit the most reliable sources
+of information, to wit, the battlefields during the fighting, and
+therefore did not see how tenaciously the Filipinos fought for the
+independence of their country. Moreover, General Otis tried to think
+till the last along lines in harmony with the original theory of
+Benevolent Assimilation. Hence Mr. Root's nonsense of 1899 and 1900
+about "the patient and unconsenting millions" dominated by "the Tagalo
+tribe," which nonsense was immensely serviceable in a campaign for the
+presidency wherein antidotes for sympathy with a people struggling
+to be free were of supreme practical political value. General Otis
+actually had Mr. McKinley believing as late as December, 1899, at
+least, that the opposition to a change of masters in lieu of Freedom
+was confined to a little coterie of self-seeking politicians who were
+in the business for what they could get out of it, and that the great
+majority would prefer him, Otis, to Aguinaldo, as governor-general. It
+is difficult on first blush to accept this statement as dispassionately
+correct, but there is no escape from the record. Mr. McKinley said
+in his annual message to Congress in December, 1899, in reviewing
+the direction he gave to the Paris peace negotiations which ended
+in the purchase of the islands, and the war with the Filipinos which
+had followed, and had then been raging since February 4th previous,
+"I had every reason to believe, and still believe that the transfer
+of sovereignty was in accordance with the wishes and aspirations of
+the great mass of the Filipino people."
+
+Yet every American soldier who served in the Philippines at the time
+knows that Aguinaldo held the whole people in the hollow of his hand,
+because he was their recognized leader, the incarnation of their
+aspirations. [190]
+
+During the presidential campaign of 1900, while the war with the
+Filipinos was still raging, partisan rancour bitterly called in
+question the sincerity of President McKinley's statement in his annual
+message to Congress of December, 1899, that he then still believed "the
+transfer of sovereignty was in accord with the wishes and aspirations
+of the great mass of the Filipino people," on the ground that he must
+by the time he made that statement have understood how grossly--however
+honestly--General Otis had misled him as to the unanimity and tenacity
+of the Filipino purpose. But it is only necessary to read Admiral
+Dewey's testimony before the Senate Committee of 1902 to understand
+Mr. McKinley's allusion in this same message to Congress of 1899 to
+"the sinister ambition of a few leaders," and this, once understood,
+explains the other statement of the message. Admiral Dewey came
+home in the fall of 1899 and undoubtedly filled Mr. McKinley with
+the estimate of Aguinaldo which makes such painful reading in the
+Admiral's testimony of 1902 before the Senate Committee, where he
+abused Aguinaldo like a pick-pocket, so to speak, saying his original
+motive was principally loot. [191] In the fall of 1899 Aguinaldo had
+issued a proclamation claiming that Admiral Dewey originally promised
+him independence, and Admiral Dewey had bitterly denounced this as a
+falsehood, so that the Admiral always cherished a very real resentment
+against the insurgent chief thereafter. His estimate of the Filipino
+leader as being in the insurrection merely for what he could get out
+of it was wholly erroneous, and has long since been exploded, all our
+generals of the early fighting and all Americans who have known him
+since being unanimous that Aguinaldo was and is a sincere patriot;
+but it undoubtedly explains Mr. McKinley's still clinging, in 1899,
+to the notion derived from General Otis that the insurrection did not
+have the moral and material backing of the whole Filipino people. The
+Filipino leaders were familiar with the spirit of our institutions. The
+men who controlled their counsels were high-minded, educated, patriotic
+men. "For myself and the officers and men under my command," wrote
+General Merritt to Aguinaldo in August, 1898, just after the fall
+of Manila, "I can say that we have conceived a high respect for the
+abilities and qualities of the Filipinos, and if called upon by the
+Government to express an opinion, it will be to that effect." [192]
+
+The leaders believed that the American people did not fully understand
+the identity of the Philippine situation with that in Cuba, and that
+if they had, the treaty would not have been ratified. They also knew
+the supreme futility of trying to get the facts before the American
+people by peaceful means. And it was really with the abandon of genuine
+patriotism that they plunged their country into war. We did not know
+it then, but we do know it now. It would be simply wooden-headed to
+affirm that they ever expected to succeed in a war with us. Of course
+some of the jeunesse doree, as General Bell calls them in one of his
+early reports, [193] grew very aggressive and insulting toward the
+last. But the thinking men went into the war for independence in a
+spirit of "decent respect to the opinions of mankind," to correct the
+impression General Otis had communicated to Mr. McKinley, and through
+him to our people, in the hope that the more lives they sacrificed
+in such a war (they risked--and many of them lost--their own also),
+the nearer they would come to refuting the idea that they did not
+know what they wanted. It was the only way they had to appeal to
+Caesar, i.e., to the great heart of the American people. As the war
+grew more and more unpopular in the United States, the impression
+was more and more nursed here at home that the people did not really
+want independence, but were being coerced; and that they were like
+dumb driven cattle. The striking similarity of these suggestions
+to those by which tyranny has always met the struggles of men to
+be free, did not seem to occur to the American public. They were
+accepted as authoritative, being convenient also as an antidote to
+sympathy. General Otis had suppressed such words as "sovereignty,"
+"protection," and the like from his original sugar-coated edition
+of the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, offering an elaborate
+cock-and-bull explanation of why he did so. The Filipino answer to
+this took the form of a very clever newspaper cartoon, representing an
+American in a carromata--a kind of two-wheeled buggy--with a Filipino
+between the shafts pulling it; which cartoon of course, never reached
+the United States. The Filipinos had never heard the story on General
+Mahone about "tie yoh hoss an' come in," [194] but they had heard of
+the jinrickshaws of Japan, and they had read in Holy Writ and elsewhere
+of conquered people becoming hewers of wood and drawers of water to
+invading conquerors. And they are not without a sense of humor. It is
+a common mistake with many Americans--for quite a few among us suffer
+intellectually from over-sophistication--to suppose we monopolize all
+the sense of humor there is, and that that alone is proof of a due
+sense of proportion. At any rate, the Filipinos, with all due respect
+to General Otis's good intentions, understood that "sovereignty" and
+"protection" meant alien domination, so there was nothing in the Otis
+notion that for them those words had a "peculiar meaning which might
+be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party to incite," etc. [195]
+
+Having now gotten into a war on the theory that only a small fraction
+of the Filipino people were opposed to a new and unknown yoke in
+lieu of the old one, General Otis still continued to try to square
+his theory with the facts. For many months he sat at his desk in
+Manila cheerily waging war with an inadequate force, and retaining in
+the service and on the firing line after their terms of enlistment
+expired, under pretence that they consented to it willingly, a lot
+of fellows from Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and the Western States, who
+had volunteered for the war with Spain, with intent to kill Spaniards
+in order to free Cubans, and not with intent to kill Filipinos for
+also wanting to be free. Seeing nothing of the fighting himself,
+he of course failed to get a correct estimate of the tenacity of
+the Filipino purpose. No purpose is here entertained to suggest
+that any of those early volunteers went around preaching mutiny,
+or feeling mutinous. They did not originally like the Filipinos
+especially; furthermore, they liked the Philippines less than they
+did the Filipinos, and they had a vague notion that some one had
+blundered. But it was not theirs to ask the reason why. Besides,
+the orders from Washington being not to clash with the Filipinos
+at least until the treaty was ratified, the Filipino soldiers and
+subaltern officers had been calling them cowards for some time with
+impunity. So that as soon as the treaty was safely "put over," they
+were very glad to let off steam by killing a few hundred of them. But
+their hearts were not in the fight, in the sense of clear and profound
+conviction of the righteousness of the war. However, war is war, and
+they were soldiers, and "orders is orders," as Tommy Atkins says. So
+let us turn to an honester, if grimmer, side of the picture.
+
+The first battle of the war began about 8:30 o'clock on the night
+of February 4th, and lasted all through that night and until about
+5 o'clock in the afternoon of the next day. Our casualties numbered
+about 250 killed and wounded. The insurgent loss was estimated at
+3000. "Those of the insurgents will never be known," says General
+Otis. [196] "We buried 700 of them." [197] There was fighting pretty
+much all around Manila, for the insurgents had the city almost hemmed
+in. An arc of a circle, broken in places possibly, but several miles
+long, drawn about the city, would probably suggest the general idea
+of the enemy's lines. They had been allowed to dig trenches without
+interference while the debate in the Senate on the treaty was in
+progress, pursuant to the temporary "peace-at-any-price" programme. The
+arc was broken into smithereens by 5 P.M. of February 5th. When the
+morning of February 6th came Col. James F. Smith, commanding the First
+Californias, was non est inventus, and so was a large part of his
+regiment. "No one seemed to know definitely his location," says the
+Otis Report. [198] As a matter of fact he had taken two battalions of
+his regiment and waded clean through the enemy's lines, and had to be
+sent for to come back to form again with the line of battle needed to
+protect the city. So the Californias probably carried off the pick of
+the laurels of the first day's fighting. General Anderson, commanding
+the First Division of the Eighth Corps, threw them some very handsome
+well earned bouquets in his report, stating also that their colonel
+had shown "the very best qualities of a volunteer officer"--why he
+limited it to "volunteer" does not appear, but is inferable from the
+well-known disposition of all regulars to consider all volunteers
+"rookies" [199]--and recommended that he be made a brigadier general,
+which shortly afterward was done. [200]
+
+It would be invidious to follow the various phases of the subsequent
+early fighting, and single out one or more States [201] and tell of the
+hard earned and well deserved honors they won, because space forbids
+a proper tribute to the heroism of all of them. As for the regulars,
+[202] they were the same they were at Santiago de Cuba, the same
+they always are anywhere you put them. When a newspaper man would
+come around a regular regiment during the fighting before Santiago
+he would be told that they had no news to give him, "We ain't heroes,
+we're regulars," they would say. After the outbreak of February 4th,
+all our people did well, acted nobly, "Angels could no more." Neither
+could devils, as shown by the losses inflicted on the enemy.
+
+There was more fighting outside Manila during the next two or three
+days, and when that was done the somewhat shattered insurgent legions
+had recoiled to the distantly visible foot-hills, convinced that
+their notion they could take Manila was very foolish and very rash.
+
+At the town of Caloocan, some three or four miles out to the north
+of Manila, were located the shops and round houses of the Manila and
+Dagupan Railway, which runs from Manila in a northwesterly direction
+about 120 miles to Dagupan, and was then the only railroad in the
+archipelago. It was fed by a vast rich farming country, the great
+plain of central Luzon. Naturally, the central plain which fed the
+railroad that traversed it and kept its teeming myriads of small
+farmers in touch with the great outside world was to be sooner or
+later, the theatre of war. To seize transportation is instinctively
+the first tactical move of a military man. Lieutenant-General Luna,
+commander-in-chief, next to Aguinaldo, of the revolutionary forces, the
+man whom later Aguinaldo had shot, was just then at Caloocan with 4000
+men. So it fell to General MacArthur, commanding the Second Division of
+the Eighth Corps, to move on Caloocan, which he did on February 10th.
+
+John F. Bass, correspondent for Harper's Weekly, writing from Manila
+a short time after this, describes this movement. It was our first
+move away from the city of Manila. With a few masterly strokes of the
+pen, which I regret there is not space to reproduce here in full,
+Mr. Bass gives a vivid picture of the various engagements, and of
+"a background of burning villages, smoke, fire, shot, and shell, the
+ceaseless tramp of tired and often bleeding feet," etc. "Heroism,"
+he says, "became a matter of course and death an incident." Finally
+his story pauses for a moment thus: "The natural comment is that
+all this is merely war--the business of the soldier. True, nor do
+I think Jimmie Green [Mr. Bass's name for our "Tommy Atkins"] is
+troubled with heroics. He accepts the situation without excitement
+or hysterics. He has little feeling in this matter for his heart is
+not in this fight." Here brother Bass's moralizing ceases abruptly,
+and the contagious excitement of the hour catches him, just as it
+always does the average man under such circumstances:
+
+
+    From La Loma church you may get the full view of our long line
+    crossing the open field, evenly, steadily, irresistibly, like an
+    inrolling wave on the beach * * *. Watch the regiments go forward,
+    and form under fire, and move on and on, and you will exclaim:
+    "Magnificent," and you will gulp a little and feel proud without
+    exactly knowing why. Then gradually the power of that line will
+    force itself upon you, and you will feel that you must follow,
+    that wherever that line goes you must go also. By and by you will
+    be sorry, but for the present the might of an American regiment
+    has got possession of you.
+
+
+Anybody who has ever been with an American regiment in action knows
+exactly how the man who wrote that felt. The American who has never
+had the experience Mr. Bass describes above has missed one way of
+realizing the majesty of the power of the republic whereof he is
+privileged to be a citizen. For if there is one national trait which
+more than any other explains the greatness of our country, it is the
+instinct for organization, the fondness for self-multiplication to
+the nth power by intelligent co-operation with one's fellows to a
+common end. Especially is the experience in question inspiring where
+the example of the field officers is particularly appropriate to the
+occasion. Take for instance the following, concerning the conduct of
+Major J. Franklin Bell in this advance on Caloocan, from the report
+of Major Kobbe, Commanding the Artillery:
+
+
+    As the right cleared the head of the ravine, I could see
+    Maj. J. F. Bell * * * leading a company of Montana troops in front
+    of the right * * * advancing, firing, toward intrenchments * * *.
+    He was on a black horse to the last * * * leading and cheering
+    the men. His work was most gallant and * * * especially cheering
+    to me. [203]
+
+
+No mere scribe can magnify General Bell's matchless efficiency in
+action, but it is certainly inspiring to contemplate. There are no
+"fuss and feathers" about him. Yet his power, proven on many a field
+in the Philippines, to kindle martial ardor by example, suggests the
+ubiquitous "Helmet of Navarre" of Lord Macaulay's poem.
+
+A little later correspondent Bass develops what he meant by "by
+and by you will be sorry." You see it is not comfortable business,
+this of hustling about among the dead and dying. In the excitement,
+you are so liable to step on the face of some poor devil you knew
+well, maybe a once warm friend. In this connection Mr. Bass says:
+"There is this difference between the manner in which American and
+Filipino soldiers die. The American falls in a heap and dies hard;
+the Filipino stretches himself out, and when dead is always found in
+some easy attitude, generally with his head on his arms. They die
+the way a wild animal dies--in just such a position as one finds a
+deer or an antelope which one has shot in the woods."
+
+So far as the writer is advised and believes, nobody who knows
+John F. Bass ever suspected him of being a quitter. He must have
+been reading the London Standard, which said about that time:
+"It is a little startling to find the liberators of Cuba engaged
+in suppressing a youthful republic which claims the sacred right of
+self-government." Bass had written his newspaper in August previous,
+after observing how pluckily the Filipinos had fought and licked
+the Spaniards: "Give them their independence and guarantee it to
+them." The overwhelming sentiment of the Eighth Army Corps when we
+took the Philippines was against taking them; and those who had kept
+informed knew that the Senate had ratified the treaty by a majority
+only one more than enough to squeeze it through, the vote having been
+57 to 27, at least 56 being thus indispensable to make the necessary
+constitutional two-thirds of the 84 votes cast; and that Wall Street
+and the White Man's Burden or land-grabbing contingent--"Philanthropy
+and Five per cent," as Secretary of the Treasury Lyman J. Gage put
+it at the time--were responsible for these shambles Mr. Bass describes.
+
+At this juncture some soft-headed gentleman asks: "What is this
+man who writes this book driving at? Is he trying to show that the
+American soldiers in the Philippines in February, 1899, all wanted
+to quit as soon as the war broke out?" Not at all. In the first
+place it hardly lay in American soldier nature to want to quit when
+Aguinaldo was telling us "if you don't take your flag down and out of
+these islands at once and promptly get out yourselves along with it,
+I will proceed to kick you out and throw it out." And in the next
+place, in the war with the Filipinos, as in all other wars, fuel was
+added to the flame as soon as the war broke out. Among the Americans,
+charges soon came into general circulation and acceptance that the
+Filipinos had planned (but been frustrated in) a plot looking to a
+general massacre of all foreigners in Manila. This alleged plot was
+supposed to have been scheduled to be carried out on a certain night
+shortly after February 15, 1899. Among the Filipinos, on the other
+hand, counter-charges soon followed, and met with general credence,
+that the Americans made a practise of killing prisoners taken in
+battle, including the wounded. Neither charge was ever proven, but
+both served the purpose, at the psychologic moment, of possessing
+each side with the desire to kill, which is the business of war. Let
+us glance briefly at these recriminations.
+
+Between pages 1916 and 1917 of Senate Document 331, part 2 [204] may
+be found a photo-lithograph of the celebrated alleged order of the
+Filipino Revolutionary Government of February 15, 1899, to massacre
+all foreign residents of Manila. In his report for 1899 [205] General
+Otis himself describes this order as one "which for barbarous intent
+is unequalled in these modern times in civilized warfare," and speaks
+of it as "issued by the Malolos Government through the responsible
+officer who had raised and organized the hostile inhabitants within
+the city." After Aguinaldo was captured in 1901, according to an
+account given by General MacArthur to the Senate Committee in 1902, of
+a conversation with the insurgent leader, the latter was shown a copy
+of this document purporting to have been signed by General Luna, one of
+his generals. He disclaimed having in any way sanctioned it, in fact
+disclaimed any prior knowledge of it whatsoever, [206] a disclaimer
+which General MacArthur appears to have accepted as true, frankly and
+entirely. At page 1890 of the same volume, Captain J. R. M. Taylor,
+14th U. S. Infantry, a gallant soldier and an accomplished scholar,
+who was in charge in 1901 of the captured insurgent records at Manila,
+states that he was "informed" that the document was originally "signed
+by Sandico, then Secretary of the Interior" of the revolutionary
+government. Captain Taylor made an attempt to run the matter down,
+but obtained no evidence convincing to him. A like investigation by
+General MacArthur in 1901 had a like result. [207]
+
+On the other hand, Major Wm. H. Bishop, of the 20th Kansas, was
+credited in a soldier's letter written home, which first came to light
+in this country, with killing unarmed prisoners during the advance on
+Caloocan. The charges originated with a private of that regiment. Major
+Bishop denied the charges. [208] An investigation followed, in the
+course of which somebody made an innuendo, or charge--it is not
+important which--that other officers used their influence to prevent
+a full ventilation of the matter, specifically, General Funston,
+then Colonel of the 20th Kansas, and Major Metcalf, of the same
+regiment. These last two also made a most vigorous general denial,
+and nothing whatever was established against them. The whole matter
+was finally disposed of by being forwarded to the War Department at
+Washington by General Otis on July 13, 1899, some six months after the
+occurrences alleged, with the remark that he (General Otis) "doubted
+the wisdom of a court-martial" of the soldier who had made the charge
+against Major Bishop, "as it would give the insurgent authorities a
+knowledge of what was taking place, and they would assert positively
+that our troops practised inhumanities, whether the charges could
+be proven or not" and that they would use the incident "as an excuse
+to defend their own barbarities." [209] The last endorsement on the
+papers preceding General Otis's final endorsement was one by Colonel
+Crowder, now (1912) Judge Advocate General of the United States Army,
+in which he said: "I am not convinced from a careful reading of this
+report, that Private Brenner has made a false charge against Captain
+Bishop"; adding that "considerations of public policy, sufficiently
+grave to silence every other demand, require that no further action
+be taken in this case." [210] The "considerations of public policy"
+were of course those indicated in General Otis's final endorsement on
+the papers, already quoted. They were compellingly controlling, in my
+judgment, independently of the merits. Washing one's soiled linen in
+public is never advisable, and placing a weapon in your enemy's hand
+in time of war is at least equally unwise. Some shreds of this once
+much mooted matter doubtless still linger in the public memory. It
+has been thus briefly ventilated here solely to trace the genesis of
+the bitterness of that war, and of numerous later barbarities avenged
+in kind. The bitterness thus early begun grew as the war went on,
+until every time a hapless Filipino peasant soldier speaking only
+two or three words of Spanish would falsely explain, when captured,
+that he was a non-combatant, an amigo (friend), it usually at once
+filled the captor with vivid recollections of slain comrades, and of
+rumored or sometimes proven mutilation of their bodies after death,
+and these reflections would at once fill him with a yearning desire
+to blow the top of the amigo's head off, whether he yielded to the
+desire or not. Of no instance where he did so yield am I aware. But
+I do know that the invariable statement of all Filipinos unarmed and
+un-uniformed when captured, to the effect that they were amigos, became
+to the American soldier not remotely dissimilar to the waving of a red
+rag at a bull. Of course this was also due, largely, to the guerrilla
+practice of hiding guns when hard-pressed and actually plunging at
+once into some make-believe agricultural pursuit. As for Major Bishop,
+it is inconceivable to me that he gave any order to kill unarmed
+prisoners. Even admitting for the sake of the argument that he is a
+fiend, he is not a fool. As a matter of fact, he was a brave soldier,
+as all the reports show, and is a reputable lawyer, having many warm
+friends whose opinion of any man would command respect anywhere. The
+truth of the whole matter probably is that just before going into
+battle, when our troops were in an ugly temper by reason of the
+rumors of barbarities alleged to have been perpetrated by the enemy,
+or contemplated by him, the word was passed along the line to "Take no
+more prisoners than we have to," and that that thought originated with
+some irresponsible private soldier of the line inflamed by stories
+of mutilation of our dead or of maltreatment of our wounded. Such a
+"word," so passed from man to man, can, in the heat of conflict,
+very soon evolve into something having for practical purposes all
+the force and effect of an order.
+
+Through the foregoing, and like causes, including the "water cure,"
+later invented to persuade amigos to discover the whereabouts of hidden
+insurgent guns or give information as to the movements of the enemy,
+[211] our war with the Filipinos became, before it was over, a rather
+"dark and bloody" affair, accentuated as it was, from time to time,
+by occasional Filipino success in surprising detachments from ambush,
+or by taking them unawares and off their guard in their quarters,
+and eliminating them, the most notable instance of the first being
+the crumpling of a large command of the 15th Infantry by General Juan
+Cailles, in southern Luzon, and the most indelibly remembered and
+important example of the second being the massacre of the 9th Infantry
+people at Balangiga, in Samar, in the fall of 1901. Certainly more
+than one American in that long-drawn-out war did things unworthy of
+any civilized man, things he would have believed it impossible, before
+he went out there, ever to come to. Personally, I have heard, so far
+as I now recollect, of comparatively few barbarities perpetrated
+by Filipinos on captured American soldiers. Barbarities on their
+side seemed to have been reserved for those of their own race whom
+they found disloyal to the cause of their country. Personally I
+have never seen the water-cure administered. But I once went on
+a confidential mission by direction of General MacArthur, in the
+course of which I reported first, on arriving in the neighborhood
+of the contemplated destination, to a general officer of the regular
+army who is still such to-day. [212] That night the general was good
+enough to extend the usual courtesy of a cot to sleep on, in the
+headquarters building. Toward dusk I went to dine with a certain
+lieutenant, also of the regular army. [213] As we approached the
+lieutenant's quarters a sergeant came up with a prisoner, and asked
+instructions as to what to do with him. The lieutenant said: "Take
+him out and find out what he knows. Do you understand, Sergeant?" The
+sergeant saluted, answered in the affirmative, and moved away with
+his prisoner. We went in to the lieutenant's quarters, and while at
+dinner heard groans outside. I said "What is that, Jones?" [214]
+Jones said: "That's the water-cure he's giving that hombre. [215]
+Want to see it?" I replied that I certainly did not. Returning that
+night to the general's headquarters, after breakfast the next morning
+I met my friend Jones coming out of the general's office. I said:
+"What's the matter, what are you doing here," he having mentioned
+the evening before an expedition planned for the morrow. He said:
+"Well, I've just had a talk with the general to see if I could get my
+resignation from the army accepted?" "Why?" said I. "Well," was the
+reply, "that ----" (designating the prisoner of the night before by a
+double barrelled epithet) "died on me last night." Just how the matter
+was hushed up I have never known, but Jones was never punished. More
+than one general officer of the United States Army in the Philippines
+during our war with the Filipinos at least winked at the water-cure
+as a means of getting information, and quite a number of subalterns
+made a custom of applying it for that purpose. It was practically
+the only way you could get them to betray their countrymen. Did
+I report the incident to General MacArthur? Certainly not. It was
+the business of the general commanding the district. The water-cure,
+though very painful, was seldom fatal, and when not fatal was almost
+never permanently damaging, and it was about the only way to shake
+the loyalty of the average Filipino and make him give information
+as to hidden insurgent guns, guerrilla bands, etc. It was a part of
+Benevolent Assimilation.
+
+Let us now return to the early battlefields about Manila which we
+left, initially, to analyze the extreme bitterness of the feeling
+between the combatants that very early began to develop.
+
+We left war correspondent John F. Bass among the dead and dying on
+one of these fields, supposedly musing on the White Man's Burden,
+or Land-Grabbing, or Trust-for-Civilization theory, or whatever it
+was that moved the fifty-seven senators whose votes had ratified
+the treaty by a majority of just one more than the constitutionally
+necessary two-thirds.
+
+The reason the writer lays so much stress on Mr. Bass's letters to
+Harper's Weekly on the early fighting in the Philippines, is because
+his remarks come direct from the battlefield, and are, as it were,
+res gestae. They were made dum fervet opus, to use a law Latin phrase
+which in plain English means "while the iron is hot." They reflect
+more or less accurately the feelings of the men whose deeds he was
+recording. He, and O. K. Davis, now Washington correspondent of the
+New York Times, and John T. McCutcheon, of Chicago, the now famous
+cartoonist (who was with Dewey in the battle of Manila Bay), and
+Robert Collins, now London correspondent of the Associated Press, and
+"Dick" Little of the Chicago Tribune,--a little man about six feet
+three,--and lots of other good men and true, were all through that
+fighting, and we will later come to an issue of personal veracity
+between them and General Otis which culminated in the retirement from
+office of Secretary of War Alger, and ought to have resulted in the
+recall of General Otis, but did not, because to have acknowledged
+what a blunderer General Otis had been and to have relieved him from
+command, as he should have been relieved, would have been to "swap
+horses crossing a stream," as Mr. Lincoln used to put it in declining
+to change generals during a given campaign. The object here is to
+bring out the truth of history as to how the men who bore the brunt of
+the early fighting felt about it. Testimony as to what the officers
+and men of the army said would be of no value, because a complaining
+soldier's complaints are too often only a proof of "cold feet." [216]
+
+These newspaper men, not under military orders, were daily risking
+their lives voluntarily, just to keep the American public informed,
+and the American public were kept in darkness and only vouchsafed
+bulletins giving them the progressive lists of their dead and wounded,
+and this last only on demand made upon Secretary Alger by the people
+of Minnesota, the Dakotas, etc., through their senators. The War
+Department did not want the people to know, did not want to admit
+itself, how plucky, vigorous, and patriotic the resistance was. The
+period of the fighting done by the State Volunteers from February
+until fall, when public opinion finally forced the Administration
+to send General Otis an adequate force, is slurred by Secretary of
+War Root in his report for 1899. I do not mean that it was slurred
+intentionally. But the Philippines were a long way off, and Mr. Root
+and Mr. McKinley naturally relied for their information on their
+commanding general on the spot. There were gallant deeds done in the
+Philippines by those Western fellows of the State regiments which
+volunteered for the war with Spain, that would have made the little
+fighting around Santiago look like--well, to borrow from "Chimmie"
+Fadden's fertile vocabulary, "like 30 cents." But General Otis was
+not in a position to get the thrill of such things from his office
+window, so very few of them were given much prominence by him in his
+despatches to the Adjutant-General of the army. This was wise enough
+from a political standpoint, seeing that a presidential campaign
+was to ensue in 1900 predicated on the proposition that American
+sovereignty was "in accord with the wishes and aspirations of the
+great mass of the Filipinos," to use the words of the President's
+message to Congress of December, 1899.
+
+Caloocan was taken by General MacArthur on February 10th. The natural
+line of advance thereafter was of course up the railroad, because
+the insurgents held it, and needed it as much as we would. Throughout
+February there were engagements too numerous to mention. The navy also
+entertained the enemy whenever he came too near the shores of Manila
+Bay. One incident in particular is worthy of note, and worthy of
+the best traditions of the navy. I refer to the conduct of Assistant
+Engineer Emory Winship off Malabon, March 4, 1899. Malabon is five
+miles north of Manila, on the bay, not far from Caloocan. On the day
+named, a landing party of 125 men from the U. S. S. Bennington went
+ashore near Malabon to make photographs, in aid of navy gunnery, of
+certain entrenchments and buildings that had been struck by shells
+from the Monadnock. They foolishly failed to throw out scouts ahead
+of their column, and were suddenly greeted with a withering fire from
+a whole regiment of insurgents who had seen them first and lain in
+wait for them. They retired with considerably more haste than they
+had gone forth. The insurgents advanced, firing, at double quick,
+toward the comparative handful of Americans, and would undoubtedly
+have killed the last man jack of them, but Engineer Winship, who
+had been left in charge of the tug that brought the landing party
+shoreward, to keep up steam, saw the situation and promptly met it. He
+unlimbered a 37mm. Hotchkiss revolving machine gun which stood in
+the bow of the tug, and opened up with accurate aim on the advancing
+regiment of Filipinos. Naturally he at once became a more important
+target than the retreating body. Nevertheless, he kept pumping lead
+into that long howling murderous advancing brown line until, when
+within two hundred yards of where the tug lay, the line recoiled and
+retreated, and the landing party got safely back to the ship. It was,
+literally, a case of saving the lives of more than a hundred men,
+by fearless promptness and dogged tenacity in the intelligent and
+skilful performance of duty. The awnings of the tug were torn in
+shreds by the enemy's rain of bullets, and her woodwork was much
+peppered. Winship was hit five times, and still carries the bullets
+in his body, having been retired on account of disability resulting
+therefrom, after being promoted in recognition of his work.
+
+Soon after March 25th, General MacArthur, commanding the Second
+Division of the Eighth Army Corps, advanced from Caloocan up the
+railroad to Malolos, the insurgent capital, some twenty miles
+away. Malolos was taken March 31st. Our February killed were six
+officers and seventy-one enlisted men, total seventy-seven, and a total
+of 378 wounded. By the end of March the list swelled to twelve officers
+and 127 enlisted men killed, total 139, and a total of 881 wounded,
+making our total casualties, as reported April 1st, 1020. Also 15%
+of the command, or about 2500, were on sick report on that date from
+heat prostrations and the like. [217] For these and other reasons,
+farther advance up the railroad was halted for a while.
+
+Meantime, General Lawton, with his staff, consisting of Colonel
+Edwards, Major Starr, and Captains King and Sewall, "the big four" they
+were called, had come out from New York City by way of the Suez Canal,
+bringing most welcome reinforcements, the 4th and 17th Infantry. These
+people arrived between the 10th and the 22d of March. What happened
+soon after, as a result of their arrival, must now become for a brief
+moment, a part of the panorama, the lay of the land General Lawton
+first swept over being first indicated.
+
+Luzon is practically bisected, east and west, by the Pasig River
+and a lake out of which it flows almost due west into Manila Bay,
+Manila being at the mouth of the river. Under the Spaniards,
+all Luzon north of the Pasig had been one military district and
+all Luzon south of the Pasig another. The Eighth Army Corps always
+spoke of northern Luzon as "the north line," and of southern Luzon as
+"the south line." The lake above mentioned is called the Laguna de
+Bay. It is nearly as big as Manila Bay, which last is called twenty
+odd miles wide by thirty long. On the map, the Laguna de Bay roughly
+resembles a half-moon, the man in which looks north, the western
+horn being near Manila, and the eastern near the Pacific coast of
+Luzon. General Otis had learned that at a place called Santa Cruz,
+toward the eastern end of the Laguna de Bay, there were a lot of steam
+launches and a Spanish gun-boat, which, if captured, would prove
+invaluable for river fighting and transportation of supplies along
+the Rio Grande de Pampanga and the other streams that watered the
+great central plain through which the railroad ran and which would
+have to be occupied later. So as soon as possible after General
+Lawton arrived and the necessary men could be spared, he was sent
+with 1500 troops to seize and bring back the boats in question. Of
+course the country he should overrun would have to be overrun again,
+because there were not troops enough to spare to garrison and hold
+it. But for the present, the launches would help. This expedition was
+successful, leaving the head of the lake nearest Manila on April 9th,
+and returning April 17th. It met with some good hard fighting on the
+way, sweeping everything before it of course, inflicting considerable
+loss, and suffering some. General Lawton's report mentions, among
+other officers whose conspicuous gallantry and efficiency in action
+attracted his attention, Colonel Clarence R. Edwards, now Chief of
+the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department, of whose conduct
+in the capture of Santa Cruz on the morning of April 10th, he says:
+"No line of battle could have been more courageously or intelligently
+led." [218] The resistance was pretty real to Colonel Edwards then,
+i.e., the Benevolent Assimilation was quite strenuous, and it continued
+to be so until his great commander was shot through the breast in the
+forefront of battle in the hour of victory in December thereafter,
+and the colonel came home with the general's body. Since then the
+colonel has soldiered no more, but has remained on duty at Washington,
+the birthplace of the original theory that the Filipinos welcomed our
+rule, charged with the duty of yearning over the erring Filipino who
+thinks he can govern himself but is mistaken, and also with the still
+more difficult task of trying to live up to the original theory as
+far as circumstances will permit. As a matter of fact, the Filipinos
+would probably have gotten along much better than the Cubans if we
+had let General Lawton do there what he and General Wood were set to
+work doing in Cuba shortly after Santiago fell. Public opinion is a
+very dangerous thing to trifle with, and when, in September, 1899,
+there was a story going the rounds of the American newspapers that
+Lawton, the hero of El Caney, the man who had reflected more glory
+on American arms in striking the shackles of Spain from Cuba than any
+other one soldier in the army, had called the war in the Philippines
+"this accursed war," the War Department got busy over the cable to
+General Otis and obtained from him a denial that General Lawton had
+made such a remark. But the public knew its Lawton and what he had done
+in Cuba, and had a suspicion there might be some truth in the rumor. So
+the War Department cabled out saying "Newspapers say Lawton's denial
+insufficient," and then repeating the words attributed to him. So
+General Otis sent another denial that filled the bill. [219] Of course
+General Lawton made no such remark. He was too good a soldier. It would
+have demoralized his whole command. But I served under him in both
+hemispheres, and I will always believe that he had a certain amount
+of regret at having to fight the Filipinos to keep them from having
+independence, when they were a so much likelier lot, take it all in
+all, than the Cubans we saw about Santiago. Moreover, I believe that
+had it not been then too late to ask him, he would have subscribed
+to the opinion Admiral Dewey had cabled home the previous summer:
+"These people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable
+of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with
+both races."
+
+After the expedition down the lake, General Lawton went on "The North
+Line." So let us now turn thither also. For wherever Lawton was,
+there was fighting.
+
+In the latter half of April, General MacArthur advanced north along the
+railroad, and took Calumpit, where the railroad crosses the Rio Grande,
+on April 28th. This was the place where under cover of "the accurate
+concentrated fire of the guns of the Utah Light Artillery commanded by
+Major Young" [220] a few Kansas men with ropes tied to their bodies
+swam the river in the face of a heavy fire from the enemy, fastened
+the ropes to some boats on the enemy's side, and were pulled back
+in the boats, by their comrades, to the side they had come from; the
+Kansans then crossing the river under the lead of the gallant Funston,
+and driving the enemy from his trenches. The desperate bravery of
+the performance, like so many other things General Funston did in the
+Philippines, was so superb that one forgets how contrary it was to all
+known rules of the game of war. If it was Providence that saved Funston
+and his Kansans from annihilation, certainly Providence was ably
+assisted on that occasion by Major Young and his Utah Battery. [221]
+
+Shortly after this General MacArthur entered San Fernando, the second
+insurgent capital, which is forty miles or so up the railroad from
+Manila.
+
+During the month of May General Lawton kept the insurgents busy to
+the east of the railroad, between it and the Pacific coast range,
+taking San Isidro, whither the third insurgent capital was moved after
+Malolos fell, on May 17th. Here he made his headquarters for a time,
+as did General MacArthur at San Fernando.
+
+It had been supposed that practically the whole body of the insurgent
+army was concentrated in the country to the north of Manila, but this
+proved a mistake. They now began to threaten Manila from the country
+south of the Pasig. Says General Otis:
+
+
+    The enemy had become again boldly demonstrative at the South and
+    it became necessary to throw him back once more. [222]
+
+
+General Lawton was directed to concentrate his troops in the country
+about San Isidro, turn them over to the command of some one else,
+and come to Manila to organize for a campaign on the south line. The
+details of this expedition belong to a military history, which this
+is not. The expedition left its initial point of concentration near
+Manila on June 9th. Its great event was the battle of Zapote River on
+June 13th. Along this river in 1896 the insurgents had gained a great
+victory over the Spaniards. They had trenches on the farther side of
+the river which they deemed impregnable. General Lawton attacked them
+in these intrenchments June 13th. At three o'clock that afternoon
+he wired General Otis at Manila giving him an idea of the battle
+and stating that the enemy was fighting in strong force and with
+determination. At 3:30 o'clock he wired:
+
+
+    We are having a beautiful battle. Hurry up ammunition; we will
+    need it;
+
+
+and at 4 o'clock:
+
+
+    We have the bridge. It has cost us dearly. Battle not yet over. It
+    is a battle however. [223]
+
+
+It was in this battle of Zapote River that Lieutenant William L. Kenly,
+of the regular artillery, did what was perhaps the finest single bit
+of soldier work of the whole war, [224] in recognition of which his
+conduct in the battle was characterized as "magnificent" by so thorough
+a soldier as General Lawton, who recommended him to be brevetted for
+distinguished gallantry in the presence of the enemy, with this remark:
+
+
+    As General Ovenshine says, speaking of Lieutenant Kenly and
+    his battery, "This is probably the first time in history that a
+    battery has been advanced and fought without cover within thirty
+    yards of strongly manned trenches." [225]
+
+
+For what he did on that occasion, Kenly ought to have had a medal
+of honor, which, except life insurance and a good education, is the
+finest legacy any government can enable a soldier to bequeath to his
+children. If the war had been backed by the sentiment of the whole
+country, as the Spanish War was, he would have gotten it. As it was,
+the only thing he ever got for it, so far as the writer is advised,
+was to have his name spelt wrong in an account of the incident in
+the only book wherein there has yet been attempted a record of the
+many deeds of splendid daring that marked the only war into which
+this nation ever blundered. [226]
+
+While there were divers and sundry movements of our troops hither
+and thither, and much sacrifice of life, after General Lawton's
+Zapote River campaign in June, no substantial progress was made in
+conquering and occupying the Islands until the fall following the
+Zapote River campaign above mentioned, when the twenty-five regiments
+of volunteers were organized and sent out. All that was done until
+then, after the capture of San Fernando, may be summed up broadly,
+by saying that we protected Manila and held the railroad, as far as
+we had fought our way up it. It is true that the city of Iloilo had
+been occupied on February 11th, the city of Cebu shortly afterward,
+the island of Negros, an oasis of comparative quiet in a great desert
+of hostility, a little later; also that a small Spanish garrison at
+the little port of Jolo in the Mohammedan country near Borneo had
+also been relieved by a small American force on the 19th of May. But
+these irresolute movements accomplished nothing except to deprive
+our force at the front of about 4000 men and to awaken the Visayan
+Islands to active and thorough organization against us.
+
+Preparatory to an understanding of the fall campaign, in which
+patchwork and piecemeal warfare was superseded by the real thing, it
+will now be necessary to consider the political--or let us call it,
+the politico-military--aspect of the first half year of the war.
+
+General Otis's folly had led him to advise Washington as early as
+November, 1898, that he could get along with 25,000 troops, [227]
+and the Otis under-estimate of the resistance we would meet if we
+took the Islands had undoubtedly influenced Mr. McKinley in deciding
+to take them. Twenty-five thousand troops was only 5000 more than
+General Otis had with him at the time he made the recommendation, and
+signified that he was not expecting trouble. The Treaty of Paris was
+signed on December 10, 1898, and on December 16th, President McKinley's
+Secretary of War informed Congress that 25,000 troops would be enough
+for the Philippines. [228] When the treaty was ratified February 6,
+1899, the war in the Philippines had already broken out. On March 2,
+1899, two days before the 55th Congress expired, in fact on the very
+day that Congress appropriated the $20,000,000 to pay Spain for the
+Islands, an act was passed authorizing the President to enlist 35,000
+volunteers to put down the insurrection in the Islands. The term
+of enlistment of these volunteers was to expire June 30, 1901. As
+the New Thought people would say "Hold the Thought!" June 30, 1901,
+is the end of our government's fiscal year. That date, the date of
+expiration of the enlistment of the volunteer army raised under the
+act of March 2, 1899, is a convenient key to the whole history of the
+American occupation of the Philippines since the outbreak of our war
+with the Filipinos, February 4, 1899, including the titanic efforts of
+the McKinley Administration in the latter half of 1899 and the first
+half of 1900 to retrieve the Otis blunders; the premature resumption
+by Judge Taft, during and in aid of Mr. McKinley's campaign for the
+Presidency in 1900, of the original McKinley Benevolent Assimilation
+programme, on the theory, already wholly exploded by a long and bitter
+war, that the great majority of the people welcomed American rule and
+had only been coerced into opposing us; and the premature setting up
+of the Civil Government on July 4, 1901. No candid mind seeking only
+the truth of history can fail to see that when President McKinley
+sent the Taft Commission to the Philippines in the spring of 1900,
+part of their problem was to facilitate Mr. McKinley in avoiding later
+on any further call for volunteers to take the place of those whose
+terms would expire June 30, 1901. The amount of force that has been
+needed to saddle our government firmly on the Filipino people is the
+only honest test by which to examine the claim that it is unto them
+as Castoria unto children. In February, 1899, the dogs of war being
+already let loose, President McKinley had resumed his now wholly
+impossible Benevolent Assimilation programme, by sending out the
+Schurman Commission, which was the prototype of the Taft Commission,
+to yearningly explain our intentions to the insurgents, and to make
+clear to them how unqualifiedly benevolent those intentions were. The
+scheme was like trying to put salt on a bird's tail after you have
+flushed him. This commission was headed by President Schurman, of
+Cornell University. It arrived in March, armed with instructions
+as benevolent in their rhetoric as any the Filipinos had ever read
+in the days of our predecessors in sovereignty, the Spaniards. And
+the commission were of course duly astounded that their publication
+had no effect. The Filipinos in Manila tore them down as soon as
+they were put up. The instructions clothed the commission with
+authority to yield every point in issue except the only one in
+dispute--Independence. On this alone they were firm. But so were
+the people who had already submitted the issue to the arbitrament
+of war. Of course the Schurman Commission, therefore, accomplished
+nothing. It held frequent communication with the enemy in the field
+and came near an open rupture with General Otis, who was nominally a
+member of it. But even that unwise man knew war when he saw it, and
+knew the futility of trying to mix peace with war. War being hell,
+the sooner 'tis over the better for all concerned. After Professor
+Schurman had been quite optimistically explaining our intentions for
+about three months, under the tragically mistaken notion Mr. McKinley
+had originally derived from General Otis that the insurrection had
+been brought about by "the sinister ambition of a few leaders,"
+[229] General Otis wired Washington, on June 4th, "Negotiations and
+conferences with insurgent leaders cost soldiers' lives and prolong our
+difficulties," [230] adding with regard to the Schurman Commission:
+"Ostensibly it will be supported * * * here, and to the outside
+world gentle peace shall prevail," but intimating that he would be
+very much gratified if the Department would allow him to handle the
+enemy, and stop Dr. Schurman from having their leaders come in under
+flags of truce to parley. After that Dr. Schurman's activities seem
+to have been confined to the less mischievous business of gathering
+statistics. His mistake was simply the one he had brought with him,
+derived from President McKinley. He came back home, however, thoroughly
+satisfied that the Filipinos did of a verity want the independence
+they were fighting for, and quite as sure that republics should not
+have colonies as General Anderson's experience had previously made
+him. It has long been known throughout the length and breadth of the
+United States that Dr. Schurman is in favor of Philippine independence.
+
+On June 26th, just thirteen days after the Zapote River fight had
+stopped the insurgents on the south line from threatening almost the
+very gates of the city of Manila itself, General Otis had another
+attack of optimism. On that date he wired Washington: "Insurgent cause
+may collapse at any time." [231] Finally, the war correspondents at
+Manila, wearied with the military press censorship whereby General
+Otis had so long kept the situation from the people at home, with his
+eternal "situation-well-in-hand" telegrams, got together, inspired no
+doubt by the example of the Roosevelt round robin that had rescued the
+Fifth Army Corps from Cuba after the fighting down there, and prepared
+a round robin of their own--a protest against further misrepresentation
+of the facts. This they of course knew General Otis would not let
+them cable home. However, they asked his permission to do so, the
+committee appointed to beard the lion in his den being O. K. Davis,
+John T. McCutcheon, Robert Collins, and John F. Bass. General Otis
+threatened to "put them off the island." This did not bother them in
+the least. General Otis told the War Department afterwards that he
+did not punish them because they were "courting martyrdom," or words
+to that effect. As a matter of fact, they were merely determined that
+the American people should know the facts. That of "putting them off
+the island" was just a fussy phrase of "Mother" Otis, long familiar to
+them. They were under his jurisdiction. But they were Americans, and
+reputable gentlemen, and he knew he was responsible for their right
+treatment. After General Otis had duly put the expected veto on the
+proposed cablegram of protest, the newspaper men sent their protest
+over to Hong Kong by mail, and had it cabled to the United States from
+there. It was published in the newspapers of this country July 17,
+1899. A copy of it may be found in any public library which keeps
+the bound copies of the great magazines, in the Review of Reviews
+for August, 1899, pp. 137-8. It read as follows:
+
+
+    The undersigned, being all staff correspondents of American
+    newspapers stationed in Manila, unite in the following statement:
+
+    We believe that, owing to official despatches from Manila made
+    public in Washington, the people of the United States have not
+    received a correct impression of the situation in the Philippines,
+    but that those despatches have presented an ultra-optimistic view
+    that is not shared by the general officers in the field.
+
+    We believe the despatches incorrectly represent the existing
+    conditions among the Filipinos in respect to internal dissension
+    and demoralization resulting from the American campaign and to
+    the brigand character of their army.
+
+    We believe the despatches err in the declaration that "the
+    situation is well in hand," and in the assumption that the
+    insurrection can be speedily ended without a greatly increased
+    force.
+
+    We think the tenacity of the Filipino purpose has been
+    under-estimated, and that the statements are unfounded that
+    volunteers are willing to engage in further service.
+
+    The censorship has compelled us to participate in this
+    misrepresentation by excising or altering uncontroverted statements
+    of facts on the plea that "they would alarm the people at home,"
+    or "have the people of the United States by the ears."
+
+
+The men of the pen had been so long under military rule and had seen
+so much of courts-martial that their document savored of military
+jurisprudence. After making the above charges, it set forth what it
+called "specifications." These were:
+
+
+    Prohibition of hospital reports; suppression of full reports
+    of field operations in the event of failure; numbers of heat
+    prostrations in the field; systematic minimization of naval
+    operations; and suppression of complete reports of the situation.
+
+
+The paper was signed by John T. McCutcheon and Harry Armstrong,
+representing the Chicago Record; O. K. Davis and P. G. MacDonnell,
+representing the New York Sun; Robert M. Collins, John P. Dunning,
+and L. Jones, representing the Associated Press; John F. Bass and
+William Dinwiddie, representing the New York Herald; E. D. Skeene,
+representing the Scripps-McRae Association; and Richard Little,
+representing the Chicago Tribune. Mr. Collins, the Associated Press
+representative, wrote his people an account of this whole episode,
+which was also given wide publicity. After describing the committee's
+interview with the General down to a certain point, he says:
+
+
+    But when General Otis came down to the frank admission that it
+    was his purpose to keep the knowledge of conditions here from the
+    public at home, and when the censor had repeatedly told us, in
+    ruling out plain statements of undisputed facts, "My instructions
+    are to let nothing go that can hurt the Administration," we
+    concluded that protest was justifiable.
+
+
+Collins had written what he considered a conservative review of
+the situation in June, saying reinforcements were needed. Of the
+suppression of this he says:
+
+
+    The censor's comment (I made a note of it) was: "Of course we all
+    know that we are in a terrible mess out here, but we don't want the
+    people to get excited about it. If you fellows will only keep quiet
+    now we will pull through in time [232] without any fuss at home!"
+
+
+Mr. Collins's letter proceeds: "When I went to see him [Otis] he
+repeated the same old story about the insurrection going to pieces."
+
+As to the charge of suppressing the real condition of our sick in
+the hospitals, Mr. Collins says that General Otis remarked that the
+"hospitals were full of perfectly well men who were shirking and should
+be turned out." On June 2, 1899, according to General Otis's report
+(p. 121), sixty per cent. of one of the State volunteer regiments
+were in hospital sick or wounded and there were in its ranks an
+average of but eight men to a company fit for duty. The report of
+the regimental surgeon stating this was forwarded by General Otis
+to Washington with the comment that there were few cases of serious
+illness; that the then "present station of these troops"--the place
+where the fighting was hottest, San Fernando--"is considered by the
+Filipinos as a health resort," and that "when orders to take passage
+to the United States are issued, both the Montana and South Dakota
+troops will recover with astonishing rapidity." [233]
+
+This round robin of course produced a profound sensation in the United
+States. It was just what the American public had long suspected was
+the case. Shortly afterward Secretary of War Alger resigned. Coming
+as it did on the heels of the scandal about "embalmed beef" having
+been furnished to the army in Cuba, it made him too much of a load
+for the Administration to carry. He was succeeded by Mr. Root,
+an eminent member of the New York Bar, whose masterful mind soon
+saw the essentials of the situation and proceeded to get a volunteer
+army recruited, equipped, and sent to the Philippines without further
+unnecessary delay.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+OTIS AND THE WAR (Continued)
+
+              And now, a man of head being at the centre of it,
+              the whole matter gets vital.--Carlyle's French Revolution.
+
+
+There can surely be little doubt in any quarter that Mr. Root is, in
+intellectual endowment and equipment at least, one of the greatest,
+if he is not the greatest, of living American statesmen. Mankind will
+always yield due acclaim to men who, in great emergencies, see the
+essentials of a given situation, and at once proceed to get the thing
+done that ought to be done. Whether the war in the Philippines was
+regrettable or not, it had become, by midsummer of 1899, supremely
+important, from any rational and patriotic standpoint, to end it as
+soon as possible.
+
+Mr. Root had not been in office as Secretary of War very long before
+fleets of troop-ships, carrying some twenty-five well-equipped
+volunteer regiments, [234] were swarming out of New York harbor
+bound for Manila by way of the Suez Canal, and out of the Golden
+Gate for the same destination via Honolulu. Nor was there any
+confusion as in the Cuban helter-skelter. Everything went as if by
+clockwork. Moreover, along with the new and ample force, went a clear,
+masterly, comprehensive plan of campaign, prepared, not by General
+Otis at Manila, but in the War Department at Washington, by officers
+already familiar with the islands.
+
+It was the purpose of this government at last to demonstrate
+conclusively to the Filipino people that the representative of the
+United States at Manila was "the boss of the show," and that Aguinaldo
+was not--a demonstration then sorely needed by the exigencies of
+American prestige. The purpose can readily be appreciated, but to
+understand the plan of campaign, and the method of its execution,
+somewhat of the geography of Luzon must now be considered. Before
+we approach the shores of Luzon and the city of Manila, however,
+let us consider from a distance, in a bird's-eye view, as it were,
+the relation of Luzon to the rest of the archipelago, so as to know,
+in a comprehensive way, what we are "going out for to see." We may as
+well pause at this point, long enough to learn all we will ever need to
+know, for the purposes of the scope of this narrative, concerning the
+general geography of the Philippine archipelago, and the governmental
+problems it presents. (See folding map at end of volume.)
+
+It is a common saying that Paris is France. In the same sense Manila
+is the Philippines. In fact, the latter expression is more accurate
+than the former, for Manila, besides being the capital city of the
+country, and its chief port, is a city of over 200,000 people, while
+no one of the two or three cities next to it in rank in population
+had more than 20,000. [235] By parity of reasoning it may be said that
+Luzon was the Philippines, so far as the problem which confronted us
+when we went there was concerned, relatively both to the original
+conception in 1898 of the struggle for independence, its birth in
+1899, its life, and its slow, lingering obstinate death in 1900-1902,
+in which last year the insurrection was finally correctly stated
+to be practically ended. To know just how and why this was true,
+is necessary to a clear understanding of that struggle, including
+not only its genesis and its exodus, but also its gospels, its acts,
+its revelations, and the multitudinous subsequent commentaries thereon.
+
+The total land area of the Philippine archipelago, according to the
+American Census of 1903, is 115,000 square miles. [236] The area of
+Luzon, the principal island, on which Manila is situated, is 41,000
+square miles, and that of Mindanao, the only other large island, is
+36,000. [237] Between these two large islands, Luzon on the north,
+and Mindanao on the south, there are a number of smaller ones,
+but acquaintance with only six of these is essential to a clear
+understanding of the American occupation. Many Americans, too busy
+to have paid much attention to the Philippine Islands, which are,
+and must ever remain, a thing wholly apart from American life, have a
+vague notion that there are several thousand of them. This is true, in
+a way. American energy has made, for the first time in their history,
+an actual count of them, "including everything which at high tide
+appeared as a separate island." [238] The work was done for our Census
+of 1903 by Mr. George R. Putnam, now head of the Lighthouse Board of
+the United States. Mr. Putnam, counted 3141 of them. [239] Of these,
+of course, many--many hundred perhaps--are merely rocks fit only for a
+resting place for birds. 2775, have an area of less than a square mile
+each, 262 have an area of between 1 and 10 square miles, 73 between 10
+and 100 square miles, and 20 between 100 and 1000 square miles. This
+accounts for, and may dismiss at once from consideration 3130--all but
+11. Most of these 3130 that are large enough to demand even so much
+as a single word here are poorly adapted to human habitation, being
+in most instances, without good harbors or other landing places, and
+usually covered either with dense jungle or inhospitable mountains, or
+both. Their total area is only about 8500 square miles, of the 115,500
+square miles of land in the archipelago. None of them have ever had
+any political significance, either in Spain's time, or our own, and
+therefore, the whole 3130 may at once be eliminated from consideration,
+leaving 11 only requiring any special notice at all--the 11 largest
+islands. Of these, Luzon and Mindanao have already been mentioned. The
+remaining 9, with their respective areas and populations, are:
+
+
+    Island                Area [240]        Population [241]
+                          in Square Miles
+
+    Panay                 4,611               743,646
+    Negros                4,881               560,776
+    Cebu                  1,762               592,247
+    Bohol                 1,411               243,148
+    Samar                 5,031               222,690
+    Leyte                 2,722 [242]         357,641
+    Mindoro               3,851                28,361
+    Masbate               1,236                29,451
+    Paragua               4,027 [243]          10,918
+                         ------             ---------
+         Total           29,532             2,788,878
+
+
+The political or governmental problem being now reduced from 3141
+islands to eleven, the last three of the nine contained in the above
+table may also be eliminated as follows: (See map at end of volume.)
+
+Paragua, the long narrow island seen at the extreme lower left of any
+map of the archipelago, extending northeast southwest at an angle
+of about 45 deg., is practically worthless, being fit for nothing much
+except a penal colony, for which purpose it is in fact now used.
+
+Masbate--easily located on the map at a glance, because the twelfth
+parallel of north latitude intersects the 124th meridian of longitude
+east of Greenwich in its southeast corner--though noted for cattle
+and other quadrupeds, is not essential to a clear understanding of
+the human problem in its broader governmental aspects.
+
+Mindoro, the large island just south of the main bulk of Luzon,
+pierced by the 121st meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, is
+thick with densely wooded mountains and jungle over a large part
+of its area, has a reputation of being very unhealthy (malarious),
+is also very sparsely settled, and does not now, nor has it ever,
+cut any figure politically, as a disturbing factor. [244]
+
+Eliminating Paragua, Masbate, and Mindoro as not essential to a
+substantially correct general idea of the strategic and governmental
+problems presented by the Philippine Islands, we have left, besides
+Luzon and Mindanao, nothing but the half-dozen islands which appear
+in large type in the above table: Panay, Negros, Cebu, Bohol, Samar,
+Leyte, with a total area of 20,500 square miles. Add these to Luzon's
+41,000 square miles and Mindanao's 36,000, and you have the Philippine
+archipelago as we are to consider it in this book, that is to say,
+two big islands with a half dozen little ones in between, the eight
+having a total area of 97,500 square miles, of which the two big
+islands represent nearly four-fifths.
+
+While the great Mohammedan island of Mindanao, near Borneo, with
+its 36,000 square miles [245] of area, requires that the Philippine
+archipelago be described as stretching over more than 1000 miles
+from north to south, still, inasmuch as Mindanao only contains
+about 500,000 people all told, [246] half of them semi-civilized,
+[247] the governmental problem it presents has no more to do with
+the main problem of whether, if ever, we are to grant independence
+to the 7,000,000 Christians of the other islands, than the questions
+that have to be passed on by our Commissioner of Indian Affairs have
+to do with the tariff.
+
+Mindanao's 36,000 square miles constitute nearly a third of
+the total area of the Philippine archipelago, and more than that
+fraction of the 97,500 square miles of territory to a consideration
+of which our attention is reduced by the process of elimination
+above indicated. Turning over Mindanao to those crudely Mohammedan,
+semi-civilized Moros would indeed be "like granting self-government
+to an Apache reservation under some local chief," as Mr. Roosevelt,
+in the campaign of 1900, ignorantly declared it would be to grant
+self-government to Luzon under Aguinaldo. [248] Furthermore, the Moros,
+so far as they can think, would prefer to owe allegiance to, and be
+entitled to recognition as subjects of, some great nation. [249]
+Again, because, the Filipinos have no moral right to control
+the Moros, and could not if they would, the latter being fierce
+fighters and bitterly opposed to the thought of possible ultimate
+domination by the Filipinos, the most uncompromising advocate of
+the consent-of-the-governed principle has not a leg to stand on
+with regard to Mohammedan Mindanao. Hence I affirm that as to it,
+we have a distinct and separate problem, which cannot be solved
+in the lifetime of anybody now living. But it is a problem which
+need not in the least delay the advent of independence for the
+other fourteen-fifteenths of the inhabitants of the archipelago
+[250]--all Christians living on islands north of Mindanao. It is
+true that there are some Christian Filipinos on Mindanao, but in
+policing the Moros, our government would of course protect them from
+the Moros. If they did not like our government, they could move to
+such parts of the island as we might permit to be incorporated in an
+ultimate Philippine republic. Inasmuch as the 300,000 or so Moros of
+the Mohammedan island of Mindanao and the adjacent islets called Jolo
+(the "Sulu Archipelago," so called, "reigned over" by the Sultan of
+comic opera fame) originally presented, as they will always present,
+a distinct and separate problem, and never did have anything more
+to do with the Philippine insurrection against us than their cousins
+and co-religionists over in nearby Borneo, the task which confronted
+Mr. Root in the fall of 1899, to wit, the suppression of the Philippine
+insurrection, meant, practically, the subjugation of one big island,
+Luzon, containing half the population and one-third the total area of
+the archipelago, and six neighboring smaller ones, the Visayan Islands.
+
+And now let us concentrate our attention upon Luzon as Mr. Root
+no doubt did, with infinite pains, in the fall of 1899. Of the
+7,600,000 people of the Philippines [251] almost exactly one-half,
+i.e., 3,800,000, [252] live on Luzon, and these are practically all
+civilized. [253] It so happens that the State of our Union which is
+nearer the size of Luzon than any other is the one which furnished
+the first American Civil Governor for the Philippine Islands, Governor
+Taft. President Taft's native State of Ohio is 41,061 square miles in
+area, and Luzon is 40,969. [254] Roughly speaking, Luzon may also be
+said to be about the size of Cuba, [255] though it is about twice as
+thickly populated as the latter, Cuba, having something over 2,000,000
+people to Luzon's nearly 4,000,000. [256]
+
+By all Americans in the Philippines since our occupation, the island
+of Luzon is always contemplated as consisting of two parts, to wit,
+northern Luzon, or that part north of Manila, and southern Luzon,
+the part south of Manila. The great central plain of Luzon, lying
+just north of Manila, is nearly as large as the republic of Salvador,
+or the State of New Jersey, i.e., in the neighborhood of 7000 square
+miles area [257]--and, like Salvador, it contains a population of
+something over 1,000,000 inhabitants. The area and population of the
+five provinces of this plain are, according to the Philippine Census
+of 1903, as follows:
+
+
+    Province              Area [258] (sq. m.)    Population [259]
+
+    Pangasinan            1,193                      397,902
+    Pampanga                868                      223,754
+    Bulacan               1,173                      223,742
+    Tarlac                1,205                      135,107
+    Nueva Ecija           1,950                      134,147
+                          -----                    ---------
+                          6,389                    1,114,652
+
+
+Roughly speaking, the central plain comprising the above five provinces
+is bounded as follows: On the north by mountains and Lingayen Gulf, on
+the east by a coast range of mountains separating it from the Pacific
+Ocean, on the west by a similar range separating it from the China
+Sea, and on the south by Manila Bay and mountains. The Rio Grande de
+Pampanga flows obliquely across it in a southwesterly direction into
+Manila Bay, and near its western edge runs the railroad from Manila
+to Dagupan on Lingayen gulf. Dagupan is 120 miles from Manila. This
+plain, held by a well-equipped insurgent army backed by the moral
+support of the whole population, became the theatre of war as soon
+as the volunteers of 1899 began to arrive at Manila, the insurgent
+capital being then at Tarlac, a place about two-thirds of the way up
+the railroad from Manila to Dagupan.
+
+Of course the first essential thing to do was to break the backbone
+of the insurgent army, and scatter it, and the next thing to do was
+to capture Aguinaldo, the head and front of the whole business, the
+incarnation of the aspirations of the Filipino people. The operations
+to this end commenced in October, and involved three movements of
+three separate forces:
+
+(1) A column under General Lawton, proceeding up the Rio Grande
+and along the northeastern borders of the plain, and bending around
+westward along its northern boundary toward the gulf of Lingayen,
+garrisoning the towns en route, and occupying the mountain passes
+on the northeast which give exit over the divide into the great
+valleys beyond.
+
+(2) An expedition under General Wheaton, some 2500 in all, proceeding
+by transports to the gulf of Lingayen, the chief port of which,
+Dagupan, was the northern terminus of the railroad; the objective
+being to land on the shore of that gulf at the northwest corner of
+the plain, occupy the great coast road which runs from that point to
+the northern extremity of the island, and also to proceed eastward
+and effect a junction with the Lawton column.
+
+(3) A third column under General MacArthur, proceeding up the railroad
+to the capture of Tarlac, the third insurgent capital, and thence
+still up the railroad to its end at Dagupan, driving the enemy's
+forces before it toward the line held by the first two columns.
+
+On October 12th, General Lawton moved up the Rio Grande from a place
+called Aryat, a few miles up stream from where the railroad crosses the
+river at Calumpit, driving the insurgents before him to the northward
+and westward. His command was made up mainly from the 3d Cavalry and
+the 22d Infantry, together with several hundred scouts, American and
+Maccabebee. On the 20th San Isidro was again captured. That was the
+place Lawton had evacuated in May previous. Arriving in the Islands
+with Colonel E. E. Hardin's regiment, the 29th U. S. Volunteer
+Infantry, on November 3, 1899, the writer was immediately detailed
+to the Maccabebee scouts, to take the place of Lieutenant Boutelle,
+of the regular artillery, a young West Pointer from Oregon, who had
+been killed a day or two previous, and reported to Major C. G. Starr,
+General Lawton's Adjutant-General in the field (whom he had known at
+Santiago de Cuba the previous year) at San Isidro on or about November
+8th. Major Starr said: "We took this town last spring," stating how
+much our loss had been in so doing, "but, partly as a result of the
+Schurman Commission parleying with the insurgents General Otis had
+us fall back. We have just had to take it again." General Lawton
+garrisoned San Isidro this time once for all, and pressed on north,
+capturing the successive towns en route. Meantime, General Young's
+cavalry, and the Maccabebee scouts under Major Batson, a lieutenant
+of the regular army, and a medal-of-honor graduate of the Santiago
+campaign, were operating to the west of the general line of advance,
+striking insurgent detachments wherever found and driving them toward
+the line of the railroad. By November 13th, Lawton's advance had
+turned to the westward, according to the concerted plan of campaign
+above described, garrisoning, as fast as they were taken, such of the
+towns of the country over which he swept as there were troops to spare
+for. We knew that Aguinaldo had been at Tarlac when the advance began,
+and every officer and enlisted man of the command was on the qui vive
+to catch him. By November 18th, General Lawton's forces held a line of
+posts extending up the eastern side of the plain, and curving around
+across the northern end to within a few miles of the gulf of Lingayen.
+
+On November 6th, General Wheaton set sail from Manila for Lingayen
+Gulf, with 2500 men of the 13th Regular and 33d Volunteer Infantry,
+and a platoon of the 6th Artillery, convoyed by the ships of the
+navy, and next day the expedition was successfully landed at San
+Fabian, "with effective assistance from the naval convoy against
+spirited resistance," says Secretary of War Root, in his annual
+report for 1899. The navy's assistance on that occasion was indeed
+"effective," but such passing mention hardly covers the case. In
+the first place, they selected the landing point, their patrols
+being already familiar with the coasts. As soon as the transports
+were sighted, about eleven o'clock on the morning of November
+7th, Commander Knox, the senior officer present, who commanded the
+Princeton, and Commander Moore, of the Helena, went out to meet and
+confer with General Wheaton. This done, the landing was effected
+under protection of the navy's guns. Besides the naval vessels
+above named, there were also present the Bennington under Commander
+Arnold, the Manila under Lieutenant-Commander Nazro, and two captured
+Spanish gun-boats small enough to get close in shore, the Callao,
+and the Samar. The troops were disembarked in two columns of small
+boats towed by launches. Lieutenant-Commander Tappan in charge of
+the Callao, and Ensign Mustin, commanding the Samar, were especially
+commended in the despatches of Admiral Watson, commander-in-chief
+of the Asiatic squadron. Both bombarded the insurgent trenches
+at close range during the landing, and Mustin actually steamed in
+between the insurgents and the head of the column of troop-boats,
+so as to intercept and receive the brunt of their fire himself, and,
+selecting a point about seventy-five yards from the enemy's trenches
+whence he could effectually pepper them, ran his ship aground so she
+would stick, and commenced rapid firing at point blank range, driving
+the enemy from his trenches, and enabling Colonel Hare of the 33d,
+and those who followed, to land without being subjected to further
+fire while on the water. [260]
+
+On the 11th of November, Colonel Hare with the 33d Volunteer Infantry
+and one Gatling gun under Captain Charles R. Howland of the 28th
+Volunteer Infantry, a lieutenant of the regular army, and a member of
+General Wheaton's staff, proceeded southeastward to San Jacinto, and
+attacked and routed some 1200 to 1600 intrenched insurgents, Major John
+A. Logan being among our killed. The enemy left eighty-one dead in the
+trenches, and suffered a total loss estimated at three hundred. While
+space does not permit dwelling on the details of engagements, it may be
+remarked here, once for all, that the 33d Volunteer Infantry, Colonel
+Luther R. Hare commanding, made more reputation than any other of the
+twenty-five regiments of the volunteer army of 1899, except, possibly,
+Colonel J. Franklin Bell's regiment, the 36th. This is no reflection on
+the rest. These two were lucky enough to have more opportunities. In
+meeting his opportunities, however, Colonel Hare, like Colonel Bell,
+proved himself a superb soldier; his field-officers, especially Major
+March, [261] were particularly indefatigable; and his men were mostly
+Texans, accustomed to handling a rifle with effect. Space also forbids
+following Captain Howland and his Gatling gun into the engagement of
+November 11th, but from the uniformity with which General Wheaton's
+official reports commend his young aide's bravery and efficiency
+on numerous occasions in 1899-1900, it may be safely assumed that
+those qualities were behind that Gatling gun at San Jacinto. There
+was a vicious rumor started after the San Jacinto fight and given wide
+circulation in the United States, that Major Logan was shot in the back
+by his own men. I saw a major surgeon a few days later who had been
+an eye-witness to his death. He said an insurgent sharpshooter shot
+Major Logan from a tree, and that the said sharpshooter was promptly
+thereafter dropped from his perch full of 33d Infantry bullets. Says
+General Wheaton's despatch of November 12th: "Major Logan fell while
+gallantly leading his battalion." [262]
+
+On November 5th, General MacArthur, with a strong column, composed
+mainly of the 9th, 17th, and 36th Regiments of Infantry, two troops of
+the 4th Cavalry, two platoons of the 1st Artillery, and a detachment
+of scouts, advanced up the railroad from Angeles, in execution of his
+part of the programme. [263] Angeles is some distance up the railroad
+from Calumpit, where the railroad crosses the Rio Grande. [264]
+General MacArthur's column encountered and overwhelmed the enemy
+at every point, entering Tarlac on November 12th, and effecting a
+junction with General Wheaton at Dagupan, the northern terminus of
+the Manila-Dagupan Railroad, 120 miles from Manila, on November 20th.
+
+After General Lawton had finished his part of the round-up, he had
+a final conference with General Young on November 18th at Pozorubio,
+which is near the northeastern border of the plain, bade him good-bye,
+and soon afterward went south to dispose of a body of insurgents who
+were giving trouble near Manila. It was in this last expedition that
+he lost his life at San Mateo about twelve miles out of Manila on
+December 19, 1899.
+
+The first of the two purposes of the great Wheaton-Lawton-MacArthur
+northern advance, viz., the dispersion of the insurgent army of
+northern Luzon had been duly accomplished. The other purpose had
+failed of realization. Aguinaldo had not been captured. He escaped
+through our lines.
+
+Such is in brief the story of the destruction of the Aguinaldo
+government in 1899 by General Otis, or rather by Mr. Root. But the
+trouble about it was that it would not stay destroyed. It "played
+possum" for a while, the honorable President retiring to permanent
+headquarters in the mountains "with his government concealed about
+his person," as Senator Lodge put it later in a summary of the case
+for the Administration, before the Senate, in the spring of 1900. If
+the distinguished and accomplished senator from Massachusetts, in
+adding at that time to the gaiety of nations, had had access to a
+certain diary kept by one of Aguinaldo's personal staff throughout
+that period, subsequently submitted, in 1902, to the Senate Committee
+of that year, he could have swelled the innocuous merriment with such
+cheery entries as "Here we tightened our belts and went to bed on
+the ground"--the time alluded to being midnight after a hard day's
+march without food, the place, some chilly mountain top up which the
+"Honorable Presidente" and party had that day been guided by the
+ever-present and ever-willing paisano (fellow countryman) of the
+immediate neighborhood--whatever the neighborhood--to facilitate them
+in eluding General Young's hard riding cavalry and scouts. The writer
+has no quarrel with Senator Lodge's witticism above quoted, having
+derived on reading it, in full measure, the suggestive amusement it
+was intended to afford. It is true that about all then left of the
+"Honorable Presidente's" government, for the nonce, was in fact
+concealed about his person. It was of a nature easily portable. It
+needed neither bull trains, pack ponies, nor coolies to carry it. It
+consisted solely of the loyal support of the whole people, who looked
+to him as the incarnation of their aspirations. Said General MacArthur
+to the Senate Committee in 1902 concerning Aguinaldo: "He was the
+incarnation of the feelings of the Filipinos." "Senator Culberson:
+'And represented the Filipino people?' General MacArthur: 'I think so;
+yes'." [265] We of the 8th Army Corps did not know what a complete
+structure the Philippine republic of 1898-9 was until, having shot
+it to pieces, we had abundant leisure to examine the ruins. To admit,
+in the same breath, participation in that war and profound regret that
+it ever had occurred, is not an incriminating admission. In this case
+as in any other where you have done another a wrong, by thrashing him
+or otherwise, under a mistake of fact, the first step toward righting
+the wrong is to frankly acknowledge it. As soon as Aguinaldo's flight
+and wanderings terminated in the finding of permanent headquarters,
+he began sending messages to his various generals all over Luzon and
+the other islands, and wherever those orders were not intercepted they
+were delivered and loyally obeyed. This kept up until General Funston
+captured him in 1901. One traitor among all those teeming millions
+might have betrayed his whereabouts, but none appeared. The obstinate
+character and long continuance of the warfare in northern Luzon after
+the great round-up which terminated with the final junction of the
+Lawton, Wheaton, and MacArthur columns near Dagupan, as elsewhere
+later throughout the archipelago, was at first very surprising to our
+generals. It had been supposed that to disperse the insurgent army
+would end the insurrection. As events turned out, it only made the
+resistance more effective. So long as the insurgents kept together
+in large bodies they could not hide. And as they were poor marksmen,
+while the men behind our guns, like most other young Americans,
+knew something about shooting, the ratio of their casualties to ours
+was about 16 to 1. [266] When General MacArthur began his advance
+on Tarlac, General Lawton his great march up the valley of the Rio
+Grande, and General Wheaton his closing in from Dagupan, Aguinaldo
+with his cabinet, generals, and headquarters troops abandoned Tarlac,
+their capital, and went up the railroad to Bayambang. Here they held
+a council of war, which General MacArthur describes in his report
+for 1900 (from information obtained later on) as follows:
+
+
+    At a council of war held at Bayambang, Pangasinan, about November
+    12, 1899, which was attended by General Aguinaldo and many of the
+    Filipino military leaders, a resolution was adopted to the effect
+    that the insurgent forces were incapable of further resistance
+    in the field, and as a consequence it was decided to disband the
+    army, the generals and the men to return to their own provinces,
+    with a view to organizing the people for general resistance by
+    means of guerrilla warfare. [267]
+
+
+This had been the plan from the beginning, the council of war
+simply determining that the time to put the plan into effect had
+arrived. Accordingly, the uniformed insurgent battalions and regiments
+broke up into small bands which maintained a most persistent guerrilla
+warfare for years thereafter. During those years they seldom wore
+uniforms, disappearing and hiding their guns when hotly pursued,
+and reappearing as non-combatant peasants interrupted in agricultural
+pursuits, with invariable protestations of friendship. Hence all such
+came to be known as amigos (friends), and the word amigo, or friend,
+became a bitter by-word, meaning to all American soldiers throughout
+the archipelago an enemy falsely claiming to be a friend. And every
+Filipino was an "amigo."
+
+Still, the volunteers had arrived in time to enable Mr. Root to make
+a very nice showing to Congress, and through it to the people, in his
+annual report to the President for 1899, dated November 29th. This
+report is full of cheerful chirps from General Otis to the effect
+that the resistance was practically ended, and the substance of the
+information it conveyed duly found its way into the President's message
+of December of that year and through it to the general public. One
+of the Otis despatches said: "Claim to government by insurgents can
+be made no longer." [268] This message went on to state that nothing
+was now left but "banditti," and that the people are all friendly
+to our troops. Thus misled, Mr. Root repeated to the President and
+through him to Congress and the country the following nonsense:
+
+
+    It is gratifying to know that as our troops got away from the
+    immediate vicinity of Manila they found the natives of the country
+    exceedingly friendly * * *. This was doubtless due in some measure
+    to the fact that the Pampangos, who inhabit the provinces of
+    Pampanga and Tarlac, and the Pangasinanes, who inhabit Pangasinan,
+    as well as the other more northerly tribes, are unfriendly to the
+    Tagalogs, and had simply submitted to the military domination of
+    that tribe, from which they were glad to be relieved.
+
+
+In characterizing this as nonsense no disrespect is intended to
+Mr. Root. He did not know any better. He was relying on General
+Otis. But it is sorely difficult to convey in written words what
+utter nonsense those expressions about "the Pampangos" and "the
+Pangasinanes" are to any one who was in that northern advance in the
+fall of 1899. Imagine a British cabinet minister making a report to
+Parliament in 1776 couched in the following words, to wit:
+
+
+    The Massachusetts-ites, who inhabit Massachusetts, and the
+    Virginia-ites who inhabit Virginia, as well as most of the other
+    inhabitants are unfriendly to the New York-ites, and have simply
+    submitted to the military domination of the last named,
+
+
+and you have a faint idea of the accuracy of Mr. Root's report. It is
+quite true that the Tagalos were the prime movers in the insurrection
+against us, as they had been in all previous insurrections against
+Spain. But the "Tagalo tribe" was no more alone among the Filipino
+people in their wishes and views than the "unterrified" Tammany tribe
+who inhabit the wilds of Manhattan Island, at the mouth of the Hudson
+River, are alone in their views among our people.
+
+On page 70 of this report, Secretary Root reproduces a telegram from
+General Otis dated November 18, 1899, stating that on the road from
+San Nicolas to San Manuel, a day or so previous, General Lawton was
+"cordially received by the inhabitants." He announces in the same
+telegram the drowning of Captain Luna, a volunteer officer from New
+Mexico, who was one of General Lawton's aides, and had been a captain
+in Colonel Roosevelt's regiment of Rough Riders before Santiago. The
+writer happens to have been on that ride with General Lawton from San
+Nicolas to San Manuel, and was within a dozen feet of Captain Luna
+when the angry current of the Agno River caught him and his pony
+in its grip and swept both out of sight forever, along with divers
+troopers of the 4th Cavalry, horses and riders writhing to their
+death in one awful, tangled, struggling mass. He can never forget
+the magnificent dash back into the wide, ugly, swollen stream made
+by Captain Edward L. King of General Lawton's staff, as he spurred
+his horse in, followed by several troopers who had responded to his
+call for mounted volunteers to accompany him in an effort to save the
+lives of the men who went down. Their generous work proved futile. But
+it was inspired partly by common dread of what they knew would happen
+to any half-drowned soldier who might be washed ashore far away from
+the column and captured. If an army was ever "in enemy's country" it
+was then and there. When we reached San Manuel that night, Captains
+King and Sewall, the two surviving personal aides of General Lawton's
+staff, and the writer, stopped, along with the general, in a little
+nipa shack on the roadside. General Lawton, was in an upper room busy
+with couriers and the like, but downstairs King, Sewall, and myself
+set to work to buscar [269] something to eat. I got hold of an hombre
+(literally, a man; colloquially a native peasant man), who went to work
+with apparent alacrity, and managed to provide three ravenously hungry
+young men with a good meal of chicken, eggs, and rice. After supper,
+being new in the country, the writer remarked to the general on the
+alacrity of the hombre. I had brought out from the United States the
+notions there current about the nature of the resistance. General
+Lawton said, with a humorous twinkle in those fine eyes of his:
+"Humph! If you expected to be killed the next minute if you didn't
+find a chicken, you'd probably find one too." It is true that in the
+course of the campaign General Young sent a telegram to General Otis
+at Manila characterizing his reception at the hands of the natives as
+friendly. This was prompted by our column being met as it would come
+into a town by the town band. It did not take long to see through
+this, and other like hypocrisy entirely justifiable in war, though
+such tactics deceived us for a little while at first into thinking
+the people were genuine amigos (friends). General Otis, not being near
+the scene, remained under our original brief illusion. Let us return,
+however, from Mr. Root's "patient and unconsenting millions dominated
+by the Tagalo tribe," of 1899, to the facts, and follow the course
+of events succeeding Lawton's junction with Wheaton and MacArthur
+and his farewell to Young.
+
+General Young, with his cavalry, and the Maccabebee scouts, continued
+in pursuit of Aguinaldo through the passes of the mountains, the
+latter having managed to run the gauntlet of our lines successfully
+by a very close shave. How narrowly he escaped is illustrated by
+the fact that after a fight we had at the Aringay River on November
+19th, in which Major Batson was wounded while gallantly directing
+the crossing of the river, we remained that night in the town of
+Aringay, and at the very time we were "hustling for chow" in Aringay,
+Aguinaldo was in the village of Naguilian an hour or so distant,
+as was authoritatively ascertained long afterward from a captured
+diary of one of his staff officers. [270]
+
+General Young proceeded up the coast road, in hot haste, taking
+one town, San Fernando de Union, after a brief engagement led by
+the general in person--imagine a brigadier-general leading a charge
+at the head of thirty-seven men!--but Aguinaldo had turned off to
+the right and taken to the mountains. General Lawton wired General
+Otis about that time, in effect, in announcing Aguinaldo's escape
+through our lines and his own tireless brigade-commander's bold dash
+in pursuit of him with an inadequate force of cavalry hampered by
+lack of horseshoes and nails for the same, "If Young does not catch
+Aguinaldo, he will at least make him very unhappy." The Young column
+garrisoned the towns along the route over which it went, occupying
+all the western part of Northern Luzon, hereafter described, and also
+later on rescued Lieutenant Gilmore of the navy, Mr. Albert Sonnichsen,
+previously an enlisted man and since a writer of some note, and other
+American prisoners who had been in the hands of the insurgents for
+many months. General Young finally made his headquarters at Vigan,
+in the province of Ilocos Sur, a fine town in a fine country. The
+Ilocanos are called "the Yankees of the Philippines," on account of
+their energy and industry. Vigan is on the China sea coast of Luzon
+(the west coast), about one hundred miles up the old Spanish coast
+road, or "King's Highway" (Camino Real), from Lingayen Gulf (where
+the hundred-and-twenty mile railroad from Manila to Dagupan ends)
+and about eighty miles from the extreme northern end of the island
+of Luzon. [271]
+
+As subsequent policies and their effect on one's attitude toward
+a great historic panorama do not interfere in the least with a
+proper appreciation of the bravery and efficiency of the army of
+one's country, it is with much regret that this narrative cannot
+properly chronicle in detail what the War Department reports record
+of the stirring deeds of General Young, and the officers and men
+of his command, Colonels Hare and Howze, Captains Chase and Dodd,
+and the rest, [272] performed during the long course of the work now
+under consideration. One incident, however, is appropriate in this
+connection, not only to a collection of genre pictures of the war
+itself, but also to a place among the lights and shadows of the general
+picture of the American occupation. On December 2, 1899, Major March
+of the 33d Infantry had his famous fight at Tila pass, in which young
+Gregorio del Pilar, one of the ablest and bravest of the insurgent
+generals, was killed. The locality mentioned is a wild pass in the
+mountains of the west coast of Luzon, that overlook the China Sea, some
+4500 feet above sea level. It was strongly fortified, and was believed
+by the insurgents to be impregnable. The trail winds up the mountains
+in a sharp zigzag, and was commanded by stone barricades loop-holed
+for infantry fire. The advance of our people was checked at first by
+a heavy fire from these barricades. The approach being precipitous,
+it looked for a while as if the position would indeed be impregnable,
+and the idea of taking it by a frontal attack was abandoned. But a
+hill to the left front of the barricade was seized by some of our
+sharpshooters--those Texans of the 33d were indeed sharpshooters--and
+after that, under cover of their fire, our troops managed to get in
+a fire simultaneously both on the flank and rear of the occupants of
+the barricades, climbing the precipitous slope up the mountain side
+by means of twigs and the like, and finally killing some fifty-two of
+the enemy, General Pilar among the number. After the fight was over,
+Lieutenant Quinlan, heretofore mentioned, moved by certain indignities
+in the nature of looting perpetrated upon the remains of General Pilar,
+buried them with such military honors as could be hastily provided,
+after first taking from a pocket of the dead general's uniform a
+souvenir in the shape of an unfinished poem written in Spanish by
+him the night before, addressed to his sweetheart; and, the burial
+finished, the American officer placed on the rude headstone left to
+mark the spot this generous inscription:
+
+
+    General Gregorio Pilar, killed at the battle of Tila Pass, December
+    2d, 1899, commanding Aguinaldo's rear-guard. An officer and a
+    gentleman. (Signed) D. P. Quinlan, 2d Lieutenant, 11th Cavalry.
+
+
+The brief incident over, Quinlan hurried on, rejoined the column,
+and resumed the work of Benevolent Assimilation and the war
+against Home Rule with all the dauntless ardor of his impetuous
+Irish nature. Whatever the ultimate analysis of the ethics of this
+scene--Quinlan at the grave of Pilar--clearly the Second Lieutenant
+Quinlan of 1899 would hardly have agreed with the vice-presidential
+candidate of 1900, Colonel Roosevelt, that granting self-government
+to the Filipinos would be like granting self-government to an Apache
+reservation under some local chief.
+
+The territory occupied and finally "pacified" by General Young,
+with the effective assistance of the officers heretofore mentioned,
+and many other good men and true, was ultimately organized into
+a military district, which was called the First District of the
+Department of Northern Luzon. As territory was fought over, occupied,
+and finally reduced to submission, that territory would be organized
+into a military district by the commanding general or colonel of the
+invading column, under the direction of the division commander. The
+military "Division of the Philippines," which was succeeded by the
+Civil Government of the Philippines under Governor Taft in 1901,
+of course covered all the territory ceded by the Treaty of Paris. It
+was divided into four "Departments," the Department of Northern Luzon,
+the Department of Southern Luzon, the Department of the Visayas, [273]
+and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo. General Young commanded the
+First District of the Department of Northern Luzon--which included
+the three west coast provinces north of Lingayen Gulf, and the three
+adjacent mountain provinces--from the time he led his brigade into
+that region in pursuit of Aguinaldo until shortly before Governor
+Taft's inauguration in the summer of 1901. Many were the combats,
+great and small, of General Young's brigade, in compassing the task
+of crushing the resistance in that part of Luzon into which he led
+the first American troops in the winter of 1899-1900. The resistance
+was obstinate, desperate, and long drawn out, but when he finally
+reported the territory under his command "pacified," it was pacified.
+A soldier's task had been performed in a soldierly manner. The work
+had been done thoroughly. General Young gave the Ilocano country a
+lesson it never forgot, before politics had time to interfere. We
+have never had any trouble in that region from that day to this.
+
+Before the army of occupation had had time to do in southern Luzon what
+General Young did in northern Luzon and thereby secure like permanent
+results in that region, a "peace-at-any-price" policy was inaugurated
+to meet the exigencies of Mr. McKinley's campaign for the Presidency
+in 1900. Our last martyred President clung all through that campaign
+to his original assumption that Benevolent Assimilation would work,
+and that the single burning need of the hour was to make clear to
+the Filipinos what our intentions were--as if powder and lead did
+not spell denial of independence plain enough, as if that were
+not the sole issue, and as if that issue had not been submitted,
+with deadly finality, to the stern arbitrament of war. However,
+neither Lord Roberts in India, nor Lord Kitchener in Egypt ever more
+effectively convinced the people of those countries that his flag
+must be respected as an emblem of sovereignty, than General Young did
+the Ilocanos. Take the month of April, 1900 for instance. Several
+days after the expiration of said month (on May 5th) General Otis
+was relieved and went home. During the month of April, General Young
+killed five hundred insurgents in his district. [274] But this did
+not prevent General Otis, arriving as he did in the United States
+in the month of June, when the national political conventions meet,
+from "repeating the same old story about the insurrection going to
+pieces" [275]--only, not "going" now, but "gone." Nor did it, and like
+sputterings of insurrection all over the place, prevent Judge Taft--the
+"Mark Tapley of this Philippine business" as he humorously told the
+Senate Committee of 1902 he had been called--from cabling home, during
+the presidential campaign of 1900, a series of superlatively optimistic
+bulletins, [276] based on the testimony of Filipinos who had abandoned
+the cause of their country as soon as patriotism meant personal peril,
+all such testimony being eagerly accepted, as testimony of the kind one
+wants and needs badly usually is, in total disregard of information
+directly to the contrary furnished by General MacArthur and other
+distinguished soldiers who had been then on the ground for two years.
+
+The area and population of the territory occupied by General Young,
+the "First District of the Department of Northern Luzon," was,
+according to the Census of 1903, as follows:
+
+
+    Province              Area (sq. m.) [277]      Population [278]
+
+    Ilocos Norte          1,330                       178,995
+    Ilocos Sur              471                       187,411
+    Union                   634                       137,839
+    Abra                  1,171                        51,860
+    Lepanto-Bontoc [279]  2,005                        72,750
+    Benguet                 822                        22,745
+                          -----                       -------
+                          6,433                       651,600
+
+
+As this narrative purposes so to present the geography of the
+Philippine Islands as to facilitate an easy remembrance of the
+essentials only of the governmental problem there presented,
+we will hereafter speak of the First District as containing,
+roughly, 6500 square miles, and 650,000 people. Whenever, if ever,
+a Philippine republic is set up, these six provinces are very likely,
+for geographical and other reasons, to become one of the original
+states comprising that republic, just as the states of Mexico are
+made up of groups of provinces. [280]
+
+The rest of the story of the northern campaign of 1899-1900 immediately
+following Aguinaldo's escape into the mountains through General Young's
+and General Lawton's lines, being a necessary part of the American
+occupation of the Philippines, may also serve as a text for further
+acquainting the reader with the geography of Luzon. War is the best
+possible teacher of geography, and it may be well to communicate
+in broken doses, as we received them, the lessons on the subject
+which the 8th Army Corps learned in 1899 and the subsequent years
+so thoroughly that we could all pronounce with astonishing glibness,
+the most unpronounceable names imaginable.
+
+When the great Wheaton-Lawton-MacArthur "Round-up" reached the
+mountains on the northeast of the great central plain, in the
+latter part of November 1899, Captain Joseph B. Batchelor, with
+one battalion of the 24th (negro) Infantry, and some scouts under
+Lieutenant Castner, a very intrepid and tireless officer, boldly cut
+loose from the column of which he was a part, and, pressing on over the
+Caranglan pass, overran the province of Nueva Vizcaya, which is part
+of the watershed of north central Luzon, proceeding from Bayombong,
+the capital of Nueva Vizcaya, down the valley of the Magat River,
+by the same route Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent of the navy had made
+their pleasant junket in the fall of 1898 as described in Chapter VI
+(ante). Following this route Captain Batchelor finally came into
+Isabela province, where the Magat empties into the Cagayan River,
+reaching Iligan, the capital of Isabela, ninety miles northeast of
+Bayombong, about December 8th. From Iligan Batchelor went on, promptly
+overcoming all resistance offered, down the great Cagayan valley, some
+110 miles due north, to the sea at Aparri, the northernmost town of
+Luzon and of the archipelago, where he met two vessels of our navy,
+the Newark and the Helena, under Captain McCalla, and found, to his
+inexpressible (but partially and rather fervently expressed) chagrin,
+that the insurgents who had fled before him, and also the garrison
+at Aparri, had already surrendered to the navy. The territory thus
+covered by Batchelor's bold, brilliant, and memorable march over two
+hundred miles of hostile country from the mountains of central Luzon
+down the Cagayan valley to the northern end of the island, at Aparri,
+[281] consisted of the three provinces of Cagayan, Isabela, and Nueva
+Vizcaya. The area and population of these three, according to the
+census tables of 1903, are as follows:
+
+
+    Province             Area (sq. m.) [282]   Population [283]
+
+    Cagayan               5,052                156,239
+    Isabela               5,018                 76,431
+    Nueva Vizcaya         1,950                 62,541
+                         ------                -------
+    Total                12,020                295,211
+
+
+The troops of Captain Batchelor's command were later on relieved by
+the 16th Infantry, commanded by Colonel Hood, under whom the above
+group of three provinces finally became the "Second District of the
+Department of Northern Luzon." As part of the plan to provide the
+reader with a fair general idea of Luzon conveniently portable in
+memory, he is requested to note, at this point, that hereinafter the
+Cagayan valley, with its three provinces, [284] will be alluded to as
+a district containing 12,000 square miles and 300,000 people. As was
+remarked concerning the original military district commanded by General
+Young, to wit, the First District, so of Colonel Hood's district,
+the Second--that is to say, as the Ilocano country may some day become
+the state of Ilocos, so, for like geographical and other governmental
+reasons, the three provinces of the Cagayan valley may some day become
+the state of Cagayan in the possible Philippine republic of the future.
+
+Having now followed the "far-flung battle line" of the volunteers of
+'99 and their comrades in arms, the regulars, from Manila northward
+across the rice paddies of central Luzon and over the mountains to the
+northern extremity of the island, let us return to the central plain,
+for reasons which will be stated in so doing. Between the China Sea
+and the coast range which forms the western boundary of the central
+plain of Luzon, there is a long strip of territory--a west wing of
+the plain, as it were--about 125 miles long, with an average width
+of not more than twenty miles, stretching from Manila Bay to Lingayen
+Gulf. This is divided, for governmental purposes into two provinces,
+Bataan on the south, whose southern extremity lay on Admiral Dewey's
+port side as he entered Manila Bay the night before the naval battle
+of May 1, 1898, and Zambales on the north. The area and population
+of this territory are as follows:
+
+
+    Province             Area (sq. m.)           Population
+
+    Bataan                 537                    46,787
+    Zambales             2,125                   104,549
+                         -----                   -------
+                         2,662                   151,336
+
+
+Also, between the Pacific Ocean and the coast range which forms the
+eastern boundary of the plain is a longer, narrower, and very sparsely
+populated strip, or east wing, divided also into two provinces,
+Principe on the north and Infanta on the south, each supposed to
+contain about fifteen thousand people. Principe and Infanta are wholly
+unimportant, except that, to avoid confusion, we must account for
+all the provinces visible on the maps of Luzon. These two provinces
+never gave any trouble and no one ever bothered about them. [285]
+In the mountains of Zambales and Bataan, however, as in most of the
+other provinces of the archipelago, the struggle was long kept up,
+just as the Boers kept up their war for independence against Great
+Britain about the same time, by guerrilla warfare.
+
+The central plain with five provinces has already been fully
+described. If to this plain you add its two wings, above mentioned,
+you have the nine provinces of central Luzon you see on the map. And
+if to them you add the six provinces of the Ilocos country and the
+three of the Cagayan valley, you have clearly before you the political
+make-up of northern Luzon--eighteen provinces in all. When central
+Luzon was arranged by districts under the military occupation,
+it was divided into three parts, the Third, Fourth, and Fifth
+districts of the Department of Northern Luzon, the Third District
+being under General Jacob H. Smith of Samar fame, [286] the Fourth
+under General Funston, and the Fifth under General Grant. The Sixth
+and last district of northern Luzon was made up of the city of Manila
+and adjacent territory.
+
+General Smith's district, the Third, comprised the provinces of
+
+
+    Province           Area (sq. m.)           Population
+
+    Zambales           2,125                    104,549
+    Pangasinan         1,193                    397,902
+    Tarlac             1,205                    135,107
+                       -----                    -------
+                       4,523                    637,558
+
+
+Pangasinan with its near 400,000 people is the largest, in point
+of population, of the twenty-five provinces of Luzon, and the third
+largest of the archipelago.
+
+General Funston's district, the Fourth, comprised the provinces of
+
+
+    Province           Area (sq. m.)           Population
+
+    Nueva Ecija        2,169                    134,147
+    Principe [287]       331                     15,853
+                       -----                    -------
+                       2,500                    150,000
+
+
+General Grant's district, the Fifth, comprised the provinces of
+
+
+    Province           Area (sq. m.)           Population
+
+    Bataan               537                     46,787
+    Pampanga             868                    223,754
+    Bulacan            1,173                    223,742
+                       -----                    -------
+                       2,578                    494,283
+
+                       2,500                    150,000
+                       =====                    =======
+    Totals, 4th and
+    5th Districts:     5,078                    644,283
+
+
+It will be seen from the foregoing that the Third District was nearly
+equal in area to the Fourth and Fifth added together, and that the
+same was true as to its population figure.
+
+Just as the six provinces of the Ilocano country, first occupied by
+General Young and organized as "The First District of the Department of
+Northern Luzon," should some day evolve into a State of Ilocos, and the
+three provinces of the Cagayan valley, occupied by Colonel Hood as the
+Second District, into an ultimate State of Cagayan, so the provinces
+of General Smith's old district, the Third, should finally become a
+State of Pangasinan. [288] This Third District may be conveniently
+recollected as accounting for, roughly speaking, 4500 square miles
+of territory and 625,000 people. The total combined area of General
+Funston's old district, the Fourth, [289] and the adjacent one,
+the Fifth, General Grant's district, is--roughly--5000 square miles,
+and its total population 650,000. No reason is apparent why these two
+districts, the Fourth and Fifth, should not ultimately evolve into a
+State of Pampanga. The five original military districts, [290] which
+in 1900 constituted all of the Department of Northern Luzon except
+the city of Manila and vicinity, might make four ultimate states,
+with names, areas, and populations as follows:
+
+
+    State            Area (sq. m.)         Population
+
+    Ilocos            6,500                   650,000
+    Cagayan          12,000                   300,000
+    Pangasinan        4,500                   625,000
+    Pampanga          5,000                   650,000
+                     ------                 ---------
+                     28,000                 2,225,000
+
+
+It may surprise the reader after all the blood and thunder to which
+his attention has hereinabove been subjected, apropos of northern
+Luzon and the winter of 1899-1900, to know that the insurgents were
+still bearding the lion in his den, i. e., General Otis in Manila,
+by operating in very considerable force in the village-dotted country
+within cannon-shot of the road from Manila to Cavite in January,
+1900. Nevertheless such was the case.
+
+On the 4th of January, 1900, General J. C. Bates was assigned to
+the command of the First Division of the Eighth Army Corps, General
+Lawton's old division, and an active campaign was commenced in southern
+Luzon. The plan adopted was that General Wheaton with a strong force
+should engage and hold the enemy in the neighborhood of Cavite, while
+General Schwan, starting at the western horn of the half moon to which
+the great lake called Laguna de Bay has already been likened, should
+move rapidly down the west shore of the lake, and around its south
+shore to Santa Cruz near its eastern end, or horn, garrisoning the
+towns en route, as taken, instead of leaving them to be re-occupied by
+the insurgents. Santa Cruz is the same place where General Lawton had
+"touched second base," as it were, with a flying column in April, 1899.
+
+This plan was duly carried out. The Schwan column started from San
+Pedro Macati, the initial rendezvous, a few miles out of Manila,
+on January 4, 1900, now garrisoning the towns en route, instead of
+leaving them to be fought over and captured again as heretofore. The
+first stiff fight we had in that campaign was at Binan, on January 6,
+1900, one of the places General Lawton's expedition had taken when
+he fought his way over the same country the year before. O. K. Davis
+and John T. McCutcheon, who were in that fight and campaign--in fact
+one of them had the ice-cold nerve to photograph the Binan fight while
+it was going on, as I learned when we all went down to the creek near
+the town, after we took it, to freshen up--can testify that we did not
+then hear any nonsense about a "Tagal" insurrection, such as Secretary
+of War Root's Report for 1899, published shortly before, is full of,
+and that on the contrary the whole country was as much a unit against
+us and as loyal to the Aguinaldo government as northern Luzon had
+been. And inasmuch as I am doing some "testifying" along here myself,
+and assuming to brush aside without the slightest hesitation, as wholly
+erroneous, information conveyed to the American public at the time
+in the state papers of President McKinley and Secretary of War Root,
+it is only due the reader, whose attention is being seriously asked,
+that "the witness" should "qualify" as to the opportunities he may
+have had, if any, to know whereof he speaks, concerning the character
+of the opposition. To that end, the following document, which General
+Schwan was kind enough to send me afterwards, is submitted as sent:
+
+
+    EXTRACT COPY.
+
+    Headquarters Detachment Macabebe Scouts.
+    The Adjutant General, Schwan's Expeditionary Brigade:
+
+
+    Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report of the
+    operations of the Detachment of Macabebe Scouts, under my command,
+    while forming a part of your Brigade.
+
+    The Detachment, consisting of five (5) officers and one hundred
+    and forty (140) men, was divided into two companies, commanded
+    by 1st Lt. J. Lee Hall, 33rd Inf., and 1st Lt. Blount, 29th Inf.,
+    left San Pedro Macati the afternoon of Jan. 4th, 1900 * * *.
+
+                * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
+
+    I wish to invite your attention, especially, to the good work
+    done in the fight at Binan by Lieut. Blount, 29th Inf., who led
+    the line by at least twenty-five yards * * *.
+
+
+        Very Respectfully,
+        Wm. C. Geiger, 1st Lt. 14th Inf., Com'd'g Det.
+
+
+    I hereby certify that the above is a true copy of extracts from
+    the report of the operations of the Detachment of Macabebe Scouts
+    forming part of an Expeditionary Brigade under my command, in
+    the months of January and February, 1900.
+
+
+        Theo. Schwan,
+        Brig. General, U. S. Vols.
+        Aug. 16, 1900.
+
+
+The activities of Generals Bates and Wheaton, and the Schwan Expedition
+of January-February, 1900, extended the American occupation, so far
+as there were troops enough immediately available to go around, over
+the lake-shore portions and the principal towns of the two great
+provinces of southern Luzon bordering on the Laguna de Bay, viz.,
+Cavite and Laguna; and over parts of the two adjacent provinces of
+Batangas and Tayabas.
+
+Batangas bounds Cavite on the south, and is itself bounded on the
+south by the sea, where a fairly good port offered a fine gateway
+for smuggling arms into the interior from abroad. Tayabas province
+adjoins Laguna on the southeast. Cavite province has always been,
+since the opening of the Suez Canal, about 1869, and the agitations
+for political reform in Spain which culminated in the Spanish republic
+of 1873, quickened the thought of Spain's East Indies, the home of
+insurrection, the breeding place of political agitation. Aguinaldo
+himself was born within its limits in 1869. Laguna province comprehends
+most of the country lying between the southern and eastern lake-shore
+of the Laguna de Bay and the mountains which skirt that body of water
+in the blue distance, all parts of it being thus in easy and safe
+touch by water transportation by night with Cavite, the home and
+headquarters of insurgency.
+
+Just as northern Luzon had been gradually organized into military
+districts as conquered, so was southern Luzon. The territory, over-run,
+as above described, by Generals Bates, Wheaton, and Schwan, was divided
+into two districts. [291] Colonel Hare commanded the First District,
+Cavite province and vicinity. General Hall commanded the Second
+District, Batangas, Laguna, and Tayabas. The area and population of
+these four provinces, according to the Census of 1903, were as follows:
+
+
+    Province            Area (sq. m.)             Population
+
+    Cavite                619                      134,779
+    Batangas            1,201                      257,715
+    Laguna                629                      148,606
+    Tayabas             5,993                      153,065
+                        -----                      -------
+                        8,442                      694,165
+
+
+For convenience of subsequent allusion, this group of provinces may
+be treated as representing roughly 8500 square miles of territory
+and 700,000 people. These four provinces group themselves together
+naturally from a military standpoint. As physical force is the
+final basis of all government, these four provinces constitute a
+logical administrative governmental unit, as shown by the action
+of our military authorities in their extension of the American
+occupation. It would seem therefore that if there should ever be
+a Philippine republic, they would probably constitute one of its
+states--the State, let us say, of Cavite.
+
+The rest of southern Luzon below that part above described consists of
+a peninsula which, owing to its odd formation, is easy to remember. The
+mainland of Luzon, that is to-say, that part of the island which our
+narrative has already covered, remotely suggests, in shape, the State
+of Illinois. At least it resembles Illinois more than it does any other
+State of our Union, in that its length runs north and south, and its
+average length and width are nearer that of Illinois than any other. At
+the southeast corner of this mainland, the observer of the map will
+see, jutting off to the southeast from the mainland, the peninsula in
+question. It is about a hundred and fifty miles long, with an average
+width of possibly thirty miles--a minimum width of, say, ten miles, and
+a maximum of fifty,--and is separated from Samar by the narrow, swift,
+and treacherous San Bernardino Strait, which connects the Pacific
+Ocean with the China Sea. This peninsula is frequently called "the
+Hemp Peninsula." The importance of controlling the hemp ports prompted
+General Otis to send General Bates with an expedition to those ports on
+February 15, 1900. [292] This expedition did little more than occupy
+those ports. The great interior continued under insurgent control
+some time afterward. The report of the Secretary of War, Mr. Root,
+for 1900, goes on to describe an engagement, or two, sustained by
+the Bates Expedition shortly after it landed, and concludes, with
+a complacency almost Otis-like, by stating that shortly thereafter
+"the normal conditions of industry and trade relations with Manila
+were resumed by the inhabitants." Of course Mr. Root believed this,
+and so did Mr. McKinley. More the pity, as we shall later see. General
+Otis was now getting anxious to go home, and hastened to "occupy"
+and organize the rest of the archipelago, on paper, at least, the
+hemp peninsula becoming, on March 20, 1900, the Third District of
+the Department of Southern Luzon, Brigadier-General James M. Bell
+commanding. The provinces comprised in this district, with their
+areas and populations as given by the Census of 1903, were as follows:
+
+
+    Province              Area (sq. m.)         Population
+
+    Camarines [293]       3,279                  239,405
+    Albay                 1,783                  240,326
+    Sorsogon                755                  120,495
+                          -----                  -------
+                          5,817                  600,226
+
+
+For convenience of subsequent allusion, these three provinces of
+the hemp peninsula which constituted the Third Military District of
+the Military Department of Southern Luzon in 1900, may be regarded
+as comprising, roughly, 6000 square miles of territory and 600,000
+people. If the Philippine republic of the future which is the dream
+of the Filipino people, prove other than an idle dream, the hemp
+peninsula will probably some day constitute a state of that republic,
+an appropriate and probable name for which would be the State of
+Camarines.
+
+The Fourth District of southern Luzon--there were but four--was
+occupied by the 29th U. S. Volunteer Infantry, commanded by Colonel
+E. E. Hardin, one of the best executive officers General Otis had in
+his whole command. The Fourth District comprised a lot of islands
+unnecessary to be considered at length in this bird's-eye view of
+the panorama, but necessary to be mentioned in outlining the military
+occupation. The 29th, like the other twenty-four volunteer regiments,
+settled down with equanimity to the business of policing a hostile
+country, sang with zest, like the rest of the twenty-five volunteer
+regiments, that old familiar song, "Damn, Damn, Damn the Filipino,"
+etc., and waited with the uniquely admirable stoicism of the American
+soldier for the season of their home-going to roll round, which, under
+the Act of Congress, [294] would be the spring of the following year.
+
+In volume i., part 5, War Department Report, 1899, at pages 5 et seq.,
+may be found a journal illustrating the nature of the "police" work
+done by the volunteers of 1899, in 1900, and at pages 5 et seq. of
+the same report for 1900 (volume i., part 4) may be found a similar
+diary carried up to June 30, 1901. Throughout the period covered by
+those reports, scarcely a day passed without what the military folk
+coolly call "contacts" with the enemy.
+
+The Visayan Islands were in course of time duly organized, as Luzon had
+previously been, departmentally and by military districts. The Visayan
+Islands became the Department of Visayas, divided into districts
+commanded either by regimental commanders having a regiment or more
+with them, or by general officers. For a long time no attempt to make
+military occupation effective in these various islands, save in the
+coast towns, was attempted. However, the indicated disposition of
+troops completed, technically at least, the American occupation of
+the Visayan Islands.
+
+Pursuant to the plan followed, as we have hitherto followed the
+army in our narrative, first throughout northern Luzon and later
+through southern Luzon, some data are now in order concerning the
+Visayan Islands.
+
+As already made clear, there are but six of the Visayan Islands with
+which any one interested in the Philippines merely as a student of
+world politics or of history need bother. The area and population of
+these are as follows: [295]
+
+
+    Island                Area (sq. m.)       Population
+
+    Panay                 4,611                743,646
+    Negros                4,881                460,776
+    Cebu                  1,762                592,247
+    Leyte                 2,722                356,641
+    Samar                 5,031                222,090
+    Bohol                 1,441                243,148
+
+
+Whenever, if ever, an independent republic is established in
+the Philippines, the six islands above mentioned could and should
+constitute self-governing commonwealths similar to the several States
+of the American Union. The rest of the islands lying between Luzon
+and Mindanao could easily be disposed of governmentally by being
+attached to the jurisdiction of one of the said six islands.
+
+Mindanao and the adjacent islets called Jolo were organized as
+the Department of Mindanao and Jolo, under General Kobbe, with
+the 31st Volunteer Infantry, Colonel Pettit's regiment, the 40th
+Volunteer Infantry, Colonel Godwin's regiment, and the 23rd Regular
+Infantry. Thus the archipelago was completely accounted for, for
+the time being, just as all the territory of the United States was
+long accounted for by our military authorities at home, with the
+Department of the East, headquarters Governor's Island, New York; the
+Department of the Lakes, headquarters Chicago; the Department of the
+Gulf, headquarters Atlanta, etc. In this state of the case, General
+Otis re-embraced his early pet delusion--if it was a delusion, which
+charity and the probabilities suggest it should be called--about the
+insurrection having gone to pieces; and decided to come home. Possibly,
+also, he was homesick. General Otis was a very positive character,
+a strong man. But even strong men get homesick after long exile. When
+you hear the call of the homeland after long residence "east of Suez,"
+you must answer the call, duty not forbidding. General Otis had stood
+by his ink wells and the Administration with unswerving devotion
+for twenty months, and was entitled to come back home and tell the
+public all about the fighting in the Philippines, and how entirely
+over it was, and how wholly right Mr. McKinley was in his theory
+that the visible opposition to our rule and the seeming desire to
+be free and independent did not represent the wishes of the Filipino
+people at all, but only the "sinister ambitions of a few unscrupulous
+Tagalo leaders." Accordingly on May 5, 1900, he was relieved at his
+own request, and departed for the United States. He was succeeded
+in command by a very different type of man, Major-General Arthur
+MacArthur, upon whom now devolved the problem of holding down the
+situation and of actually getting it stably "well in hand" by June
+30, 1901, the date of expiration of the term of enlistment of the
+twenty-five volunteer regiments organized under the Act of March
+2, 1899.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+MACARTHUR AND THE WAR
+
+                        Damn, damn, damn the Filipino,
+                        Pock-marked khakiac ladrone; [296]
+                        Underneath the starry flag
+                        Civilize him with a Krag,
+                        And return us to our own beloved home.
+
+                     Army Song of the Philippines under MacArthur. [297]
+
+
+Some one has said, "Let me write the songs of a people and I care
+not who makes their laws." Give me the campaign songs of a war, and
+I will so write the history of that war that he who runs may read,
+and, reading, know the truth. The volunteers of 1899 had, most of
+them, been in the Spanish War of '98. That struggle had been so
+brief that, to borrow a phrase of the principal beneficiary of it,
+Colonel Roosevelt, there had not been "war enough to go 'round." The
+Philippine insurrection had already broken out when the Spanish War
+volunteers returned from Cuba in the first half of 1899. Few of them
+knew exactly where the Philippines were on the map. They simply knew
+that we had bought the islands, that disturbances of public order
+were in progress there, and that the Government desired to suppress
+them. The President had called for volunteers. That was enough. When
+they reached the islands, instead of finding a lot of outlaws,
+brigands, etc., such as that pestiferous, ill-conditioned outfit of
+horse-thieves and cane-field burning patriots we volunteers of '98
+had to comb out of the eastern end of Cuba under General Wood in the
+winter of 1898-9, they found Manila, on their arrival, practically
+almost a besieged city. They knew that the erroneous impression
+they had brought with them was the result of misrepresentation. Who
+was responsible for that misrepresentation they did not attempt to
+analyze. They simply set to work with American energy to put down the
+insurrection. Nobody questioned the unanimity of the opposition. There
+it was, a fact--denied at home, but a fact. In the course of the fight
+against the organized insurgent army they lost a great many of their
+comrades, and in that way the unanimity of the resistance was quite
+forcibly impressed upon them. By kindred psychologic processes equally
+free from mystery, their determination to overcome the resistance
+early became very set--a state of mind which boded no good to the
+Filipinos. The army song given at the beginning of Chapter XI (ante),
+in which General Otis is made to sing, after the fashion of some of
+the characters in Pinafore, that pensive query to himself
+
+
+    Am I the boss, or am I a tool?
+
+
+the first stanza of which closes
+
+
+    Now I'd like to know who's the boss of the show,
+    Is it me or Emilio Aguinaldo?
+
+
+was a point of departure, in the matter of information, which
+served to acquaint them with all that had gone before. They resented
+the loss of prestige to American arms and desired to restore that
+prestige. While engaged in so doing, they became aware, during the
+Presidential year 1900, that the campaign of that year in the United
+States was based largely upon the pretence that the majority of the
+Filipinos welcomed our rule. Naturally, their experience led them to
+a very general and very cordial detestation of this pretence. For one
+thing, it was an unfair belittling of the actual military service
+they were rendering. People hate a lie whether they are able to
+trace its devious windings to its source or sources, or to analyze
+all its causes, or calculate all its possible effects, or not. The
+real rock-bottom falsehood, not as fully understood then as it became
+later, consisted in the impression sought to be produced at home, in
+order to get votes, that the great body of the Filipino people were
+not really in sympathy with their country's struggle for freedom,
+and would be really glad tamely to accept the alien domination so
+benevolently offered by a superior people, but were being coerced into
+fighting through intimidation by a few selfish leaders acting for their
+own selfish ends. While our fighting generals in the field,--General
+MacArthur, for instance, whose interview with a newspaper man just
+after the fall of Malolos, in March, 1899, subsequently verified by
+him before the Senate Committee of 1902, has already been noticed--at
+first believed that it was only a faction that we had to contend with,
+they soon discovered that the whole people were loyal to Aguinaldo and
+the cause he represented. But, while the point as to how unanimous
+the resistance was remained a disputed matter for some little time
+among those of our people who did not have to "go up against it,"
+the most curious fact of that whole historic situation, to my mind,
+is the absolute identity of the disputed suggestion with that which
+had previously been used in like cases in all ages by the powerful
+against people struggling to be free, and the cotemporaneous absence
+of any notation of the coincidence by any conspicuous spectator of
+the drama, to say nothing of us smaller fry who bore the brunt of
+the war or any portion of it.
+
+Those men of '99 in the Philippines realized in 1900, vaguely
+it may be, but actually, that they were waging a war of conquest
+after the manner of the British as sung by Kipling, but under the
+hypocritical pretence that they were doing missionary work to improve
+the Filipino. They did not know whether the Filipinos could or could
+not run a decent government if permitted. It was too early to form
+any judgment. And even then there was no unanimous feeling that they
+could not. Brigadier-General Charles King, the famous novelist,
+who was in the fighting out there during the first half of 1899,
+was quoted in the Catholic Citizen, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in June,
+1899, as having said in an interview given at Milwaukee:
+
+
+    There is no reason in the world why the people should not have
+    the self-government which they so passionately desire, so far as
+    their ability to carry it on goes.
+
+
+The real reason why the war was being waged was stated with the honesty
+which heated public discussion always brings forth, by Hon. Charles
+Denby, a member of the Schurman Commission of 1899, in an article
+which appeared in the Forum for February, 1899, entitled "Why the
+Treaty Should be Ratified:" [298]
+
+
+    The cold, hard, practical question alone remains: "Will the
+    possession of the islands benefit us as a nation?" If it will not,
+    set them free to-morrow.
+
+
+But in the same magazine, the Forum, for June, 1900, in other words
+to the very same audience, in an article whose title is a protest,
+"Do we Owe the Filipinos Independence?" we find this same distinguished
+diplomat sagaciously deferring to that not inconsiderable element of
+the American public which is opposed to wars for conquest, with the
+rank hypocrisy which must ever characterize a republic warring for
+gain against the ideals that made it great, thus:
+
+
+    A little time ought to be conceded to the Administration to
+    ascertain what the wish of the people [meaning the people of the
+    Philippine Islands] really is; [299]
+
+
+adding some of the stale but ever-welcome salve originally invented
+by General Otis for use by Mr. McKinley on the public conscience
+of America, about the war having been "fomented by professional
+politicians," and not having the moral support of the whole people. "A
+majority of the Filipinos are friendly to us," he says. Even as early
+as January 4, 1900, in the New York Independent, we find Mr. Denby
+abandoning all his previous honesty of 1899 about "the cold, hard,
+practical question," and rubbing his hands with invisible soap to
+the tune of the following hypocrisy:
+
+
+    Let us find out how many of the people want independence, and
+    how many are willing to remain loyal to our government. It is
+    believed a large majority [etc.]. [300]
+
+
+The same article even assumed an air of injured innocence and urged
+that as soon as the insurgent army laid down its arms [301] "the
+intentions of our government will be made known by Congress." That
+was just thirteen years ago, and "the intentions of our government"
+have never yet been "made known by Congress," despite the fact
+that the omission has all these years been like a buzzing insect,
+lighting intermittently on the sores of race prejudice and political
+difference in the Philippines, to say nothing of the circumstance
+that such omission leaves everybody guessing, including ourselves. The
+omission has been due to the fact that both the McKinley Administration
+which committed the original blunder of taking the islands, and
+the succeeding Administrations which have been the legatees of that
+blunder, have always needed in their Philippine business the support
+both of those whose votes are caught by the Denby honesty of 1899
+and those whose votes are caught by the Denby hypocrisy of 1900.
+
+War is a great silencer of hypocrisy. In the presence of real sorrow
+and genuine anger, it slinks away and is seen no more until more
+piping times. The lists of casualties had been duly bulletined to
+the United States from time to time between February, 1899, and June,
+1900, so that by the date last named it had become "good politics" to
+throw off the mask. Hence, at the Republican National Convention held
+in Philadelphia June 19-21, 1900, we find that astute past-master of
+the science of government by parties, Senator Lodge, boldly throwing
+off the mask thus:
+
+
+    We make no hypocritical pretense of being interested in the
+    Philippines solely on account of others. We believe in trade
+    expansion.
+
+
+Now the words of a United States Senator are much listened to by an
+army in the field. When a war breaks out, it is usually your Senator
+who gets your commission for you originally, and has you promoted
+and made captain, colonel, or general, as the case may be, if you do
+anything to deserve it, or lifted from the ranks to a commission, if
+you do anything to deserve it, or sees that something fitting is done
+if you die in any specially decent way. An army in the field thinks
+a United States Senator is about one of the biggest institutions
+going--which, seriously, is not far from the truth, with all due
+respect to the blase pessimists of the press gallery. Consider then how
+wholly uninspiring, as a sentiment to die by and kill by, the above
+senatorial utterance was to the men in the field in the Philippines,
+who did not even then believe the islands would pay. The "cold, hard,
+practical" fact was, if the Senator was to be believed, that we were
+fighting for what is generically called "Wall Street;" that it was
+primarily a Wall Street war: an expedition fitted out to kill enough
+Filipinos to make the survivors good future customers--"Ultimate
+Consumers"--and only incidentally a war to make people follow your
+way of being happy in lieu of their own. Yet we had most of us, but
+shortly previously to that, gone trooping headlong to Cuba, in the wake
+of the most inspiring single personality of this age--Senator Lodge's
+friend, Colonel Roosevelt--some of our American thoraxes inflated with
+sentiments thus nobly expressed by the same distinguished Senator in
+his speech on the resolution which declared war against Spain:
+
+"We are there" (meaning in the then Cuban situation), Senator Lodge
+had said in the Senate, in the matchless outburst of eloquence with
+which he set the keynote to the war with Spain--
+
+
+    We are there because we represent the spirit of liberty and the
+    new time. * * * We have grasped no man's territory, we have taken
+    no man's property, we have invaded no man's rights. We do not
+    ask their lands. [302]
+
+
+What difference, however, did it make to men under military orders,
+and that far away from home, where American public opinion could not
+and never can affect any given situation in time to help it, whether
+they were serving God or the devil? Everything disappeared but the
+primal fighting instinct. So the slaughter proceeded right merrily,
+at a ratio of about sixteen to one, and many a Filipino died with the
+word "Independence" on his lips, [303] while many an obscure American
+life went out, fighting under the Denby-Lodge dollar-mark flag of
+pseudo-trade expansion. Can you imagine a more thankless job? Do
+you wonder at the song that heads the chapter? Still, war is war,
+once you are in it. All through 1900 the volunteers of 1899 kept on,
+cheerfully doing their country's work, not in the least hampered by
+whys or wherefores, so far as the quality of their work went. They knew
+that the Filipinos were not heathen, and they were not perfectly clear
+that they themselves were doing the Lord's work, unless "putting the
+fear of God into the heart of the insurrecto"--one of their campaign
+expressions--was the Lord's work. However, if any of them gave any
+special thought to the ethics of the situation, this did not in the
+least affect their efficiency in action, nor their determination to
+lick the Filipino into submission. When the brief organized resistance
+of the insurgent armies in the field (February to November, 1899)
+underwent its transition to the far more formidable guerrilla tactics,
+they realized that they were "up against" a long and tedious task,
+in which would be no special glamour, as there had been in Cuba,
+because the war was not much more popular at home than it was with
+them. The rank net hypocrisy of the whole situation, as they viewed
+it, is expressed in the song which heads this chapter. It is an
+answer to the Taft nonsense of 1900 about "the people long for peace
+and are willing to accept government under United States." [304]
+That is why the Caribao Society do not sing it to Mr. Taft when he
+attends their annual banquet, notwithstanding that it is the star
+song of their repertoire. [305] This statement of Judge Taft's, as
+well as other like statements of his which followed it during the
+presidential campaign of 1900, would have been perfectly harmless in
+home politics. It was made in the same spirit of optimism in which
+a Taft man will tell you to-day, "The people are willing to see the
+Taft Administration endorsed." But at that time in the Philippines
+there was no possible way to prove or disprove the statement to the
+satisfaction of anybody at home--or elsewhere, for that matter. And,
+under the circumstances, it was at once a libel on Filipino patriotism
+and an ungracious belittling of the work of the American army. It was
+a libel on Filipino patriotism because it denied the loyal (even if
+ill-advised) unanimity of the Filipino people in their struggle for
+independence, and was a statement made recklessly, without knowledge,
+in aid of a presidential candidate in the United States. That it was
+highly inaccurate was well known to some 70,000 American soldiers then
+in the field, who were daily getting insurrecto lead pumped into them,
+and also well known to their gallant commander, General MacArthur, who
+told Judge Taft just that thing. That it was an ungracious belittling
+of the work of the army is certainly obvious enough, and it was
+so considered by the army, and its commanding general aforesaid,
+who practically told Judge Taft just that thing. But Mr. Root,
+then Secretary of War, was as much interested in Mr. McKinley's
+re-election as Judge Taft was. So he spread the Taft cablegrams
+broadcast throughout the United States during the presidential
+campaign, and pigeonholed the MacArthur messages and reports on the
+situation in the dusty and innocuous desuetude of the War Department
+archives. Four years later at the Republican National Convention of
+1904, Mr. Root told the naked truth, thus:
+
+
+    When the last national convention met, over 70,000 soldiers from
+    more than 500 stations held a still vigorous enemy in check. [306]
+
+
+The foregoing is all a record made and unalterable. It is a fair sample
+of the initial stages of one more of the experiments in colonization
+by a republic which are scattered through history and teach but
+one lesson. All the gentlemen concerned were personally men of high
+type. But look at the net result of their work. The impression it
+produced in the United States, at a tremendously critical period in the
+country's history, when the men at the helm of state were bending every
+energy to railroad the republic into a career of overseas conquest,
+and using the army for that purpose, can be called by a short and ugly
+word. The splendor of Mr. Root's intellect is positively alluring,
+but he is a dangerous man to republican institutions. Mr. Taft's part
+in that conspiracy for the suppression of the facts of the Philippine
+situation in 1900 was really due to kindliness of heart, regret
+at the war, and earnest hope that it would soon end. Mr. Denby's
+part was that of the out-and-out imperialist who has frank doubts
+in his own mind as to whether it is axiomatic, after all, that the
+form of government bequeathed us by our fathers is the best form of
+government yet devised. But the conspiracy was really a sin against
+the progress of the world, because it deceived the American people as
+to the genuineness and unanimity of the desire of the Filipino people
+to imitate the example set by us in 1776, which has since served as
+a beacon-light of hope to so many people in so many lands in their
+several struggles to be free.
+
+By the spring of 1900, when General MacArthur relieved General Otis,
+the volunteers of 1899 had gotten thoroughly warmed up to the work
+of showing the Filipinos who was in fact "the boss of the show,"
+and by June, 1900, when Judge Taft arrived, they had gotten still
+warmer [307]; and in General Otis's successor they had a commander
+who understood his men thoroughly, and was determined to carry out
+honestly, with firmness, and without playing, as his predecessor had
+done, the role of political henchman, the purpose for which the army
+he commanded had been sent to the Islands to accomplish. In this
+state of the case, the Taft Commission came out.
+
+This would seem rather an odd point at which to terminate a chapter on
+"MacArthur and the War," seeing that General MacArthur continued to
+command the American forces in the Philippines and to direct their
+strenuous field operations until July, 1901, more than a year later,
+when he was relieved by General Chaffee, on whom thereafter devolved
+the subsequent conduct of the war. But we must follow the inexorable
+thread of chronological order, and so yield the centre of the stage
+from June, 1900, on, to Mr. Taft, else the resultant net confusion of
+ideas about the American occupation of the Philippines might remain
+as great as that which this narrative is an attempt in some degree
+to correct.
+
+All through the official correspondence of 1899 and 1900 between the
+Adjutant-General of the Army, General Corbin, and General Otis at
+Manila, one sees Mr. McKinley's sensitiveness to public opinion. "In
+view of the impatience of the people" you will do thus and so,
+is a typical sample of this feature of that correspondence. [308]
+Troubled, possibly, with misgivings, as to whether, after all, in view
+of the vigorous and undeniably obstinate struggle for independence
+the Filipinos were putting up, it would not have been wiser to have
+done with them as we had done in the case of Cuba, and troubled,
+beyond the peradventure of a doubt, about the effect of the possible
+Philippine situation on the fortunes of his party and himself in the
+approaching campaign for the presidency, Mr. McKinley sent Mr. Taft
+out, in the spring preceding the election of 1900, to help General
+MacArthur run the war. We must now, therefore, turn our attention to
+Mr. Taft, not forgetting General MacArthur in so doing.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+THE TAFT COMMISSION
+
+                                    The papers 'id it 'andsome,
+                                    But you bet the army knows.
+
+                                        Kipling, Ballad of the Boer War.
+
+
+The essentials of the situation which confronted the Taft Commission
+on its arrival in the islands in June, 1900, and the mental attitude
+in which they approached that situation, may now be briefly summarized,
+with entire confidence that such summary will commend itself as fairly
+accurate to the impartial judgment both of the historian of the future
+and of any candid contemporary mind.
+
+It is not necessary to "vex the dull ear" of a mighty people much
+engrossed with their own affairs, by repetition of any further
+details concerning the original de facto alliance between Admiral
+Dewey and Aguinaldo. Suffice it to remind a people whose saving
+grace is a love of fair play, that, after the battle of Manila Bay,
+when Admiral Dewey brought Aguinaldo down from Hong Kong to Cavite,
+both the Admiral and his Filipino allies were keenly cognizant of the
+national purpose set forth in the declaration of war against Spain,
+and that the Filipinos could not have been expected to make any
+substantial distinction between the casual remarks of a victorious
+admiral on the quarter-deck of his flagship in May, remarks concurrent
+and consistent with actual treatment of the Filipinos as allies, and
+the imperious commands of a general ashore in December thereafter,
+acting under specific orders pursuant to the Treaty of Paris. The
+one great fact of the situation, "as huge as high Olympus," they did
+grasp, viz., that both were representatives of America on the ground
+at the time of their respective utterances, and that one in December
+in effect repudiated without a word of explanation what the other
+had done from May to August. They had helped us to take the city of
+Manila in August, and, to use the current phrase of the passing hour,
+coined in this period of awakening of the national conscience to
+a proper attitude toward double-dealing in general, they felt that
+they had been "given the double cross." In other words they believed
+that the American Government had been guilty of a duplicity rankly
+Machiavellian. And that was the cause of the war.
+
+We have seen in the chapters on "The Benevolent Assimilation
+Proclamation" and "The Iloilo Fiasco" that, in the Philippines at
+any rate, no matter how mellifluously pacific it may have sounded at
+home--no matter how soothing to the troubled doubts of the national
+conscience--the Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation of December 21,
+1898, was recognized both by the Eighth Army Corps and by Aguinaldo's
+people as a call to arms--a signal to the former to get ready for the
+work of "civilizing with a Krag"; a signal to the latter to gird up
+their loins for the fight to the death for government of their people,
+by their people, for their people; and that the yearning benevolence
+of said proclamation was calculated strikingly to remind the Filipinos
+of Spain's previous traditional yearnings for the welfare of Cuba,
+indignantly cut short by us--yearnings "to spare the great island
+from the danger of premature independence" [309] which that decadent
+monarchy could not even help repeating in the swan-song wherein
+she sued to President McKinley for peace. We did not realize the
+absoluteness of the analogy then. It is all clear enough now. We can
+now understand how and why Mr. McKinley's programme of Annexation and
+Benevolent Assimilation of 1898-9, blindly earnest as was his belief
+that it would make the Filipino people at once cheerfully forego the
+"legitimate aspirations" to which we ourselves had originally given
+a momentum so generous that nothing but bullets could then possibly
+have stopped it, was in fact received by them in a manner compared
+with which Canada's response in 1911 to Speaker Champ Clark's equally
+benevolent suggestion of United States willingness to accord to Canada
+also, gradual Benevolent Assimilation and Ultimate Annexation, was
+one great sisterly sob of sheer joy as at the finding of a long lost
+brother. From the arrival of the American troops on June 30, 1898,
+until the outbreak of February 4, 1899, there had been two armies
+camped not far from each other, one born of the idea of independence
+and bent upon it, the other at first groping in the dark without
+instructions, and finally instructed to deny independence. There
+was never any faltering or evasion on the part of Aguinaldo and his
+people. They knew what they wanted and said so on all occasions. At
+all times and in all places they made it clear, by proclamation, by
+letter, by conversation, and otherwise, that independence was the one
+thing to which, whether they were fit for it or not, they had pledged
+"their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor."
+
+We have seen how easily the war itself could have been averted by the
+Bacon Resolution of January, 1899, or some similar resolution frankly
+declaring the purpose of our government; how here was Senator Bacon
+at this end of the line pleading with his colleagues to be frank,
+and to make a declaration in keeping with "the high purpose" for
+which we had gone to war with Spain, instead of holding on to the
+Philippines on the idea that they might prove a second Klondike,
+while justifying such retention by arbitrarily assuming, without any
+knowledge whatever on the subject, that the Filipinos were incapable
+of self-government; how, there, at the other end of the line, at
+Manila, Aguinaldo's Commissioners, familiar with our Constitution
+and the history and traditions of our government, were making,
+substantially, though in more diplomatic language, precisely the
+same plea, and imploring General Otis's Commissioners to give them
+some assurance which would quiet the apprehensions of their people,
+and calm the fear that the original assurance, "We are going to lick
+the Spaniards and set you free," was now about to be ignored because
+the islands might be profitable to the United States.
+
+We have seen the war itself, as far as it had progressed by June,
+1900, one of the bitterest wars in history, punctuated by frequent
+barbarities avenged in kind, and how, if the Taft Commission had
+not come out with McKinley spectacles on, they would have seen the
+picture of a bleeding, prostrate, and deeply hostile people, still
+bent on fighting to the last ditch, not only animated by a feeling
+against annexation by us similar to that the Canadians would have
+to-day if we should also try the Benevolent Assimilation game on
+them--first with proclamations breathing benevolence and then with
+cannon belching grape-shot--but further animated by the instinctive
+as well as inherited knowledge common to all colored peoples,
+whether red, yellow brown, or black, that wheresoever white men
+and colored live in the same country together, there the white man
+will rule. Understand, this was before Judge Taft had had a chance to
+assure them, with the kindly Taft smile and the hearty Taft hand-shake,
+that their benevolent new masters were going to reverse the verdict
+of the ages, and treat them with a fraternal love wholly free from
+race prejudice. If Judge Taft could only have arrived in January,
+1899, and told them that the Bacon Resolution really represented the
+spirit of the attitude of the American people toward them, then the
+finely commanding bearing of Mr. Taft, and the noble genuineness of
+his desire to see peace on earth and goodwill toward men, might even
+have prevented the war. But this is merely what might have been. What
+actually was, when he did arrive, in June, 1900, was that the milk of
+human kindness had long since been spilled, and his task was to gather
+it up and put it back in the pail. When I, a Southern man who have
+taken part in the only two wars this nation has had in my lifetime,
+reflect that in this year of grace, 1912, Mr. Underwood's otherwise
+matchless availability as the candidate of his party for President is
+questioned on the idea that it might be a tactical blunder, because of
+"the late war," which broke out before either Mr. Underwood or myself
+were born, I cannot share the Taft optimism as to the rapidity with
+which the scars of "the late war" in the Philippines will heal, and
+as to the affectionate gratitude toward the United States with which
+the McKinley-Taft programme of Benevolent Assimilation will presently
+be regarded by the people of the Philippine Islands.
+
+We have seen the futile efforts of the Schurman Commission of 1899,
+sent out that spring, in deference to American public opinion,
+with definite instructions to try and patch up a peace, by talking
+to the leading spirits of a war for independence, now in full swing,
+about the desirability of benevolent leading-strings. "They [meaning
+the Schurman Commission] had come," says Mr. McKinley, in his annual
+message to Congress of December 5, 1899, [310] "with the hope of
+co-operating with Admiral Dewey and General Otis in establishing
+peace and order." They came, they saw, they went, recognizing the
+futility of the errand on which they had been sent. And now came the
+Taft Commission a year later, on precisely the same errand, after the
+Filipinos had sunk all their original petty differences and jealousies
+in a very reasonable instinctive common fear of economic exploitation,
+and a very unreasonable but, to them, very real common fear of race
+elimination, amounting to terror, and been welded into absolute
+oneness--if that were somewhat lacking before--in the fierce crucible
+of sixteen months of bloody fighting against a foreign foe for the
+independence of their common country. President McKinley's message to
+Congress of December, 1899, is full of the old insufferable drivel,
+so grossly, though unwittingly, ungenerous to our army then in the
+field in the Philippines, about the triviality of the resistance
+we were "up against." The message in one place blandly speaks of
+"the peaceable and loyal majority who ask nothing better than to
+accept our authority," in another of "the sinister ambitions of a
+few selfish Filipinos." Thus was outlined, in the message announcing
+the purpose to send out the Taft Commission, the view that no real
+fundamental resistance existed in the islands. Basing contemplated
+action on this sort of stuff, the presidential message outlines the
+presidential purpose as follows--this in December, 1899, mind you:
+
+
+    There is no reason why steps should not be taken from time to
+    time to inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form
+    as fast as territory is held and controlled by our troops.
+
+
+Then follows the genesis of the idea which resulted in the Taft
+Commission:
+
+
+    To this end I am considering the advisability of the return
+    [to the islands] of the commission [the Schurman Commission]
+    or such of the members thereof as can be secured.
+
+
+In Cuba, General Wood began the work of reconstruction at Havana with
+a central government and the best men he could get hold of, and acted
+through them, letting his plans and purposes percolate downward to
+the masses of the people. Not so in the Philippines. Reconstruction
+there was to begin by establishing municipal governments, to be
+later followed by provincial governments, and finally by a central
+one; in other words, by placing the waters of self-government at
+the bottom of the social fabric among the most ignorant people,
+and letting them percolate up, according to some mysterious law of
+gravitation apparently deemed applicable to political physics. Of
+course, these poor people simply always took their cue from their
+leaders, knowing nothing themselves that could affect the success of
+this project except that we were their enemies and that they might get
+knocked in the head if they did not play the game. "I have believed,"
+says Mr. McKinley, in his message to Congress of December, 1899,
+"that reconstruction should not begin by the establishment of one
+central civil government for all the islands, with its seat at Manila,
+but rather that the work should be commenced by building up from the
+bottom." Whereat, the young giant America bowed, in puzzled hope,
+and worldly-wise old Europe smiled, in silent but amused contempt.
+
+If at the time he formulated this scheme for their government
+Mr. McKinley had known anything about the Philippines, or the
+Filipinos, he would have known that what he so suavely called "building
+from the bottom" was like trying to make water run up hill, i.e.,
+like starting out to have ideas percolate upward, so that through "the
+masses" the more intelligent people might be redeemed. The "nigger
+in the woodpile" lay in the words "essentially popular in form." Of
+course no government by us "essentially popular" was possible at the
+time. But a government "popular in form" would sound well to the
+American people, and, if they could be kept quiet until after the
+presidential election of 1900, maybe the supposed misunderstanding
+on the part of the Filipinos of the benevolence of our intentions
+might be corrected by kindness. Accordingly, the following spring,
+cotemporaneously with General Otis's final departure from Manila to
+the United States, in which free country he might say the war was over
+as much as he pleased without being molested with round-robins by Bob
+Collins, O. K. Davis, John McCutcheon, and the rest of those banes of
+his insular career, who so pestiferously insisted that the American
+public ought to know the facts, the Taft Commission was sent out,
+to "aid" General MacArthur, as the Schurman Commission had "aided"
+General Otis. [311]
+
+It would seem fairly beyond any reasonable doubt that the official
+information the Taft Commission were given by President McKinley
+concerning the state of public order they would find in the islands
+on arrival was in keeping with the information solemnly imparted
+to Congress by him in December thereafter, which was as follows:
+"By the spring of this year (1900) the effective opposition of the
+dissatisfied Tagals"--always the same minimization of the task of the
+army as a sop to the American conscience--"was virtually ended." Then
+follows a glowing picture of how the Filipinos are going to love us
+after we rescue them from the hated Tagal, but with this circumspect
+reservation: "He would be rash who, with the teachings of contemporary
+history, would fix a limit" as to how long it will take to produce
+such a state of affairs. Looking at that mighty panorama of events
+from the dispassionate standpoint now possible, it seems to me that
+Mr. McKinley's whole Philippine policy of 1899-1900 was animated by
+the belief that the more the Philippine situation should resemble the
+really identical Cuban one in the estimation of the American people,
+the more likely his Philippine policy was to be repudiated at the
+polls in the fall of 1900. The Taft Commission left Washington for
+Manila in the spring of 1900, after their final conference with the
+President who had appointed them and was a candidate for re-election in
+the coming fall, as completely committed as circumstances can commit
+any man or set of men to the programme of occupation which was to
+follow the subjugation of the inhabitants, and to the proposition
+of present incapacity for self-government, its corner-stone;
+to say nothing of the embarrassment felt at Washington by reason
+of having stumbled into a bloody war with people whom we honestly
+wanted to help, had never seen, and had nothing but the kindliest
+feelings for. While the serene and capacious intellect of William
+H. Taft was still pursuing the even tenor of its way in the halls of
+justice (as United States Circuit Judge for the 8th Circuit), the
+Philippine programme was formulated at Washington. Judge Taft went
+to Manila to make the best of a situation which he had not created,
+to write the lines of the Deus ex machina for a Tragedy of Errors
+up to that point composed wholly by others. It has been frequently
+stated and generally believed that when Mr. McKinley sent for him and
+proposed the Philippine mission, Judge Taft replied, substantially:
+"Mr. President, I am not the man for the place. I don't want the
+Philippines." To which Mr. McKinley is supposed to have replied:
+"You are the man for the place, Judge. I had rather have a man out
+there who doesn't want them." The point of the original story lay in
+what Mr. McKinley said. The point of the repetition of it here lies
+in what Mr. Taft said, the inference therefrom being that he did not
+think the true interests of his country "wanted" them, and that had
+he been called into President McKinley's council sooner he would have
+so advised; an inference warranted by his subsequent admission that
+"we blundered into colonization." [312]
+
+It is utterly fatal to clear thinking on this great subject, which
+concerns the liberties of a whole people, to treat Judge Taft's reports
+as Commissioner to, and later Governor of, the Philippines as in the
+nature of a judicial decision on the capacity of the Filipinos for
+self-government. When he consented to go out there, he went, not to
+review the findings of the Paris Peace Commission, but at the urgent
+solicitation of an Administration whose fortunes were irrevocably
+committed to those findings, including the express finding that they
+were unfit for self-government, and the implied one that we must remain
+to improve the condition of the inhabitants. He was thus not a judge
+come out to decide on the fitness of the people for self-government,
+but an advocate to make the best possible case for their unfitness, and
+its corollary, the necessity to remain indefinitely, just as England
+has remained in Egypt. The war itself convinced the whole army of the
+United States that Aguinaldo would have been the "Boss of the Show"
+had Dewey sailed away from Manila after sinking the Spanish fleet. The
+war satisfied us all that Aguinaldo would have been a small edition
+of Porfirio Diaz, and that the Filipino republic-that-might-have-been
+would have been, very decidedly, "a going concern," although Aguinaldo
+probably would have been able to say with a degree of accuracy, as
+Diaz might have said in Mexico for so many years, "The Republic? I
+am the Republic." The war demonstrated to the army, to a Q. E. D.,
+that the Filipinos are "capable of self-government," unless the kind
+which happens to suit the genius of the American people is the only
+kind of government on earth that is respectable, and the one panacea
+for all the ills of government among men without regard to their
+temperament or historical antecedents. The educated patriotic Filipinos
+can control the masses of the people in their several districts as
+completely as a captain ever controlled a company. [313] While the
+municipal officials of the McKinley-Taft municipal kindergarten were
+stumbling along with the strange new town government system imported
+from America, and atoning to their benignant masters for mistakes by
+writing them letters about how benignant they--the teachers--were,
+they--the pupils,--according to the contemporaneous description by the
+commanding general of the United States forces in the islands, were
+running a superbly efficient municipal system throughout the whole
+archipelago, "simultaneously and in the same sphere as the American
+governments, and in many instances through the same personnel,"
+[314] in aid of the insurrection. General MacArthur humorously adds
+that the town officials "acted openly in behalf of the Americans
+and secretly in behalf of the insurgents, and, with considerable
+apparent solicitude for the interest of both." In short, the war
+at once demonstrated their "capacity for self-government" and made
+granting it to them for the time being unthinkable. For the war was
+fought not on the issue of the capacity, but on the issue of the
+granting. The Treaty of Paris settled the "capacity" part. The army
+in 1898, 1899, and 1900 can hardly be said to have had any much more
+decided opinion on the capacity branch of the subject, than Perry did
+about the Japanese in 1854. The Paris Peace Commission having solemnly
+decided the "capacity part" adversely to the Filipinos and the war
+having followed, thereafter Mr. Taft went out to make out the best case
+possible in support of the action of the Peace Commission and, ex vi
+termini, in support of everything made necessary by the fact of the
+purchase. Unless some one goes out to present to the American people
+the other side of the case, they will never arrive at a just verdict.
+
+Committed, a priori, to the task of squaring the McKinley
+Administration with its course as to Cuba, the only course possible
+for the Taft Commission was to set up a benevolent government based
+upon the incompetency of the governed, which, being a standing affront
+to the intelligence of the people, earns their hatred, however it may
+crave their love. By the very bitterness of the opposition it permits
+yet disregards, it binds itself ever more irrevocably to remain a
+benevolent engenderer of malevolence. Government and governed thus get
+wider apart as the years go by, and, the raison d'etre of the former
+being the mental deficiencies of the latter, it must, in self-defence,
+assert those deficiencies the more offensively, the more vehemently
+they are denied. What hope therefore can there be that the light
+that shone upon Saul on the road to Damascus will ever break upon
+the President? What hope that he will ever re-attune his ears to the
+voice of the Declaration of Independence, calling down from where
+the Signers (we hope without untoward exception) have gone, crying:
+"William, William, why persecutest thou me? it is hard for thee to
+kick against the right of a people to pursue happiness in their own
+way"? The difference between the President and the writer is that
+both went out to scoff and the latter remained--much longer--to pray.
+
+The Taft Commission arrived at Manila on June 3, 1900, loaded to the
+guards with kindly belief in the stale falsehood wherewith General
+Otis, ably assisted by his press censor, had been systematically
+soothing Mr. McKinley's and the general American conscience during
+the whole twenty months he had commanded the Eighth Army Corps, [315]
+viz., that the insurrection was due solely to "the sinister ambitions
+of a few selfish leaders," and did not represent the wishes of the
+whole people. It is true that the insurrection originally started
+under Admiral Dewey's auspices and under the initial protection of
+his puissant guns was headed by a group of men most of whom, including
+Aguinaldo, were Tagalos. But all Filipinos look alike, the whole seven
+or eight millions of them. They differ from one another not one whit
+more than one Japanese differs from another. And they all feel alike on
+most things, [316] because they all have the same customs, tastes, and
+habits of thought. Said Governor Taft to the Senate Committee in 1902:
+
+
+    While it is true that there are a number of Christian "tribes,"
+    so-called,--I do not know the number, possibly eight or ten, or
+    twelve,--that speak different languages, there is a homogeneity
+    in the people in appearance, in habits, and in many avenues of
+    thought. To begin with, they are Catholics." [317]
+
+
+Certainly this should forever crucify the stale slander, still
+ignorantly repeated in the United States at intervals, which seeks
+to make the American people think the great body of the Filipino
+people are still in a tribal state, ethnologically. [318] A Tagalo
+leader is about as much a "tribal" leader as is a Tammany "brave"
+of Irish antecedents. In fact there is much in common between the
+two. Both are clannish. Both have a genius for organization that
+is simply superb. Both are irrepressible about Home Rule. Countless
+generations ago the Filipinos were lifted by the Spanish priests out
+of the tribal state, and the educated people all speak Spanish. But
+the original tribal dialects, which the Spanish priests patiently
+mastered and finally reduced for them to a written language, still
+survive in the several localities of their origin. So that every
+Filipino of a well-to-do family is brought up speaking two languages,
+Spanish, and the local dialect of his native place, which is the only
+language known to the poorer natives of the same neighborhood. Surely
+even the valor of ignorance can see that we are presumptuously
+seeking to reverse the order of God and nature in assuming that
+an alien race can lead a people out of the wilderness better than
+could a government by the leading men of their own race to whom the
+less favored look with an ardent pride that would be a guarantee of
+loyal and inspiring co-operation. You can beat a balking horse to
+death but you cannot make him wag his tail, or otherwise indicate
+contentment or a disposition to cordial co-operation which will
+make for progress. Mr. Bryan has visited the Philippines, and his
+evidence is simply cumulative of mine, as mine, based on six years'
+acquaintance with the Filipinos, is simply cumulative of Admiral
+Dewey's testimony of 1898, so often cited hereinbefore, and of the
+opinion of Hon. George Curry, a Republican member of Congress from
+New Mexico who served eight years in the Philippines, and believes
+they can safely be given their independence by 1921. Mr. Bryan says:
+
+
+    So far as their own internal affairs are concerned, they do not
+    need to be subject to any alien government.
+
+
+He further says:
+
+
+    There is a wide difference, it is true, between the general
+    intelligence of the educated Filipino and the laborer on
+    the street and in the field, but this is not a barrier to
+    self-government. Intelligence controls in every government,
+    except where it is suppressed by military force. Nine tenths of
+    the Japanese have no part in the law-making. In Mexico, the gap
+    between the educated classes and the peons is fully as great as,
+    if not greater than, the gap between the extremes of Filipino
+    society. Those who question the capacity of the Filipinos for
+    self-government forget that patriotism raises up persons fitted
+    for the work that needs to be done." [319]
+
+
+It is because I believe that in the Philippines we are doing ourselves
+an injustice and keeping back the progress of the world by depreciating
+and scoffing at the value of patriotism as a factor in self-government
+and in the maintenance of free institutions, that I have written this
+book. There is no more patriotic people in the world than the Filipino
+people. I base this opinion upon an intimate knowledge of them, and
+in the light of considerable observation throughout most of Europe,
+and in Asia from the Golden Horn to the mouth of the Yang-tse. Woe
+to the nonsense, sometimes ignorant, sometimes vicious, wherewith
+we are regaled from time to time by Americans who go to Manila,
+smoke a cigar or two in some American club there, and then come back
+home and depreciate the Filipino people without at least correcting
+Col. Roosevelt's wholly uninformed and cruel random assertions of
+1900 about the Filipinos being a "jumble of savage tribes," and about
+Aguinaldo being "the Osceola of the Filipinos," or their "Sitting
+Bull!" It is wonderfully inspiring to turn from such stale slander to
+Mr. Bryan's above statement of the case for our Oriental subjects,
+a statement framed in his own infinitely sympathetic and inimitable
+way, which says for me just what I had long wanted to express, but
+could not, so well. And in the midst of the recurring slander that the
+Filipino people are "a heterogeneous lot," it is refreshing to find in
+a preface to the American Census of the Philippines of 1903, by the
+Director thereof, a passage where, in comparing the tables of that
+census with those of the Twelfth Census of the United States, he says:
+
+
+   "Those of the Philippine Census are somewhat simpler, the
+    differences being due mainly to the more homogeneous character
+    of the population of the Philippine Islands." [320]
+
+
+When we consider the above in the light of the past and present
+operation of our own immigration laws, it is not flattering, but it
+may and should tend to awaken some realization of the manifold nature
+and blinding effects of current misapprehensions in the United States
+concerning the inhabitants of the Philippines. One Filipino does not
+differ from another any more than one American does from another
+American--in fact they differ less, considering immigration. The
+Filipino people are not rendered a heterogeneous lot by having three
+different languages, Ilocano, Tagalo, and Visayan, [321] which are
+respectively the languages spoken in the northern, the central,
+and the southern part of their country, any more than the people
+of Switzerland are rendered heterogeneous by the circumstance that
+in northern Switzerland you find German spoken for the most part,
+while farther south you find French, and near the southernmost
+extremities some Italian. At this late date no credible person
+acquainted with the facts will be so poor in spirit as to deny that
+the motives of the men who originally started the insurrection were
+patriotic. Nor will any one who served under General Otis's command
+in the Philippines deny that that eminent desk soldier continued to
+cling to his early theory that it was a purely Tagalo insurrection
+long after the deadly unanimity of the opposition had seeped, with
+all-pervading thoroughness, into the general mind of the army of
+occupation. The white flag or rag of truce, alias treachery, used
+to be hoisted to put us off our guard in pretence of welcome to our
+columns approaching their towns and barrios. Such use of such a flag,
+followed by treachery, the ultimate weapon of the weak, had been in
+turn followed, with relentless impartiality in countless instances,
+by due unloosening of the vials of American wrath, until every nipa
+shack [322] in the Philippine Islands that remained unburned had
+had its lesson, written in the blood of its occupants or their kin,
+to the tune of the Krag-Jorgensen or the Gatling. Yet General Otis's
+reports are always bland, and always convey the idea of an insurrection
+exclusively Tagalo.
+
+In the summer of 1900, the newly arrived civilians, the Taft
+Commission, had no special interest in the soldiers who, for better,
+for worse, were "doing their country's work," as Kipling calls his
+own country's countless wars against its refractory subjects in the
+far East; and no especial sympathy with that work. Two years later we
+find President Roosevelt, in connection with the general amnesty of
+July 4, 1902, congratulating his "bowld lads," as Mr. Dooley would
+call them--meaning General Chaffee and the Eighth Army Corps--on a
+total of "two thousand combats, great and small" up to that time,
+but you never find in any of Governor Taft's Philippine state
+papers any more affirmative recognition of continued resistance to
+American rule than some mild allusion to "small but hard knocks"
+being administered here and there by the army. From the beginning
+there was a systematic belittling, on the part of the Taft Commission,
+of the work of the army, incidentally to belittling the reality and
+unanimity of the opposition which was daily calling it forth. [323]
+This was not vicious. It was essentially benevolent. It was part of
+the initial fermentation of their preconceived theory. But the trouble
+about their theory was that it was only a theory. It would not square
+with the facts. They were trying to square the subjugation of the
+Philippines with the freeing of Cuba, a task quite as soluble as the
+squaring of a circle. They hoped, with all the kindly benevolence
+of Mr. McKinley himself, that the opposition to our rule was not
+as great as some people seemed to think. They had come out to the
+islands earnestly wishing to find conditions not as bad as they
+had been asserted to be. And the wish became father to the thought
+and the thought soon found expression in words--cablegrams to the
+United States presenting an optimistic view as to the prospects of
+necessity for further shedding of blood in the interest of Benevolent
+Assimilation, alias Trade Expansion. Some flippant person will say,
+"That is a polite way of charging insincerity." This book is not
+addressed to flippant persons. It is a serious attempt to deal with
+a problem involving the liberties of a whole people, and will be,
+as far as the writer can make it, straightforward, dignified, and
+candid. Judge Taft's fearful mistake of 1900-1901 in the matter of his
+premature planting of the civil government--a mistake because based
+on the idea that "the great majority of the people" welcomed American
+rule, and a fearful mistake because fraught with so much subsequent
+sacrifice of life due to too early withdrawal of the police protection
+of the army--was not the first instance in American history where an
+ordinarily level-headed public man has, with egregious folly, mistaken
+the mood and temper of a whole people. The key to his mistake lay in
+the fact that, coming into a strange country in the midst of a war,
+he ignored the advice of the commanding general of the army of his
+country concerning the military situation, and took the advice of a
+few native Tories, or Copperheads, of wealth, who had never really
+been in sympathy with the insurrection and who, flocking about him
+as soon as he arrived, told him what he so longed to be told, viz.,
+that the war did not represent the wishes of the people but was kept
+up by "a conspiracy of assassination" of all who did not contribute
+to it either in service or money. He thereupon decided that the men
+who told him this really represented the voice of the people, and
+that the men in the field who had then been keeping up the struggle
+for independence for sixteen months, in season and out of season,
+were simply "a Mafia on a very large scale." Consequently the Taft
+Commission had been in the islands less than three months when
+Secretary of War Root at Washington was giving the widest possible
+publicity to cablegrams from them, such as that dated August 21,
+1900, mentioned in the preceding chapter, conveying the glad tidings
+that "large number of people long for peace and are willing to accept
+government under United States" [324]; and by November next thereafter,
+the "large number" had grown to "a great majority," and the "willing"
+to "entirely willing." The November statement was:
+
+
+    A great majority of the people long for peace and are entirely
+    willing to accept the establishment of a government under the
+    supremacy of the United States. [325]
+
+
+Yet, as we saw in the preceding chapter, the real situation in the
+Philippines at this very time was described four years later at the
+Republican National Convention of 1904 by Mr. Root thus:
+
+
+    When the last national convention met, over 70,000 American
+    soldiers from more than 500 stations held a still vigorous enemy
+    in check.
+
+
+Between the date of their arrival in the Islands on June 3d, and the
+date of this August 21st telegram, the Taft Commission did little
+junketing, but remained in Manila imbibing the welcome views of the
+"Tories" or "Copperheads," and seeking very little information from
+the army. But it so happens that the Adjutant-General at Manila used
+to keep a record of the daily engagements during that period, which
+record was later published in the annual War Department Report, [326]
+and it shows a total of about five hundred killings (of Filipinos)
+between June 3d, and August 21st, to say nothing of probably many times
+that number hit but not killed, and therefore able to get away. (You
+could not include any Filipino in your returns of your killings except
+dead you had actually counted.) It also happens that on June 4th,
+the day after Judge Taft's arrival, General MacArthur, in response to
+an order from Washington sent some time previous at the instance of
+Congress, had all the Filipino casualties our military records showed
+up to that time (i. e., during the sixteen months from the day of the
+outbreak, February 4, 1899, to June 3, 1900), tabulated and totalled,
+and the total Filipino killed accordingly reported by cablegram to
+the War Department on June 4, 1900, was 10,780. [327]
+
+Ten thousand in sixteen months is 625 per month. So that by the
+time Judge Taft arrived, the Filipinos had been sufficiently
+beaten into submission to decrease the death-rate due to the
+Independence Bug from something over six hundred per month to about
+two hundred per month. Judge Taft called this enthusiasm. I call it
+exhaustion. Whereupon, exclaims a Boston Anti-Imperialist, "Why don't
+you issue Mr. Taft a certificate as a member of the Ananias Club at
+once, and be done with it?" My answer is that I do not believe the
+Taft Commission in 1900 either knew these figures or wanted to know
+them. They came out preaching a Gospel of Hope to the exclusion of
+all else, a species of mental healing. They said, soothingly to Dame
+Filipina, "Be not afraid; you are well; you are well"--of the desire
+for independence she had conceived, when what that lady needed was the
+surgical operation indispensable for the removal of a still-born child.
+
+The will of the American people is ascertainable, and quadrennially
+announced, through certain prescribed methods. And (nearly)
+everybody takes the result good-humoredly, God bless our country,
+whatever the result. But just how Mr. Taft and his colleagues could
+assume to speak for the "great majority" of the Filipino people at
+the tremendous juncture in their destinies now under consideration
+during the Presidential election of 1900, does not clearly appear,
+except that in their first report they say:
+
+
+    Many witnesses were examined as to the form of government best
+    adapted to these islands and satisfactory to the people, [328]
+
+
+a statement which obviously takes for granted the only point
+involved in the war, viz., whether any kind of alien government
+would be "satisfactory to the people." And in their various other
+communications to Washington they describe themselves, with no small
+degree of benevolent satisfaction, as enthusiastically received by
+natives not under arms at the moment of such reception. As a matter of
+fact, a carpet-bag governor of Georgia might just as well have reported
+to Andrew Johnson an enthusiastic reception at the hands of the people
+whose homes had lately been put to the torch, and their kith and kin to
+the sword, while the whole fair face of nature from Atlanta to the sea
+lay bruised and bleeding under the iron heel of Sherman's army. Let no
+advocate of Indefinite Tutelage whet his scalping-knife for me because
+of the use of that word "carpet-bag." It was as free from ill-will
+as the explosion incident to flash-light photography. We are trying
+to develop a picture of those times. Two at least of the Commission,
+Messrs. Taft and Wright, were the kind of men who in all the personal
+relations of life, meet the ultimate test of human confidence and
+friendship--you would make either, if he would consent to act,
+executor of your will, or testamentary guardian of your child. But
+they came out with the preconceived notion that kindness would win
+the people over, whereas what those people wanted was not foreign
+kindness but home rule, not silken political swaddling clothes,
+but freedom. And as the acquisition of the Philippines has placed
+us under the necessity of getting up a new definition of freedom,
+one consistent with tariff taxation without representation--through
+legislation by a Congress on the other side of the world in which
+"our new possessions" have no vote--it should be added that one of
+the things Freedom meant with us before 1898, was freedom to frame
+the laws--tariff and other--which largely determine the selling
+price of crops and the purchase price of the necessities of life,
+freedom to see the intelligent and educated men of your own race in
+charge of your common destiny, freedom to have a flag as an emblem
+of your common interests, in a word, just Freedom. And that was what
+the war was about. They wanted to be free and independent. Whether
+they were fit for such freedom is wholly foreign to the reality and
+unanimity of their desire for it. General Otis used to be very fond
+of taking the wind out of the sails of their commissioners and other
+officials before the outbreak by saying that their people had not
+the slightest notion of what the word independence meant. It is true
+that they knew nothing about it by experience, but equally true that
+whatever it was, they wanted it. Of the ten thousand men we had already
+killed when Judge Taft arrived, there can be no question, as already
+heretofore suggested, that many of them may have been hit just as
+they were hurrahing for independence, in other words, died with the
+word "Independence" on their lips. When men have been thus fighting
+against overwhelming odds for some sixteen months for government of
+their people by their people for their people--however inarticulate
+the emotions of the rank and file on going into battle--it is idle
+to claim that they do not know what they want, whether the great
+majority of the rank and file can read and write or not. But pursuant
+to the idea that kindness would cure the desire for independence,
+Judge Taft ignored, in the outset, all advice from the military
+department, because that was not the kindness department, accepting
+as truly representative of the temper of the whole people the views
+of a few ultra-conservatives of large means who had always been part
+and parcel of the Spanish Administration.
+
+On the other hand, General MacArthur and the whole Eighth Army Corps
+had seen a great insurrection drag on from month to month and from one
+year to another, under General Otis, when short shrift would have been
+made of it in the outset, and far less life sacrificed, if Mr. McKinley
+had not needed, in aid of his Philippine policy, the support of both
+of those who believed it was right and of those who believed it would
+pay. The one central thought which had seemed to animate General
+Otis from the beginning, a thought which we have already traced
+through all its humiliating manifestations, was that he must neither
+do or permit anything that might hurt the Administration. When the
+"impatience of the people" at home, which figures so prominently in
+the correspondence already cited between the Adjutant General of the
+army, General Corbin, and General Otis at Manila, had begun to cast its
+shadows on the presidential year, 1900, the master mind of Mr. Root had
+interrupted the fatal Otis treatment of the insurrection, indicated by
+General Otis's long failure to call for volunteers, his stupid stream
+of "situation well in hand" and "insurrection about to collapse"
+telegrams, and his utterly unpardonable persistence in calling it a
+purely "Tagalo insurrection," by sending him a competent force, and
+a plan of campaign, and directing him to carry out the plan. General
+Otis did this, because he was told to, and then began again to sing
+the same old song. MacArthur, Wheaton, Lawton, Bates, Young, Funston,
+and the rest of the fighting generals, had submitted to all the Otis
+follies without a murmur, because insubordination degrades an army
+into a rabble. But they [329] believed the army was there to put down
+that insurrection, not to have a symposium with its leaders on the
+rights of man. They had taken up "The White Man's Burden," after the
+manner of Lords Kitchener and Roberts, and they had no qualms. Above
+all, they wanted peace, no matter how much fighting it took to get
+it. Mindful of the attempts of the Schurman Commission of the year
+before to mix peace with war, and of the immense encouragement thus
+given the insurgents, they had not looked forward with enthusiasm to
+the coming of the Taft Commission, and to the highly probable renewal
+of negotiations with the insurgent leaders in the field, pursuant to
+a presidential policy of patching up a peace at any price, suggested
+by the exigencies of political expediency, to give the government a
+semblance of having more or less of the consent of the governed. That
+the anticipations of the military authorities in this regard did not
+receive a pleasant disappointment, has already been suggested by the
+nature of the views adopted by the commission soon after its arrival.
+
+The military view of the situation, as it stood when Judge Taft and his
+colleagues arrived at Manila in June, 1900, is set forth in the annual
+report of the commanding general, General MacArthur, rendered shortly
+thereafter; rendered, not in aid of any political candidate at home,
+nor of a sudden, but at the usual and customary annual season for the
+making of such reports; and rendered by a soldier of no mean experience
+and ability, who was a man of great kindliness of heart as well, to
+the war department of his government, to acquaint it with the facts
+of a military situation he had been dealing with for two years prior
+to the arrival of the Taft Commission. General MacArthur's views,
+as expressed in his report, must now be contrasted with the Taft
+view, not to show that MacArthur is a bigger man than Taft, nor for
+any other idle or petty purpose, but because, if, in 1900, General
+MacArthur was right, and Judge Taft was wrong, about the unanimity
+of the whole Filipino people against us, then the institution of the
+Civil Government of the Philippines on July 4, 1901, was premature;
+and, therefore, by reason of the withdrawal of the strong arm of the
+military at a critical period of public order, it was not calculated
+to give adequate protection to the lives and property of those who
+were willing to abandon the struggle for independence and submit
+to our rule. And if, as we shall see later, it did in fact grossly
+fail to afford such adequate protection for life and property, it was
+derelict in the most sacred duty enjoined upon it by Mr. McKinley's
+instructions to the Taft Commission. But first let me introduce you
+to General MacArthur.
+
+General MacArthur is not only a soldier of a high order of
+ability, but a statesman as well. Moreover, he was a thoroughgoing
+"expansionist." He believed in keeping the Philippines permanently,
+just as England does her colonies. But he was perfectly honest about
+it. He recognized the fact that they were against our rule. But
+he did not attach any more weight to that circumstance than Lord
+Kitchener would have done. Also, he had come out to the islands with
+the first expedition, in 1898, had been in the field continuously
+for fifteen months prior to assuming supreme military command, and
+knew the Filipinos thoroughly. As soon as he took command, on May 5,
+1900, of the 70,000 troops then in the Islands, he set himself with
+patience and firmness to the great task of ending the insurrection,
+which at that time promised to continue indefinitely, the far more
+formidable guerrilla warfare that had followed the brief period of
+serried resistance having now settled down to a chronic stage, aided
+and abetted by the whole population. I have said General MacArthur was
+a "thoroughgoing" expansionist. This needs a slight qualification. At
+first he appears to have had a few qualms. Shortly after the outbreak
+of the war with the Filipinos, when he took the first insurgent capital
+Malolos, in March, 1899, he had said at Malolos, as we have seen,
+to a newspaper man who accompanied the expedition:
+
+
+    When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that
+    Aguinaldo's troops represented only a faction. I did not believe
+    that the whole population of Luzon was opposed to us; but I have
+    been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipinos are
+    loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he represents. [330]
+
+
+General MacArthur's reports concerning the war in the Philippines
+during the period of his command are succinct and luminous. He
+makes it perfectly clear that the original resistance offered by the
+insurgent armies in the field after the arrival of the overwhelmingly
+ample reinforcements sent out from this country in the fall of 1899,
+was little more than a mere flash in the pan, compared with the
+well-planned scheme of resistance which followed the dispersion of
+those armies to the several provinces which had furnished them to
+the cause, and Aguinaldo's simultaneous flight into the mountains
+"with his government concealed about his person," as Senator Lodge
+exultantly described that incident in his speech of April, 1900,
+in defence of the Administration's Philippine policy. Speaking of
+this period, General MacArthur says:
+
+
+    It has since been ascertained that the expediency of adopting
+    guerrilla warfare from the inception of hostilities was seriously
+    discussed by the native leaders, and advocated with much emphasis
+    as the system best adapted to the peculiar conditions of the
+    struggle. It was finally determined, however, that a concentrated
+    field army, conducting regular operations, would, in the event
+    of success, attract the favorable attention of the world, and be
+    accepted as a practical demonstration of capacity for organization
+    and self-government. The disbandment of the field army, therefore,
+    having been a subject of contemplation from the start, the actual
+    event, in pursuance of the deliberate action of the council of
+    war in Bayambang about November 12, 1899 (already hereinbefore
+    noticed), was not regarded by Filipinos in the light of a calamity,
+    but simply as a transition from one form of action to another;
+    a change which by many was regarded as a positive advantage,
+    and was relied upon to accomplish more effectively the end in
+    view. The Filipino idea behind the dissolution of their field
+    army was not at the time of the occurrence well understood in
+    the American camp. As a consequence, misleading conclusions
+    were reached to the effect that the insurrection itself had been
+    destroyed, and that it only remained to sweep up the fag ends of
+    the rebel army by a system of police administration not likely
+    to be either onerous or dangerous. [331]
+
+
+In his report covering the period from May 5th, to October 1, 1900,
+General MacArthur says of the policy of resistance above outlined:
+
+
+    The country affords great advantages for the practical
+    development of such a policy. The practice of discarding the
+    uniform enables the insurgents to appear and disappear almost at
+    their convenience. At one time they are in the ranks as soldiers,
+    and immediately thereafter are within the American lines in
+    the attitude of peaceful natives, absorbed in a dense mass of
+    sympathetic people. [332]
+
+
+In this same connection the report includes a copy of the original
+order of the insurgent government which was the corner stone of the
+guerrilla policy, and states that "systemized regulations" for its
+effective prosecution throughout the archipelago had been compiled
+and published by the Filipino junta, or revolutionary committee at
+Madrid, and distributed among the insurgent forces. The report also
+appends a copy of the "Army Regulations" under which the insurgent
+forces were to conduct the guerrilla warfare. It also describes in
+detail the system of warfare prescribed under these regulations, and
+states that as a result of the measures which he, General MacArthur,
+took to combat that warfare "the 53 stations of American troops
+occupied in the archipelago on November 1, 1899, had on September 1,
+1900, expanded to 413," and that during this period, the casualties
+to our troops were 268 killed, 750 wounded, 55 captured, and to the
+insurgents, so far as our records showed, 3227 killed, 694 wounded,
+and 2864 captured. Says he:
+
+
+    The extensive distribution of troops has strained the soldiers
+    of the army to the full limit of endurance. Each little command
+    has had to provide its own service of security and information
+    by never ceasing patrols, explorations, escorts, outposts, and
+    regular guards. An idea seems to have been established in the
+    public mind [he meant the public mind at home, of course] that the
+    field work of the army is in the nature of police, in regulating a
+    few bands of guerrillas, and involving none of the vicissitudes of
+    war. [Here he is meeting the Otis theory, then being industriously
+    circulated in the United States.] Such a narrow statement of the
+    case is unfair to the service. In all things requiring endurance,
+    fortitude, and patient diligence, the guerrilla period has been
+    pre-eminent. It is difficult for the non-professional observer
+    [he means Judge Taft] to understand that apparently desultory
+    work, such as has prevailed in the Philippines during the past
+    ten months, [333] has demanded more of discipline and as much
+    of valor as was required during the period of regular operations
+    against the concentrated field forces of the insurrection. It is,
+    therefore, a great privilege to speak warmly in respect of the
+    importance of the service rendered day by day, with unremitting
+    vigilance, by the splendid men who," etc. [334]
+
+
+It was not until July 4, 1902, that President Roosevelt officially
+declared, by his amnesty proclamation of that date that the
+insurrection in the Philippines was at last ended. It was by no
+means beaten to a frazzle, as we shall later see. But of course,
+knowing the impatience of a large portion of the American people with a
+situation about which there was a wide-spread notion that much remained
+undisclosed, Mr. Roosevelt would have issued such a proclamation
+earlier, had the facts seemed to him to so authorize. General
+MacArthur's relentless "never ceasing patrols, explorations," etc.,
+continued straight on through the presidential campaign of 1900 side
+by side in point of time with the roseate Taft cablegrams of the same
+period, and long thereafter--how long will be later indicated. Says
+General MacArthur, in his report for 1901:
+
+
+    It had been suggested that some of the Filipino leaders were
+    willing to submit the issue to the judgment of the American people,
+    which was soon to be expressed at the polls, and to abide by
+    the result of the presidential election of November, 1900. [335]
+    But subsequent events demonstrated that the hope of ending the
+    war without further effusion of blood was not well founded,
+    and that as a matter of fact the Filipinos were organizing for
+    further desperate resistance by means of a general banding of
+    the people in support of the guerrillas in the field. [336]
+
+
+General MacArthur then goes on to tell how, as part of this programme,
+the insurgent authorities,
+
+
+    announced a primal and inflexible principle, to the effect that
+    every native, without any exception, residing within the limits
+    of the archipelago, owed active allegiance to the insurgent
+    cause. This jurisdiction was enjoined under severe penalties,
+    which were systematically enforced.
+
+
+This is what Judge Taft afterwards described as "a conspiracy of
+murder, a Mafia on a very large scale", [337] the characterization
+being made in support of his theory that "the great majority of the
+people" with whom we were then at war would welcome our rule if allowed
+to follow their real preferences, and that they were being cruelly
+coerced to fight for the independence of their country. General
+MacArthur's view, however, did not support this theory. His report
+deals with this branch of the subject thus:
+
+
+    The cohesion of Filipino society in behalf of insurgent
+    interests is most emphatically illustrated by the fact that
+    assassination, which was extensively employed, was generally
+    accepted as a legitimate expression of insurgent governmental
+    authority. The individuals marked for death would not appeal to
+    American protection, although condemned exclusively on account
+    of supposed pro-Americanism.
+
+
+Later on, when we came to understand the Filipinos better, this
+summary method of dealing with the faint-hearted lost much of its
+initial horrifying force, and the failure of such to appeal to us for
+protection lost much of its strangeness. In the first place, nobody
+loves a traitor. Even those to whom he claims to have betrayed his
+countrymen do not trust him implicitly. Again, Latin countries never
+assume that before a man is punished for alleged crime he has been
+confronted with the witnesses against him. Such testimony is, under
+their jurisprudence, frequently received in his absence. The legal
+department of General MacArthur's office once got hold of a captured
+insurgent paper subscribed with the autograph of Juan Cailles, one
+of their best generals. It directed that a named Filipino residing
+in a certain town garrisoned by American troops be executed--we
+of course, would call it "assassinated"--at a certain hour on a
+certain day in a public street of the town, and that the soldier or
+soldiers performing the "execution" should declare to the bystanders,
+if any, in so doing, that it was done because the man was a traitor,
+a friend of the Americans. We kept this paper, intending to hang Juan
+whenever he should be captured. He held out a long time, and finally
+surrendered unconditionally--but he proved such an elegant fellow,
+game as a pebble, courteous as Chesterfield, and immensely popular
+with his people, that it was decided he could be of more service
+as a live governor of a province than he could as a dead general,
+[338] so he was appointed a provincial governor by Governor Taft,
+and made a splendid official.
+
+Another reason why Filipinos suspected, during the insurrection, by
+the more obstinate and stout-hearted of their compatriots who held
+out longer in the struggle for independence, of weakening toward the
+cause of their country, in other words, suspected of what might be
+called "Copperhead" or "Tory" tendencies, would not appeal to us for
+protection, is strikingly presented in General MacArthur's report for
+1901. He says they naturally had "grave doubt as to the wisdom" of
+siding with us, "as the United States had made no formal announcement
+of an inflexible purpose to hold the archipelago and afford protection
+to pro-Americans." [339]
+
+The one great thing that has crippled progress in the Philippines
+from the beginning of the American occupation down to date is the
+uncertainty as to what our policy for the future is to be, the lack of
+some, "formal announcement of an inflexible purpose." And of course
+I mean, as General MacArthur meant, by "formal" announcement, an
+authoritative declaration by the law-making power of the government. If
+Congress should formally declare that it is the purpose of this
+government to hold the Philippines permanently, American and other
+capital would at once go there in abundance and the place would
+"blossom like a rose." If, on the other hand, Congress should formally
+declare that it is the purpose of this government to give the Filipinos
+their independence as soon as a stable native government can be set up,
+thus holding out to the present generation the prospect of living to
+see the independence of their country, the place would also quickly
+blossom as aforesaid, through the generous ardor of native love of
+country. In either event, everybody out there would know where he is
+"at." At present all is uncertainty, both with the resident members
+of the dominant alien race, and with those over whom we are ruling.
+
+It took over 120,000 American troops, first and last, to put down
+the struggle of the Filipinos for independence. [340] The war began
+February 4, 1899, and the last public official announcement that it
+was ended was on July 4, 1902. [341] Of course this does not imply
+that every province was at all times during that period a theatre
+of actual war. Putting down the insurrection was something like
+putting out a fire in a field of dry grass. At first the trouble was
+general. Gradually it diminished toward the end. But for a while,
+no sooner was it quenched in one province than it would break out
+in another. How the Filipinos were able to prolong the struggle
+as long as they did against such apparently overwhelming odds is
+most interestingly explained by General MacArthur in his report
+for 1900. After describing the method he followed of establishing
+native municipal governments in territory as conquered, he says,
+with a patient stateliness that is almost humorous:
+
+
+    The institution of municipal government under American auspices,
+    of course, carried the idea of exclusive fidelity to the sovereign
+    power of the United States. All the necessary moral obligations
+    to that end were readily assumed by municipal bodies, and all
+    outward forms of loyalty and decorum carefully preserved. But
+    precisely at this point the psychologic conditions referred to
+    above [meaning the unity against us], [342] began to work with
+    great energy, in assistance of insurgent field operations. For this
+    purpose most of the towns secretly organized complete insurgent
+    municipal governments, to proceed simultaneously and in the
+    same sphere as the American governments and in many instances
+    through the same personnel--that is to say, the presidentes
+    and town officials acted openly in behalf of the Americans and
+    secretly in behalf of the insurgents, and, paradoxical as it may
+    seem, with considerable apparent solicitude for the interests
+    of both. In all matters touching the peace of the town, the
+    regulation of markets, the primitive work possible on roads,
+    streets, and bridges, and the institution of schools, their open
+    activity was commendable; at the same time they were exacting and
+    collecting contributions and supplies and recruiting men for the
+    Filipino forces, and sending all obtainable military information
+    to the Filipino leaders. Wherever, throughout the archipelago,
+    there is a group of the insurgent army, it is a fact beyond
+    dispute, that all contiguous towns contribute to the maintenance
+    thereof. In other words, the towns, regardless of the fact of
+    American occupation and town organization, are the actual bases
+    for all insurgent military activities; and not only so in the
+    sense of furnishing supplies for the so-called flying columns of
+    guerrillas, but as affording secure places of refuge. Indeed, it
+    is now the most important maxim of Filipino tactics to disband
+    when closely pressed and seek safety in the nearest barrio;
+    a manoeuvre quickly accomplished by reason of the assistance
+    of the people and the ease with which the Filipino soldier is
+    transformed into the appearance of a peaceful native. [343]
+
+
+To contrast a cold, hard military fact involving the lives of American
+soldiers with a lot of political nonsense intended for consumption in
+the United States during a presidential election, the next paragraph is
+particularly interesting in the light of the cotemporaneous Taft view:
+[344]
+
+
+    The success of this unique system of war depends upon almost
+    complete unity of action of the entire native population. That such
+    unity is a fact is too obvious to admit of discussion. Intimidation
+    has undoubtedly accomplished much to this end, but fear as the
+    only motive is hardly sufficient to account for the united and
+    apparently spontaneous action of several millions of people. [345]
+    One traitor in each town would effectually destroy such a complex
+    organization.
+
+
+Then follows this bit of grim humor:
+
+
+    It is more probable that the adhesive principle comes from
+    ethnological homogeneity which induces men to respond for a time
+    to the appeals of consanguineous leadership--
+
+
+in other words, to stick to their own kith and kin. He had in a
+previous paragraph used that very expression thus: "The people seem to
+be actuated by the idea that in politics or war men are never nearer
+right then when going with their own kith and kin."
+
+In all the foregoing, General MacArthur was not simply trying to score
+a point against Judge Taft, though his resentment of the effort of the
+Taft Commission of 1900 to mix politics with war in the presidential
+year was quite as decided, and quite as well known in the islands at
+the time, as was General Otis's similar attitude toward the Schurman
+Commission of the previous year. [346] He is simply laying before
+the War Department, as a soldier, the familiar facts of a situation
+which he had been dealing with for two years past, as well known to
+the 70,000 officers and men under his command as to himself. And as
+the details into which he goes are simply prefatory to an account of
+the remedy he applied to the situation, that remedy must now claim
+our attention. The remedy General MacArthur finally applied was
+a proclamation, explaining to the Filipino people--"to all classes
+throughout the archipelago," it read, and especially to the leaders in
+the field, many of whose captured comrades-in-arms he had now become
+thoroughly acquainted with--the severities sanctioned by the laws of
+civilized nations under such circumstances, and the reasons therefor;
+and, further, serving them with notice that thenceforward he proposed
+to enforce those laws with full rigor. [347]
+
+The eminent lawyers of the Taft Commission were too busy about that
+time acquainting themselves with the situation through natives not in
+arms, to attach much importance to General MacArthur's proclamation,
+but the Eighth Army Corps always believed that that proclamation,
+and the army's work under it, was the main factor in making the
+civil government at all possible by the date it was set up, July 4,
+1901. The issuance of this document was not only a wise military move,
+but a subtle stroke of statesmanship as well. It assumed that the
+Filipino people were a civilized people, an assumption never indulged
+by Spain during the whole of her rule, but always freely admitted by
+General MacArthur in all his dealings with their leading men to be a
+fact. It therefore appealed to their amour propre, and to the noblesse
+oblige of many of the most obstinate and trusted fighting leaders. The
+writer was, at the date of the proclamation under consideration,
+on duty at General MacArthur's headquarters, as assistant to Colonel
+Crowder, his judge advocate, now Judge Advocate General of the United
+States Army, and prepared the first rough, tentative suggestions
+for the final draft of it, accompanying such suggestions with a
+memorandum showing the course taken by Wellington in France in 1815,
+and by Bismarck's generals at the close of the Franco-Prussian War,
+as well as that followed under General Order No. 100, 1863, for the
+government of the armies of the United States in the field. Having then
+entertained the opinion that that proclamation, though drastic, was
+wise and right under the facts of the situation which confronted us,
+and having nowise changed that opinion since, it may be well for the
+writer of this book to explain his reasons for that opinion. This must
+be done wholly without reference to "the authorities," for neither at
+the bar of public opinion, nor at the bar of final judgment, do "the
+authorities" count for much. In so doing, however, we must start with
+the assumption that it was a case of American military occupation of
+hostile territory, notwithstanding that Judge Taft began soon after
+his arrival in the islands in the June previous to the December now
+referred to, to cable home impressions which, if correct, amounted
+to a denial that the great body of the people were hostile. Military
+occupation is a fact which admits of no debate, and the necessity
+of making your country's flag respected is always fully and keenly
+recognized as the one supreme consideration by every good American
+except one who, obsessed with the idea that kindness will cure the
+desire of a people for independence, proceeds to act on that idea in
+the midst of a war for independence.
+
+Under the laws of war the commanding general of the occupying force
+owes protection, both of life and property, to all persons residing
+within the territory occupied. The object of General MacArthur's
+proclamation was to put a stop to such "executions," or assassinations,
+as that perpetrated by Juan Cailles, mentioned above, and to separate
+the insurgents in the field from their main reliance, the towns. The
+latter end of a bloody war is no time for a discussion of the causes
+of the war between victor and vanquished. Nor is it any time to
+believe the representative of the enemy who tells you that most of
+him is really in sympathy with you and merely coerced. Your duty is to
+stop the war. You and your enemy having had a difference, and having
+referred it to the arbitrament of war, which is, unfortunately, at
+present the only human jurisdiction having power to enforce decisions
+concerning such differences, if you win, and your enemy refuses to
+abide the decision, he is simply, as it were in contempt of court, and,
+in the scheme of things, as at present ordered, deserves punishment
+as an enemy to the general peace. To state the ethics of the matter
+juridically, "there should be an end of litigation"--somewhere.
+
+I do not believe in the doctrine that might makes right, and I cherish
+the high hope that this human family of ours will survive to see war
+superseded, as the ultimate arbiter, by something more like heaven and
+less like hell. But in the Philippines in 1900 it was a situation,
+not a theory, that confronted us, and, as far as my consciously
+fallible thinking apparatus lights the way which then lay before us,
+that way led to a shrine whereon was written "A life for a life." This
+is no mere academic discussion. With me it is a tremendously practical
+one. In the gravest possible acceptation of the term it is awe-fully
+so. If I am wrong, every execution I approved by memorandum review
+furnished Colonel Crowder and General MacArthur, of military commission
+findings out there was wrong, and so were a number of the executions I
+ordered as a judge appointed by Governor Taft under a government which,
+though nominally a civil government, was no more "civil" in so far as
+that term implies absence of necessity for the presence of military
+force, than other governments immediately following conquest usually
+are. The propriety of the imposition of capital punishment by the
+constituted authorities of a nation as part of a set policy to make its
+sovereignty respected, is wholly independent of whether you call your
+colonial government a civil or a military one. So that in justifying
+General MacArthur I am also justifying Governor Taft, and as it was
+on the recommendation of the former that the latter appointed me to
+the Bench, we are certainly all three in the same boat in the matter
+of the capital punishments under consideration. And while the company
+you were in on earth in a given transaction, however distinguished
+that company, is not going to help you with the Recording Angel,
+[348] still, it is some comfort to know that wiser and abler men than
+yourself approved a course of imposing capital punishments to which
+you were a party, such punishments having been inflicted as part of a
+policy whose subsequent evolution revealed it to you as fundamentally
+wrong. And this reflection is quite relevant in the present connection
+to the question whether the government of Benevolent Assimilation we
+have maintained over the Filipinos for the last fourteen years is one
+which was originally imposed by force against their will, or whether
+it was ever welcomed by them or any considerable fraction of them.
+
+That the MacArthur proclamation of December 20, 1900, concerning the
+laws of war, was at the time a military necessity, is as perfectly
+clear to me now as it was then. And yet it may well give the thoughtful
+and patriotic American pause. It is sometimes difficult to understand
+why men are so often entirely willing to go on fighting and dying in
+a cause they must know to be hopeless. The famous passage of Edmund
+Burke's speech on "Conciliation with America,"
+
+
+    If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, so long as foreign
+    troops remained on my native soil, I never would lay down my arms,
+    no, never, never, never!
+
+
+sounds well to us, but from the standpoint of a conqueror, there is
+a good deal of wind-jamming to it, after all. It was the language of
+a man who knew nothing of the horrors of war by actual experience,
+or of what hell it slowly becomes to everybody concerned after most
+of the high officials of the vanquished government have been captured
+and are sleeping on dry, warm beds, eating good wholesome food, and
+smoking good cigars, in comfortable custody, while the vanquished
+army, no longer strong enough to come out in the open and fight, is
+relegated to ambuscades and other tactics equally akin to the methods
+of the assassin. The law of nations in this regard is an expression
+of the views of successive generations of civilized and enlightened
+men of all nations whose profession was war--men familiar with the
+horrors inevitably incident to it and anxious to mitigate them as far
+as possible. That law represents the common consensus of Christendom
+resulting from that experience. It recognizes that after resistance
+becomes utterly hopeless, it becomes a crime against society and
+the general peace, and this is wholly independent of the merits
+or demerits of the questions involved in the war. In other words,
+the greatest good of the greatest number cries aloud that the war
+must stop. The cold, hard fact is that the great majority of the men
+who hold out longest are, usually, either single men having no one
+dependent on them, or nothing to lose, or both, or else they are men
+more or less indifferent to the ties of family affection, and callous
+to the suffering fruitlessly entailed upon innocent noncombatants
+by the various and sundry horrors of war, such as decimation of
+the plough animals of the country due to their running at large
+without caretakers or forage; resultant untilled fields and scant
+food; pestilence and famine consequent upon insufficient nourishment;
+arson, robbery, rape, and murder inevitably committed in such times
+by sorry scamps and ruffians claiming to be patriots but yielding no
+allegiance to any responsible head; and so on, ad infinitum.
+
+General MacArthur's proclamation of December 20, 1900, served
+notice on the leaders of a hopeless cause that assassinations, such
+as that ordered by Juan Cailles, above mentioned, must stop; that
+the universal practice of the townfolk, of sending money, supplies,
+and information concerning our movements to the enemy in the field,
+must stop; that participating in hostilities intermittently, in
+citizen garb, followed by return to home and avocation when too
+hard pressed, must stop; in short that the war must stop. Yet the
+proclamation explained in so firm and kindly a way why the penalties
+it promised were only reasonable under the circumstances, that "as an
+educational document the effect was immediate and far-reaching," [349]
+to quote from an opinion expressed by its author in the body of it,
+an opinion entirely consistent with modesty and fully justified by
+the facts. General MacArthur also goes on to say of his unrelenting
+and rigid enforcement of the terms of this proclamation that the
+results "preclude all possibility of doubt * * * that the effective
+pacification of the archipelago commenced December 20, 1900"--its
+date. It is a part of the history of those times, familiar to all who
+are familiar with them, that the Taft Civil Commission thought its
+assurances of the benevolent intentions of our government were what
+made the civil government possible by midsummer, 1901. But whatever
+the Filipinos may think of us at present, now that they understand us
+better, certainly in 1900-01, in view of the events of the preceding
+two or three years, which formed the basis of the only acquaintance
+they then had with us, and in view of the fact that their experience
+for the preceding two or three hundred years had made force the only
+effective governmental argument with them, and governmental promises a
+mere mockery, and in view of the fact that the "never-ceasing patrols,
+explorations, escorts, outposts," etc., of General MacArthur's 70,000
+men were relentlessly kept up during the six months immediately
+following the proclamation and in aid of it, it at once becomes
+obvious how infinitesimal a fraction of the final partial pacification
+which made the civil government possible, the Taft assurances to the
+Filipinos as to our intentions must have been. These matters are of
+prime importance to any honest effort toward a clear understanding of
+present conditions, because far and away the greatest wrong which we,
+in our genuinely benevolent misinformation, have done the Filipinos,
+not even excepting the tariff legislation perpetrated upon them by
+Congress, lies in the insufferably hypocritical pretence that they
+ever consented to our rule, or that they consent to it now--a pretence
+conceived in 1898 by Trade Expansion, to beguile a nation the breath of
+whose own life is political liberty based on consent of the governed,
+into a career of conquest, but not even countenanced since by those
+who believe the Government should go into the politico-missionary
+business, after the manner of Spain in the sixteenth century.
+
+Having now exhaustively examined the differences of opinion between
+Judge Taft and General MacArthur, when the former set to work,
+in the summer of 1900, to get a civil government started by the
+date of expiration of the term of enlistment of the volunteer army
+(June 30, 1901), let us follow the facts of the situation up to the
+date last named, or, which is practically the same thing, up to the
+inauguration of Judge Taft as Civil Governor of the islands on July 4,
+1901, pausing, in passing, for such reflections as may force themselves
+upon us as pertinent to the Philippine problem of to-day.
+
+On September 19, 1900, General MacArthur wired Secretary of War
+Root--General Corbin, the Adjutant-General of the Army, to be exact,
+but it is the same thing--describing what he calls "considerable
+activity" throughout Luzon, ominously stating that General Young (up
+in the Ilocano country, into which we followed him and his cavalry
+in Chapter XII, ante) "has called so emphatically for more force,"
+that he, MacArthur, feels grave concern; adding that Luzon north of
+the Pasig is "very much disturbed," and that south of the Pasig the
+same conditions prevail. [350]
+
+October 26th, General MacArthur cables outlining a plan for a great
+campaign on comprehensive lines, stating that "Full development of this
+scheme requires about four months and all troops now in the islands,"
+and deprecating any move on Mr. Root's part to reduce his force of
+70,000 men by starting any of the volunteers homeward before it should
+be absolutely necessary. [351] October 28th, General MacArthur wires,
+"Shall push everything with great vigor," adding "Expect to have
+everything in full operation November 15th." [352] November 5th, as
+if to reassure General MacArthur that he and the General understand
+each other and that the Taft cotemporaneous nonsense is not going to
+be allowed to interfere with more serious business, Secretary Root,
+through the Adjutant-General, sends this cable message:
+
+
+    Secretary of War directs no instructions from here be allowed
+    interfere or impede progress your military operations which he
+    expects you force to successful conclusion. [353]
+
+
+So that while the American people were being pacified with the Taft
+cablegrams to Secretary Root that the Filipino people wanted peace,
+General MacArthur, under Mr. Root's direction, was simultaneously
+proceeding to make them want it with the customary argument used
+to settle irreconcilable differences between nations--powder and
+lead. Mr. Root was all the time in constant communication with both,
+but he gave out only the Taft optimism to the public, and withheld the
+actual facts within his knowledge. December 25th, General MacArthur
+wires Secretary Root, "Expectations based on result of election have
+not been realized." "Progress," he says, is "very slow." [354]
+
+And now I come to one of the most important things that all my
+researches into the official records of our government concerning
+the Philippine Islands have developed. On December 28, 1900, General
+MacArthur reports by cable the contents of some important insurgent
+papers captured in Cavite Province about that time. The Filipinos have
+a great way of reducing to writing, or making minutes of, whatever
+occurs at any important conference. This habit they did not abandon
+in the field. The papers in question belonged to General Trias, the
+Lieutenant-General commanding all the insurgent armies in the field,
+and, next to Aguinaldo, the highest official connected with the
+revolutionary government. One of these papers, according to General
+MacArthur's despatch of December 28th, purported to be the minutes of
+a certain meeting had October 11th previous, between General Trias
+and the Japanese Consul at Manila. As to whether or not the paper
+was really authentic, General MacArthur says: "I accept it as such
+without hesitation." Communicating the contents of the paper he says:
+
+
+    Consul advised that Trias visit Japan. Filipinos represented that
+    concessions which they might be forced to make to Washington would
+    be more agreeable if made to Japan, which as a nation of kindred
+    blood would not be likely to assert superiority. Consul said Japan
+    desired coaling station, freedom to trade and build railways. [355]
+
+
+I consider these negotiations of the Japanese Government with the
+Philippine insurgents important to be related here because they have
+never been generally known, for the good reason, of course, that
+the President of the United States cannot take the public into his
+confidence about such grave and delicate matters when they occur. The
+incident is not "ancient history" relatively to present-day problems,
+for the following reasons:
+
+(1) Because it is credibly reported and currently believed in the
+United States that in Japan, during the cruise of our battleship
+fleet around the world in 1907, one of the reception committee of
+Japanese officers who welcomed our officers was recognized by one of
+the latter as having been, not a great while before that, a servant
+aboard an American battleship.
+
+(2) Because of the following incident, related to me, in 1911,
+without the slightest injunction of secrecy, by the Director of
+Public Health of the Philippine Islands, then on a visit to the United
+States. Shortly before the Director's said visit home, while he was out
+in one of the provinces, there was brought to his attention a Filipino
+with a broken arm. There was a Japanese doctor in the town, at least
+a Japanese who had a sign out as a doctor. The Director carried the
+sufferer to the "doctor," not being a surgeon himself. The "doctor"
+turned out to be a civil engineer, who had been making maps and plans
+of fortifications. The plans were found in his possession.
+
+(3) Because from one of the islands through which the northern line of
+the Treaty of Paris runs, situated only a pleasant morning's journey
+in a launch due north of Aparri, the northernmost town of Luzon, you
+can see, on a clear day, with a good field-glass, the southern end of
+Formosa, some 60 or 70 miles away. Japan can land an army on American
+soil at Aparri any time she wants to, overnight--an army several
+times that of the total American force now in the Philippines, [356]
+or likely ever to be there. From Aparri it is 70 miles up the river to
+Tueguegarao, 40 more to Iligan, and 90 more, all fairly good marching,
+to Bayombong, in Nueva Viscaya (total distance, Aparri to Bayombong,
+200 miles) the province which lies in the heart of the watershed of
+Central Luzon. I know what I am talking about, because that region
+was the first judicial district I presided over, and many a hard
+journey I have had over it, circuit riding, on a scrubby pony. Part
+of it I have been through in the company of President Taft. It thus
+appears that from Aparri to Bayombong there would be but a week or
+ten days of unresisted marching to reach the watershed region, Nueva
+Viscaya. The Japanese soldier's ration is mainly rice, so that he can
+carry more days' travel rations than almost any other soldier in the
+world. Never fear about their making the journey inside of a week or
+ten days, once they start. To descend from the watershed aforesaid,
+over the Caranglan Pass, and down the valley of the Rio Grande de
+Pampanga to Manila, another three or four days would be all that would
+be needed. It would be a Japanese picnic. Fortifying Corregidor Island,
+at the entrance to Manila Bay, which is about all the serious scheme
+of defence against a foreign foe we have out there, is quite like
+the reliance of the Spaniards on Morro Castle, at the mouth of the
+harbor of Santiago de Cuba, against our landing at Guantanamo. Our
+garrison in the Philippines, all told, is but a handful. Aparri is an
+absolutely unfortified seaport, at which the Japanese could land an
+army overnight from the southern end of Formosa. There are no military
+fortifications whatsoever to stay the advance of an invading army
+from Aparri down the Cagayan Valley, and thence over the watershed
+of Nueva Viscaya Province, through the Caranglan Pass, and down the
+valley of the Pampanga River to Manila. So that to-day Japan can
+take Manila inside of two weeks any time she wants to. That is why
+I object to the President's "jollying" the situation along as best
+he can, without taking the American people into his confidence. Any
+army officer at our War College will inform any member of the House
+or Senate on inquiry, that Japan can take the Philippines any time
+she wants to. President Taft and the Mikado may keep on exchanging the
+most cordial cablegrams imaginable, but the map-making goes on just the
+same. And, earnest and sincere as both the President and the Emperor
+undoubtedly are in their desire to preserve the general peace, who
+is going to restrain Hobson and Hearst, and several of Japan's public
+men equally distinguished and equally inflammatory? Heads of nations
+cannot restrain gusts of popular passion. The Pacific Coast is not so
+friendly to Japan as the rest of our country, and as between Japan and
+the Pacific Coast, we are pretty apt to stand by the latter without
+inquiring with meticulous nicety into any differences that may arise.
+
+The reason I said in the chapter before this one that Mr. Root is
+a dangerous man to Republican institutions was because he is of the
+type who are constantly finding situations which they consider it best
+for the people not to know about. After the McKinley election of 1900
+was safely "put over," Mr. Root, as Secretary of War, let Judge Taft
+go ahead and ride his dove-of-peace hobby-horse in the Philippines,
+duly repeating to the American people all the cheery Taft cluckings
+to said horse, at a time when the real situation is indicated by such
+grim correspondence as the following cablegram dated January 29, 1901:
+
+
+    Wood, Havana: Secretary of War is desirous to know if you can
+    give your consent to the immediate withdrawal Tenth Infantry
+    from Cuba. Imperative that we have immediate use of every
+    available company we can lay our hands on for service in the
+    Philippines. (Signed) Corbin. [357]
+
+
+But let us turn from this sorry spectacle of Mr. Root pulling the wool
+over the eyes of his countrymen to make them believe the Filipinos
+were not quite so unconsenting as they seemed to be, and again look
+at the sheer splendor of American military ability to get anything
+done the Government wants done. I refer to the capture of Aguinaldo.
+
+One of the most eminent lawyers in this country once said to me, "I
+would not let that man Funston enter my house." I tried to enlighten
+him, but as I happened to be a guest in his house at the time,
+which entitled him to exemption from light if he insisted--which he
+did--General Funston and he have continued to miss what might have been
+a real pleasure to them both. The following is, as briefly as I can
+dispose of it, the story of the capture of Aguinaldo on March 23, 1901.
+
+Ever since Aguinaldo had escaped through our lines in November,
+1899, his capture had been the one great consummation most devoutly
+wished. It has already been shown how busy with the war the army
+was all the time Judge Taft was gayly jogging away astride of his
+peace hobby about the insurrection being really quite regretted
+and over. However, in the favorite remark with which he used to
+wave the insurrection into thin air, to the effect that it was
+now merely "a Mafia on a large scale," there was one element
+of truth. The general feeling of the people, both educated and
+uneducated, was such as to countenance the attitude of the leaders
+that pro-American tendencies were treason. Any leader who surrendered
+of course was thereafter an object of at least some suspicion to his
+fellow-countrymen, however assiduous his subsequent double-dealing. As
+long as Aguinaldo remained out, this state of affairs was sure to
+continue indefinitely, possibly for years to come. If captured, he
+would probably himself give up the struggle, and use his influence
+with the rest to do likewise. Therefore, in the spring of 1901,
+each and every one of General MacArthur's 70,000 men was, and had
+been since 1899, on the qui vive to make his own personal fortunes
+secure for life, and gain lasting military distinction, by taking
+any sort of chances to capture Aguinaldo. On February 8, 1901, an
+officer of General Funston's district, the Fourth, in central Luzon,
+intercepted a messenger bearing despatches from Aguinaldo to one of
+his generals of that region, directing the general (Lacuna) to send
+some reinforcements to him, Aguinaldo. General Funston's headquarters
+were then at San Fernando, in the province of Pampanga--organized as a
+"civil" government province by act of the Taft Commission just five
+days later. [358] Through these despatches and their bearer, General
+Funston ascertained the hiding-place of the insurgent chieftain to
+be at a place called Palanan, in the mountains of Isabela Province,
+in northeastern Luzon, near the Pacific Coast. Early in the war we had
+availed ourselves of a certain tribe, or clan, known as the Maccabebes,
+who look nowise different from all other Filipinos, but who had, under
+the Spanish government, by reason of long-standing feuds with their
+more rebellious neighbors, come to be absolutely loyal to the Spanish
+authorities. When we came they had transferred that loyalty to us, and
+had now become a recognized and valuable part of our military force. So
+it occurred to General Funston; "Why not personate the reinforcements
+called for, the American officers to command the expedition assuming
+the role of captured American prisoners?" The plan was submitted to
+General MacArthur and adopted. A picked company of Maccabebes was
+selected, consisting of about eighty men, and General Funston decided
+to go himself, taking with him on the perilous expedition four young
+officers of proven mettle: Captain Harry W. Newton, 34th Infantry,
+U. S. Volunteers, now a captain of the Coast Artillery; Captain
+R. T. Hazzard, 11th Volunteer Cavalry; Lieutenant O. P. M. Hazzard,
+his brother, of the same regiment, the latter now an officer of
+the regular army, and Lieutenant Mitchell, "my efficient aid." [359]
+March 6, 1901, the U.S.S. Vicksburg slipped quietly out of Manila Bay,
+bearing the participants in the desperate enterprise--as desperate
+an undertaking as the heart and brain of a soldier ever carried to a
+successful conclusion. General Thomas H. Barry wrote Secretary of War
+Root, after they left, telling of their departure, and stating that
+he did not much expect ever to see them again. The chances were ten
+to one that the eighty men would meet five or ten times their number,
+and, as they were to masquerade as troops of the enemy, they could
+not complain, under the recognized laws of war as to spies, at being
+summarily shot if captured alive. And the whole Filipino people were a
+secret service ready to warn Aguinaldo, should the carefully concocted
+ruse be discovered anywhere along the journey. They went down to the
+southern end of Luzon, and through the San Bernardino Straits into
+the Pacific Ocean, and thence up the east coast of Luzon to Casiguran
+Bay, about 100 miles south of Palanan, landing at Casiguran Bay, March
+14th. The "little Macks," as General Funston calls the Maccabebes, were
+made to discard their dapper American uniforms after they got aboard
+the ship, and don instead a lot of nondescript clothing gathered by
+the military authorities at Manila before the Vicksburg sailed, so
+as to resemble the average insurgent command. Not a man of them had
+been told of the nature of the expedition before sailing. This was
+not for fear of treachery, but lest some one of the faithful "Macks"
+should get his tongue loosed by hospitality before departing. Also,
+their Krag-Jorgensen regulation rifles were taken from them, and a
+miscellaneous assortment of old Springfields, Mausers, etc., given them
+instead, to complete the deception. An ex-insurgent officer, well known
+to Aguinaldo, but now in General Funston's employ, was to play the
+role of commanding officer of the "reinforcements." To read General
+Funston's account of this expedition is a more convincing rebuttal
+of the contemporaneous Taft denials of Filipino hostility and of the
+unanimity of the feeling of the people against us, than a thousand
+quotations from official documents could ever be. It was necessary
+to land more than 100 miles south of Aguinaldo's hiding-place, lest
+the smoke of the approaching vessel should be sighted from a distance,
+and some peasant or lookout give the alarm. Accordingly, they landed at
+Casiguran Bay by night, with the ship's lights screened, the Vicksburg
+at once departing out of sight of land, and agreeing to meet them off
+Palanan, their destination, on March 25th, eleven days later. From the
+beginning they vigilantly and consummately played the role planned,
+the "Macks" having been drilled on the way up, each and all, in the
+story they were to tell at the first village near Casiguran Bay, and
+everywhere thereafter, to the effect that they had come across country,
+and en route had met ten American soldiers out map-making, and had
+killed two, wounded three, and captured five. They were to point to
+General Funston and the four other Americans in corroboration of their
+story. Speaking of himself and his four fellow "prisoners," General
+Funston says, "We were a pretty scrubby looking lot of privates." The
+villagers received the patriot forces, thus flushed with triumph,
+in an appropriate manner, and supplied them with rations and guides
+for the rest of their 100-mile journey to the headquarters of the
+"dictator." General Funston is even at pains to say for the village
+officials that they were very humane and courteous to himself and
+the other four American "prisoners." They reached Palanan Bay,
+eight miles from Palanan, on March 22d. Here Hilario Tal Placido,
+the ex-insurgent officer whose role in the present thrilling drama
+was that of "commanding officer" of the expedition, sent a note to
+Aguinaldo, stating that he had halted his command for a rest at the
+beach preparatory to marching inland and reporting to the Honorable
+Presidente, that they were very much exhausted, and much in need of
+food, and please to send him some. Of course that was the natural card
+to play to put Aguinaldo off his guard. The food came, and the bearers
+returned and casually reported to the Honorable Presidente that his
+honorable reinforcements would soon be along, much to the honorable
+joy--to make the thing a little Japanesque--of the president of the
+honorable republic. This incident has been since made the occasion of
+some criticism--that it was contrary to decency to accept Aguinaldo's
+food and then attack him afterwards. General Funston very properly
+replies in effect that the case would have been very different had he
+thrown himself on Aguinaldo's mercy, taken his food, and used treachery
+afterwards, but that his conduct was entirely correct, under the code
+of war, for the reason that should he and his command be captured
+while personating enemy's forces, Aguinaldo would have had a perfect
+right, under the rules of the game, to shoot them all as spies. He
+adds rather savagely, concerning "certain ladylike persons in the
+United States" who have censured his course in the matter, that he
+"would be very much interested in seeing the results of a surgical
+operation performed on the skull of a man who cannot readily see the
+radical difference between the two propositions," and that he doubts
+if a good quality of calf brains would be revealed by the operation.
+
+At all events, the expedition was very much refreshed by the food
+and highly delighted at the proof, contained in the sending of it,
+that Aguinaldo did not suspect a ruse. But now came one of the many
+emergencies which had to be met by quick wit in the course of that
+memorable adventure. Aguinaldo sent word to leave the "prisoners"
+under a guard in one of the huts by the sea-shore, where there was one
+of the Aguinaldo retainers in charge, an old Tagalo. After a hurried,
+whispered conversation, "prisoner" Funston instructed "Commanding
+Officer" Placido to go ahead with his main column and then a little
+later send back a forged written order purporting to be from Aguinaldo,
+for the "prisoners" to come on also. This was shown to the old Tagalo,
+thus disarming suspicion on his part. But now came the "closest shave"
+they had. The column met a detachment from Aguinaldo's headquarters
+sent down with instructions to relieve the necessarily worn-out
+guard of the newly arrived "re-inforcements" that were supposed to
+be guarding the five prisoners at the beach, and let said guard come
+on up to headquarters with the rest of the "re-inforcements," the
+idea being to still leave the prisoners at the beach so they would
+not learn definitely as to the Aguinaldo whereabouts. Detaining the
+officer commanding this detachment for a moment or so on some pretext,
+the "Commanding Officer" of the "re-inforcements" whispered to a
+Maccabebe corporal to run back and tell General Funston and the rest
+of the "prisoners" to jump in the bushes and hide. This they did,
+lying within thirty feet of the detachment, as it passed them en
+route for the beach. Of course a fight would have meant considerable
+firing, and the quarry might hear it, take fright, and escape. Finally
+they reached Palanan, the "prisoners" quite far in the rear. Placido
+got safely into Aguinaldo's presence, followed at a short distance
+by the main body of his Maccabebes. Aguinaldo's life-guard of some
+fifty men, neatly uniformed, presented arms as Placido entered the
+insurgent headquarters building, and thereafter waited at attention
+outside. Then the worthy Placido entertained the honorable Presidente
+with a few cock-and-bull stories about the march across country,
+etc., made obediently to the President's order, keeping a weather
+eye out of the window all the time. As soon as the Maccabebes had
+come up and formed facing the Aguinaldo life-guard, Placido went to
+the window and ordered them to open fire. This they did, killing
+two of the insurgents and wounding their commanding officer. The
+rest fled, panic-stricken, by reason of the surprise. Then Placido,
+a very stout individual, grabbed Aguinaldo, who only weighs about
+115 pounds, threw him down, and sat on him, until General Funston,
+the Hazzards, Mitchell, and Newton arrived. The orders were iron-clad
+that under no circumstances, if it could be avoided, was Aguinaldo
+to be killed. His signature to proclamations telling the people to
+quit the war was going to be needed too much. The party rested two
+days and then set out for the coast again, on March 25th, the day the
+Vicksburg had agreed to meet them. "At noon" says General Funston,
+"we again saw the Pacific, and far out on it a wisp of smoke--the
+Vicksburg coming in!" In due course they reached Manila Bay. The
+old palace of the Spanish captains-general, then occupied by our
+commanding general, is up the Pasig River, accessible from the bay
+by launch. By that method General Funston took his precious prisoner
+to the palace without the knowledge of a soul in the great city of
+Manila. He arrived before General MacArthur had gotten up. In a few
+minutes the General came out. "Where is Aguinaldo?" said he, dryly. He
+supposed General Funston simply had some details to tell, like the
+commanding officers of hundreds of other expeditions that had gone out
+before that on false scents in search of the illustrious but elusive
+Presidente. "Right here in this house," said General Funston. General
+MacArthur could hardly believe his ears. A few days later, General
+Funston walked into General MacArthur's office. The latter said;
+"Well, Funston, they do not seem to have thought much in Washington
+of your performance. I am afraid you have got into trouble." "At the
+same time he handed me," says General Funston in the Scribner Magazine
+article above mentioned, "a cablegram announcing my appointment as
+a brigadier-general in the regular army."
+
+In his annual report for 1901, [360] General MacArthur describes
+the capture of Aguinaldo as "the most momentous single event of
+the year," stating also that "Aguinaldo was the incarnation of the
+insurrection." This last statement explains why he was so anxious to
+capture him alive. If dead, he would be sure to get re-incarnated in
+the person of some able assistant of his entourage, thus insuring
+undisturbed continuance of the war. He was most graciously treated
+by General MacArthur during his stay as that distinguished soldier's
+"guest" at the Malacanan palace, from March 28th until April 20th. The
+word "guest" is placed in quotations because the host thought so
+much of him that he considered him worth many hundred times his
+weight in gold, and had him watched night and day by a commissioned
+officer. Everything that had been done by the Americans since November,
+1899, was explained to him, and he was made to see that our purposes
+with regard to his people were not only benevolent but also inflexible;
+in other words that there was no altering our determination to make
+his people happy whether they were willing or not. Seeing this,
+Aguinaldo bowed to the inevitable. The programme explained to
+Aguinaldo is wittily described by a very bright Englishwoman as a
+plan "to have lots of American school teachers at once set to work
+to teach the Filipino English and at the same time keep plenty of
+American soldiers around to knock him on the head should he get a
+notion that he is ready for self-government before the Americans
+think he is"--a quaint scheme, she adds, "and one characteristic of
+the dauntlessness of American energy." To be brief, on April 19th,
+Aguinaldo took the oath of allegiance to the American Government,
+which all agree he has faithfully observed ever since, and issued
+a proclamation recommending abandonment of further resistance. This
+proclamation was at once published by General MacArthur and signalized
+by the immediate liberation of one thousand prisoners of war, on
+their likewise taking the oath of allegiance.  In his proclamation
+Aguinaldo said, among other things:
+
+
+    The time has come, however, when they [the Filipino people] find
+    their advance along this path [the path of their aspirations]
+    impeded by an irresistible force. * * * Enough of blood, enough
+    of tears and desolation.
+
+
+He concludes by announcing his final unconditional submission to
+American sovereignty and advises others to do likewise. [361]
+
+Soon after this General Tino surrendered in General Young's district,
+and in another part of northern Luzon, General Mascardo, commanding
+the insurgent forces in the provinces of Bataan and Zambales,
+heretofore described as "the west wing of the great central plain,"
+also surrendered. In the latter part of June, General Cailles, with
+whom we have already had occasion to become acquainted, in connection
+with Judge Taft's "Mafia on a large scale," also surrendered in
+Laguna Province. After that, there was never any more trouble in
+northern Luzon. But during the spring of 1901, the Commission had
+been very busy organizing the provinces of southern Luzon under
+civil government, thus cutting short the process of licking it into
+submission and substituting a process of loving it into that state
+through good salaries and otherwise--a policy which postponed the
+final permanent pacification of that ill-fated region for several
+years, as hereinafter more fully set forth.
+
+The unconditional absoluteness with which Judge Taft acted from the
+beginning on the assumption that the Filipinos would make a distinction
+between civil and military rule, and that their objection to us was
+because we had first sent soldiers to rule them and not civilians,
+and that these objections would vanish before the benignant sunlight
+of a government by civilians, is one of the great tragedies of all
+history, considering the countless lives it eventually cost. As a
+matter of fact, the Filipino objection had little or no relation
+to the kind of clothes we wore, whether they were white duck or
+khaki. Their objection was to us, i.e., to an alien yoke. However,
+to heal the bleeding wounds of war, the Filipinos were benevolently
+told to forget it, and a civil government was set up on July 4, 1901,
+pursuant to the amiable delusion indicated. That it has never yet
+proved a panacea, and why, will be developed in the next and subsequent
+chapters, but only in-so-far as such development throws light on the
+present situation--which it is the whole object of this book to do.
+
+And now a few words by way of concluding the present chapter, as
+preliminary to the inauguration of a civil government, cannot be
+misconstrued, though they come from one who held office under it. I
+have certainly made clear that Judge Taft and his colleagues were as
+honest in their delusion about how popular they were with the Filipinos
+as many other public men who have been known to have hobbies, and my
+remarks must be understood as based on the comprehensive bird's-eye
+view which we have had of the whole situation from the outbreak of
+the war with Spain in 1898 to the end of June, 1901, as a summation
+of that situation. It is quite true that all contemporary history is
+as much affected by its environment as the writer of it is by his
+own limitations. But it certainly seems clear now that, in regard
+to the Philippine problem presented in 1898 by the decision to keep
+the islands, the American people were played upon by the politicians
+for the next few years thereafter, sometimes on the idea that the
+Filipino people were not a people but only a jumble of semi-civilized
+tribes incapable of any intelligent notion of what independence meant,
+and sometimes on the idea that while there was no denying that they
+were indeed a civilized, homogeneous, Christian people, yet the great
+majority of them did not want independence, and would prefer to be
+under a strong alien government. But the key-note to the McKinley
+policy from the beginning, his answer to the eager question of his
+own people, was that there was no real absence of the consent of the
+governed. In Senator Lodge's history of the war with Spain, written in
+1899, there is a description of the long struggle for independence in
+Cuba, whose existence Spain denied year after year until we decided
+that patience had ceased to be a virtue, which description is so
+strikingly applicable to the situation in the Philippines during
+the first years of American rule that I cannot refrain from quoting
+it here:
+
+
+    And we were to go on pretending that the war was not there,
+    and that we had answered the unsettled question, when we really
+    had simply turned our heads aside and refused to look. And then
+    when the troublesome matter had been so nicely laid to sleep,
+    the result followed which is usual when Congressmen and Presidents
+    and nations are trying to make shams pass for realities." [362]
+
+
+By the same high token the Philippine question will always remain
+"the unsettled question" until it is settled right. In other words,
+the American occupation of the Philippines, having been originally
+predicated on the idea that the Filipino people did not really
+want independence, a fiction which political expediency incident
+to government by parties inexorably compelled it to try to live up
+to thereafter, took the form, in 1901, of a civil government founded
+upon a benevolent lie, which expressed a hope, not a fact, a hopeless
+hope that can never be a fact. And that is what has been the matter
+with it ever since.
+
+
+                    The papers 'id it 'andsome,
+                    But you bet the army knows.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+GOVERNOR TAFT--1901-2
+
+                For they have healed the hurt of the daughter of
+                my people slightly, saying--Peace, peace; when there
+                is no peace. Jeremiah viii., 11.
+
+
+On February 22, 1898, the American Consul at Manila, Mr. Williams,
+after he had been at that post for about a month, wrote the State
+Department, describing the Spanish methods of keeping from the world
+the outward and visible manifestations of the desire of the Filipino
+people to be free from their yoke thus:
+
+
+    Peace was proclaimed and, since my coming, festivities therefor
+    were held; but there is no peace, and has been none for two years.
+
+
+He adds:
+
+
+    Conditions here and in Cuba are practically alike. War exists,
+    battles are of almost daily occurrence, etc. [363]
+
+
+As will hereinafter appear, this is not far from a correct description
+of the conditions which prevailed successively in various provinces
+of the Philippines in gradually lessening degree for the six years
+next ensuing after the report of the Taft Commission of November 30,
+1900, wherein they said:
+
+
+    A great majority of the people long for peace and are entirely
+    willing to accept the establishment of a government under the
+    supremacy of the United States. [364]
+
+
+We have seen how from the date of the outbreak, February 4, 1899, to
+the date of his final departure from the islands for the United States
+on May 5, 1900, General Otis had diligently supplied the eager ear of
+Mr. McKinley with his "situation well in hand" and "insurrection about
+to collapse" telegrams, Secretary of War Alger having meantime been
+forced out of the cabinet--in part, at least--by a public opinion which
+indignantly believed that the real situation was being withheld. We
+have seen how, from soon after the arrival of the Taft Commission at
+Manila on June 3, 1900, until after the November elections of that
+year, the same eager presidential ear aforesaid was supplied with
+like material through the presumably innocent but opportunely deluded
+optimism of the Commission, as manifested in the above sample message;
+how the actual military situation as described by General MacArthur,
+the military commander at the time, was one of "desperate resistance by
+means of a general banding of the people in support of the guerrillas
+in the field," [365] he having wired the War Department on January 4,
+1901, "Troops throughout the archipelago more active than at any time
+since November, 1899"; [366] and how this had been followed on July
+4, 1901, by a civil government, the inauguration of which could by
+no possibility be construed as affirming to the people of the United
+States anything other than the existence of a state of peace.
+
+We are to trace in this and subsequent chapters how, a short time after
+the civil government was instituted, the insurrection got its second
+wind; how a year later came another public declaration of peace, on
+July 4, 1902; and how this was followed by a long series of public
+disorders, combated by prosecutions for sedition and brigandage,
+until toward the end of 1906. The drama is quite an allegory--Uncle
+Sam wrestling with his guardian angel Consent-of-the-governed. He
+finally gets both the angel's shoulders on the mat, however, and so
+the two have lived at loggerheads in the Philippines ever since.
+
+As soon as we had once blundered into the colonial business, the
+rock-bottom frankness with which we so dearly love to deal with one
+another, let carping Europe deny it as she will, was superseded
+by a systematic effort on the part of the statesmen responsible
+for the blunder to conceal it. It soon became clear to those on the
+inside that the sovereign American people had "bought a gold brick,"
+that is to say, had made a grievous mistake and had done wrong. But
+as it is not expedient for courtiers to tell the sovereign he has
+done wrong, because "The king can do no wrong," thereafter all the
+courtiers,--i. e. persons desiring to control the "sovereign" while
+seeming to obey him--instead of risking loss of the "royal" favor
+by boldly telling the people they had done wrong and ought to mend
+the error of their ways, began to fill their ears and salve their
+conscience with mediaeval doctrines about salvation of the heathen
+through governmental missions maintained by the joint agencies of Cross
+and Sword. For the foregoing and cognate reasons, Senator Lodge's
+description of Spain's last thirty years in Cuba fits our first six
+or seven in the Philippines, beginning in 1899 with the original
+Otis press censorship policy of "not letting anything go that will
+hurt the Administration," and coming on down to a certificate made
+in 1907 by the Philippine Commission for consumption in the United
+States, to the effect that a state of general and complete peace had
+prevailed throughout the islands for a stated period preceding the
+certificate, when, as a matter of fact, during the period covered by
+the certificate, an executive proclamation formally declaring a state
+of insurrection had issued, and the Supreme Court of the islands had
+upheld certain drastic executive action as legal because of the state
+of insurrection recognized by the proclamation.
+
+The Taft civil government of the Philippines set up in 1901 was an
+attempt to answer the question which, during the crucial period of
+our country's history following the Spanish War, rang so persistently
+through the public utterances of both Grover Cleveland and Benjamin
+Harrison: "Mr. President, how are you going to square the subjugation
+of the Philippines with the freeing of Cuba?" Mr. McKinley's
+answer had been, in effect: "Never mind about that, Grover; you and
+Benjamin are back numbers. I will show you 'the latest thing' in the
+consent-of-the-governed line, a government not 'essentially popular,'
+it is true, nor indeed at all 'popular,' in fact very unpopular,
+but 'essentially popular in form.' You lads are not experts on the
+political trapeze." Accordingly, as Senator Lodge said concerning
+the dreary years of continuous public disorders in Cuba under Spain,
+which we finally put a stop to in 1898:
+
+
+    We were to go on pretending that the war was not there, etc.
+
+
+Lack of frankness is usually due to weakness of one sort or
+another. The weakness of the Spanish colonial system lay in the
+impotent poverty of the home government and the graft tendencies
+of the colonial officials. The weakness of the American colonial
+system has always lain in the fundamental unfitness of republican
+governmental machinery for boldly advocating and honestly enforcing
+doctrines which deny frankly and as a matter of course that governments
+derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. There
+are so many people in a republic like ours who will always stand by
+this last proposition as righteous, and as being the chief bulwark
+of their own liberties, and so many who will always regard denial
+of that proposition as an insidious practice calculated ultimately
+to react on their own institutions, that no colonial government of
+conquered subject provinces eager for independence can ever have the
+sympathy and backing of all our people. Thus it is that to get home
+support for the policy, the supreme need of the colonial government
+is constant apology for its own existence, and constant effort to
+show that the subject people do not really want freedom to pursue
+happiness in their own way as badly as their orators say they do;
+that the oratory is mere "hot air"; and that the people really like
+alien domination better than they seem to.
+
+Always in a mental attitude of self-defence against home criticism,
+in its official reports there is ever present with the Philippine
+insular government the tendency and temptation not to volunteer to
+the American people evidence within its possession calculated to
+awaken discussion as to the wisdom of its continuance. It thus usurps
+a legitimate function never intended to be delegated to the Executive,
+but reserved to the people. It thus makes itself the judge of how much
+the people at home shall know. The law of self-preservation prompts
+it not to take the American people into its confidence, at least
+not that portion of them who are opposed on principle to holding
+remote colonies impossible to defend in the event of war without a
+large standing army maintained for the purpose. There is always the
+apprehension that the value of apparently unfavorable evidence will
+not be wisely weighed by the people at home, because of unfamiliarity
+with insular conditions. This is by no means altogether vicious. It
+is a perfectly natural attitude and a good deal can be said in favor
+of it. But the real vice of it lies in the fact that your colonial
+government thus becomes not unlike the president of a certain naval
+board before which a case involving the commission of an officer of
+the navy was once tried. They had no competent official stenographer to
+take down all that transpired. The Navy Department was asked for one,
+but they referred it to the board. The president of the board knew very
+well that "the defence" wanted to show bias on his part. He exuded
+conscious rectitude and plainly resented any suggestion of bias. So
+a stenographer was refused and the case proceeded, the proceedings
+being recorded in long hand by a regular permanent employee of the
+board. Under such circumstances, there is so much which transpires that
+is absolutely irrelevant and immaterial, that the proceedings would
+be interminable if every little thing were recorded. Consequently,
+much that was material, including casual remarks of the president of
+the board clearly indicative of bias sufficient to disqualify any
+judge or juror on earth, failed of entry in the record. However,
+enough was gotten into the record to satisfy the President of the
+United States that the president of the board was not only not
+impartial, but very much prejudiced, and he reversed the action of
+the board. The case of that board is very much like the case of the
+Philippine Government. The case of the latter is, as it were, a case
+involving a question as to how long a guardianship ought to continue,
+and they simply fail and omit to have recorded in a form where it may
+be available to the reviewing authority, the American people, much that
+is material (on the idea of saving the reviewing authority labor and
+trouble), which they think the record ought not to be cumbered with,
+or the reviewing authority bothered with. This practice is due to a
+confident belief that the American people, being so far away, and being
+necessarily so wholly unacquainted with all the ins and outs of the
+situation in the Philippines, are not fitted to pass intelligently on
+the questions which continually confront the colonial government. This
+is not a mental attitude of insult to the intelligence of the people
+of the United States. It is simply a belief that they, the colonial
+officials, know much better than the American people can ever know,
+what is wisest, in each case, to be done in the premises. And there
+is much to be said in favor of this view, so far as details go. The
+fundamental error of it, however, lies in the assumption that the
+American people are forever committed to permanent retention of the
+Philippines, i. e., permanent so far as any living human being is
+concerned--an assumption wholly unauthorized by any declaration of
+the law-making power of this government, and countenanced only by
+the oft-expressed hope of President Taft that that will be the policy
+some day declared, if any definite policy is ever declared. Thus it
+is that throughout the last twelve years those particular facts and
+events which (to me) seem most vitally relevant to the fundamental
+question in the case, viz., whether or not we should continue to
+persist in the original blunder of inaugurating and maintaining a--to
+all intents and purposes--permanent over-seas colonial government,
+have been withheld from the knowledge of the American public. The
+present policy of indefinite retention with undeclared intention
+is a mere makeshift to avoid a frank avowal of intention to retain
+the islands for all future time with which anybody living has any
+practical concern. Until it is substituted by a definite declaration
+by Congress similar to the one we made in the case of Cuba, and the
+present American Governor-General and his associates are substituted
+by men sent out to report back how soon they think the Filipinos
+may safely be trusted to attend to their own domestic concerns, all
+crucial facts and situations that might jeopardize the continuance
+of the present American regime in the Philippines will continue,
+as heretofore, to remain unmentioned in the official reports of the
+American authorities now out there. Until that is done, you will never
+hear the Filipino side of the case from anybody whose opinion you are
+willing to make the basis of governmental action. These remarks will,
+obviously from the nature of the case, be quite as true long after
+President Taft, the reader, and I are dead as they are now.
+
+Mr. Taft would be very glad to have Congress declare frankly that it
+is the purpose of this Government to hold the Philippines permanently,
+i. e., permanently so far as the word means continuance of the "uplift"
+treatment long after everybody now on the earth is beneath it. But
+because public opinion in the United States is so much divided as
+to the wisdom of a policy of frankly avowed intention permanently
+to retain the islands, he prefers to leave the whole matter open
+and undetermined, so as to get the support both of those who think
+a definite programme of permanent retention righteous and those who
+think such a programme vicious. He wishes to please both sides of
+a moral issue, on the idea that, as the present policy is in his
+individual judgment best for all concerned, the end justifies the
+means. Yet, as the issue is a moral one, which concerns the cause of
+representative government throughout the world, and a strategic one
+which concerns the national defence, it should, in my judgment, no
+longer be dodged, but squarely met. You constantly hear President Taft
+talking quite out loud here at home, in his public utterances, about
+the great politico-missionary work we are doing in the Philippines
+by furnishing them with the most approved up-to-date methods for
+the pursuit of happiness, the avoidance of graft in government, the
+elimination of crimes of violence, in short the ideal way to minimize
+the ills that human governments are heir to, while every day and every
+dollar spent out there by Americans induced by him to go there, are
+time and money tensely arrayed against the ultimate independence he
+purports to favor. Give the Americans out there a square deal. Let
+them know whether we are going to keep the islands or whether we
+are not. Honesty is a far better policy than the present policy. The
+Americans in the islands, Mr. Taft's agents in the Philippines, talk no
+uncandid and misleading stuff about the Philippines being exclusively
+for the Filipinos. And they do considerable talking. They need looking
+after, if the present pious fiction is to be kept up at this end of the
+line. Nobody in the Philippines to-day, among the Americans, considers
+talk about independence as anything other than political buncombe very
+hampering to their work. Listen to this high official of the insular
+government, who writes in the North American Review for February, 1912:
+
+
+    The somewhat blatant note with which we at the beginning
+    proclaimed our altruistic purposes in the Philippines has died
+    away into a whisper. To say much about it is to incur a charge
+    of hypocrisy. [367]
+
+
+The most important problem which confronted Mr. McKinley when he
+sent Judge Taft to the Philippines was how to so handle the supreme
+question of public order as to avoid any necessity of having to
+ask Congress later for more volunteers to replace those whose terms
+of enlistment would expire June 30, 1901. We have already reviewed
+the strenuous efforts of General MacArthur during the twelve months
+immediately following the arrival of the Taft Commission in June,
+1900, to get rid of the shadow of this necessity by the date named,
+the regular army having been reorganized meantime and considerably
+increased by the Act of February 2, 1901. On March 22, 1901, while
+the Taft Commission was going around the islands with their Federal
+party folk, holding out the prospect of office to those who would
+quit insurging and come in and be good, General MacArthur reported
+progress to Secretary of War Root by cable as follows: "Hope report
+cessation of hostilities before June 30." [368] His idea was to get
+a good military grip on the situation, if possible, by that time,
+and, as a corollary, of course, that the grip thus obtained should
+be diligently retained for a long time, not loosened, so that the
+disturbed conditions incident to many years of war might have a few
+years, at least, in which to settle. In his annual report dated July 4,
+1901, the date of the inauguration of Judge Taft as "Civil Governor,"
+he says, in regard to the imperative necessity for continuing the
+military grip by keeping on hand sufficient forces:
+
+
+    Anything in the immediate future calculated to impede the activity
+    or reduce the efficiency of these instruments will not only be a
+    menace to the present, but put in jeopardy the entire future of
+    American possibilities in the archipelago. [369]
+
+
+General MacArthur believed in keeping the islands permanently. His
+views were frankly imperialistic. He had no salve to offer to the
+conscience of pious thrift at home anxious to believe that the
+Filipinos were not bitterly opposed to our rule, and very much in
+favor of what was supposed to be a glittering opening for Trade
+Expansion. He was thoroughly imbued with the British colonial idea
+known as The White Man's Burden. On the other hand, Governor Taft
+firmly believed that kindness would cure the desire of the people for
+independence. The difference between these two gentlemen was fully
+ventilated afterward before the Senate Committee of 1902. A statement
+of General MacArthur's embodying the crux of this difference was read
+to Governor Taft by Senator Carmack, and the Governor's reply was:
+
+
+    We did not then agree with that statement, and we do not now
+    agree with it. [370]
+
+
+A little later, in the same connection, he said to the same Senate
+Committee, with the cheery tolerance of conflicting views which comes
+only from entire confidence in the soundness of one's own:
+
+
+    I have been called the Mark Tapley of this Philippine business.
+
+
+There is no doubt about the fact that President Taft is an
+optimist. But while optimism is a very blessed thing in a sick-room or
+a financial panic, it is a very poor substitute for powder and lead
+in putting down an insurrection, or in weaning people from a desire
+for independence accentuated by a long war waged for that purpose,
+especially when your kindness must be accompanied by assurances to
+the objects of it that on account of a lack of sufficient intelligence
+they are not fit for the thing they want. It was upon a programme of
+this sort that Governor Taft entered upon the task of reconciling the
+Filipinos to American rule more than ten years ago. The impossibility
+of the task is of course obvious enough from the mere statement of
+it. The subsequent bitterness between him and the military authorities
+was quite carefully and very properly kept from the American public
+because it might get back to the Filipino public. The military folk
+knew that to go around the country setting up provincial and municipal
+governments, carrying a liberal pay-roll, with diligent contemporaneous
+circulation of the knowledge that anybody who would quit fighting
+would stand a good chance to get an office, would seem to many of the
+Filipinos a confession of weakness and fear, sure to cause trouble
+later. Many of them--of course it would be inappropriate to mention
+names--simply did not believe that Mr. Taft was honest in his absurd
+notion. They simply damned "politics" for meddling with war, and let
+it go at that. But the real epic pathos of the whole thing was that
+Mr. Taft was actually sincere. He believed that the majority of the
+Philippine people were for him and his policies. As late as 1905,
+he seems to have clung to this idea, according to various accounts
+by Senators Newlands, Dubois, and others, in magazine articles
+written after their return from a trip to the Philippines in that
+year in company with Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War. In fact so
+impressed were they with the general discontent out there, and yet so
+considerate of their good friend Mr. Taft's feelings in the matter and
+his confidence that the Filipinos loved benevolent alien domination,
+that one of them simply contented himself with the remark:
+
+
+    When we left the islands I do not believe there was a single
+    member of our party who was not sorry we own them, except Secretary
+    Taft himself.
+
+
+Indeed it is not until 1907 that, we find Mr. Taft's paternal
+solicitude for his step-daughter, Miss Filipina, finally reconciling
+itself to the idea that while this generation seems to want Home
+Rule as irreconcilably as Ireland herself and "wont be happy 'til
+it gets it," yet inasmuch as Home Rule is not, in his judgment, good
+for every people, this generation is therefore a wicked and perverse
+generation, and hence the Filipinos must simply resign themselves to
+the idea of being happy in some other generation. This attitude was
+freely stated before the Millers' convention at St. Louis, May 30,
+1907, the speech being reported in the St. Louis Globe-Democrat the
+next day. Said Mr. Taft on that occasion, after admitting that the
+Islands had been a tremendous financial drain on us:
+
+
+    If, then, we have not had material recompense, have we had it in
+    the continuing gratitude of the people whom we have aided?
+
+
+Answering this, in effect, though not in so many words, "Alas, no,"
+he adds, with a sigh which is audible between the lines:
+
+
+    He who would measure his altruism by the thankfulness of those
+    whom he aids, will not persist in good works.
+
+
+Thus we see the Mark Tapley optimism of 1902 become in 1907 a species
+of solicitude which Dickens describes in Bleak House as "Telescopic
+Philanthropy," in the chapter by that title in which he introduces
+the famous Mrs. Jellyby, mother of a large and interesting family,
+"a lady of very remarkable strength of character, who devotes
+herself entirely to the public," who "has devoted herself to an
+extensive variety of public subjects, at various times, and is at
+present devoted to the subject of Africa, with a general view to the
+cultivation of the coffee berry--and the natives,"--to the woeful
+neglect of her own domestic concerns and her large and expensive
+family of children. Since 1907, Mr. Taft has frankly abandoned his
+early delusion about the consent-of-the-governed, and boldly takes
+the position, up to that time more or less evaded, that the consent
+of the governed is not at all essential to just government.
+
+The apotheosis of Uncle Sam as Mrs. Jellyby is to be found in one of
+Mr. Taft's speeches wherein he declared that the present Philippine
+policy was "a plan for the spread of Christian civilization in the
+Orient."
+
+Thus has it been that, under the reactionary influence of a colonial
+policy, this republic has followed its frank abandonment of the idea
+that all just government must derive its origin in the consent of
+the governed by a further abandonment of the idea that Church and
+State should be kept separate. I do not wish to make President Taft
+ridiculous, and could not if I would. Nor do I seek to belittle him
+in the eyes of his people,--for we are "his people," for the time
+being. No one can belittle him. He is too big a man to be belittled
+by anybody. Besides, he is, in many respects beyond all question, a
+truly great man. But he is not the only great man in history who has
+made egregious blunders. And there is no question that we are running
+there on the confines of Asia, in the Philippines, a superfluous
+governmental kindergarten whose sessions should be concluded, not
+suddenly, but without unnecessary delay. The two principal reasons
+for retaining the Filipinos as subjects, or "wards," or by whatever
+euphemism any one may prefer to designate the relation, are, first,
+that a Filipino government would not properly protect life and
+property, and second, that although they complain much at taxation
+without representation through tariff and other legislation placed or
+kept on the statute books of Congress through the influence and for
+the benefit of special interests in the United States, yet that such
+taxation without representation is not so grievous as to justify them
+in feeling as we did in 1776. Whether these reasons for retaining the
+Filipinos as subjects indefinitely are justified by the facts, must
+depend upon the facts. If they are not, the question will then arise,
+"Would a Filipino government be any worse for the Filipinos than the
+one we are keeping saddled on them over their protest?"
+
+In his letter of instructions of April 7, 1900, to the Taft Commission,
+Mr. McKinley first quoted the noble concluding language with which
+the articles of capitulation of the city of Manila gave an immediate
+and supremely comforting sense of security to a city of some three
+hundred thousand people who had then been continuously in terror of
+their lives for three and one half months, thus:
+
+
+    This city, its inhabitants, * * * and its private property of
+    all description * * * are placed under the special safeguard of
+    the faith and honor of the American army;
+
+
+and then added:
+
+
+    As high and sacred an obligation rests upon the Government of
+    the United States to give protection for property and life * * *
+    to all the people of the Philippine Islands. * * * I charge this
+    commission to labor for the full performance of this obligation,
+    which concerns the honor and conscience of their country.
+
+
+How the premature setting up of the civil government of the Philippines
+in 1901 under pressure of political expediency, and the consequent
+withdrawal of the police protection of the army, was followed by a
+long series of disorders combated by prosecutions for sedition and
+brigandage, toward the end of which the writer broke down and left the
+Islands exclaiming inwardly, "I do not know the method of drawing an
+indictment against a whole people," will now be traced, not so much
+to show that the Philippine insular government has failed properly and
+competently to meet the most sacred obligations that can rest upon any
+government, but to show the inherent unfitness of a government based
+on the consent of the governed to run any other kind of a government.
+
+There were five officers of the Philippine volunteer army of 1899-1901
+appointed to the bench by Governor Taft in 1901. Their names and the
+method of their transition from the military to the civil regime
+are indicated by the following communication, a copy of which was
+furnished to each, as indicated in the endorsement which follows the
+signature of Judge Taft:
+
+
+    UNITED STATES PHILIPPINE COMMISSION
+
+    President's Office, Manila, June 17, 1901.
+
+    Major-General Arthur MacArthur, U. S. A.,
+
+    Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila.
+
+
+    Sir:
+
+    I am directed by the commission to inform you that it has made
+    the following appointments under the recent Judicial Act passed
+    June 11, 1901:
+
+    You will observe that among our appointees are five army officers:
+    Brigadier General James F. Smith, Lieutenant James H. Blount,
+    Jr., 29th Infantry, Captain Adam C. Carson, 28th Infantry; Captain
+    Warren H. Ickis, 36th Infantry; and Lieutenant George P. Whitsett,
+    32d Infantry.
+
+    It is suggested that it would be well for these officers to resign
+    their positions in the United States military service to the end
+    that they may accept the civil positions, take the oath of office,
+    and immediately begin their new duties.
+
+    I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
+
+
+        Your obedient servant,
+
+        (Signed) Wm. H. Taft,
+        President.
+
+
+    Official extract copy respectfully furnished Lieutenant James
+    H. Blount, Jr., 29th Infantry, U. S. Vols., Manila, P. I. Your
+    resignation, if offered in compliance with above letter, will be
+    accepted upon the date preferred.
+
+    By command of Major-General MacArthur:
+
+
+        (Signed) E. H. Crowder
+        Lieutenant-Colonel and Judge Advocate, U. S. A. Secretary.
+        Military Secretary's Office,
+        June 18, 1901.
+
+
+General Smith had come out as colonel of the 1st Californias, and had
+won his stars on the field of battle, as has already been described in
+an earlier chapter. He went from the army to the Supreme Bench--at
+Manila. The archipelago had been divided by the Taft Commission
+into fifteen judicial districts, containing three or four provinces
+each,--each district court to be a nisi prius or trial court. Judge
+Carson (Va.) went to the Hemp Peninsula District in the extreme south
+of Luzon, already described, and four years later to the Supreme Bench,
+where he still is. Judge Ickis (Ia.) went to Mindanao, and later died
+of the cholera down there. Judge Whitsett (Mo.) went to Jolo (the
+little group of islets near British North Borneo), but his wife died
+soon afterward, and he resigned and came home. The writer (Ga.) went
+to northern Luzon, to the First District hereinafter noticed.
+
+Just here it may be remarked that the reader will need no long
+complicated description of the details of the organization of the new
+government, interspersed with unpronounceable names, if he will simply
+assume the view-point Governor Taft had in the beginning. Governor
+Taft simply analogized his situation to that of a governor of a State
+or Territory at home. His fifty provinces were to him fifty counties,
+twenty-five of them in the main island of Luzon, which, as heretofore
+stated, is about the size of Ohio or Cuba (forty odd thousand square
+miles), and contains half the population and over one-third the total
+land area of the archipelago. However, each of his provincial governors
+was liberally paid, and the authority of a governor of a province
+was, on a small scale, more like that of one of our own state chief
+executives than like the authority and functions of the chairman of
+the Board of County Commissioners of a county with us. For instance,
+the governorship of Cebu, with its 2000 square miles of territory
+and 650,000 inhabitants, was quite as big a job as the governorship
+of New Mexico, or some other one of our newer States.
+
+So that the task on which Governor Taft entered July 4, 1901, was
+the governing of a potential ultimate federal union in miniature,
+containing nearly eight millions of people. One slight mistake I
+think he made was in providing that the governors of the provinces
+should be ex-officio sheriffs of the Courts of First Instance
+(of the fifteen several judicial districts aforesaid). This was to
+enable the Judges of First Instance to keep a weather eye on the
+provincial governors, the judiciary at first being largely American,
+and it being the programme to have native governors, some of them
+recently surrendered insurgent generals, as rapidly as practicable
+and advisable. The scheme was good business, but not tactful. It
+subtracted some wind from the gubernatorial sails to be a sheriff,
+a provincial governor under the Spanish regime having been quite a
+vice-regal potentate. But the judges were as careful to treat their
+native governors with the consideration the authority vested in them
+called for as Governor Taft himself would have been. So no substantial
+harm was done, and the real power in the provinces of questionable
+loyalty remained where it belonged, in American hands.
+
+Just after Governor Taft's inauguration, the four newly appointed
+district judges just out of the army called on the governor. Judge
+Carson was the spokesman, though without pre-arrangement. He said:
+"Governor, we have called to pay our respects and say goodbye before
+going to the provinces. We have been acting under military orders so
+long, that while we are not here to get orders, we would like to have
+any parting suggestions that may occur to you." Governor Taft said:
+"Well, Gentlemen, all I can think of is to remind you that if what
+we have all heard is true the Spanish courts usually operated to the
+delay of justice, rather than to the dispensing of it. So just go
+ahead to your respective districts, and get to work, remembering that
+you are Americans." So we did. Of course none of us loaned ourselves
+for a moment to the amiable Taft fiction that "the great majority of
+the people are entirely willing to government under the supremacy
+of the United States." We had all had a share in the subjugation
+of the Islands as far as it had progressed at that time, and had
+seen the Filipinos fight--unskilfully and ineffectively, it is true
+(because they none of them understood the use of two sights on a rifle,
+and simply could not hit us much), but pluckily enough. We knew the
+Filipinos well, and our attitude was simply that of "Pharaoh and the
+Sergeant," in Kipling's ballad of the conquest of Egypt. However,
+we knew nothing of the Egyptians, except what we had learned in the
+Bible, gave no thought to whether our occupation was to be "temporary"
+like the British occupation of Egypt since 1882, or temporary like
+the American occupation of Cuba in 1898. That was a matter for the
+people of the United States to determine later. But somebody had to
+govern the Islands, and there we were, and there were the Islands. In
+the scheme of things some one had to do that part of the world's work,
+and, as the salaries were liberal, we went to the work, not concerning
+ourselves with amiable fictions of any kind. I think our attitude
+was really one of more intimately sympathetic understanding of the
+Filipinos than that of Governor Taft himself, because we had all known
+them longer, and all spoke their language, i. e., the language of
+the educated and representative men (Spanish), and knew their ways,
+their foibles, and their many indisputably noble traits. But we did
+not start out to play the part of political wet-nurses. Our attitude
+was, if Mr. Filipino does not behave, we will make him.
+
+Judge Carson and myself had one peculiar qualification for fidelity
+to the Taft policies for which we were entitled to no credit. We
+instinctively resented any suggestion comparing the Filipinos to
+negroes. We had many warm friends among the Filipinos, had shared
+their generous hospitality often, and in turn had extended them
+ours. Any such suggestion as that indicated implied that we had been
+doing something equivalent to eating, drinking, dancing, and chumming
+with negroes. And we resented such suggestions with an anger quite as
+cordial and intense as the canons of good taste and loyal friendship
+demanded. I really believe that the southern men in the Philippines
+have always gotten along better with the Filipinos than any other
+Americans out there, and for the reasons just suggested. Not only
+is the universal American willingness to treat the educated Asiatic
+as a human being endowed with certain unalienable rights going to
+redeem him from the down-trodden condition into which British and
+other European contempt for him has kept him, but the American from
+the South out there is a guarantee that he shall never be treated as
+if he were an African. The African is aeons of time behind the Asiatic
+in development; the latter is aeons ahead of us in the mere duration
+of his civilization. The Filipino has many of the virtues both of the
+European and the Asiatic. Christianity has made him the superior in
+many respects, of his neighbor and racial cousin, the Japanese. And
+Spanish civilization has produced among them many educated gentlemen
+whom it is an honor to call friend.
+
+The five lawyers, who on ceasing to be volunteer officers became
+judges, had other incentives also to make the Taft Government a
+success. The possession of power is always pleasant. We knew the
+military folk were going to stand by and watch the civil government,
+and prophesy failure. This of course put us on our metal to impress
+upon the dictatorial gentry of the military profession, with didactic
+firmness, the fundamental importance to all American ideals that the
+military should be subordinate to the civil authority.
+
+The First Judicial District to which the writer was first assigned
+comprised four provinces, Ilocos Norte, in the Ilocano country, the
+province situated at the extreme northwestern corner of Luzon, in the
+military district the conquest of which by General Young has already
+been fully described; and the three provinces of the Cagayan valley,
+[371] overrun by Captain Batchelor on his remarkable march from the
+mountains to the sea in November, 1899, also already described. Here
+I remained for a year, and then came home on leave, desperately
+ill; being given, on returning to the Islands after my recovery,
+an assignment in one of the southern islands, hereinafter dealt with.
+
+We volunteers were all commissioned as judges as of the 15th of June,
+though none of us I believe were mustered out until June 30th. The
+day after I was notified of my appointment as judge, as above set
+forth, desiring to enter upon my judicial emoluments, which were
+several times those I was receiving as a soldier, I removed the
+shoulder-straps and collar ornaments from my white duck suit, and
+went over and took the oath of office before the Chief Justice of
+the Islands. We had not yet been mustered out of the army, but as
+above stated, Governor Taft had suggested to General MacArthur that
+we resign without waiting for the day of muster out, so we could
+get to work that much sooner, and General MacArthur had notified us
+that if we cared to resign at once as suggested, he would cable our
+resignations to Washington. Immediately after qualifying before the
+Chief Justice, I left his office and on emerging from the court-house
+hailed a carromata, [372] but the driver said No, he would not carry
+me. I suggested in a very rudimental way, in rather rudimental Spanish
+suited to him, that he was a common carrier, and as such under a
+duty to transport me. He said his horse was tired. His horse did
+not look tired. He would not have thus casually toyed with veracity
+if I had had my shoulder-straps on. An autoridad (a representative
+of constituted authority) is to the masses of the Filipino people
+something which instinctively challenges their respect and obedience,
+more especially where the "authority" is firm and just. Respect for
+authority is their most conspicuous civic trait, and it is on this
+element in the lower ninety, on the intelligence and capacity to
+guide them of the upper ten, and on the ardent patriotism of both,
+that I predicate my difference with President Taft as to the capacity
+of the Filipino people for self-government. However, as I was to all
+appearances not an "authority," this ignorant man treated me as merely
+one of the Americans who, having invaded his country, apparently were
+not sure whether they were afraid of his people or not. Again I tried
+diplomacy, offering him an exorbitant fare. "Nothing doing." It was
+about siesta time, and he would not budge. Here then was the civil
+government proposition in a nutshell, to take the ignorant people and
+teach them their rights under theoretically free institutions, instead
+of letting their own people do it in their own way; to reason directly
+with such people as this cochero (hackman), to begin at the bottom of
+the social scale right on the jump, the idea being to fit them, the
+sacred (?) majority, to know their rights and "knowing dare maintain"
+them against the educated minority, as if the latter did not have
+a greater natural interest in their welfare than any stranger could
+possibly have. That I indulged all these reflections at the time I
+of course do not mean to say. The significance of the incident has
+of course deepened in the light of the subsequent years. At any rate,
+I did not succeed in budging that cochero. I walked home, forego the
+difference between the military and the judicial salary for the two
+weeks remaining before muster-out day, put my shoulder-straps back on,
+and kept them on until June 30, 1901. [373]
+
+When I first landed on the China seacoast of the district I was to
+preside over, I was met by quite a reception committee of the leading
+men, who conducted me with great courtesy to the provincial capital. A
+little later the justices of the peace paid their respects. One
+of them came thirty miles to do so. The court-room was very long,
+and when I first spied this last man, he was at the other end of
+the room bowing very low. He would bow, then advance a few steps,
+then bow again, then resume the forward march toward me. I reminded
+myself of some ancient king, so profound were his obeisances. At
+first I thought to myself, "He bows too low, he must have been up to
+some devilment lately!" Experience showed me later that it was simply
+one of the ever-present manifestations of the respect of the Filipino
+for constituted authority. They positively love to show their respect
+for authority, just as a good soldier loves to show his respect for
+an officer. Here some American remarks: "Ah, but that is not good
+proof of capacity for self-government. They would not 'cuss out' the
+party in power enough." I answer: Who made you the judge to say that
+our particular form of government and our particular way of doing
+things is better for each and every other people under the sun than
+any they can devise for themselves? But there was of course another
+possible reason for the profundity of the obeisances of my judicial
+subordinate above mentioned. When I reached that province of Ilocos
+Norte in July, 1901, the people were in a state of submission that was
+simply abject. They had at first worked the amigo business on General
+Young, and treachery of that kind had been so inexorably followed by
+dire punishment, that every home in the country had its lesson. Yet
+that was the only way. The poor devils did not seem to know when they
+were licked. This is not maudlin sentiment. It is a protest against the
+cotemporary libel on Filipino patriotism about "the great majority"
+being "entirely willing" to accept our rule, and the cotemporary
+belittling of the work the army had to do to make them accept it.
+
+I remained in charge of the First Judicial District for more
+than a year, and during that period tried few or no crimes of a
+political character, that is to say, indictments for sedition or the
+like--attempts to subvert the government. The district comprised a
+total population of about a half million people, more than one-eighth
+of the population of Luzon, and a total area of over 13,000 square
+miles, nearly one-third of all Luzon. But remember, this was in
+northern Luzon, where the work of pacification was lucidly completed
+by the army before the "peace-at-any-price" policy began. We will see
+what happened in my friend Judge Carson's district, and in the rest of
+southern Luzon later. The principal broad general fact I now recall,
+in connection with the administration of justice in the First Judicial
+District during the year or more I had it, is that the main volume of
+business on the court calendars was crimes of violence of a strictly
+non-political character due to lack of efficient police protection
+in the several communities, consequent on withdrawal of military
+garrisons. The country was in an unsettled state. The aftermath
+of war, lawless violence, was virulently present, and the presence
+of troops scattered through a province, under such circumstances,
+is a wonderful moral force to restrain lawlessness. However high
+the purpose, however kindly the motive, the setting up of a civil
+government in the Philippines at the time it was set up, when the
+country was far from ready for it, was a terrible mistake. Of course
+no one man in a given province or judicial district had a bird's-eye
+view of the whole situation and the whole panorama at the time,
+such as we can get at this distance, in retrospect. Of course it did
+not lie in human nature for the men responsible for the mistake to
+see it at first, and, the die once cast, they had to keep on, with
+intermittent resort to military help, the extent of which help was
+always minimized thereafter. To show how little the general state of
+the archipelago was understood by American provincial officials busy in
+a given part of it, and getting little or no news of the outside world,
+I remained in the First Judicial District from July, 1901, to August,
+1902, and heard nothing of the great insurrection in southern Luzon,
+in Batangas, and the adjacent provinces, which raged during the winter
+of 1901-02, except a vague rumor that there was trouble down there. The
+Filipinos did, however. Of course for Mr. Root to be able to furnish
+in December, 1901, a report, as Secretary of War, to the President,
+for consumption by Congress and the people of this country, to the
+effect that his volunteer army had been mustered out on schedule time,
+June 30, 1901, and a "civil" government set up and in due operation,
+was a nice showing, calculated to sooth latent public discontent with
+wading through slaughter to over-seas dominion. Reports thereafter of
+disturbances could always be waived aside as merely local in character,
+and not serious. If it were stoutly asserted that everything was
+quiet all over the archipelago except in certain parts of certain
+localities, naming them, that sounded well, and as the public at home
+simply skipped the unpronounceable names, not caring much whether they
+represented molecules or hemispheres, all went well. For instance,
+most of the provinces of the archipelago were organized under "civil"
+government prior to the inauguration of Governor Taft, which occurred,
+July 4, 1901, and on July 17th, thereafter, Batangas, Cebu, and Bohol
+were restored to military control. [374] I suppose the fact that
+Batangas, Cebu, and Bohol had been so restored was duly announced
+at the time in the Associated Press despatches from Manila. But
+what light did it throw on the situation? Who knew whether any one
+of these names represented a mountain lair, a country village, a
+remote islet, or a large and populous province? As a matter of fact,
+each was a province, and the total population of the three provinces
+was 1,180,655, [375] and their total area 4651 square miles. [376]
+The eminent gentlemen charged with the government of the Islands,
+once they committed themselves to their "civil" government, persisted
+always in treating the insurrection, as General Hancock's campaign
+speeches used to treat the tariff--as "a local issue." The true
+analogy, that of a house on fire, with the fire partly but not wholly
+under control, and momentarily subject to gusts of wind, never seems
+to have occurred to them. Here were provinces aggregating nearly
+twelve hundred thousand people, officially admitted to be still in
+insurrection within less than two weeks after the announcement of
+the inauguration of a civil government, which included them, with
+its implied assertion of a state of peace as to them.
+
+If to the three provinces above named you add the province of Samar,
+later of dark and bloody fame, you have a fourth province as to which
+not only had there been no "civil" government organized on paper, but
+no claim yet made by any one that we had ever conquered it. We had been
+so busy in Luzon and elsewhere that we had not yet had time to bother
+very much with Samar. The area of Samar is 5276 square miles, and its
+population 266,237. (See the census tables already cited.) In their
+report dated October 15, 1901, [377] you find the Commission admitting
+that "the insurrection still continues in Batangas, Samar, Cebu" and
+"parts of" Laguna and Tayabas provinces. Now the euphemistic limitation
+implied in the words "parts of" is quite negligible, for any serious
+purpose, since our troops kept the insurgents rather constantly on the
+move, and the population in all the "parts of" any province that was
+still holding out backed up the combatants morally and materially,
+with information as to our movements, supplies, etc., whenever
+the insurgent detachments, in the course of their peregrinations,
+happened to pass through those "parts." So, to make a recapitulation
+presenting the political situation admitted by the Commission to exist
+a little over three months after the inauguration of civil government,
+we have the insurrection still in progress as follows:
+
+
+    Province             Area (sq. m.)          Population
+
+    Batangas              1,201                   257,715
+    Cebu                  1,939                   653,727
+    Bohol                 1,511                   269,223
+    Laguna                  629                   148,606
+    Tayabas               5,993                   153,065
+    Samar                 5,276                   266,237
+                         ------                 ---------
+        Total            16,549                 1,748,573
+
+
+According to his own official statements, it thus appears that on
+October 15th, after Governor Taft set up his "civil" government on
+the Fourth of July, throughout one-fifth of the territory and among
+one-fourth of the population insurrection was rampant. The total
+area of the archipelago, if Mohammedan Mindanao be excepted (for the
+reason that the Moros never had anything to do with the Filipinos
+and their insurrection against us), is about 80,000 square miles,
+having a total population of 7,000,000. So that, to restate the
+case, one-fifth of the house was still on fire, and one-fourth of
+the inmates were trying their best to keep the fire from being put out.
+
+Just here I owe it to President Taft, under whose administration
+as governor I served as a judge, as well as to myself, to explain
+why I have so frequently put the word "civil" in quotations in
+referring to the civil government of the Philippines. Broadly
+speaking, if "civil" does not imply consent of the governed, it
+at least distinctly negatives the idea of a bleeding, prostrate,
+and deeply hostile people. And, in that the civil government of the
+Philippines founded in 1901 did so negative the actual conditions it
+was a kindly humbug. When you go around the country sending people
+to the penitentiary by scores for political crimes, and then get
+criticised afterwards for "subserviency" to the government you are
+thus serving, you get a trifle sensitive about such criticism. Now
+the core of the charges made in this country against the Philippine
+judiciary in the early days was that they were parties to a humbug,
+pliable servants of a government which was trying to produce at home
+an incorrect impression of substantial absence of unwillingness on
+the part of the governed. I am very sure that the five ex-officers of
+the volunteer army above named, who went from the army to the bench,
+never did, by act or word, lend themselves to the idea that there was
+any "consent" on the part of the governed. Those of us who had been
+in Cuba with General Wood had but a little while previously observed
+there a civil regime under a military name. We were now, in the
+Philippines, serving a military regime under a civil name. We had all
+of us doubtless--if there was an exception it is immaterial--served
+on military commissions. We therefore felt, without immodesty,
+that we could deal out to insurrectos and their political cousins,
+the brigands, more even-handed justice, as a military commission
+of one, than a board of several officers, booted, spurred, and
+travel-stained from some recent man-hunt. Turning, however, from
+the more inconspicuous objects of Professor Willis's attacks, [378]
+the American trial judges in the Philippines in the pioneer days, to
+the now wide-looming historic personage who was his real objective,
+I was asked at a public meeting in Boston, rather significantly,
+by one of the most eminent lawyers in this country, Mr. Moorfield
+Storey, formerly president of the American Bar Association, whether
+or not there had been attempts in the Philippines, while I was there,
+to make the judiciary subservient to the executive. My answer was, "No,
+the lawyers who have been in charge of the Philippine Government have
+never been guilty of any unprofessional conduct." But the distinguished
+Boston barrister above referred to has a nephew who is now and has been
+since 1909, Governor of the Philippines--and who, before he went out
+there was a representative of Big Business in Boston--Governor Forbes,
+and I have no idea that any judge who during that time has rendered
+any decision of importance he did not like has been promoted to the
+Supreme Bench of the Islands, though I know that under Governor Taft,
+Judge Carson unhesitatingly declared a certain act of the Commission
+null and void as being in conflict with an Act of Congress, and
+before the time-servers had gotten through wondering at his rashness,
+Mr. Taft had him put on the Supreme Bench of the Philippines [379]
+because he liked that kind of a judge.
+
+Having sown the wind by setting up his civil government too soon,
+let us now observe the whirlwind Governor Taft reaped within six
+months thereafter. Of course the civil and military folk were at
+daggers' points. That goes without saying. But their differences
+were decorously suppressed so that the Filipinos did not get hold
+of them. To that end, the situation was also diligently concealed
+in the United States. In his proclamation of July 4, 1902, you find
+President Roosevelt publicly smoothing the ruffled feathers of that
+rugged hero of many battles in two hemispheres, General Chaffee, and
+also commending Governor Taft, and telling them how harmoniously they
+had gotten along together to the credit of their common country. But
+in 1901, shortly after General Chaffee had relieved General MacArthur,
+you find the following cablegram:
+
+
+                                          Executive Mansion, Washington,
+                                                        October 8, 1901.
+
+    Chaffee, Manila: I am deeply chagrined, to use the mildest possible
+    term, over the trouble between yourself and Taft. I wish you
+    to see him personally, and spare no effort to secure prompt and
+    friendly agreement in regard to the differences between you. Have
+    cabled him also. It is most unfortunate to have any action which
+    produces friction and which may have a serious effect both in
+    the Philippines and here at home. I trust implicitly that you
+    and Taft will come to agreement.
+
+        Theodore Roosevelt. [380]
+
+
+The most important words of the above telegram are "and here at
+home." The "serious effect here at home" so earnestly deprecated was
+that the real issue between General Chaffee and Governor Taft might
+be ventilated by some Congressional Committee, and thus bring out
+the prematurity with which, to meet political exigencies, the civil
+government had been set up. The issue was that General Chaffee was
+recognizing the hostility of the people, and deprecating the withdrawal
+of the police protection of the army from districts in which there
+were many people who, though tired of keeping up the struggle, and
+willing to quit, were being harried by the die-in-the-last-ditch
+contingent. This would mean, ultimately, an examination, such as has
+already been made in this volume, of the evidence on which Governor
+Taft based his half-baked opinion of 1900 that "the great majority"
+were "entirely willing" to American sovereignty. It would also show
+up Mr. Root's nonsense about "the patient and unconsenting millions,"
+so shamelessly flouted in the presidential campaign of 1900, and his
+pious Philippics against delivering said millions "into the hands of
+the assassin, Aguinaldo," [381] and would reveal the truth confessed
+by Secretary Root in a speech made to the cadets at West Point in July,
+1902, after the trouble had blown over, in which, apropos of the valor
+and services of the army, he referred proudly to its having then just
+completed the suppression of "an insurrection of 7,000,000 people."
+
+On September 28, 1901, just prior to President Roosevelt's above
+cablegram pouring oil on the troubled politico-military insular
+waters, a company of General Chaffee's command, Company C, of the
+9th Infantry, had been taken off their guard and massacred at a place
+called Balangiga, in the island of Samar. [382] This had made General
+Chaffee somewhat angry, and explains the subsequent dark and bloody
+drama of which General "Jake" Smith was the central figure, whereby
+Samar was made "a howling wilderness." But Governor Taft was filled
+with much more solicitude about the success of his civil government
+than he was about the obscure lives lost at Balangiga. Apropos
+of the Balangiga affair he was wearing the patience of the doughty
+Chaffee with remarks like this: "The people are friendly to the civil
+government," and suavely speaking of "the evidence which accumulates
+on every hand of the desire of the people at large for peace and
+protection by the civil government." [383] The same Taft report goes
+on to deprecate "rigor in the treatment" of the situation and the
+"consequent revulsion in those feelings of friendship toward the
+Americans which have been growing stronger each day with the spread
+and development of the civil government."
+
+General "Jake" Smith was sent to Samar shortly after the Balangiga
+massacre, and did indeed make the place a howling wilderness, with his
+famous "kill-and-burn" orders, instructions to "kill everything over
+ten years old" and so forth, and the army was in sympathy generally
+with most of what he did,--except, of course, the unspeakable "10 year
+old" part--piously exclaiming, as fallible human nature often will in
+such circumstances, "Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord." Now the civil
+government could have put a stop to all this if it had wanted to. It
+had the backing of President Roosevelt. But it quietly accepted the
+benefit of such "fear of God"--to use the army's rather sacrilegious
+expression about that Samar campaign--as the military arm put into
+the heart of the Filipino, and went on the even tenor of its way,
+still maintaining that the Filipinos must like us because the civil
+government was so benevolent,--as if the Filipinos drew any nice
+distinctions between Governor Taft and General Chaffee, or supposed
+the two did not represent one and the same government, the government
+of the United States. There was much investigation about that awful
+Samar campaign afterward. General Smith was court-martialed and partly
+whitewashed, at least not dismissed. At General Smith's court-martial,
+there was some dispute about the alleged orders to "kill and burn,"
+to "kill everything over ten years old," etc. But the nature of the
+campaign may be inferred from General Smith's famous circular No. 6,
+which, issued on Christmas eve, 1901, advised his command, in effect,
+that he did not take much stock in the civil commission's confidence
+that the people really wanted peace; that he was "thoroughly convinced"
+that the wealthy people in the towns of his district were aiding the
+insurgents while pretending to be friendly and that he proposed to
+
+
+    adopt a policy that will create in all the minds of all the
+    people a burning desire for the war to cease; a desire or longing
+    so intense, so personal, and so real that it will impel them to
+    devote themselves in real earnest to bringing about a real state
+    of peace. [384]
+
+
+During all his trial troubles, General Smith "took what was coming
+to him" without a murmur, and General Chaffee stuck to him as far as
+he could without assuming the primary responsibility for the fearful
+orders above alluded to. If, when General Smith went to Samar, his
+superior officer, General Chaffee, was in just the direly vengeful
+frame of mind he, General Smith, afterwards displayed, and prompted
+him to do, substantially, what he afterward did, which is by no
+means unlikely, General Smith never whimpered or put the blame on his
+chief. But a fearful lesson was given the Filipinos, and the civil
+government profited by it. General Chaffee was never really pressed
+on whether he did or did not prompt General Smith to do what he did;
+Governor Taft was never even criticised for not protesting; but with
+a flourish of presidential trumpets, General Smith was finally made
+"the goat," by being summarily placed on the retired list, and that
+closed the bloody Samar episode of 1901-02. I wonder General Smith
+has not gone and wept on General Miles's shoulder and like him become
+a member of the Anti-Imperialist League of Boston. Some of the best
+fighting men in the army say that as a soldier in battle General
+Smith is superb. At any rate he may find spiritual consolation in the
+following passage of the Scriptures which fits and describes his case:
+
+
+    But the goat, on which the lot fell to be the scapegoat, shall be
+    presented alive before the Lord, to make an atonement with him,
+    and to let him go for a scapegoat into the wilderness. [385]
+
+
+In his Report for 1901 Governor Taft says that the four principal
+provinces, including Batangas, which gave trouble shortly after the
+civil government was set up in that year, and had to be returned
+to military control, were organized under civil rule "on the
+recommendation" of the then commanding general (MacArthur) [386]: It
+certainly seems unlikely that the haste to change from military rule
+to civil rule came on the motion of the military. If the Commission
+ever got, in writing, from General MacArthur, a "recommendation" that
+any provinces be placed under civil rule while still in insurrection,
+the text of the writing will show a mere soldiery acquiescence in the
+will of Mr. McKinley, the commander-in-chief. Parol contemporaneous
+evidence will show that General MacArthur told them, substantially,
+that they were "riding for a fall." In fact, whenever an insurrection
+would break out in a province after Governor Taft's inauguration as
+governor, the whole attitude of the army in the Philippines, from
+the commanding general down, was "I told you so." They did not say
+this where Governor Taft could hear it, but it was common knowledge
+that they were much addicted to damning "politics" as the cause of
+all the trouble.
+
+Governor Taft's statement in his report for 1901, that the four
+principal provinces, above named, Batangas and the rest, were organized
+under civil rule "on the recommendation of General MacArthur,"
+is fully explained in his testimony before the Senate Committee of
+1902. From the various passages hereinbefore quoted from President
+McKinley's state papers concerning the Philippines, especially
+his messages to Congress, the political pressure Mr. McKinley was
+under from the beginning to make a show of "civil" government, thus
+emphasizing the alleged absence of any real substantial opposition
+to our rule by a seeming absence of necessity for the use of force,
+so as to palliate American repugnance to forcing a government upon an
+unwilling people, has been made clear. There were to be no "dark days
+of reconstruction." The Civil War in the United States from 1861 to
+1865 was a love feast compared with our war in the Philippines. Yet the
+work of reconstruction in the Philippines was to be predicated on the
+theory of consent, so persistently urged by President McKinley before
+the American people from the beginning, viz., that the insurrection
+represented only a small faction of the people. We have seen how
+General MacArthur also had originally, in 1898, entertained this
+notion, and how by the time he took Malolos in March, 1899, he had
+gotten over this notion, and had--regretfully--recognized that "the
+whole people are loyal to Aguinaldo and the cause he represents." And
+now came Governor Taft, after fifteen months more of continuous
+fighting, to tell General MacArthur, on behalf of Mr. McKinley,
+that he, MacArthur, did not know what he was talking about, and that
+"the great majority" were for American rule. The representative
+men of my own State of Georgia welcomed the return of the State to
+military control in 1870. Most of them had been officers of the
+Confederate army. The Federal commander simply told them that if
+they could not restrain the lawless element of their own people, he
+would. By premature setting up of the Philippine civil government,
+the lawless element was allowed full swing. General MacArthur had
+been in the Civil War. He knew something about reconstruction. But
+here were the Taft Commission, with instructions from Mr. McKinley to
+the effect that civil government, government "essentially popular in
+form," was to be set up as fast as territory was conquered. It didn't
+make any difference about the government being "essentially popular"
+just so it was "essentially popular in form." To the Senate Committee
+of 1902, Governor Taft said:
+
+
+    General MacArthur and the Commission did differ as to where the
+    power lay with respect to the organization of civil governments,
+    as to who should say what civil governments should be organized,
+    the Commission contending that, under the instructions, it was
+    left to them, and General MacArthur thinking that everything was
+    subject to military control ultimately, in view of the fact that
+    the islands were in a state of war. [387]
+
+
+Governor Taft then added that he and General MacArthur reached a
+modus vivendi. When a good soldier once finds out just what his
+commander-in-chief wants done, he will endeavor, in loyal good
+faith, to carry out the spirit of instructions, no matter how
+unwise they may seem to him. As soon as General MacArthur saw what
+President McKinley wanted done, he proceeded to co-operate loyally
+with Governor Taft to carry out the plan. He well knew the country
+was not ready for civil government, but if Mr. McKinley was bent on
+crowding civil government forward as fast as territory was conquered,
+he would make his recommendations on that basis. In the matter of
+the utter folly of the prematurity with which the civil government
+was set up in the Philippines in 1901, and the terrible consequences
+to the hapless Filipinos, hereinafter described, which followed,
+by reason of the premature withdrawal of the police protection of
+the army and the sense of security its several garrisons radiated,
+from a country just recovering from some six years of war, General
+MacArthur's exemption from responsibility is shown by his reports
+for 1900 and 1901. [388] The former has already been fully examined,
+and the original sharp differences between him and Governor Taft
+made clear. In the latter report dated July 4, 1901, the date of
+the Taft inauguration as Governor, and also, if I mistake not, the
+day of General MacArthur's final departure for the United States,
+the latter washes his hands of the kindly McKinley-Taft nonsense,
+born of political expediency, about there having never been any real
+fundamental or unanimous resistance, in no uncertain terms thus:
+
+
+    Anything in the immediate future calculated to impede the
+    activity or reduce the efficiency of these instruments [our
+    military forces,] will not only be a menace to the present, but
+    put in jeopardy the entire future of American possibilities in
+    the archipelago. [389]
+
+
+No, President Taft can never make General MacArthur "the goat" for
+what General Bell had to do in Batangas Province in 1901-02 to make
+our "willing" subjects behave. Nor can the ultimate responsibility
+before the bar of history for the awful fact that, according to the
+United States Coast and Geodetic Survey Atlas of the Philippines of
+1899, the population of Batangas Province was 312,192, and according
+to the American Census of the Philippines of 1903 it was 257,715,
+[390] rest entirely on military shoulders. An attempt to place the
+responsibility for the prematurity of the civil government on General
+MacArthur was made by Honorable Henry C. Ide, who was of the Taft
+Commission of 1900, and later Governor General of the Islands, and
+is now Minister to Spain, in the North American Review for December,
+1907. But Mr. Taft, a man of nobler mould, has at least maintained a
+decorous silence on the subject except when interrogated by Congress,
+and when so interrogated, his testimony, above quoted, if analyzed,
+places the responsibility where it honestly belongs. In 1900 the Taft
+Commission were not taking much military advice.
+
+Batangas province was first taken under the wing of the
+peace-at-any-price policy by the Act of the Taft Commission of May 2,
+1901, entitled "An Act Extending the Provisions of 'the Provincial
+Government Act' [391] to the Province of Batangas." By the Act of
+the Commission of July 17, 1901, the provinces of Batangas, Cebu, and
+Bohol, were restored to military control. When the civil authorities
+turned those provinces back to military control, they well knew the
+frame of mind the military were in, and there is no escape from the
+proposition that they, in effect, said to the military: "Take them
+and chasten them; go as far as you like. After you are done with them,
+it will be time enough to pet them again. But for the present we mean
+business." General Bell was scathingly criticised on the floor of the
+United States Senate for what he did in Batangas in 1901-02, but by
+the time he took hold there it had become a case of "spare the rod
+and spoil the child." The substitution by the Commission of kindness,
+and a disposition to forget what the Filipinos could not forget, for
+firmness and the policy of making them submit unreservedly to the
+inevitable,--viz., abandonment of their dream of independence--had
+created among them a well-nigh ineradicable impression that, for some
+reason or other, whether due to disapproval in the United States
+of the so-called "imperial" policy or what not, we were afraid of
+them. General Bell's task in Batangas, therefore, was to eradicate
+this impression all over the archipelago by making an example of the
+Batangas people.
+
+In General Chaffee's report for 1902, [392] he prefaces his account
+of General Bell's operations in Batangas as follows:
+
+
+    The long-continued resistance in the province of Batangas and
+    in certain parts of the bordering provinces of Tayabas, Laguna,
+    and Cavite, had made it apparent to me and to others that the
+    insurrectionary force keeping up the struggle there could exist
+    and maintain itself only through the connivance and knowledge
+    of practically all the inhabitants; that it received the active
+    support of many who professed friendship for United States
+    authority, etc.
+
+
+This last was a thrust at Governor Taft's new-found Filipino friends
+and advisers, in whose lack of sympathy with the cause of their
+country the Governor so profoundly believed, but in whose continuing
+co-operation in the killing of his soldiers General Chaffee believed
+still more profoundly.
+
+General Bell's famous operations on a large scale in Batangas began
+January 1, 1902. The great mistake of the Civil Commission, to which
+they adhered so long, was in supposing that when the respectable
+military element of the insurgents was pursued to capture or surrender,
+these last could and would thereafter control the situation. As a
+matter of fact, whether they could or not, they did not.
+
+In his celebrated circular order dated Batangas, December 9, 1901,
+General Bell announced:
+
+
+    To all Station Commanders:
+
+    A general conviction, which the brigade commander shares,
+    appears to exist, that the insurrection in this brigade continues
+    because the greater part of the people, especially the wealthy
+    ones, pretend to desire, but do not in reality want peace; that
+    when all really want peace, we can have it promptly. Under such
+    circumstances, it is clearly indicated that a policy should be
+    adopted that will, as soon as possible, make the people want
+    peace and want it badly.
+
+    The only acceptable and convincing evidence of the real sentiments
+    of either individuals or town councils should be such acts
+    publicly performed as must inevitably commit them irrevocably to
+    the side of Americans by arousing the animosity of the insurgent
+    element. * * * No person should be given credit for loyalty simply
+    because he takes the oath of allegiance, or secretly conveys to
+    Americans worthless information and idle rumors which result in
+    nothing. Those who publicly guide our troops to the camps of the
+    enemy, who publicly identify insurgents, who accompany troops in
+    operations against the enemy, who denounce and assist in arresting
+    the secret enemies of the Government, who publicly obtain and
+    bring reliable and valuable information to commanding officers,
+    those in fact who publicly array themselves against the insurgents,
+    and for Americans, should be trusted and given credit for loyalty,
+    but no others. No person should be given credit for loyalty solely
+    on account of having done nothing for or against us so far as
+    known. Neutrality should not be tolerated. Every inhabitant of
+    this brigade should be either active friend or be classed as enemy.
+
+
+In his Circular Order No. 5, dated Batangas, December 13, 1901, [393]
+General Bell announced that General Orders No. 100, Adjutant General's
+Office, 1863, approved and published by order of President Lincoln,
+for the government of the armies of the United States in the field,
+would thereafter be regarded as the guide of his subordinates in the
+conduct of the war. This order is familiar to all who have ever made
+any study of military law. Ordinarily, of course, a captured enemy
+is entitled to "the honors of war," i. e., he must be held, housed,
+and fed, unless exchanged, until the close of the war. But where an
+enemy places himself by his conduct without the pale of the laws of
+war, i. e., where he does not "play the game according to the rules,"
+he may be killed on sight, like other outlaws.
+
+Under General Orders No. 100, 1863, men and squads of men who,
+without commission, without being part or portion of the regularly
+organized hostile army, fight occasionally only, and with intermittent
+returns to their homes and avocations, and frequent assumption of the
+semblance of peaceful pursuits, divesting themselves of the character
+and appearance of soldiers; armed prowlers seeking to cut telegraph
+wires, destroy bridges and the like, etc., are not entitled to the
+protection of the laws of war and may be shot on sight. In other
+words, the game being one of life and death, you must take even
+chances with your opponent. General Bell's defenders on the floor of
+the Senate simply relied on General Orders No. 100. However, there is
+nothing about reconcentration in that order. We learned that from the
+Spaniards. In fact we never did succeed in bringing to terms the far
+Eastern colonies we bought from Spain, until we adopted her methods
+with regard to them. Another of the expedients adopted by General Bell
+in Batangas seems harsh, but it was used by Wellington in the latter
+end of the Napoleonic wars, and by the Germans in the latter end of
+the Franco-Prussian War. It was to promise the inhabitants of a given
+territory that whenever a telegraph wire or pole was cut the country
+within a stated radius thereof, including all human habitations,
+would be devastated. It is in General Bell's Circular Order No. 7
+of December 15, 1901, [394] that we find the genesis of the idea of
+basing tactics used by Weyler in Cuba on Mr. Lincoln's General Order
+100. He there says:
+
+
+    Though Section 17, General Orders 100, authorizes the starving
+    of unarmed hostile belligerents as well as armed ones, provided
+    it leads to a speedier subjection of the enemy, it is considered
+    neither justifiable nor desirable to permit any person to starve
+    who has come into towns under our control seeking protection.
+
+
+This order goes on to direct that all food supplies encountered
+be brought to the towns. Of course this does not mean supplies
+captured from the enemy's forces, which may lawfully be destroyed
+at once. To those not familiar with reconcentration tactics it
+should be explained that reconcentration means this: You notify,
+by proclamation and otherwise, all persons within a given area, that
+on and after a certain day they must all leave their homes and come
+within a certain prescribed zone or radius of which a named town is
+usually the centre, there to remain until further orders, and that
+all persons found outside that zone after the date named will be
+treated as public enemies. General Bell's order of December 20th,
+provided that rice found in the possession of families outside the
+protected zone should, if practicable, be moved with them to the town
+which was the centre of the zone, that that found apparently cached
+for enemy's use should be confiscated, and also destroyed if necessary.
+
+
+    Whenever it is found absolutely impossible to transport it [any
+    food supply] to a point within the protected zone, it will be
+    burned or otherwise destroyed. These rules will apply to all
+    food products.
+
+
+No person within the reconcentration zones was permitted to go
+outside thereof--cross the dead line--without a written pass. The
+Circular Order of December 23d, apparently solicitous lest subordinate
+commanders might become infected with the Taft belief in Filipino
+affection, directs that after January 1, 1902, all the municipal
+officials, members of the police force, etc., "who have not fully
+complied with their duty by actively aiding the Americans and rendering
+them valuable service," shall be summarily thrown into prison. [395]
+Circular Order No. 19, issued on Christmas Eve, 1901, provided that,
+
+
+    in order to make the existing state oL war and martial law
+    so inconvenient and unprofitable to the people that they will
+    earnestly desire and work for the re-establishment of peace and
+    civil government,
+
+
+subordinate commanders might, under certain prescribed restrictions,
+put everybody they chose to work on the roads. [396] This was an
+ingenious blow at the wealthy and soft-handed, intended to superinduce
+submission by humbling their pride. Note also the seeds of affection
+thus sown for the civil government under the reconstruction period
+which was to follow. In one of Dickens novels there occurs a law
+firm by the name of Spenlow and Jorkins. Mr. Spenlow was quite
+fond of considering himself, and of being considered by others, as
+tender-hearted. Mr. Jorkins did not mind. When the widow and the orphan
+would plead with Mr. Spenlow to stay the foreclosure of a mortgage,
+that benevolent soul would tell them, with a pained expression of
+infinite sympathy, that he would do all he could for them, but that
+they would have to see Mr. Jorkins, "who is a very exacting man,"
+he would say. In the dual American politico-military regime in the
+Philippines of 1901-02, Governor Taft was the Mr. Spenlow, General
+Chaffee the Mr. Jorkins. But the former always seemed to harbor the
+amiable delusion that the Filipinos did not at all consider the firm as
+the movants in each proceeding against them, and that on the contrary
+they were sure to make a favorable contrast in their hearts between
+the kindness of Mr. Spenlow and the harshness of Mr. Jorkins. He
+seemed blind to the fact that the Filipinos, in considering what was
+done by any of us, spelled us--U. S.
+
+General Bell's Circular Order No. 22, also a Christmas Eve product,
+re-iterates the usual purpose to make the people yearn for civil
+government, and the usual warning that none of them really and truly
+want the blessings of American domination and Benevolent Assimilation
+as they truly should, and adds:
+
+
+    To combat such a population, it is necessary to make the state of
+    war as insupportable as possible; and there is no more efficacious
+    way of accomplishing this than by keeping the minds of the people
+    in such a state of anxiety and apprehension that living under such
+    conditions will soon become unbearable. Little should be said. The
+    less said the better. Let acts, not words, convey intentions. [397]
+
+
+Under date of December 26, 1901, General Bell reports:
+
+
+    I am now assembling in the neighborhood of 2500 men, who will be
+    used in columns of fifty each. I expect to accompany the command.
+    * * * I take so large a command for the purpose of thoroughly
+    searching each ravine, valley, and mountain peak for insurgents
+    and for food, expecting to destroy everything I find outside of
+    town. All able-bodied men will be killed or captured.
+
+
+Such was the central idea animating the Bell Brigade that overran
+Batangas in 1902. The American soldier in officially sanctioned
+wrath is a thing so ugly and dangerous that it would take a Kipling
+to describe him. I have seen him in that mood, but to describe it is
+beyond me. Side by side with innumerable ambuscades incident to the
+nature of the field service as it then was, in which little affairs
+the soldier above mentioned had lost many a "bunkie," there had gone
+on for some time, under the McKinley-Taft peace-at-any-price policy,
+whose keynote was that no American should have a job a Filipino could
+fill, much appointing to municipal and other offices of Filipinos,
+many of whom had at once set to work to make their new offices useful
+to the cause of their country by systematic aid to the ambuscade
+business. With this and the Balangiga massacre ever in mind, the
+men of General Bell's brigade began their work in Batangas in a mood
+which quite made for fidelity in performance of orders to "make living
+unbearable" for the Filipino "by acts, not words." Also, the American
+soldier can sing, sometimes very badly, but often rather irrepressibly,
+until stopped by his officer. Also, whether justly or unjustly is
+beside the question, he considers a politician who pets the enemy
+in the midst of a war a hypocrite. So General Bell's 2500 men began
+that Batangas campaign on New Year's Day, 1902, giving preference,
+out of their repertoire, to a campaign song whose ominous chorus ran:
+
+
+            "He may be a brother of William H. Taft
+            But he ain't no friend of mine,"
+
+
+and between songs they would say purringly to one another, "Remember
+Balangiga." And their commanding officer was the very incarnation of
+this feeling. So listen to the stride of his seven-league boots and
+the ring of his iron heel:
+
+
+    I expect to first clean out the wide Looboo Peninsula. I shall then
+    move command to the vicinity of Lake Taal, and sweep the country
+    westward to the ocean and south of Cavite, returning through
+    Lipa. I shall scour and clean up the Lipa mountains. Swinging
+    northward, the country in the vicinity of [here follows a long
+    list of towns] will be scoured, ending at [a named mountain],
+    which will then be thoroughly searched and devastated. Swinging
+    back to the right, the same treatment will be given all the
+    country of which [two named mountains] are the main peaks.
+
+
+And so on ad libitum. General Bell's course in Batangas was commended
+in the annual report of his immediate superior, a very humane, as
+well as gallant, soldier, General Wheaton, as "a model in suppressing
+insurrections under like circumstances." [398] The Batangas programme
+was approved by General Chaffee, the commanding general. In 1902 the
+United States Senate rang with indiscriminate denunciation of the
+Batangas severities and the Samar "kill and burn" orders. I tried
+in 1903, without success, to satisfy my distinguished and beloved
+fellow-townsman, Senator Bacon, that at the time it was adopted it
+had become a military necessity, which it had. The fact was that the
+McKinley-Taft policy of conciliation, intended to gild the rivets of
+alien domination and cure the desire for independence by coddling,
+had loaned aid and comfort to the enemy, by creating, among a people
+used theretofore solely to force as a governmental agency for making
+sovereignty respected, the pathetic notion that we were afraid of them,
+and might be weakening in respect to our declared programme of denying
+them independence. The Bell opinion of the Commission's confidence in
+Filipino gladness at its advent among them is sufficiently apparent in
+his orders to his troops. On May 23, 1902, Senator Bacon read in the
+Senate a letter from an officer of the army, a West Point graduate and
+a personal friend of the Senator's, whose name he withheld, but for
+whose veracity he vouched, which letter alluded to "a reconcentrado,
+pen with a dead line outside, beyond which everything living is
+shot"; spoke of "this corpse-carcass stench wafted in" (to where the
+letter-writer sat writing) as making it "slightly unpleasant here,"
+and made your flesh crawl thus:
+
+
+    At nightfall clouds of vampire bats softly swirl out on their
+    orgies over the dead.
+
+
+This does not sound to me like Batangas and Bell. It sounds like
+Smith and Samar. There were about 100,000 people, all told, gathered
+in the reconcentrado camps in Batangas under General Bell, [399]
+and they were handled as efficiently as General Funston handled
+matters after the San Francisco fire. There was no starvation in
+those camps. All the reconcentrados had to do was not to cross the
+dead line of the reconcentration zone, and to draw their rations,
+which were provided as religiously as any ordinary American who is
+not a fiend and has plenty of rice on hand for the purpose will give
+it to the hungry. The reconcentrado camps and the people in them were
+daily looked after by medical officers of the American army. General
+Bell's active campaigning began in Batangas January 1, 1902, Malvar
+surrendered April 16 thereafter, and Batangas was thoroughly purged
+of insurrectos and the like by July. During this period the total of
+insurgents killed was only 163, and wounded 209; and 3626 insurgents
+surrendered. [400]
+
+The truth is General Bell's "bark" was much worse than his
+"bite." The inestimable value of what he did in Batangas in 1901-02
+lay in convincing the Filipinos once and for all that we were not
+as impotent as the civil-government coddling had led them quite
+naturally, but very foolishly, to think we were. Reference was
+made above to the fact that the population of Batangas in 1899 was
+312,192, and in 1903, 257,715. Those figures were inserted at the
+outset to make General Bell's "bark" sound louder, but now that we
+are considering his "bite"--how many lives his Batangas lesson to
+the Filipino people cost--another bit of testimony is tremendously
+relevant. On December 18, 1901, the Provincial Secretary of Batangas
+Province reported to Governor Taft that the mortality in Batangas due
+to war, pestilence, and famine "has reduced to a little over 200,000
+the more than 300,000 inhabitants which in former years the province
+had." [401] Considering that General Bell's 1901-'02 campaign in that
+ill-fated province cost outright but 163 killed,--how many of the 209
+wounded recovered does not appear; they may have all recovered--the
+Bell programme in Batangas was indeed a very tender model, from
+the humanitarian stand-point, of civilizing with a Krag, a model of
+"suppressing insurrection under like circumstances." But it was never
+again followed. It had made too much noise at home. Senator Bacon's
+"corpse-carcass stench" from supposed reconcentrado pens and his
+"clouds of vampire bats softly swirling on their orgies over the
+dead," so vividly reminded our people of why they had driven Spain
+out of Cuba, that the Administration became apprehensive. Until the
+noise about the Batangas business, our people had been led by Governor
+Taft and President Roosevelt to believe that the Filipinos were most
+sobbingly in love with "a benign civil government" and had forgotten
+all about independence. It was obvious that a repetition of such a
+campaign in any other province might create in the public mind at home
+a disgust with the whole Philippine policy which would be heard at
+the polls in the next presidential election. So the Batangas affair
+made it certain that the army was not going to be ordered out again
+in the Philippines before said next presidential election, at least;
+whatever castigation might be deemed advisable thereafter.
+
+It was intimated above that Senator Bacon's army friend's "clouds of
+vampire bats softly swirling" over the corpses of reconcentrados, were
+doing said swirling not over Batangas at all, but over Samar. Any man
+familiar with the lay of the land in the two provinces can see from
+the letter that it was written from Samar. Moreover, Colonel Wagner
+afterwards testified before the Senate Committee of 1902 [402] that
+if there had been any great mortality in the reconcentration camps
+in Batangas, he would have known of it. He inspected practically
+all those Batangas camps. Nobody who was in the islands at the time
+doubts but what such conditions may have obtained in some places
+under General Smith in Samar, or believes for a moment that any such
+conditions would have been tolerated under General Bell. General Bell
+has that aversion to either causing or witnessing needless suffering,
+which you almost invariably find in men who are both constitutionally
+brave and temperamentally generous and considerate of others. But the
+moral sought to be pointed here is not that the Bell reconcentration
+in Batangas was as merciful as the Smith performances in Samar were
+hellish, but that, in all matters concerning the Philippines, the army,
+as in the case of Senator Bacon's friend, is gagged by operation of
+law, and its enforced silence is peculiarly an asset in the hands of
+the party in power seeking to continue in power, in a distant colonial
+enterprise. Senator Bacon withheld his friend's name, because for an
+army officer to tell the truth about the Philippines would be likely
+to get him into trouble with the President of the United States. The
+President, be it remembered, is also the leader of the political party
+to which he belongs. That is why the country has never been able to
+get any light from those who know the most about the Philippines and
+the wisdom or unwisdom of keeping them, viz., the army. In 1898 this
+republic was beguiled into abandonment of the faiths of the founders
+and started after a gold brick, thinking it was a Klondyke. Then and
+ever since, the most important and material witnesses concerning the
+wisdom or unwisdom of keeping the brick, viz., the army,--which best
+of all knows the rank folly of it--have been gagged by operation
+of law. All republics that have heretofore become monarchies, have
+become so through manipulation of the army by men in power seeking
+to continue in power. We should either resign our expensive kingship
+over the Philippines or get a king for the whole business, and be
+done with it. We have some ready-made coronet initials in T. R. [403]
+
+"On June 23, 1902," says General Chaffee, in his report for that year,
+[404] "by Act No. 421 of the Philippine Commission, so much of Act
+No. 173, of July 17, 1901, as transferred the province of Batangas
+to military control was revoked. Civil government was re-established
+in the province at 12 o'clock noon, July 4, 1902." The rest of the
+1,748,573 people herein above mentioned as constituting the population
+of Batangas, Cebu, Bohol, Laguna, Tayabas, and Samar, were also in
+turn made to "want peace and want it badly," and on July 4, 1902,
+President Roosevelt issued his proclamation declaring that a state of
+general and complete peace existed. This is the famous proclamation
+in which he congratulated General Chaffee and the officers and men of
+his command on "a total of more than 2000 combats, great and small,"
+most of them subsequent to the Taft roseate cablegrams of 1900,
+and the still more roseate reports of 1901 from the same source. The
+proclamation appeared in the Philippines as General Orders No. 66,
+Adjutant General's Office, Washington, dated July 4, 1902. [405]
+It directed, in the body of it, that it be "read aloud at parade in
+every military post." It thanked the officers and enlisted men of the
+army in the Philippines, in the name of the President of the United
+States, for the courage and fortitude, the indomitable spirit and loyal
+devotion with which they had been fighting up to that time, alluded
+to the impliedly lamb-like or turn-the-other-cheek way in which they
+had been behaving (no special reference is made either to Batangas,
+Samar, or the water-cure), and closes with a bully Rooseveltian
+war-whoop about the "more than 2000 combats, great and small," above
+mentioned. It also referred to how, "with admirable good temper and
+loyalty to American ideals its (the army's) commanding generals have
+joined with the civilian agents of the government" in the work of
+superinducing allegiance to American sovereignty. This document is
+one of the most remarkable state papers of that most remarkable of
+men, ex-President Roosevelt, in its evidences of ability to mould
+powerful discordant elements to his will. It put everybody in a good
+humor. And yet, read at every military post, it served notice on the
+military that if they knew which side their bread was buttered on,
+they had better forget everything they knew tending to show the
+prematurity of the setting-up of the civil government, sheath all
+tomahawks and scalping knives they might have whetted and waiting
+for Governor Taft's exit from office, abstain from chatty letters to
+United States Senators telling tales out of school, such as the one
+Senator Bacon had read on the floor of the Senate (already noticed),
+and dutifully perceive, in the future, that the war was ended, as
+officially announced in the proclamation itself.
+
+The report of the Philippine Commission for 1902, declares that the
+insurrection "as an organized attempt to subvert the authority of
+the United States" is over (p. 3). They then proceed, with evident
+sincerity, to describe the popularity of themselves and their
+policies with the same curious blindness you sometimes find in
+your Congressional district, in the type of man who thinks he could
+be elected to Congress "in a walk" if he should only announce his
+candidacy, when as a matter of fact, the great majority of the people
+of his district are, for some notorious reason connected with his
+past history among them,--say his war record--very much prejudiced
+against him. They repeat one of their favorite sentiments about the
+whole country--always except "as hereinafter excepted"--being now
+engaged in enjoying civil government. But they casually admit also that
+"much remains to be done" in suppressing lawlessness and disturbances,
+so as to perfect and accentuate said "enjoyment."
+
+Let us see just what the state of the country was in this regard
+according to their own showing. They say:
+
+
+    The six years of war to which these islands have been subjected
+    have naturally created a class of restless men utterly lacking
+    in habits of industry, taught to live and prey upon the country
+    for their support by the confiscation of food supplies as a
+    war measure, and regarding the duties of a laborer as dull and
+    impossible for one who has tasted the excitement of a guerrilla
+    life. Even to the man anxious to return to agricultural pursuits,
+    the conditions existing present no temptation. By the war
+    and by the rinderpest, chiefly the latter, the carabaos, or
+    water-buffaloes, have been reduced to ten per cent. of their
+    former number.
+
+
+Think of the condition of a country, any country, but especially one
+whose wealth is almost wholly agricultural, which has just had nine
+tenths of its plow animals absolutely swept off the face of the earth
+by war and its immediate consequences. The report proceeds:
+
+
+    The chief food of the common people of these islands is rice,
+    and the carabao is the indispensable instrument of the people in
+    the cultivation of rice,
+
+
+adding also that the carabao is the chief means of transportation
+of the tobacco, hemp, and other crops to market, and that the few
+remaining carabaos, the ordinary price of which in normal Spanish
+times had been $10 was now $100. Then, after completing a faithful
+picture of supremely thorough desolation such as the Islands had never
+seen since they first rose out of the sea, certainly not during the
+sleepy, easy-going Spanish rule, they say: "The Filipino people of
+the better class have received the passage of the Philippine Act with
+great satisfaction"--meaning the Act of Congress of July 1, 1902, the
+Philippine Government Act. Gott im Himmel! What did the people care
+about paper constitutions concerning benevolent assimilation? What they
+were interested in was food and safety, not politics; food, raiment,
+shelter, and efficient police protection from the brigandage which
+immediately follows in the wake of all war, not details as to what we
+were going to do with the bleeding and prostrate body politic. But
+the Commission had started out to govern the Filipino people on a
+definite theory,--apparently on the idea that if Americans wore white
+duck and no brass buttons, in lieu of khaki and brass buttons, the
+Filipinos would at once forget the war and be happy with an exceeding
+great happiness. Now the real situation was this. The Islands had not
+yet been thoroughly beaten into submission. Northern Luzon had been
+conquered. The lake region of Southern Luzon had been conquered. The
+most important of the Visayan Islands had been conquered. But the
+extreme southern portion of Luzon, the enormously rich hemp peninsula
+already described in a former chapter, and the adjoining hemp island of
+Samar, were still seething with sedition which later broke out. All
+through the winter of 1900-01 General MacArthur had tried to get
+Mr. Root to let him close the hemp ports. But some powerful influence
+at Washington had prevented the grant of this permission. On January 9,
+1901, General MacArthur had wired Mr. Root:
+
+
+    Hemp in southern Luzon in same relation to present struggle as
+    cotton during rebellion. [406]
+
+
+Nothing doing. General MacArthur must worry along with the
+"blockade-runners" as best he could, no matter how much hemp money
+might be poured into the insurgent coffers. So that in the latter
+part of 1902, although the more respectable of the insurgent leaders
+had then surrendered, even in the hemp country, the flames of public
+disorder, which had flickered for a spell after the Batangas lesson,
+broke out anew in the province of Albay, and in parts of Sorsogon,
+the two provinces of the hemp peninsula having the best sea-ports. The
+man at the head of this Albay insurrection was a sorry scamp of some
+shrewdness by the name of Simeon Ola, with whom I afterwards had an
+interesting and in some respects most amusing acquaintance. But that
+is another story. I have simply brought the whole archipelago abreast
+of the close of 1902, relatively to public order. In this way only
+may the insurrections in Albay and elsewhere in 1902-03, described
+in the chapter which follows, be understood in their relation to a
+comprehensive view of the American occupation from the beginning,
+and not be regarded as "a local issue" like General Hancock's tariff,
+having no general political significance. In this way only may those
+insurrections be understood in their true relation to the history of
+public order in the Islands. The Commission always represented all
+disturbances after 1902 as matters of mere banditti, such as have
+been chronic for generations in Calabria or the Transcaucasus, wholly
+distinct from, instead of being an inevitable political sequel of,
+the years of continuous warfare which had preceded. Their benevolent
+obsession was that the desire of the Philippine people for independence
+was wholly and happily eradicated.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+GOVERNOR TAFT, 1903
+
+                            Me miserable! Which way shall I fly?
+
+                                                          Paradise Lost.
+
+
+Throughout the last year of Governor Taft's administration in the
+Philippines, 1903, both he, and the peaceably inclined Filipinos in
+the disturbed districts, were between the devil and the deep sea. The
+military handling of the Batangas and Samar disorders of 1901-2 had
+precipitated in the United States Senate a storm of criticism, at
+the hands of Senator Bacon and others, which had reminded a public,
+already satiated with slaughtering a weaker Christian people they had
+never seen in the interest of supposed trade expansion, of "the days
+when Cicero pleaded the cause of Sicily against Verres, and when,
+before a senate which still retained some show of freedom, Tacitus
+thundered against the oppressor of Africa." [407] He did not want to
+order out the military again if he could help it, and this relegated
+him to his native municipal police and constabulary, experimental
+outfits of doubtful loyalty, [408] and, at best, wholly inadequate, as
+it afterwards turned out, [409] for the maintenance of public order and
+for affording to the peaceably inclined people that sort of security
+for life and property, and that protection against semi-political as
+well as unmitigated brigandage, which would comport with the dignity
+of this nation. The better class of Filipinos, though not so enamored
+of American rule as Governor Taft fondly believed, had by 1903 about
+resigned themselves to the inevitable, and would have liked to see
+brigandage masquerading under the name of patriotism stopped by that
+sort of adequate police protection which was so obviously necessary in
+the disturbed and unsettled conditions naturally consequent upon many
+years of war, and which they of course realized could only be afforded
+by the strong arm of the American army. But they knew that if the army
+were ordered out, the burden of proof as to their own loyalty would
+at once be shifted to them, by the strenuous agents of that strenuous
+institution. The result was a sort of reign of terror for nearly a
+year, in 1902-3, in the richest province of the whole archipelago,
+the hemp-producing province of Albay, at the southern end of Luzon,
+and also in portions of the province of Misamis. These conditions had
+begun in those provinces in 1902, and, not being promptly checked,
+because the army was held in leash and the constabulary were crude and
+inadequate, by 1903 brigandage therein was thriving like a garden of
+weeds. Super-solicitude concerning the possible effect of adequately
+vigorous governmental action in the Philippines on the fortunes of the
+Administration in charge of the Federal Government at Washington, an
+attitude not surprising in the colonial agents of that Administration,
+but which, as we have seen, had been from the beginning, as it must
+ever be, the curse of our colonial system, had rendered American
+sovereignty in the disturbed districts as humiliatingly impotent as
+senile decadence ever rendered Spain.
+
+The average American citizen will admit that the average American
+statesman, even if he be not far-sighted, looks at least a year
+ahead, in matters where both his personal fortunes and those of the
+political party to which he belongs are intimately related to what he
+may be doing at the time. If in 1903 Governor Taft's administration
+of affairs in the Philippines was wholly uninfluenced by any possible
+effect it might have on President Roosevelt's chances for becoming an
+elected President in 1904, then he was a false friend and a very poor
+party man as well. Assuming that he was neither, let us examine his
+course regarding the disturbances of public order in the Philippines
+in that year, as related to the first and most sacred duty of every
+government, adequate protection for life and property.
+
+In President McKinley's original instructions of April 7, 1900,
+to the Taft Commission, after quoting the final paragraph of the
+articles of capitulation of the city of Manila:
+
+
+    This city, its inhabitants * * * and its private property of all
+    descriptions * * * are hereby placed under the special safeguard
+    of the faith and honor of the American army;
+
+
+the President had added:
+
+
+    As high and sacred an obligation rests upon the Government of
+    the United States to give protection for property and life
+    * * * to all the people of the Philippine Islands.
+
+    * * * I charge this Commission to labor for the full performance
+    of this obligation, which concerns the honor and conscience of
+    their country.
+
+
+We will probably never again have a better man at the head of the
+Philippine Government than William H. Taft. We have no higher type of
+citizen in the republic to-day than the man now [410] at the head of
+it. In the Outlook of September 21, 1901, there appeared an article
+on the Philippines written in the summer previous by Vice-President
+Roosevelt, entitled "The First Civil Governor," which began as follows:
+
+
+    A year ago a man of wide acquaintance both with American public
+    life and American public men [411] remarked that the first Governor
+    of the Philippines ought to combine the qualities which would make
+    a first-class President of the United States with the qualities
+    which would make a first-class Chief Justice of the United States,
+    and that the only man he knew who possessed all these qualities was
+    Judge William H. Taft, of Ohio. The statement was entirely correct.
+
+
+The writer subscribed then, and still subscribes, to the foregoing
+estimate of Mr. Taft, whether Colonel Roosevelt still does or
+not. Though I dissent most vigorously from more than one of President
+Taft's policies, and though this book is one long dissent from his
+chief pet policy, still it is to me an especial pleasure to do him
+honor where I may, not merely because he has greatly honored me in
+the past, but because my judgment approves the above estimate. Though
+as a party leader he is a very poor general, as Chief Magistrate of
+the nation he has certainly deserved and commanded the cordial esteem
+of the whole country, and the respectful regard of all mankind. With
+this admission freely made, if after reading what follows in this and
+the next chapter, and weighing the same in the light of all that has
+preceded, the reader does not decide that the writer, far from being
+animated by any intelligent high purpose, is merely a foolish person
+of the sounding-brass-and-tinkling-cymbal variety full of sound and
+fury signifying nothing, then he can reach but one other conclusion,
+viz., that colonization by a republic like ours, such as that we
+blundered into by purchasing the Philippines, is a case of a house
+divided against itself, a case of the soul of a nation at war with
+the better angels of its nature, a case where considerations of what
+may be demanded by home considerations of political expediency will
+always operate to the detriment of the Filipino people, and be the
+controlling factor in our government of them. And if I show that
+in the Philippines in 1903 Governor Taft failed properly to protect
+the lives and property of peaceably inclined people, as so sacredly
+enjoined in the language above quoted from President McKinley's
+original instructions to him, lest "the full performance of this
+obligation" might prejudice the presidential prospects of his friend,
+Mr. Roosevelt, and the success of the party to which they belonged,
+then I will have shown that for this republic to be in the colonizing
+business is an absolutely evil thing, and that any man who proposes
+any honorable way out of the conceded blunder of 1898, is entitled to
+a hearing at the hands of the American people, because it "concerns
+the honor and conscience of their country."
+
+Having tried most of the cases which arose out of the public disorders
+in the Philippines in 1903, and knowing from what I thus learned,
+together with what I subsequently learned which Mr. Taft knew then,
+that the most serious of those disorders were very inadequately handled
+by native police, and constabulary, with much wholly unnecessary
+incidental sacrifice of life, in order to preserve the appearance of
+"civil" government and convey the impression of the state of peace
+the name implied, at a time when a reign of terror due to brigandage
+prevailed throughout wide and populous regions in whose soil lay the
+riches of agricultural plenty, while the United States Army looked
+on with a silent disgust which understood the reason, and a becoming
+subordination which regretfully bowed to that reason as one which
+must ever be the curse of colonization by a republic like ours, I
+know whereof I shall speak, and will therefore speak neither lightly
+nor unadvisedly, but soberly, charitably, and in the fear of God.
+
+The insurrection in the Philippines against American authority which
+began with the outbreak of February 4, 1899, and whose last dying
+embers were not finally stamped out until 1906, systematic denials
+by optimist officialdom to the contrary notwithstanding, had three
+distinct stages:
+
+(1) The original fighting in company, battalion, and regimental
+formation, with the ordinary wide-flung battle line; this having
+terminated pursuant to a preconcerted plan early in November, 1899.
+
+(2) A period of guerrilla warfare maintained by the educated,
+patriotic, fighting generals, in a gradually decreasing number of
+provinces, until the summer of 1902.
+
+(3) The final long drawn-out sputterings, which began to get serious
+in the fall of 1902, in provinces prematurely taken under the civil
+government, and stripped of adequate military protection before things
+had been given time to settle down in them to normal.
+
+These last are the "gardens of weeds"--brigandage weeds--above
+mentioned. While the horticultural metaphor will help some, to really
+understand the case nothing so fits it as the more common illustration
+applied to grave public disorders having a common cause which likens
+such matters to a conflagration. The third and last stage through
+which the Philippine insurrection degenerated to final extinction
+is adequately and accurately described in the following extract from
+one of the military reports of 1902:
+
+
+    The surrender or capture of the respectable military element left
+    the control of affairs and the remainder of the arms in the hands
+    of a lot of persons, most of them ignorant, some criminal, and
+    nearly all pertaining to a restless, irresponsible, unscrupulous
+    class of people, whose principal ambition seems to be to live
+    without work, and who have found it possible to so do under the
+    guise of patriotism. [412]
+
+
+Such was the problem which confronted Governor Taft in 1903 as to
+public order and protection of the peaceably inclined people, in the
+two main provinces hereinafter dealt with.
+
+It is a great pity that in 1903 President Roosevelt could not have
+called in Secretary of War Root and sent for Senator Bacon, and those
+of the latter's colleagues whose philippics in the Senate of the year
+previous against Generals Jake Smith and J. Franklin Bell had reminded
+an aroused nation of the days of Cicero and Verres, Tacitus and Africa,
+etc., and had a frank talk with them somewhat after this fashion:
+
+
+    Gentlemen, Governor Taft has a hard job out there in the
+    Philippines. There is a big insurrection going on in the province
+    of Albay, which is the very richest province in the whole
+    archipelago, a province as big as the State of Delaware, [413]
+    having a population of about a quarter of a million people, and he
+    has, for police purposes, a crude outfit of native constabulary,
+    officered mostly by ex-enlisted men of the mustered-out American
+    volunteer regiments. The personnel of the officers may be weeded
+    out later and made a fine body of men, but just at present there
+    are a good many rather tough citizens among them. Moreover, as
+    soon as the constabulary was gotten together they were at once set
+    to work chasing little remnants of the insurgent army all over
+    the archipelago. So as yet they are as undisciplined an outfit
+    as you can well imagine, and have never had any opportunity to
+    act together in any considerable command. Moreover, hardly any
+    Filipinos have yet had a chance to learn much about how to shoot
+    a rifle. Also, they know practically nothing about the interior
+    economy of large commands, such as handling and distributing
+    rations systematically for troops and for prisoners, or doing the
+    same as to clothing, and nothing at all about medical care of
+    the wounded, or the sick, or prisoners. So you can see that to
+    handle this insurrection with such an outfit as this is sure to
+    mean trouble of one sort or another. Wholly unauthorized overtures
+    through officious natives, to the insurgent brigand chiefs, may,
+    possibly, be made, promising them immunity, when they ought to be
+    made an example of; and that will embarrass us in punishing them
+    when we do finally get them, and be an encouragement to other
+    cut-throats to do likewise in the future. Worst of all, you can
+    see that if some five hundred or a thousand of these brigands,
+    or insurgents, or whatever they are, suddenly surrender, the
+    ordinary police accommodations for housing and feeding prisoners
+    will be wholly inadequate; yet we will have to detain them all
+    until our courts can sift them and see which are the mere dumb
+    driven cattle and which are the mischievous fellows. Therefore,
+    in case of such a surrender, the nature of this constabulary
+    force, as I have already described it to you, makes it plain
+    that its inadequacy to meet the serious conditions we are now
+    confronted with may result in our having on our hands a series
+    of little Andersonville prisons that will smell to heaven. The
+    majority of the people of the province are really sick of the
+    war. Their best men have all surrendered and come in. But there
+    is an ignorant creature calling himself a general, by the name of
+    Ola, who seems to have a great deal of influence with the lawless
+    element that do not want to work. Ola has gathered together
+    nearly a thousand malcontents, who obey him implicitly. He is
+    terrorizing Albay province and the regions adjacent thereto,
+    and as the constabulary are not adequate to patrol the whole
+    province, the people do not know whether self-interest demands
+    that they should side with Ola or with us. Clearly, therefore,
+    this is a case for vigorous measures, if we all have a common
+    concern for the national honor, for the maintenance of law and
+    order in a territory we are supposed to be governing, and for
+    the proper protection of life and property there. General Bell
+    or somebody else ought to be sent there to comb that province
+    just as Bell did Batangas. But we don't want any howl about it.
+
+
+At this point of the supposed colloquy,--I say "colloquy," though
+tradition has it that most of President Roosevelt's "colloquys" with
+Senators were what Henry E. Davis, the Sidney Smith of Washington,
+calls "unilateral conversation"--one can imagine the senatorial
+Ciceros exchanging glances expressive of the unspoken thought: "The
+man certainly has his nerve with him. Does he think the Senate is an
+annex of the White House?" Then we can imagine President Roosevelt
+bending strenuously to his task with infinite tactfulness thus:
+
+
+    I put Jake Smith out of business, as you gentlemen all know, for
+    his inhuman methods of avenging the Balangiga massacre in Samar,
+    and I am just as much opposed to cruelty as any of you Senators can
+    be. But Bell in Batangas is an altogether different case from Smith
+    in Samar. All this about the odor of decomposing bodies wafted from
+    reconcentration camps, and "clouds of vampire bats swirling out
+    on their orgies over the dead," that Senator Bacon's army friend,
+    whoever he may be, wrote the Senator, relates to Samar, and never
+    did have any application to Bell's methods in Batangas. Bell did
+    a clean job in a minimum of time and with a minimum sacrifice
+    of life, and, while he did have those reconcentration camps in
+    Batangas, he saw to it religiously that nobody starved, and that
+    all those people received daily medical treatment.
+
+
+For the correctness of the picture of conditions presented in the
+above hypothetical talk, I of course intend to be understood as
+vouching. If such a talk could have been had in 1903 by President
+Roosevelt with Senator Bacon and those of his colleagues who shared his
+views, the Albay situation might have been handled creditably. But the
+Administration was in no position to be frank with the Opposition. No
+Administration has ever yet during the last fourteen years been in a
+position to be frank with the Senate and the country concerning the
+situation at any given time in the Philippines, because at any given
+time there was always so much that it could not afford to re-open
+and explain. Mr. Root, for instance, might have been questioned too
+closely as to why, when Secretary of War, he had gone around the
+country in the fall of 1900 speaking for Mr. McKinley, and talking
+about "the patient and unconsenting millions" so anxious to be rid
+of "Aguinaldo and his band of assassins," when at that very time his
+(Mr. Root's) generals in the Philippines were engaged in activities,
+the magnitude of which may be inferred from a telegram sent from
+Washington to General Wood at Havana, asking if he could possibly
+spare the 10th Infantry, and adding:
+
+
+    Imperative that we have immediate use of every available company
+    that we can lay our hands on for service in the Philippines, [414]
+
+
+although at West Point in 1902 he told the cadets how nobly the army
+had labored in putting down "an insurrection of 7,000,000 people." No,
+the Administration in 1903 simply could not afford to be frank
+concerning the situation in the Philippines. I need not recapitulate
+here any more of the long train of reasons why, because they have all
+been fully explained in the preceding chapters. Of course President
+Roosevelt had no such guilty knowledge of the facts as Mr. Root. He
+was not in constant daily contact with army officers at the War
+Department, familiar with the actual situation in the Philippines,
+as Mr. Root was. He was simply "sticking to Taft." Somewhere along
+about the time the military folk in the Philippines were scoffing at
+the unnecessary sacrifice of life incident to the lack of a strong
+government, President Roosevelt had written his warm personal friend,
+Hon. George Curry, now a member of Congress from New Mexico, who had
+been a captain in his regiment before Santiago, was then an official
+of the civil government of the Philippines, and later Governor of
+New Mexico, by appointment of Mr. Roosevelt: "Stick to Taft, George"
+or words to that effect. Mr. Roosevelt's attitude was simply that
+of an intensely loyal friend of Mr. Taft who simply assumed that the
+Philippine Government was not going to tolerate impotence in the matter
+of protecting life and property. But everybody at both ends of the line
+was too deep in the mire of all the long and systematic withholding
+of facts from the American public which had been occurring ever since
+1898, and which it has been the aim of the preceding chapters to
+illuminate by the light since becoming available in the published
+official records of the Government. Hence, in the hypothetical
+conference above supposed, President Roosevelt was in no position
+to take any high ground. He would have had to admit that the civil
+government of 1901 was set up too soon in order to stand by half-baked
+notions dished out in 1900 by the Taft Commission in aid of his own
+and Mr. McKinley's campaign for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency,
+respectively. In other words the truth about the Philippines from
+the beginning might, and probably would, have seriously jeopardized
+the Roosevelt presidential chances in 1904. So Governor Taft was left
+to his own resources in struggling with the problem of law and order
+in the Islands, intimately understanding the obvious bearing, just
+suggested, of what he might do out there, on the election of 1904. What
+then did Governor Taft do to meet the situation in 1903? Chronological
+order, as well as other considerations making for clearness, would
+suggest that I begin by telling what he did not do.
+
+In May, 1903, I was sent to the province of Surigao to try some cases
+arising out of what has ever since been known in that out-of-the-way
+region as "the affair of March 23d" (1903). In his annual report for
+1903, pages 29 and 30, in describing the Surigao affair, Governor
+Taft correctly states that a band of outlaws came into the town of
+Surigao on the day above named, killed Captain Clark, the officer
+in charge of the constabulary, took the constabulary's guns, while
+they were all away at their mid-day meal, scattered about the town,
+and departed. But Mr. Taft's report disposes of the whole incident
+in a most casual way. As a matter of fact the gist of it was that
+a heroic little band of Americans under Mr. Luther S. Kelly, the
+provincial treasurer, an old Indian scout of the Yellowstone country,
+hastily gathered the seven American women then in the town, one of
+them in a delicate condition, into the stone government house, and
+stood off those semi-civilized sensual brigands until reinforcements
+arrived. Governor Taft's failure adequately to present the gravity of
+the episode in his account of it does not argue well for the subsequent
+solicitude he might feel about other American women in other remote
+provinces which he was anxious to keep on his "pacified list," to
+say nothing of politically negligible native life therein. [415]
+Nor does this report include any of the material facts showing the
+ineffectiveness of the rank and file of the constabulary to cope
+with the situation, or the general feeling of insecurity I found in
+the province as to how far the whole population might be in sympathy
+with the brigands. As a matter of fact, after that Surigao affair,
+Governor Taft had to turn the army loose in the province to go and
+get back and restore to his constabulary the seventy-five to one
+hundred stand-of-arms the brigands had so rudely and impolitely taken
+away from them, and I held court there for a month trying the people
+who were captured and brought in, with Colonel Meyer, of the 11th
+Infantry, one of the most thorough and able soldiers of the United
+States Army, and seven hundred soldiers of his regiment acting as
+deputy sheriffs, and yet all the time the province was under "civil"
+government, nominally. Colonel Meyer got the men who killed Clark,
+and, upon due and ample proof, I hung them, but Surigao was never
+taken for a day from the list of provinces enjoying "the peace and
+protection of a benign civil government." The writ of habeas corpus
+was never suspended for a moment.
+
+In the report above quoted from, Governor Taft remarks that if
+the prompt steps he did take (he had already described the prompt
+sending of the military to the scene) had not been taken, "the trouble
+might have spread." But the Surigao affair seemed to teach the civil
+government nothing in the matter of subsequent protection of life,
+nor did it lessen their persistence in relying on their constabulary
+for due extension of such protection in time of need.
+
+By June, 1903, another scheme was invented for avoiding calling on the
+military. When you are in a foreign country building a new government
+on the ruins of an old one, you naturally find out as much as you
+can about how the old one met its problems. The Spaniards had had
+the same problem in their day about not ordering out the military,
+because they did not have any military to order out. They were too poor
+to garrison the various provinces. They had long followed the plan,
+from time to time, of reconcentrating in the main towns of disturbed
+districts all the country population they could get to come in, and
+then acting on the assumption that all who did not come in were public
+enemies. This meant that when the country people came in, they simply
+looked out for themselves, while away from their homes, and farms,
+as best they could. Of course nobody at all looked after the farms,
+and nobody provided medical attention for the reconcentrados, or
+sanitary attention for the reconcentration camps. This general plan
+was formally sanctioned by the Commission, in so far as the following
+law sanctioned it. The law was enacted, June 1, 1903. It is section
+6, of Act 781, which was an act dealing with all the constabulary
+problems, of which this was one. It read:
+
+
+    In provinces which are infested to such an extent with ladrones or
+    outlaws that the lives and property of residents in the outlying
+    barrios [416] are rendered wholly insecure by continued predatory
+    raids--
+
+
+think of permitting a country to get into any such condition when you
+have an abundance of American troops on hand available to prevent it--
+
+
+    and such outlying barrios thus furnish to the ladrones or outlaws
+    their sources of food supply, and it is not possible with the
+    available police forces constantly to provide protection to
+    such barrios--
+
+
+there being all the time "available police forces," in the shape
+of regular troops, amply able to handle these unsettled conditions,
+which were the inevitable aftermath of lawlessness consequent on five
+or six years of guerrilla warfare--
+
+
+    it shall be within the power of the Governor-General, upon
+    resolution of the Philippine Commission, to authorize the
+    provincial governor to order that the residents of such outlying
+    barrios be temporarily brought--
+
+
+observe the length of time this may last is not limited--
+
+
+    within stated proximity to the poblacion, or larger barrios, of
+    the municipality, there to remain until the necessity for such
+    order ceases to exist.
+
+
+To house and ration the reconcentrados, the following provision is
+made by the statute we are considering:
+
+
+    During such temporary residence, it shall be the duty of the
+    provincial board, out of provincial funds, to furnish such
+    sustenance and shelter as may be needed to prevent suffering
+    among the residents of the barrios thus withdrawn.
+
+
+The act also provides that during the course of the reconcentration,
+where the province does not happen to have the necessary ready
+cash, it may apply to the Commission, in distant Manila, for an
+appropriation to meet the emergency. What is to be done with those
+who starve during the temporary deficit, it does not say. If you
+must have reconcentration, to leave it to such agencies as the above,
+with the native police and constabulary as understudies, in lieu of
+availing yourself of the superb equipment of the American army, with
+all its facilities for handling great masses of people, as they did,
+for instance, after the San Francisco fire, is like preferring the
+Mulligan Guards to the Cold-stream Guards. Furthermore, there is no
+escape from the logic of the fact that reconcentration is essentially
+a war measure. The difference between what is lawful in war and what
+is lawful in peace is not a technical one. In war the innocent must
+often suffer with the guilty. In peace the theory at least is that
+only the guilty suffer. Hence it is that our Constitution is so
+jealous that in time of peace no man's life, liberty, or property,
+shall be taken from him without "due process of law," a provision
+which becomes inoperative in war times, being superseded by martial
+law. I know that the early question, "Does the Constitution follow
+the flag?" was answered by the Supreme Court of the United States in
+the negative as to the Philippines. But the Act of Congress of July
+1, 1902, under which we were governing the Philippines in 1903,
+and still govern them, known as the Philippine Government Act,
+extended to the Islands all the provisions of the Bill of Rights of
+our Constitution except the right of jury trial and the individual
+right to go armed--"bear arms." It specifically said in section 5:
+
+
+    No law shall be enacted in said Islands which shall deprive any
+    person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.
+
+
+It hardly needs argument to show that to bundle the rural population
+of a whole district out of house and home, and make them come to town
+to live indefinitely on such public charity as may drain through the
+itching fingers of impecunious town officials, abandoning meantime
+their growing crops, and the household effects they cannot bring with
+them, is depriving people of their property, and restraining them
+of their liberty, without due process of law. In fact, in 1905, in
+the case of Barcelon vs. Baker, vol. v., Philippine Report, page 116,
+during an insurrection in Batangas, to control which, the presidential
+election of 1904 being then safely over, the writ of habeas corpus
+had been suspended and martial law declared, the Supreme Court of the
+Philippines held that detention of people as reconcentrados under
+such circumstances "for the purpose of protecting them" was not an
+illegal restraint of their liberty, because the ordinary law had been
+suspended. This decision held it to be both the prerogative and the
+duty of the Governor-General to suspend the writ of habeas corpus
+when the public safety so required.
+
+I refuse to believe for a moment that President Taft, the former
+wise and just judge, in whom is now vested by law the mighty power
+of filling vacancies on the highest court in this great country of
+ours, will seriously contend that that reconcentration law is not in
+direct violation of the above quoted section of the Act of Congress
+of July 1, 1902, for the government of the Philippines, and therefore
+null and void. The truth is, it was a piece of careless legislation,
+dealing with conditions that were essentially war conditions, under
+a government which was forever vowing that peace conditions existed,
+and determined not to admit the contrary. The civil government was
+like Lot's wife. It could not look back.
+
+The Act of Congress of 1902 had made the usual provision permitting
+the governor to declare martial law in a given locality in his
+discretion. But the reconcentration law passed by the Philippine
+Commission was a way of avoiding the exercise of that authority,
+so as to keep up the appearance of peace in the provinces to which
+it might be applied, regardless of how many lives it might cost. In
+its last analysis the reconcentration law was at once an admission
+of a duty to order out the military and a declaration of intention
+to neglect that duty. I suppose the eminent gentlemen who enacted
+it justified it on the idea of teaching the natives how to maintain
+order themselves by letting them stew in the dregs of their own
+insurrection. Yet no one can read the Commission's own description
+of the widespread lawlessness which so long ran riot after the
+guerrilla warfare degenerated into brigandage, without seeing,
+from their own showing, how obvious was their duty to have waited,
+originally, until law and order were restored, by not interfering
+with the war itself until it was over, and by keeping the country
+properly garrisoned for a decorous and sufficient period after it
+was over, until something like real peace conditions should exist,
+on which to begin the work of post-bellum reconstruction. After all,
+it all gets us back to the original pernicious programme outlined in
+President McKinley's annual message to Congress of December, 1899,
+wherein was announced the intention to send out the Taft Commission,
+which message also announced, in effect, that it was Mr. McKinley's
+purpose to begin the work of reconstruction as fast as the patient
+and unconsenting millions "loyal to our rule" should be rescued from
+the clutch of the hated Tagals.
+
+Recurring again to the reconcentration law itself, the moral quality
+of executive action putting it in operation was not unlike that which
+would attach should the Governor of Massachusetts, in lieu of ordering
+the state troops to the scene of great strike riots in half a dozen
+towns around Boston, issue a proclamation something like this:
+
+
+    The situation has grown so serious that your local police force,
+    as you see, is wholly inadequate to cope with the situation. You
+    will all, therefore, thrust your tooth-brushes, night-gowns,
+    and a change of clothing, into the family grip, and assemble
+    on the Boston Common and in the public gardens, there to remain
+    until the necessity for this order ceases to exist, and we will
+    there take the best care of you we can, as was done in the case
+    of the San Francisco fire. As governor I am unwilling to order
+    out the military.
+
+
+If any lawyer on the Commission gave any thought at the time to the
+validity of the reconcentration law, in its relation to the "due
+process of law" clause of the Philippine Government Act, which none
+of them probably did, he must simply have justified the means by the
+benevolence of the end, on the idea that he knew so much better than
+Congress possibly could, the needs of the local situation. But if you
+read this law in the light of a knowledge of its practical operation,
+there is more suggestion between its lines of Senator Bacon's friend's
+"corpse-carcass stench" and "clouds of vampire bats softly swirling
+out on their orgies over the dead" than there is of benevolence. It
+really was unsportsmanlike for the Commission to have entrusted
+reconcentration to the native police and constabulary the native
+governors had, and it was wholly indefensible for them to take the
+liberty of violating an act of Congress in order to live up to their
+pet fiction about the war being "entirely over."
+
+After the term of court at Surigao in the month of May, 1903, I was
+sent to Misamis province, where I remained until September, handling an
+insurrection down there. This province also was nominally in a state of
+peace, i.e., there was no formal recognition of the existence of the
+insurrection by suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Curiously
+enough, as I wrote Governor Taft afterwards, the Misamis crowd of
+disturbers of the peace were genuine insurrectos. Their movement
+was not so formidable as the Ola insurrection in Albay I dealt with
+later, but they were by no means unmitigated cut-throats. I have often
+wondered how they managed to be so respectable at that late date. They
+did not steal, as did most of the outlaws of 1903. Their avowed
+purpose was to subvert the existing government. The use of this word
+"insurrection" in connection with these various disturbances recalls
+a pertinent incident. In 1904 there was a vacancy on the Supreme Bench
+of the Islands. Some of my friends, members of the bar of my district,
+got up a petition to the then Governor-General setting forth in most
+partial terms my alleged qualifications for the place. Now in the
+Philippines, in the candor of informal social intercourse, all of
+us always called a spade a spade, i.e., we called an insurrection an
+insurrection, instead of referring to the disturbance in the guarded
+and euphemistic terms which you find in all the official reports
+intended for home consumption. So in their petition, these gentlemen
+recited, among my other supposed qualifications, that I had held
+court in three different provinces "during insurrections in the same."
+
+The Albay insurrection was the worst one I had to deal with during
+Governor Taft's administration as Governor of the Philippines. This
+was the insurrection headed by Simeon Ola. The first appearance of
+this man Ola in the official reports of the Philippine Government in
+connection with the Albay disturbances of 1902-3 is in the report
+of the colonel commanding the constabulary for the district which
+included Albay, Col. H. H. Bandholtz, dated June 30, 1903. [417] This
+report contains a sort of diary of events for the year preceding the
+date of it. An entry for October 28, 1902, begins:
+
+
+    Early this month negotiations were opened with Simeon Ola, chief
+    of the ladrones in this province, with a view of inducing him
+    to surrender.
+
+
+Think of this great government negotiating with the leader of a band
+of thieves who were openly and flagrantly defying its authority! The
+entry proceeds:
+
+
+    After many promises and conferences extending over a period of
+    forty days, during which hostilities were suspended, Ola broke
+    off negotiations and withdrew his entire force and a large number
+    of additional recruits that he had secured during the armistice.
+
+
+Before Ola finally surrendered he is supposed to have had a total
+command ranging at various times from a thousand to 1500 men. And I
+think Colonel Bandholtz must have had in the field opposed to him,
+first and last, at least an equal number of native forces. Ola also
+makes an official reappearance in the report of the Governor of Albay
+Province for 1904. [418] It there appears that reconcentration was
+begun in Albay as part of the campaign against Ola and his forces, in
+March, 1903, and continued until the end of October of that year. Says
+this report of the Governor of Albay concerning reconcentration:
+
+
+    Naturally, the effect of this unusual volume of persons in a
+    limited area was disease and suffering for want of food and
+    ordinary living accommodations.
+
+
+The Governor does not say how large the "unusual volume of persons"
+was that was herded into the reconcentration zones, nor does he
+furnish any mortality statistics. Nobody kept any. How much there was
+of the awful mortality and "clouds of vampire bats softly swirling
+out on their orgies over the dead," that Senator Bacon's army friend
+correspondent encountered in Samar does not affirmatively appear. The
+number of people affected by reconcentration in Albay and an adjacent
+province that caught the contagion of unrest and had to be given
+similar treatment, was about 300,000. [419]
+
+In his report for 1903, in describing the Ola insurrection of 1902-3,
+Governor Taft says: "A reign of terror was inaugurated throughout
+the province." He then goes on to state that to meet it he applied
+the reconcentration tactics. In the same report he describes what
+is to my mind the most humiliating incident connected with the
+whole history of the American Government in the Philippines, viz.,
+Vice-Governor Wright's visit to Albay in 1903, apparently in pursuance
+of the peace-at-any-price policy that the Manila Government was
+bent on. Governor Taft says of the civil government's dealings with
+His Excellency, the Honorable Simeon Ola, the chief of the brigands,
+that General Wright and Dr. Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino member of the
+Commission, went down to Albay and "talked to the people," the idea
+apparently being that those poor unarmed or ill-armed creatures should
+go after the brigands. This was to avoid ordering out the military,
+and summarily putting a stop to the reign of terror as became the
+dignity of this nation. I think these talks had something to do with
+the origin of the charge afterwards made that immunity was promised
+Ola and the men who finally did surrender with him. Of course General
+Wright made no such promises. But the idea got out in the province
+that the word was, "Get the guns," the inference being that if Ola
+and his people would come in and surrender their guns they would be
+lightly dealt with. In his book Our Philippine Problem, Professor
+Willis, at page 140, gives what purports to be an agreement signed
+by Colonel Bandholtz, dated September 22, 1903, whereby Bandholtz
+promises Ola immunity, and also promises a number of other things
+which are on their face rankly preposterous. Ola was much on the
+witness stand before me during that term of court, and, everything
+"came out in the wash." He was represented by competent, intelligent,
+and fearless Filipino counsel, and they did not suggest the existence
+of any such document. No proof of any offer of immunity was adduced
+before me. I think Ola simply finally decided to throw himself on
+the mercy of the government, on the idea that there would be more joy
+over the one sinner that repenteth than over the ninety and nine that
+are already saved. He was probably as much afraid that Governor Taft
+would order out the military as the wretched pacificos were that he
+would not. He immediately turned state's evidence against all the men
+under him of whose individual actings and doings he had any knowledge,
+the prosecuting attorney making, with my full approval, a promise
+to ask executive clemency as a reward. This was in keeping with the
+practice in like cases customary in all jurisdictions throughout the
+English-speaking world.
+
+The magnitude of the Ola insurrection may be somewhat appreciated
+from the financial loss it occasioned. Says Governor Taft, in his
+report for 1903:
+
+
+    The Governor [of Albay] estimates that hemp production and sale
+    have been interfered with to the extent of some ten to twelve
+    millions of dollars Mexican [which is equivalent to five or six
+    million dollars American money]. [420]
+
+
+As the population of the province was about 250,000, [421] a loss
+of $5,000,000 meant a loss of $20 per capita for the six months or
+so of reconcentration during which the farms were neglected. This
+would be equivalent to a loss of $1,800,000,000, in the same length
+of time to a country having a population of 90,000,000, which is the
+total population figure for the United States according to the Census
+of 1910.
+
+It was in the latter part of October, 1903, I believe, that Ola finally
+surrendered with some five hundred or six hundred men. I was sent to
+Albay about the middle of November, to assist the regular judge of
+the district, Hon. Adam C. Carson, now one of the justices of the
+Supreme Court of the Philippines, in disposing of the case arising
+out of the Ola performances. Conditions at the time were also very
+much perturbed in various neighboring and other provinces, and the
+courts and constabulary were kept very busy.
+
+An incident recurs to memory just here which illustrates the state of
+public order. But before relating it a decent respect to the opinions
+of the reader requires me to state my own attitude toward that whole
+situation at the time. I am perfectly clear in my own mind that as
+society stands at present, capital punishment is a necessary part of
+any sensible scheme for its protection. I have no compunction about
+hanging any man for the lawless taking of the life of another. We owe
+it to the community as a measure of protection to your life and mine
+and all others. So far as public order was concerned in the country
+now under consideration in 1903, the "civil" government was simply a
+well-meaning sham, a military government with a civil name to it. When
+the constabulary would get in the various brigands, cut-throats, etc.,
+who might be terrorizing a given district, some of them masquerading as
+patriots, others not even doing that, the courts would try them. None
+of the judges cared anything about any particular brigand in any
+given case except to find out how many, if any, murders, rapes,
+arsons, etc., he had committed during the particular reign of terror
+of which he had been a part. Wherever specific murders were proven,
+the punishment would always be "a life for a life." And you have no
+idea how absolutely wanton some of the murders were, and how cruelly
+some of the young women, daughters of the farmers, were maltreated
+after they were carried off to the mountains. I would hate to try to
+guess how much more of this sort of thing would have had to occur in
+Albay in 1903 than did occur, to have moved Governor Taft to deprive
+Albay of "the protection of a benign civil government"--one of the pet
+expressions of contemporaneous official literature--and say the word
+to the army to take hold of the situation and give the people decent
+protection. But to come to the incident above broached. Shortly after I
+reached Albay, and set to work to hold Part II. of the district court,
+while my colleague, Judge Carson, held Part I. we had a call from a
+third judge, Judge Linebarger, of Chicago, who was on his way to some
+other perturbed region. I think that by that time, late in November,
+1903, Governor Taft must have known he was soon to leave the Islands to
+become Secretary of War, and therefore was anxious to be able to make
+the best showing possible, in his farewell annual report as Governor,
+as to the "tranquillity" conditions. At any rate Judge Linebarger
+came to see us, for a few hours, his ship having touched en route at
+the port near the provincial capital of Albay. Judge Carson had had a
+gallows erected near the public square of the town, for the execution
+of some brigand he had convicted, whether it was for maltreating some
+poor farmer's daughter until she died, or burying an American alive,
+or what, I do not now recollect. But in going around the town some
+one suggested, as we passed this gallows, that we go up on it to
+get the view. So we went--the three of us. Then each looked at the
+other and all thought of the work ahead. Then Judge Carson smiled
+and dispelled the momentary sombreness by repeating with grim humor,
+an old Latin quotation he happened to remember from his college days
+at the University of Virginia: Haec olim meminisse juvabit ("It will
+be pleasant to remember these things hereafter").
+
+The Ola insurrection had continued from October, 1902, to October,
+1903, without suspension of civil government. During that period the
+jail had been filled far beyond its reasonable capacity most of the
+time. It sometimes had contained many hundreds. As to the sanitary
+conditions, in passing the jail building one day in company with
+one of the provincial officials, he remarked to me, nonchalantly:
+"It's equivalent to a death sentence to put a man in that jail." I
+afterwards found out that this was no joke. During most of my visit
+to the province I was too busy holding court and separating the sheep
+from the goats, to think much of anything else. But toward the close of
+the term, after Christmas, after Governor Taft had left the Islands
+and gone home to be Secretary of War, an incident happened that
+produced a profound impression on me, suggested a new view-point,
+and started troubled doubts as to whether the whole Benevolent
+Assimilation business was not a mistake born of a union of avarice
+and piety in which avarice predominated--doubts which certain events
+of the following year, hereinafter related, converted in conviction
+that any decent kind of government of Filipinos by Filipinos would
+be better for all concerned than any government we could give them,
+hampered as we always will be by the ever-present necessity to argue
+that government against the consent of the governed is not altogether
+wrong, and that taxation without representation may be a blessing in
+disguise. The Yule-tide incident above alluded to was this. Most of
+the docket having been disposed of, and there being a lull between
+Christmas and New Year's day which afforded time for matters more or
+less perfunctory in their nature, the prosecuting attorney brought in
+rough drafts of two proposed orders for the court to sign. One was
+headed with a list of fifty-seven names, the other with a list of
+sixty-three names. Both orders recited that "the foregoing" persons
+had died in the jail--all but one between May 20 and Dec. 3. 1903
+(roughly six and one-half months) as will appear from an examination
+of the dates of death--and concluded by directing that the indictments
+be quashed. The writer was only holding an extraordinary term of court
+there in Albay, and was about to leave the province to take charge
+of another district to which Governor Taft had assigned him before
+leaving the Islands. The newly appointed regular judge of the district,
+Judge Trent, now of the Philippine Supreme Court, was scheduled soon
+to arrive. Therefore the writer did not sign the proposed orders
+but kept them as legal curios. A correct translation of one of them
+appears below, followed by the list of names which headed the other
+(identical) order:
+
+
+    THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, EIGHTH
+    JUDICIAL DISTRICT
+
+    In the Court of First Instance of Albay
+
+    The United States against
+
+    Cornelio Rigorosa              died December    3, 1903
+    Fabian Basques                 died September  25, 1903
+    Julian Nacion                  died October    14, 1903
+    Francisco Rigorosa             died October    18, 1903
+    Anacleto Solano                died November   25, 1903
+    Valentin Cesillano             died November    6, 1903
+    Felix Sasutona                 died September  26, 1903
+    Marcelo de los Santos          died June        3, 1903
+    Marcelo Patingo                died November   15, 1903
+    Julian Raynante                died September   7, 1903
+    Dionisio Carifiaga             died October     4, 1903
+    Felipe Navor                   died September  17, 1903
+    Luis Nicol                     died November   23, 1903
+    Balbino Nicol                  died September  23, 1903
+    Damiano Nicol                  died November   23, 1903
+    Leoncio Salbaburo              died November   20, 1903
+    Catalino Sideria               died July       25, 1903
+    Marcelo Ariola                 died October    26, 1903
+    Francisco Cao                  died November   26, 1903
+    Martin Olaguer                 died November   13, 1903
+    Juan Neric                     died November   16, 1903
+    Eufemio Bere                   died November   21, 1903
+    Julian Sotero                  died October    30, 1902
+    Juan Payadan                   died September  10, 1903
+    Benedicto Milla                died July       30, 1903
+    Placido Porlage                died June       13, 1903
+    Gaudencio Oguita               died October    11, 1903
+    Alberto Cabrera                died September   8, 1903
+    Julian Payadan                 died August      4, 1903
+    Eusebio Payadan                died August     10, 1903
+    Leonardo Rebusi                died November    2, 1903
+    Julian Riobaldis               died October     2, 1903
+    Victor Riobaldis               died October    23, 1903
+    Mauricio Balbin                died September  27, 1903
+    Tomas Rigador                  died July       23, 1903
+    Miguel de los Santos           died July       28, 1903
+    Eustaquio Mapula               died November   18, 1903
+    Eugenio Lomibao                died November    1, 1903
+    Francisco Luna                 died August      7, 1903
+    Gregorio Sierte                died October    31, 1903
+    Teodoro Patingo                died November   21, 1903
+    Teodorico Tua                  died September  23, 1903
+    Ceferino Octia                 died November   10, 1903
+    Graciona Pamplona              died September  12, 1903
+    Felipe Bonifacio               died November   26, 1903
+    Baltazer Bundi                 died October    12, 1903
+    Julian Locot                   died October    13, 1903
+    Francisco de Punta             died August     20, 1903
+    Pedro Madrid                   died August     24, 1903
+    Felipe Pusiquit                died July       17, 1903
+    Rufo Mansalan                  died July       14, 1903
+    Ignacio Titano                 died June       20, 1903
+    Alfonso Locot                  died June       29, 1903
+    Gil Locot                      died May        23, 1903
+    Regino Bitarra                 died September   7, 1903
+    Bonifacio Bo                   died August      2, 1903
+    Francisco de Belen             died September  29, 1903
+
+
+    DECREE
+
+    The defendants above named, charged with divers crimes, having
+    died in the provincial jail by reason of various ailments, upon
+    various dates, according to official report of the jailer, it is
+
+    ORDERED BY THIS COURT, That the cases pending against the said
+    deceased persons be, and the same are hereby, quashed, the costs
+    to be charged against the government.
+
+
+    Judge of the Twelfth District acting in the Eighth.
+
+    Albay, December 28, 1903.
+
+
+The foregoing order contains fifty-seven names. As already indicated,
+the second order was like the first. It contained the names of
+sixty-three other deceased prisoners, as follows, to wit:
+
+
+    Anacleto Avila                 died September  2, 1903
+    Gregorio Saquedo               died July      21, 1903
+    Francisco Almonte              died October   11, 1903
+    Faustino Sallao                died October    9, 1903
+    Leocadio Pena                  died October   16, 1903
+    Juan Ranuco                    died October   16, 1903
+    Esteban de Lima                died February   4, 1903
+    Estanislao Jacoba              died October    7, 1903
+    Macario Ordiales               died October   19, 1903
+    Laureano Ordiales              died October   27, 1903
+    Reimundo Narito                died October    4, 1903
+    Antonio Polvorido              died September 12, 1903
+    Norverto Melgar                died June      14, 1903
+    Bartolome Rico                 died November   8, 1903
+    Simon Ordiales                 died September 13, 1903
+    Candido Rosari                 died September 29, 1903
+    Saturnino Vuelvo               died October   18, 1903
+    Vicente Belsaida               died May       26, 1903
+    Felix Canaria                  died June      12, 1903
+    Pedro Cuya                     died July      26, 1903
+    Evaristo Dias                  died July      24, 1903
+    Felix Padre                    died July       8, 1903
+    Alberto Mantes                 died August     7, 1903
+    Joaquin Maamot                 died September  5, 1903
+    Santiago Cacero                died May       28, 1903
+    Hilario Zalazar                died July      26, 1903
+    Tomas Odsinada                 died October    1, 1903
+    Julian Oco                     died October    4, 1903
+    Julian Lontac                  died August    27, 1903
+    Ambrosio Rabosa                died September 19, 1903
+    Mariano Garcia                 died September 12, 1903
+    Ramon Madrigalejo              died August    19, 1903
+    Albino Oyardo                  died October    1, 1903
+    Felipe Rotarla                 died September 29, 1903
+    Urbano Saralde                 died October    5, 1903
+    Gil Mediavillo                 died June      13, 1903
+    Egidio Mediavillo              died June      16, 1903
+    Mauricio Losano                died October    5, 1903
+    Bernabe Carenan                died September 27, 1903
+    Pedro Sagaysay                 died September 29, 1903
+    Laureano Ibo                   died August     5, 1903
+    Vicente Sanosing               died July      17, 1903
+    Francisco Morante              died June      10, 1903
+    Anatollo Sadullo               died September 16, 1903
+    Lucio Rebeza                   died August    27, 1903
+    Eugenio Sanbuena               died August    13, 1903
+    Nicolas Oberos                 died August    26, 1903
+    Eusebio Rambillo               died September 13, 1903
+    Tomas Rempillo                 died August    19, 1903
+    Daniel Patasin                 died August    19, 1903
+    Ignacio Bundi                  died September  7, 1903
+    Juan Locot                     died May       23, 1903
+    Zacarias David Padilla         died August     7, 1903
+    Juan Almazar                   died September 12, 1903
+    Rufino Quipi                   died June      13, 1903
+    Antonio Brio                   died June      13, 1903
+    Timoteo Enciso                 died September 12, 1903
+    Hilario Palaad                 died August    28, 1903
+    Ventura Prades                 died May       24, 1903
+    Alejandro Alevanto             died May       22, 1903
+    Rufino Pelicia                 died May       20, 1903
+    Alejo Bruqueza                 died July      19, 1903
+    Prudencio Estrada              died September 15, 1903
+
+
+These lists were printed in an article by the author which appeared
+in the North American Review for January 18, 1907, which article was
+reprinted by Hon. James L. Slayden, of Texas, in the Congressional
+Record for February 12, 1907. There can be little doubt that President
+Taft saw the article, and that if it had contained any inaccuracies
+they would long since have been noticed. So that in the Albay jail in
+1903 we had a sort of Andersonville prison, or Black Hole of Calcutta,
+on a small scale.
+
+If the military authorities had had charge of the Albay insurrection
+and of the prisoners in the Albay jail in 1903, it is safe to say
+that the great majority of those who died would have lived. But to
+have ordered out the troops would have been to abandon the official
+fiction that there was peace.
+
+Of Ola's five or six hundred men, Judge Carson and I, assisted by
+the chief prosecuting attorney of the government, Hon. James Ross,
+turned several hundred loose. Another large batch were disposed of
+under a vagrancy law, which allowed us to put them to work on the
+roads of the provinces for not exceeding two years, usually six to
+twelve months. Most of the remainder, a few score, we tried under the
+sedition law, and sent to Bilibid, the central penitentary at Manila,
+for terms commensurate with their individual conduct and deeds. The
+more serious cases were sent up for longer terms under the brigandage
+law. We indulged in no more maudlin sentiment about those precious
+scamps who had been degrading Filipino patriotism by occasionally
+invoking its name in the course of a long season of preying upon
+their respectable fellow-countrymen than Aguinaldo or Juan Cailles
+would have indulged. I am quite sure that either Aguinaldo or Juan
+Cailles would have made much shorter shrift of the whole bunch than
+Judge Carson and I did. It was only the men shown to have committed
+crimes usually punished capitally in this country that we sentenced
+to death--a dozen or more, all told. Ola was the star witness for the
+state. He held back nothing that would aid the prosecuting attorney
+to convict the men who had followed him for a year. He was given a
+sentence of thirty years (by Judge Carson), as a sort of expression
+of opinion of the most Christian attitude possible concerning his
+real deserts, but his services as state's evidence entitled him to
+immunity, and for that very good and sufficient reason Judge Carson,
+Prosecuting Attorney Ross, and myself so recommended to the Governor.
+
+Ola could read and write after a fashion, though he was quite an
+ignorant man. But to show what his control must have been over the
+rank and file of his men, let one incident suffice. On the boat going
+up to Manila from Albay, after the term of court was over, Ola was
+aboard, en route for the penitentiary. But, as he was a prospective
+recipient of executive clemency, though the guards kept an eye on him,
+he was allowed the freedom of the ship. One night on the voyage up,
+the weather being extremely warm, I left my stateroom sometime after
+midnight, carrying blanket and pillow, and went back to the storm
+steering-gear at the stern of the ship, to spend the rest of the night
+more comfortably. Waking sometime afterward for some unassignable
+cause, I realized that the crown of another head was tangent to the
+crown of my own, and occupying part of my pillow. It was Ola, the
+chief of the brigands. I raised up, shook the intruder, and said:
+"Hello, Ola, what are you doing here?" He wakened slowly. He had no
+idea of any first-class passenger being back there, and had taken
+it for granted that I was one of the ship's crew, when he decided to
+share my pillow. As soon as he realized who I was, he sprang to his
+feet with profound and effusive apologies, and paced the deck until
+morning, perhaps thinking over the possible effect of the incident
+on my recommendation concerning himself.
+
+After I had recovered the use of all my pillow I went back to
+sleep for a spell. About dawn I was wakened by some of the guards
+chattering. But I heard Ola, who had apparently been keeping watch
+over my august slumbers in the meantime, say in an imperious tone to
+the guards, his keepers, "Hush, the judge is sleeping." They looked
+at the brigand chief, and cowed, obeyed.
+
+Ola was pardoned.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+GOVERNOR TAFT, 1903 (Continued)
+
+                            The Philippines for the Filipinos.
+
+                                                Speech of Governor Taft.
+
+
+Just before Governor Taft left the Islands in 1903, he made a speech
+which made him immensely popular with the Filipinos and immensely
+unpopular with the Americans. The key-note of the speech was "The
+Philippines for the Filipinos." The Filipinos interpreted it to
+mean for them that ultimate independence was not so far in the dim
+distance of what is to happen after all the living are dead as to
+be a purely academic matter. And there was absolutely nothing in
+the speech to negative that idea, although he must have known how
+the great majority of the Filipinos would interpret the speech. On
+the other hand, the Americans in the Islands, popularity with whom
+was then and there a negligible factor, interpreted the speech,
+not inaccurately, to mean for them: "If you white men out here, not
+connected with the Government, you Americans, British, Germans and
+Spaniards, and the rest of you, do not like the way I am running this
+country, why, the boats have not quit running between here and your
+respective homes." [422] Then he came back to the United States and
+has ever since been urging American capital to go to the Philippines,
+all the time opposing any declaration by the law-making power of the
+Government which will let the American who goes out there know "where
+he is at," i.e., whether we are or are not going to keep the Islands
+permanently, and how to formulate his earthly plans accordingly, though
+the educated Filipinos are concurrently permitted to clamor against
+American "exploitation," American rule, and Americans generally,
+and to keep alive among the masses of their people what they call
+"the spirit of liberty," and what the insular government calls the
+spirit of "irreconcilableness." Clearly, a policy which makes for race
+friction and race hatred is essentially soft-headed, not soft-hearted,
+and ought not to be permitted to continue. Yet it has been true for
+twelve years, as one of President Taft's admiring friends proudly
+boasted concerning him some time since:
+
+
+    One man virtually holds in his keeping the American conscience
+    with the regard to the Philippines. [423]
+
+
+This is true, and it is not as it should be. We should either stop
+the clamor, or stop the American capital and energy from going to
+the Islands. After an American goes out to the Islands, invests his
+money there, and casts his fortunes there, unless he is a renegade,
+he sticks to his own people out there. Then the Taft policy steps in
+and bullyrags him into what he calls "knuckling to the Filipinos,"
+every time he shows any contumacious dissent from the Taft decision
+reversing the verdict of all racial history--which has been up to
+date, that wheresoever white men dwell in any considerable numbers
+in the same country with Asiatics or Africans, the white man will
+rule. Yet the American in the Philippines, once he is beguiled into
+going there, must bow to the Taft policies. He has taken his family to
+the Islands, and all his worldly interests are there. Yet he is living
+under a despotism, a benevolent despotism, it is true, so long as the
+non-office-holding American does not openly oppose the government's
+policies, but one which, however benevolent, is, so far as regards any
+brooking of opposition from any one outside the government hierarchy,
+as absolute as any of the other despotic governments of Asia. Though
+the Governor of the Philippines does not wear as much gilt braid
+as some of his fellow potentates on the mainland of Asia, still,
+in all executive matters he wields a power quite as immediate and
+substantial, in its operation on his subjects, as any of his royal
+colleagues. It never for a moment occurs either to the American
+Government official in the Philippines, or to the American citizen
+engaged in private business there who is in entire accord with the
+policies of the insular government and on terms of friendship with
+the officials, that the government under which he is living is any
+more of a despotism than the Government of the United States. The
+shoe never pinches the American citizen engaged in private business
+until he begins, for one reason or another, to be "at outs" with the
+insular government, and to have "opinions" which--American-like--he
+at once wants to express. If he permits himself to get thoroughly
+out of accord with the powers that be, the sooner he gets out of the
+Islands the better for him. This is the most notorious single fact
+in the present situation. There is no public opinion to help such a
+person, in any case where he differs with any specific act or policy
+of the insular government. The American colony is comparatively small,
+say between ten and twenty thousand all told, outside the army (which
+consists of ten or twelve thousand individuals living wholly apart
+from the rest of the community). The doctor who is known to have
+the patronage of high government officials is sure of professional
+success, and his wife is sure to receive the social recognition her
+husband's position in the community naturally commands; and this
+permits her to make auspicious entrance into the game of playing at
+precedence with her next neighbor called "society," so dear to the
+hearts of many otherwise sensible and estimable women--to say nothing
+of carpet knights, callow youths, cads, and aging gourmands. Also
+if the doctor and his lady have adult children, their opportunities
+to marry well are multiplied by the sunlight from the seats of the
+mighty. Thus the doctor and his wife are a standing lesson to the man
+"with convictions" that yearn for utterance, but who is also blessed
+with a discreet helpmate, more concerned in the general welfare and
+happiness of all the family than in seeing her husband's name in
+the paper. What is true of the doctor is also true of the lawyer
+known to be persona grata to the government. Again, the newspaper
+man in favor with the government is sure to get his share of the
+government advertising, according to a very liberal construction,
+and that insures his being able to command reportorial and editorial
+talent such as will sell his paper, and the consequent circulation is
+sure to get him the advertising patronage of the mercantile community,
+thus placing success for him on a solid, comfortable basis. Also, a
+contrary course will, slowly, maybe, but surely, freeze out any rash
+competitor. Consequently, the American in the Philippines is deprived
+of one of his most precious home pleasures, viz., letting off steam,
+in some opposition paper, about the real or imagined shortcomings of
+the men in charge of the government. For the reasonable expectancy
+of life of an opposition paper in Manila is pathetically brief. The
+hapless editor on the prosperous paper, whatever his talents,
+who happens to become afflicted with "views" which he airs in his
+editorial columns, is soon upbraided by his friends at his club as
+"getting cranky," and is told by the orthodox old-timers among them,
+"John, you've been out here too long. You better go home." If he does
+not change his tone, the receipts of the advertising department of his
+paper soon fall off, and his friend, the more tactful proprietor, who
+"knows how to get along with people," is not long in agreeing with
+the rest of his friends that he has "been out here too long." Again
+the successful merchant has too many interests at stake in which he
+needs the cordial friendship of the government to be able to afford
+to antagonize it. And so on, through every walk of life, the influence
+of the government permeates every nook and corner of the situation.
+
+The average public man in the United States would not feel "nat'ral"
+unless intermittently bedewed with steam from the exhaust valve of
+the soul of some "outraged citizen," through the medium of the public
+press. But in the Philippines a public man occupying a conspicuous
+position with the government may be very generally detested and
+actually not know it. [424] The American in the Philippines, with
+all his home connections severed, might as well send his family to
+the poor-house at once as to come out in a paper with an interview or
+speech,--even supposing any paper would publish it--which, copied by
+the papers back in the United States, would embarrass the National
+Administration's Philippine policy in any way. The same applies to
+talking too freely for the newspapers when home on a visit.
+
+I think the foregoing makes sufficiently obvious the inherent
+impossibility of the American people ever knowing anything about
+current governmental mistakes in the Philippines, of which there
+must be some, in time for their judgment to have anything to do with
+shaping the course of the government out there for which they are
+responsible. And therefore it shows the inherent unfitness of their
+governmental machinery to govern the Filipinos so long as they do not
+change the home form of government to meet the needs of the colonial
+situation, by providing a method of invoking the public judgment on
+a single issue, as in the case of monarchical ministries, instead of
+lumping issues as we now do. It is certainly a shame that the fate and
+future of the Philippines are to-day dependent upon issues as wholly
+foreign to anything Philippine as is the price of cheese in Kamchatka
+or the price of wool in the United States. Whether the Filipinos are
+fit for self-government or not, under our present form of government
+we are certainly wholly unfit to govern them. In our government of
+the Filipinos, the nature of the case eliminates our most valuable
+governmental asset, to wit, that saving grace of public opinion
+which stops public men, none of whom are infallible, before they can
+accomplish irreparable mischief, through uncorrected faith in plans of
+questionable wisdom and righteousness to which their minds are made up.
+
+To show how absolute was the executive and legislative power over
+8,000,000 of people entrusted by the sole authority of President
+McKinley to Governor Taft--without consulting Congress, though
+afterwards the authority so conferred was ratified by Congress and
+descended from Governor Taft to his successor--an incident related
+to me in the freedom of social intercourse, and not in the least
+in confidence, by my late beloved friend Arthur W. Fergusson,
+long Executive Secretary to Governor Taft, will suffice. In 1901
+the Commission had passed a law providing for the constitution of
+the Philippine judiciary, [425] according to which law an American,
+in order to be eligible to appointment as a Judge of First Instance
+(the ordinary trial court, or nisi prius court, of Anglo-Saxon
+jurisprudence) must be more than thirty years old, and must have
+practised law in the United States for a period of five years before
+appointed. In 1903 President Roosevelt wanted to make Hon. Beekman
+Winthrop (then under thirty years of age) now (1912), Assistant
+Secretary of the Navy, a Judge of First Instance. Governor Taft called
+Fergusson in and said: "Fergy, make me out a commission for Beekman
+Winthrop as a Judge of First Instance." Fergusson said: "You can't do
+it, Governor. It's against the law. He's not old enough." Winthrop was
+a graduate of the Harvard Law School. Governor Taft said humorously,
+"I can't eh? I'll show you. Send me a stenographer." A law was dictated
+[426] striking out thirty years and inserting twenty-five, and adding
+after the words "must have practised law for a period of five years"
+the words "or be a graduate of a reputable law school." Fergusson
+was then called in, and told to go down the hall, see the other
+commissioners, [427] and get them together, which he did, and
+the law was passed in a few minutes. Then Fergusson was sent for,
+and the Governor said, handing him the new "law"; "Now make out
+that commission." Even if Fergusson colored the incident up a bit,
+in the exercise of his inimitable artistic capacity to make anything
+interesting, his story was certainly substantially correct relatively
+to the absoluteness of the authority of the Governor, as will appear
+by reference to the two laws cited.
+
+It is only fair to say that Winthrop made a very good judge. There
+used to be current in the Philippines a story that Governor Taft
+had said, in more or less humorous vein: "Gentlemen, I'm somewhat
+of an expert on judges. What you need in a judge is"--counting with
+the index finger of one hand on the fingers of the other--"firstly,
+integrity; secondly, courage; thirdly, common sense; and fourthly,
+he must know a little law." Winthrop's integrity, courage, and common
+sense were beyond all question. It could hardly have been otherwise. He
+came of a long line of sturdy and distinguished men, the first of whom
+had come over in the Mayflower days to the Massachusetts coast. And,
+he did know a little law. But the manner of his appointment is none
+the less illustrative of how much quicker, Governor Taft could make
+and publish a law than any of his fellow despots [428] over on the
+mainland of Asia, considering how slow-moving all their various grand
+viziers were, compared with Fergy, and his corps of stenographers.
+
+Having now given, I hope, a more or less sympathetic insight into
+what absolute rulers our governors in the Philippines have been, in
+the very nature of the case, from the beginning, let us observe the
+change of tone of the government, after the reign of the first ended,
+and the reign of the second began.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+GOVERNOR WRIGHT--1904
+
+                                The blame of those ye better
+                                The hate of those ye guard.
+
+                                           Kipling's White Man's Burden.
+
+
+Governor Taft left the Philippines on or about December 23, 1903,
+to become Secretary of War in President Roosevelt's Cabinet, and
+shortly afterward Vice-Governor Luke E. Wright succeeded to the
+governorship. After the accession of Governor Wright, there was
+no more hammering it into the American business men having money
+invested in the Islands that the Filipino was their "little brown
+brother," for whom no sacrifice, however sublime, would be more
+than was expected. Governor Wright was quite unpopular with the
+Filipinos and immensely popular with the Americans and Europeans,
+because, soon after he came into power, he "let the cat out of the
+bag," by letting the Filipinos know plainly that they might just as
+well shut up talking about independence for the present, so far as
+he was advised and believed; in other words, that Governor Taft's
+"Philippines for the Filipinos" need not cause any specially billowy
+sighs of joy just yet, because it had no reference to any Filipinos
+now able to sigh, but only to unborn Filipinos who might sigh in
+some remote future generation; and that the slogan which had caused
+them all to want to sob simultaneously for joy on the broad chest
+of Governor Taft was merely a case of an amiable unwillingness to
+tell them an unpleasant truth, viz., that in his opinion they were
+wholly unfit for self-government--all of which, in effect, meant
+that Governor Taft had been merely "Keeping the word of promise to
+the ear and breaking it to the hope."
+
+The Wright plain talk made the Filipinos one and all feel:
+"Alackaday! Our true friend has departed." But as Secretary of War
+Taft, after four years more of trying to please both sides, at home, at
+last frankly told the Filipinos when he went out to attend the opening
+of the first Philippine legislature, in 1907, practically just what
+Governor Wright had begun to tell them from the moment his predecessor
+had exchanged the parting tear with them on the water-front at Manila
+in 1903, the net result of the Wright policy of uncompromising honesty
+on the present political situation, may easily be guessed.
+
+Governor Wright's method of repudiating the Taft straddle took for its
+key-note, in lieu of "The Philippines for the Filipinos," the slogan
+"An Equal Chance for All." What Governor Wright meant was merely that
+there would be no more browbeating of Americans to make them love
+their little brown brother as much as Governor Taft was supposed
+to love him, but that everybody would be treated absolutely alike
+and nobody coddled. However, the Filipinos of course knew that they
+could not compete with American wealth and energy, and so did the
+Americans in the islands. So what the Wright slogan, unquestionably
+fair as was its intent, inexorably meant to everybody concerned except
+the dignified, straightforward and candid propounder of it, was, in
+effect, the British "White Man's Burden" or Trust-for-Civilization
+theory, a theory whereunder the white man who wants some one else's
+land goes and takes it on the idea that he can put it to better
+use than the owner. Thus early did the original "jollying" Mr. Taft
+had given them become transparent to his little brown brother. Thus
+early did it become clear to the Filipinos that behind the mask of
+executive protestations that they shall some day have independence
+when fit for it, lurks a set determination industriously to earn for
+an indeterminate number of generations yet to come
+
+
+                The blame of those ye better
+                The hate of those ye guard.
+
+
+This book has been written, up to this point, in vain, if the
+preceding chapters have not made clear how much political expediency,
+looking to the welfare of a party in power naturally seeking to
+continue in power, necessarily dominates Philippine affairs under
+American rule. We have observed under the microscope of history,
+made available by the official documents now accessible, the long
+battle between the political expediency germ and the independence
+bug which began in General Anderson's dealings with Aguinaldo and
+continued through General Merritt's and General Otis's regimes. We
+have seen General MacArthur's attempt at a wise surgical operation
+to excise the independence bug from the Philippine body politic--so
+that the expediency germ might die a natural death from having nothing
+to feed on. We have seen that operation interfered with by the Taft
+Commission during the presidential campaign of 1900, because the men
+in control of the republic could not ignore considerations of political
+expediency; and we saw the consequent premature setting up of the civil
+government in 1901, with all its dire consequences in the then as yet
+unconquered parts of the archipelago, southern Luzon, and some of the
+Visayan Islands. We have observed the effective though heroic local
+treatment administered to the Philippine body politic by General Bell
+in Batangas in 1901-2, with a view of killing off the independence
+bug there. We have seen the fierce struggle between some of the bug's
+belated spawn and the expediency germ's now more emboldened forces
+in Albay in the off year, 1903. We are now to take our fifth year's
+course in the colonial department of politico-entomological research,
+the presidential year 1904.
+
+It was the way the Samar insurrection of 1904-5-6 was handled which
+finally convinced me that the Filipinos would not kill any more of
+each other in a hundred years than we have killed, or permitted to
+be killed, of them, in the fell process of Benevolent Assimilation.
+
+American imperialism is not honest, like the British variety. American
+imperialism knows that Avarice was its father, and Piety its
+mother, and that it takes after its father more than it does
+after its mother. British imperialism frankly aims mostly to make
+the survivors of its policies happy, not the people it immediately
+operates on. American imperialism pretends to be ministering to the
+happiness of the living, and, though it realizes that it is not a
+success in that line, it resents identification with its British
+cousin, by sanctimonious reference to the alleged net good it is
+doing. Yet in its moments of frankness it says, with an air of infinite
+patience under base ingratitude, "Well, they will be happy in some
+other generation," and that therefore the number of people we have
+had or may have, to kill, or permit to be killed, in the process of
+Benevolent Assimilation, is wholly negligible. This is simply the old,
+old argument that the end justifies the means, the argument that has
+wrought more misery in the world than any other since time began.
+
+When Judge Taft, General Wright, and their colleagues of the Taft
+Commission, came out to the Philippines in 1900, they came full of the
+McKinley convictions about a people whom neither they or Mr. McKinley
+had ever seen, bound hand and foot by political necessity to square the
+freeing of Cuba with the subjugation of the Philippines. A perfectly
+natural evolution of this attitude resulted in the position they
+at once took on arriving in the Islands, viz., that to do for the
+Filipinos what we have done for the Cubans would mean a bloody welter
+of anarchy and chaos. And the presidential contest of 1900 was fought
+and won largely on that issue. After 1900, for all the gentlemen above
+referred to, the proposition was always res adjudicata. All protests
+by Filipinos to the contrary caused only resentment, and welded the
+authorities more and more hermetically to the correctness of the
+original proposition. Loyalty to the original ill-considered decision
+became impregnated, in their case, with a fervor not entirely unlike
+religious fanaticism, and belief in it became a matter of principle,
+justifying all they had done, and guiding all they might thereafter
+do. So that when General Wright "came to the throne" in our colonial
+empire, as Governor, and legatee of the McKinley-Taft Benevolent
+Assimilation policies, his attitude in all he did was thoroughly
+honest, and also thoroughly British. He honestly believed in the
+"bloody welter of anarchy and chaos" proposition, and was prepared,
+in any emergency that might arise, to follow his convictions in that
+regard whithersoever they might lead, without variableness or shadow
+of turning. Take him all in all, Governor Wright was about the best
+man occupying exalted station I ever knew personally, President Taft
+himself not excepted; although I still adhere to Colonel Roosevelt's
+opinion of 1901 concerning Mr. Taft, quoted in the chapter preceding
+this, from the Outlook of September 21, 1901, notwithstanding that in
+the contest for the Republican nomination for the presidency in 1912,
+the Colonel "recalled" that opinion. Seriously, a man may "combine the
+qualities which would make a first class President of the United States
+with the qualities which would make a first class Chief Justice of the
+United States" and still cut a sorry figure trying to fit a square peg
+into a round hole, or a scheme of government, the breath of whose life
+is public opinion, into the running of a remote colonial government,
+the breath of whose life is exemption from being interfered with by
+public opinion.
+
+After the Albay insurrection of 1903 had been cleaned up, I took charge
+of the Twelfth Judicial District, having been appointed thereto by
+Governor Taft just before he left the islands to become Secretary of
+War. In those trying pioneer days they always seemed to give me the
+insurrections to sift out, but it was purely fortuitous. Whenever you
+ceased to be busy, prompt arrangements were made for you to get busy
+again. Judge Ide, the Minister of Justice, wasted no government money.
+
+The Twelfth District consisted of the two island provinces of Samar and
+Leyte, two of the six Visayan Islands heretofore noticed as the only
+ones worth considering in a general view of the archipelago such as
+the student of world politics wants or needs. Leyte had a population
+of 388,922, [429] and an area of 3008 square miles. [430] Samar's
+population was 266,237, and its area, 5276 square miles, makes it the
+third largest island of the Philippine Archipelago. So that as Judge
+of the Twelfth District, consisting of two provinces, the Governor of
+each of which was ex-officio sheriff of the court for his province,
+I was, in a sense, a sort of shepherd of a political flock of some
+650,000 people, whom I always thought of as a whole as "my" people.
+
+Samar and Leyte are separated, where nearest together, by a most
+picturesque winding strait bordered with densely wooded hills. San
+Juanico Strait is much narrower than the inland sea of Japan at its
+narrowest point, and almost as beautiful. In fact, at its narrowest
+point it seems little more than a stone's throw in width. It is as
+pretty as the prettiest part of the Golden Horn. Leyte had been put
+under the Civil Government in 1901, and this premature interference
+with the military authorities in the midst of their efforts to pacify
+the island had had the usual result of postponing pacification, by
+filling local politicians, wholly unable to comprehend a government
+which entreated or reasoned with people to do things, with the notion
+that we were resorting to diplomacy in lieu of force because of fear
+of them. Leyte and Samar were strategically one for the insurgents,
+just as the provinces of the Lake district of Luzon, described in
+an earlier chapter, were, because they could flee by night from
+one province to another in small boats without detection, when hard
+pressed by the Americano. The main insurgent general in Samar, Lucban,
+had surrendered to General Grant in 1902, but the cheaper fellows
+stayed out much longer, preying upon those who preferred daily toil
+to cattle-stealing and throat-cutting as a means of livelihood,
+and continuing the political unrest intermittently in gradually
+diminishing degree, through 1903. By the spring of 1904, however,
+there still remained in Samar riffraff enough, the jetsam and flotsam
+of the insurrection--professional outlaws--to get up some trouble,
+so that, as brigand chiefs, they might resume the roles of Robin
+Hood, Jesse James, et al. During the first half of that year the
+opportunity these worthies had been waiting for, while resting on
+their oars, developed. The crop of municipal officials resulting from
+the original McKinley plan of beginning the work of reconstruction
+during, instead of after, the war, and among the potential village
+Hampdens, instead of among the Cromwells, had resulted in some very
+rascally municipal officials who oppressed the poor, getting the hemp
+of the small farmer, when they would bring it to town, at their own
+prices--hemp being to Samar what cotton is to the South. From the
+lowland and upland farmers the ever-widening discontent spread to
+the hills, where dwelt a type of people constituting only a small
+fraction of the total population of the Islands--"half savage and
+half child"--but loving their hills, and wholly indisposed, of their
+own initiative, to start trouble, unless manipulated. Obviously,
+then, "the public mind" of Samar--those who know Samar will smile
+with me at the phrase, but it will do, for lack of a better--was
+likely soon to be in a generally inflammable condition. By July,
+1904, the Robin Hoods, Jesse Jameses, et al., touched the match to
+the material and a political conflagration started, apparently as
+unguided--save by the winds of impulse--and certainly as persistent,
+as a forest fire. Every native of the Philippine Islands, whether
+he be of the 7,000,000 Christians or of the 500,000 non-Christian
+tribes, is born with a highly developed social instinct either to
+command or to obey. The latter tendency is quite as common in the
+Philippines as the former is in the United States. Hence the Samar
+disturbances of 1904-5-6, though made up at the outset of raids and
+depredations by various roving bands of outlaws yielding allegiance
+only to their immediate chief, soon took on a very formidable military
+and political aspect. [431] The roving bands would ask the peaceably
+inclined people our flag was supposed to be protecting, "Are you for
+us or for the Americans?" promptly chopping their heads off if they
+showed any lack of zeal in denouncing American municipal institutions
+and things American in general. Pursuant to Mr. McKinley's original
+scheme--concocted for a people he had never seen, under pressure of
+political necessity--to rig up in short order a government "essentially
+popular in form," a lot of most pitiable municipal governments had
+been let loose on the people, a part of our series of kindergarten
+lessons. The plan was as wise as it will be for the Japanese--some
+one please hold Captain Hobson while I finish the analogy--when
+they conquer the United States, to go to the Bowery and the Ghetto
+for mayors of all our cities. Thus by our pluperfect benevolence,
+we had contrived in Samar by 1904 to rouse the highland folk, or hill
+people, whom the Spaniards had always let alone, against the pacific
+agricultural lowland people and the dwellers in the coast villages. The
+latter, or such of them as did not join the hill folk for protection,
+we permitted to be mercilessly butchered by wholesale, from August to
+November, 1904, as hereinafter more fully set forth, because ordering
+out the army to protect them might have been construed at home to mean
+disturbances more serious and widespread than actually existed, and
+might therefore affect the presidential election in the United States
+by renewing the notion that the Administration had never been frank
+with the American people concerning conditions in the Philippines.
+
+The annual report of the Philippine Commission for 1904 is dated
+November 1st, which was just a week before the presidential election
+day of that year. Their annual report for 1905 is dated November 1,
+1905. In their report for 1904, the Commission deal with the general
+state of public order in the same roseate manner which, as we have
+seen, had made its first appearance during the political exigencies
+of 1900 in the language about "the great majority of the people"
+being "entirely willing" to benevolent alien domination in lieu
+of independence. When Rip Van Winkle was trying to quit drinking,
+he used to say after each drink: "Oh, we'll just let that pass." In
+their report for 1904, the Commission swallow the conditions in Samar
+with equal nonchalance. After stating that some (impliedly negligible)
+disturbances had occurred in Samar "two months since," they add that
+"the constabulary of the province took the field" against the bands
+of Pulajans, or outlaws, and that "as a result, they were soon broken
+up, and are being pursued and killed or captured" (p. 3). In their
+report dated November 1, 1905, by way of preface to an account of
+the extensive military operations inaugurated in Samar shortly after
+the presidential election of 1904, which operations had not only
+been in progress for nearly a year on the date of the 1905 report,
+but continued for more than a year thereafter, the Commission explain
+their 1904 nonchalance about Samar thus: "It was then believed that
+the constabulary forces had succeeded in checking the further progress
+of the outbreak" (p. 47).
+
+Let us examine the facts on which they based this statement, since it
+meant that they believed that a duly reported epidemic of massacres
+of peaceably inclined people, over whom the American flag was floating
+as a symbol of protection to life and property, had stood effectually
+checked by November 1, 1904, the date of their report. And first,
+of the massacres themselves, their nature and extent.
+
+The Samar massacres of 1904 began with what we all called down there
+"the outbreak of July 10th." In August, 1904, I went to Samar to
+handle the cases arising out of the disturbances there, assisted by
+the (native) Governor of the province, who, under the law already
+alluded to, was ex-officio sheriff of the court, and an army of
+deputy sheriffs, as it were, the constabulary, numbering several
+hundred. The outbreak of July 10th was always known afterwards as
+"the Tauiran affair." This Tauiran affair was a raid by an outlaw
+band on the barrio of Tauiran, one of the hamlets of the municipal
+jurisdiction of the township called Gandara, in the valley of the
+Gandara River, in north central Samar, wherein one hundred houses,
+the whole settlement, were burned, and twenty-one people killed. The
+term of court lasted from early in August until early in November. The
+day after the Tauiran affair, over on the other fork of the Gandara
+River, occurred what was called "the Cantaguic affair." Cantaguic was
+a hamlet or barrio about the size of Tauiran. The brigands killed the
+lieutenant of police of Cantaguic and some others, but they did not
+kill everybody in the place. Instead, after killing a few people,
+they went to the tribunal (town hall), seized the local teniente,
+or municipal representative of American authority, tied the American
+flag they found at the tribunal about the head of the teniente, turban
+fashion, poured kerosene oil on it, and took the teniente down stairs
+and out into the public square, where they lighted and burned the
+flag on his head, the chief of the band, one Juliano Caducoy by name,
+remarking to the onlookers that the act was intended as a lesson to
+those serving that flag. They then cut off the lips of the teniente
+so he could not eat (he of course died a little later), burned the
+barrio and carried off fifty of the inhabitants. Caducoy was captured
+some time afterward, and I sentenced him to be hanged. There was
+practically no dispute about the facts. After the Cantaguic affair,
+during the term of court mentioned, the provincial doctor, Dr. Cullen,
+an American who had been a captain doctor of volunteers, had occasion
+to run up to Manila. The doctor was a most accomplished gentleman,
+but he had a fondness for the grewsome in description equal to Edgar
+Allan Poe himself. After he came back he told me about having told the
+Governor-General of the Cantaguic affair, and repeated with an evident
+pleased consciousness of his ability to make his hearer's blood curdle,
+how the Governor had said to him slowly, "Doctor, that--is--awful!"
+
+Blood seemed to whet the appetite for slaughter. The records of the
+August-November, 1904 term of the court of first instance of Samar show
+all the various barrios of the Gandara Valley in flames on successive
+days, after the affairs of July 10th and 11th. I do not speak from
+memory, but from documents contained in a large bundle of papers
+kept ever since, in memory of that incarnadined epoch. You find one
+barrio burned one day and another another day, until all the people
+of the Gandara Valley were made homeless. One of the constabulary
+officers, Lieutenant Bowers, a very gallant fellow, testified before
+me that from July 10th to the date of his testimony, which was on or
+about September 28th, some 50,000 people had been made homeless in
+Samar by the operations of the outlaws. I deem Lieutenant Bowers's
+estimate quite reasonable. His figures include only one-fifth of the
+population of an island which was in the throes of an all-pervading
+brigand uprising. The conservative nature of Lieutenant Bowers's
+estimate concerning the mischief that had already been wrought
+by the end of September, 1904, and was then gathering destructive
+potentiality like a forest or prairie fire, may be inferred from the
+contents of a memorandum appearing below, furnished me by a Spanish
+officer of the constabulary, a Lieutenant Calderon, who had been an
+officer of the Rural Guard in the Spanish days. It contains a list
+of fifty-three towns, villages, and hamlets (a barrio may be quite a
+village, sometimes even quite a town, though usually it is a hamlet)
+burned up to the date the memorandum was furnished me.
+
+In order to a clear understanding of these Samar massacres and
+town-burnings of 1904, as well as for general geographical purposes,
+a few preliminary words of explanation will be appropriate just here.
+A province in the Philippines has heretofore been likened to a county
+with us. But in the largest provinces, the subdivisions of provinces
+called municipalities are more like counties; and each municipality
+is in turn subdivided into sections called barrios. A municipality
+(Spanish, pueblo) in the Philippines is not primarily a city or town,
+as we understand it, i.e., a more or less continuous settlement
+of houses and lots more or less adjacent, but a specific area of
+territory, a township, as it were. This area or territory may be 5 x
+10 square miles, or 10 x 20, or more, or less. For example, Samar's
+area is 5276 square miles. Yet it contained in 1904, and probably still
+contains, only twenty-five townships or municipalities all told, each
+municipality being subdivided in turn into barrios. Municipalities
+in the Philippines vary in size as much as counties do with us, and
+their total area accounts for and represents the total area of the
+province, just as the total area of the counties of a State represents
+with us the total area of the State. The seat of government of the
+municipality always bears the same name as the municipality itself,
+just as the county seat of a county usually, or frequently, bears
+the same name as the county, with us. Take for instance, the name of
+the first municipality or township in the list which appears below,
+Gandara. The municipality of Gandara might be described by analogy
+as the "county" of Gandara, the list of barrios burned as a list of
+towns and villages of the "county" of Gandara.
+
+The municipality of Gandara included a watershed in north central Samar
+from which the Gandara River flowed in a southwesterly direction to
+the sea. Within this watershed, parallel 12 1/2 north of the equator
+intersects the 125th meridian of longitude east of Greenwich. Northern
+Samar is a very rich hemp country, Catarman hemp being usually quoted
+higher than any hemp listed on the London market. If you stand at the
+highest point of the Gandara watershed you can see four streams flowing
+off north, northwest, northeast, and southwest to the sea. There are
+some half dozen streams having their source there. Brigands making
+their headquarters there could always, when hard pressed, get away
+in canoes toward the sea in almost any direction they wished. The
+following is Lieutenant Calderon's list:
+
+
+    RELACION POR MUNICIPIOS DE LOS BARRIOS QUEMADOS.
+
+    (List by Municipalities of the Barrios Burned.)
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF GANDARA
+
+    Tauiran                    July 10
+    Cantaguic                  July 12
+    Cauilan                    July 13
+    Erenas                     July 16
+    Blanca Aurora              July 19
+    Bulao [432]                July 21
+    Pizarro                  August  8
+    Cagibabago               August  8
+    Nueva                    August 10
+    Hernandez                August 10
+    San Miguel               August 10
+    Buao                     August 15
+    El Cano                  August 17
+    San Enrique              August 20
+    San Luis                 August 25
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF CATBALOGAN
+
+    (Calderon's List of Barrios Burned, continued)
+
+    Malino                   July   31
+    Silanga                  August  9
+    Ginga                    August 13
+    San Fernando             August 15
+    Maragadin                August 20
+    Talinga                  August 21
+    Santa Cruz               August 22
+    Dap-dap                  August 29
+    Palencia                 August 31
+    Albalate           (date not given)
+    Villa Hermosa      (date not given)
+
+
+The above list of villages burned in the township of Catbalogan
+shows how bold the Pulajans had then grown. By that time they were
+committing depredations, robbery, murder, and town-burning, in all the
+various villages within the municipal jurisdiction of the township
+of Catbalogan, coming often within a few miles of the town proper
+of Catbalogan itself, the seat of the provincial government. In the
+attack on Silanga, which occurred August 9th, a number of people
+were killed. Silanga was but little more than an hour's walk from
+the court-house at Catbalogan. The Governor at once wired Manila
+as follows:
+
+
+                                        Catbalogan, Samar, Aug. 9, 1904.
+
+    Executive Secretary, Manila:
+
+    The peaceably inclined people of the barrios near here are
+    collecting here in large numbers, terrorized by Pulajans who are
+    boldly roaming the country, burning barrios within seven or eight
+    miles from Catbalogan. They kill men, women, and children without
+    distinction. These Pulajans have fled from Gandara where they are
+    being actively pursued by constabulary. All forces that could be
+    spared have gone out. We have about thirty available fighting
+    men here. Pulajans liable at any time to enter Catbalogan. We
+    are in danger of some occurrence quite as serious as the Surigao
+    affair. [433] There are buildings here which I must protect at all
+    hazards--Treasury, Provincial Jail with ninety-five prisoners, and
+    commissary and ordnance stores of constabulary. We need at once at
+    least three hundred men, scouts if possible, to handle situation,
+    between here and Gandara. Pulajans undoubtedly have friends in
+    Catbalogan. I suspect certain of the municipal authorities here. I
+    estimate number of Pulajans now operating at about five hundred.
+
+        (Signed) Feito, Governor.
+
+
+On September 2d, the Provincial Governor of Samar sent to Manila the
+following telegram:
+
+
+                                              Catbalogan, Sept. 2, 1904.
+
+    Carpenter, Actg. Ex. Secy., Palace, Manila:
+
+    Seven-thirty this evening simultaneous reports from north
+    and south sides of town Pulajans approaching. They have not
+    entered yet and may not, but have gathered Americans with wives
+    and children in my house. Arms supplied. Treasury twenty-five
+    thousand Conant. [434] One hundred forty prisoners in jail. Only
+    forty-seven constabulary here. If Pulajans enter much needless
+    sacrifice life pacific citizens here. Feel sure Pulajans have
+    friends in Catbalogan. Request company either scouts or soldiers
+    from Calbayog stationed here, preferably former. Their presence
+    guarantee stability.
+
+        (Signed) Feito, Governor.
+
+
+Of course Governor Feito did not call for the regular army of the
+United States. His job, poor devil, was to demonstrate as best he
+could that the military were not needed. He would at once have been
+suspected of trying to scuttle the ship of "benign civil government"
+if he had admitted that the regular army was needed. But to return
+to Calderon's list:
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF CALBAYOG [435]
+
+    (Calderon's List of Barrios Burned, continued)
+
+
+    Ylo                       August 17
+    Napuro                    August 17
+    Balud                     August 17
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF WRIGHT
+
+    (Calderon's List of Barrios Burned, continued)
+
+    Guinica-an                  July 25
+    Calapi                      July 28
+    Bonga                      August 4
+    Tutubigan                 August 19
+    Motiong                 September 1
+    Lau-an                   October 10
+    Sao Jose           (date not given)
+
+
+A sample of the distressing communications I was getting as these
+massacres progressed is the notification of the Motiong affair
+of September 1st set forth below, which I give as a type of the
+methodical stoicism of those bloody times. Motiong was seven miles
+down the coast road from Catbalogan:
+
+
+    In the district of Motiong, municipality of Wright, province of
+    Samar, Philippine Islands, September 1, 1904.
+
+    In the presence of the undersigned Peregrin Albano, member of
+    the village council, there being also present the president of
+    the Municipal Board of Health, Mr. Tomas San Pablo, and the
+    principal men of the place, there has this day occurred the
+    burial of the corpses, victims of the Pulajans, in the cemetery
+    of this place, to wit: The officer of volunteers, Rafael Rosales,
+    and the following volunteers, viz., Gualberto Gabane, Juan Pacle,
+    Dionisio Daisno, Pedro Damtanan, Carmelo Lagbo; also the two women,
+    Eustaquia Sapiten and Apolinaria N., also one unknown Pulajan. This
+    in fulfilment of the official letter of instructions No. 136,
+    from the office of the presidente of the town of Wright dated
+    to-day. Said burial ceremonies were conducted by the Reverend
+    Father Marcos Gomez, and were attended by the whole volunteer
+    force of this place because of the death of their officer Rosales.
+
+
+    Tomas San Pablo,
+    President of the Board of Health.
+
+    Peregrin Albano,
+    Councillor.
+
+    (Illegible)----Moro, Captain of Volunteers. [436]
+
+
+Fancy having documents like the foregoing handed you with
+ever-increasing regularity as you sauntered, morning after morning,
+from your bath to your coffee and rolls, preparatory to the daily
+sifting of incidents such as that which included the burning of
+the American flag on the head of the municipal representative of
+American authority already mentioned, and other like acts of poor
+misguided peasants stirred up by trifling scamps representing the
+dregs of insurrection. Motiong was not only within seven miles of
+the court-house at Catbalogan, but it was so near to Camp Bumpus,
+over in Leyte, where the 18th Infantry lay, that an order to them
+to move in the morning would have made life and property in all that
+brigand-harried region safe that night and continuously thereafter.
+
+General Wm. H. Carter, Major-General U. S. A., well known to the
+American public as the able officer who, in 1911, commanded the United
+States forces mobilized on the Mexican border during the Mexican
+revolution of that year, that ousted President Diaz and seated
+President Madero, was in command at the time--the fall of 1904--of
+the military district of the Philippines which included Samar and
+Leyte. A word of request to him would have made life definitely safe
+in all the coast towns and their vicinity within two or three days
+after receipt of such a request.
+
+Besides Gandara, Catbalogan, Calbayog, and Wright, Lieutenant
+Calderon's list included the trio of ill-fated municipalities set
+forth below, concluding with the illustrious name of Taft:
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF CATUBIG
+
+    Poblacion              September  5
+    Tagabiran                 August 11
+    San Vicente               August --
+
+
+Catubig was toward the north end of Samar. On the day of the burning
+and sacking of the poblacion of Catubig, September 5th, which was done
+by a force of several hundred Pulajans, the scouts and constabulary,
+so it was afterward reported, killed a hundred of the Catubig Pulajans
+in an engagement. If this report were correct, as is likely, it was
+the biggest single killing of natives since the early days of the
+insurrection. [437] But it did not in the least check the Pulajan
+insurrection, which simply swerved its fury from the Catubig region
+toward the coast (the Pacific coast), descending upon the towns,
+villages, and hamlets of the townships of Borongan and Taft, thus:
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF BORONGAN
+
+    (Calderon's List of Barrios Burned, continued)
+
+    Sepa                     Sept. 23
+    Lucsohong                Sept. 23
+    Maybocog                 Sept. 23
+    Maydolong                Sept. 23
+    Soribao                  Sept. 23
+    Bugas                     Oct. 10
+    Punta Maria               Oct. 10
+    Canjauay                  Oct. 11
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF TAFT
+
+    (Calderon's List continued)
+
+    Del Remedio              Sept. 22
+    San Julian               Sept. 22
+    Nena                     Sept. 22
+    Libas                    Sept. 22
+    Pagbabangnan             Sept. 22
+    San Vicente              Sept. 21
+    Jinolaso                 Oct.   3
+
+
+Of the twenty-five pueblos or townships of Samar, the Calderon
+list only pretended to throw light on events in nine of them,
+those being the only ones from which definite news had then reached
+headquarters. But as a reign of terror prevailed all over Samar at the
+time, the rest may be imagined, though it can never be ascertained. Of
+these nine, the last two were:
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF LLORENTE
+
+    Pagbabalancayan          Sept. 23
+
+
+    MUNICIPALITY OF ORAS
+
+    Concepcion               Sept. 23
+    Jipapad                     --
+
+
+Now it feels just as uncomfortable to be boloed in Pagbabalancayan
+as it would in a place with a more pronounceable name, and the same
+is true of the comparatively mellifluous Jipapad. True, some of
+these places were mere hamlets of twenty to forty houses, but you
+may be sure there were five or six people, on an average, to each
+house. On the other hand, glance back again at the list of towns of
+the township of Taft that were sacked and burned, and consider that
+San Julian was about the size of the provincial capital, Catbalogan,
+and that Catbalogan, the town proper, contained a population of
+four thousand, though looked at from the amphitheatre of hills which
+surround it, Catbalogan does not look like such a very large group
+of houses. Filipino houses are usually full of people. It is easier
+to live that way than to build more houses.
+
+After the Pulajan descent on Llorente, the people of Llorente all went
+off to the hills to the Pulajans for safety. They were not allowed
+to have firearms. This was forbidden by law, except on condition of
+making formal application for permission, getting it finally approved,
+and giving a bond, conditions which, in practical operation, made
+the prohibition all but absolute. The law was general for the whole
+archipelago. The theory of the law was that the inhabitants were under
+"the peace and protection of a benign civil government." The real
+reason of the law was that if the people were allowed to bear arms it
+was very uncertain which side they would use them on, our side or the
+other. But, by 1904, the lowland and coast people of Samar would have
+been glad enough to have stuck to us and gone out after the mountain
+robber bands had we armed them. Left unprotected, a feeling seemed
+to spread in many places that about the only thing to do to be safe
+was to depart from under the "protection" of the American flag and
+take to the hills and join, or seem to join, the uprising.
+
+Toward the last of September, the provincial treasurer of Samar, an
+American, a Mr. Whittier, visited the east coast of Samar, including
+Taft. On October 5th, he stated before me as follows:
+
+
+    All the presidentes that I have talked with, and this man Hill,
+    [438] said that they wanted some protection for their towns. Except
+    at Borongan there are no guns in the hands of the municipal
+    police. [439] This band near Taft was said to have nineteen
+    guns, and they felt they could not defend their towns with spears
+    against these guns. There were reported to be between 200 and 600
+    in operation on the coast at that time, and they felt that they
+    could not defend their towns with the means at hand. I found at
+    Taft that they had taken all the records of the municipality,
+    and the money, and taken it over to an island away from the
+    main coast, in order to protect their money and their records,
+    and I understand the same thing was done at Llorente. At Oras
+    they had practically decided to take the same step if it became
+    necessary. All of the commercial houses on the east coast and
+    a large number of people congregated at Borongan, which was
+    safe on account of the protection of the constabulary; and the
+    constabulary there were doing very good work, doing everything
+    they could with their small force, and they (the presidentes)
+    felt that if they had guns in the hands of the municipal police
+    or if they had the constabulary to guard their towns, they could
+    go out after these people themselves.
+
+
+The importance of all this testimony, relatively to its forever
+sickening any one acquainted with it with colonization by a republic,
+is that a transcript of Mr. Whittier's statement of October 5th
+was placed in the hands of the Governor-General a few days later by
+Mr. Harvey, the Assistant Attorney-General, and yet this situation
+continued until shortly after the presidential election. Several
+years afterwards, in the North American Review, Judge Ide, who
+was Vice-Governor in 1904, after admitting that he was in constant
+consultation with the Governor-General all through that period (by
+way of showing his opportunities for knowing whereof he spoke),
+denied that the failure to order out the military to protect the
+people from massacre had any relation whatever to the presidential
+election then going on in the United States.
+
+Mr. Whittier also stated before me that the total population of the
+municipality of Taft was 18,000, and that twenty-five men armed with
+guns in each of the four principal villages thereof that were burned
+would have prevented the destruction of those villages. So we did not
+protect the people, and we would not let them protect themselves. I
+do not select the pueblo of Taft on account of its distinguished
+name. "What's in a name?" The fate of Taft and its inhabitants was
+simply typical of the fate which descended upon scores of other places
+in "dark and bloody" Samar between the outbreak of July 10, 1904, and
+the presidential election of November 8th, of that year, and between
+those two dates the shadow of such a fate was over all the towns of
+the island on which it did not in fact descend. Mr. Whittier stated to
+me informally that at the time he was speaking of in the above formal
+statement, there were pending and had been pending for a long time
+(he seemed to think they must have been pigeon-holed) applications
+for permission to bear arms from fifteen different pueblos. After
+Mr. Whittier had finished his statement the Presidente of Taft made
+a like statement on the same day, October 5th. My retained copy
+shows that this official bore the ponderous name of Angel Custodio
+Crisologo. He declared a willingness to lead his people against
+the Pulajans if given guns, though the fervent soul did qualify
+this martial remark by adding, "If I am well enough," explaining
+that the presidential body was subject to rheumatism. Mr. Crisologo
+stated among other things that there had been eight hundred houses
+burned in the jurisdiction of Taft before he left the east coast
+for Catbalogan--about a week before. Like Mr. Whittier's, a copy
+of Mr. Crisologo's statement was delivered a few days later to
+the Governor-General in person by the Assistant Attorney-General,
+Mr. Harvey, who had been present when it was made and taken down.
+
+This Mr. Harvey need not be, to the western hemisphere reader, a
+mere nebulous antipodal entity, as the Hon. Angel Custodio Crisologo
+might. He is a very live American, a very high-toned gentleman, and
+an excellent lawyer, and was at last accounts still with the insular
+government of the Philippine Islands, though in a higher capacity
+(Solicitor General) than he was at the date of the events herein
+narrated. There was very little congenial society in Catbalogan when
+Mr. Harvey came there to help dispose of the criminal docket, and his
+advent was to me a very welcome oasis in a desert of "the solitude
+of my own originality"--or lack of originality. On September 19th I
+had wired Vice-Governor Ide that there were 172 prisoners in the jail
+awaiting trial and "many more coming." Of course no justice of the
+peace would be trusted to pass on whether an alleged outlaw should
+or should not be held for trial. If he were secretly in sympathy
+with the discomfiture American authority in Samar was having, he
+might let the man go, no matter what the proof. Also he might seek to
+clear himself of all suspicion in each case by committing men against
+whom there was no proof, thus unnecessarily crowding an already fast
+filling provincial jail of limited dimensions, wherein beriberi [440]
+was already making its dread appearance.
+
+So the writ of habeas corpus remained unsuspended, thus making it
+possible to so state in later official certificates covering that
+period. But habeas corpus cut no more figure in the situation than
+it did at the battle of Gettysburg, or at the crossing of the Red
+Sea by the chosen people, or at the sinking of the Titanic. The
+constabulary would worry along with such force as they had in the
+island of Samar, only a few hundred, certainly nearer five hundred
+than one thousand. And, whenever they had a battle with the outlaws,
+if they themselves were not annihilated, which happened more than
+once, they would bring back prisoners in droves and put them in
+the jail, and I was expected to sift out how much proof they had,
+or claimed to have, of overt acts by persons not actually captured
+in action. Of course a race then began, a race against death, to see
+whether death or I would get to John Doe or Richard Roe first. And
+though I held court every day except Sunday from August to November
+8th, sometimes getting in sixteen hours per day by supplementing a
+day's work with a night session, death would often beat me to some
+one man on the jail list whom I happened to have picked out to get to
+the next day. Men so picked out were men as to whom something I might
+have heard held out the hope of being able to dispose of their cases
+quickly by letting them loose, [441] thus getting that much farther
+from the danger limit of crowding in the jail. Some of these would be
+specially picked out because reported sick. I kept track of the sick
+by visiting them myself when practicable, and talking to them. Of
+course many of them were brigands---Pulajans--but some of them were
+the saddest looking, most abject little brigands that anybody ever
+saw. Of course you might catch some nasty disease from them, but
+nobody, somehow, ever seemed to have any apprehension on that score
+in the Philippines. This does not argue bravery at all. It is merely
+the listless stoicism that lurks in the climate. I recollect going
+to walk one afternoon, after adjourning court at 5 o'clock, saying to
+the prosecuting attorney before adjourning, "We will take up the case
+of Capence Coral in the morning; there does not seem, from what I can
+understand, to be enough proof to convict him of anything." Of course
+when you were dealing with hundreds of people, you did not have any
+nerve-racking hysterics about any one man. Leaving the court-house I
+passed by the hospital, where Capence had been transferred, pending
+the arrival of witnesses against him and the rest of the crowd captured
+with him. I asked the hospital steward how Capence was. The answer was
+he had died at 4:45--some twenty minutes before. Death had beat me to
+Capence. When I meet Capence he will know I did the best I could. I
+was under a great strain, a sort of writ of habeas corpus incarnate,
+the only thing remotely suggesting relief from unwarranted [442]
+detention on the whole horizon of the situation. I was trying to do
+the best I could by the Constitution, in so far as the spirit of it
+had reached the Philippines. I broke down totally under the strain
+about November 8th, came home in the spring of the following year
+and remained an invalid for several years thereafter; and as a noted
+corporation lawyer once said after recovery from a similar illness,
+"I haven't had much constitution since, but have been living mostly
+under the by-laws."
+
+American office-holding in the Philippines is not so popular with
+the Filipinos as to have moved them to any outburst of gratitude in
+the shape of an effort to create a pension system for Americans who
+lose their health in the government service out there. When they
+leave the Islands they become as one dead so far as the Philippine
+insular government is concerned. And the men whose health is more or
+less permanently impaired by disability incurred in line of duty in
+the Philippines are not and will never be numerous or powerful enough
+back home to create any sentiment in favor of a pension system for
+former Philippine employees, since the Philippine business is not a
+subject of much popular enthusiasm at best. So if I had not had private
+resources, the results of the Samar insurrection of 1904 would have
+left me also in the pitiable plight in which I have beheld so many
+of my repatriated former comrades of the Philippine service in the
+last seven years, to whom the heart of the more fortunate ex-Filipino
+indeed goes out in sympathy. But to return to the race to beat death
+to prisoners in that grim and memorable fall of 1904.
+
+In September the crowded condition of the jail had begun to tell on
+the inmates. The constabulary force at Catbalogan was quite inadequate
+for the varied emergencies of the situation, there being, besides
+the town itself to protect, the provincial treasury to guard, the
+governor's office, the court-house, and the jail. Consequently the jail
+guard was too small. The jail buildings were in an enclosure a little
+larger than a baseball diamond, surrounded by high stone walls. But
+it was not safe to let the inmates sleep out in the enclosure at
+night. They had to be kept at night in the buildings. Any American
+who has visited the central penitentiary at Manila called Bilibid
+has seen a place almost as clean as a battleship. This is American
+work. But the Filipinos are not trained in sanitary matters, and all
+they know about handling large crowds of prisoners they learned from
+the Spaniards. The Governor was a native half-caste, a very excellent
+man, but free from that horror, which I think is an almost universal
+American trait, of seeing unnecessary and preventable sacrifice of
+human life, no matter whose the life. I inspected the jail as often
+as was practicable, and managed to keep down the death-rate below
+what it might have been, the prisoners being allowed to go out in
+the open court during the day. They also had such medical attention
+as was available. However, during the last five or six weeks of that
+term of court I would be pretty sure to find on my desk every two or
+three days, on opening court in the morning, a notice like this:
+
+
+    Carcel Provincial de Samar, I. F.
+    Oficina del Alcaide
+
+    Catbalogan, Samar, I. F.,
+    22 de Septiembre de 1904.
+
+    Hon. Sr. Juez de Ia Instancia de esta provincia,
+    Catbalogan, Samar, I. F.
+
+    Senor:
+
+    Tengo el honor de poner en conocimiento de ese juzgado, que
+    anoche entre 12 y 1 de ella, fallecio el procesado, Ramon Boroce,
+    a consecuencia de la enfermedad de beriberi, que venia padeciendo.
+
+    Lo que tengo el honor de communicar a ese Juzgado para su superior
+    conocimiento.
+
+    De U. muy respetuosamente,
+    Gonzalo Lucero,
+
+    Alcaide de la Carcel Provincial.
+
+
+which being interpreted means:
+
+
+    Provincial Jail of Samar, P. I.
+
+    Catbalogan, Samar, P. I.,
+    September 22, 1904.
+
+    His honor, the Judge of First Instance of this province,
+    Catbalogan, Samar, P. I.
+
+    Sir:
+
+    I have the honor to bring to the knowledge of the court that last
+    night between 12 and 1 o'clock, the accused person Ramon Boroce
+    died in consequence of the disease of beriberi from which he has
+    been suffering; which fact I have the honor to communicate to
+    the court for its superior knowledge.
+
+    Very respectfully,
+    Gonzalo Lucero,
+
+    Warden of the Provincial Jail.
+
+
+Now a jail death-rate of only ten or twelve a month was not at all a
+bad record for an insurrection in a Philippine province. It would be
+rank demagoguery at this late date to be a party to anybody's getting
+excited about it. I was rather proud of it by comparison with the jail
+death-rate of the Albay insurrection of the year before, where 120
+men had died in the jail in about six months. But it began to get on
+one's nerves to have to expect a billet-doux like the above on your
+desk at the opening of court each day, when the accused person had
+had no commitment trial and may have been wholly innocent. It all
+came back to the difference between war and peace, viz., that in war
+it is to be expected that many innocent persons will suffer, but that
+in peace only the guilty should suffer. Moreover, in war that admits
+it is war, your agents, your army, are better able to handle crowds
+of prisoners than native police and constabulary, and the percentage
+of innocent who suffer with the guilty in such war will be far less;
+whereas the contrary is true of war--waged by constabulary checked
+by courts--which pretends that a state of peace exists, i.e., which
+pretends there is no need for declaring martial law and calling on
+your army.
+
+It was this Samar insurrection which convinced me that waging war
+with courts and constabulary in lieu of the recognized method was,
+in its net results, the cruelest kind of war, and that the civil
+government of the Philippines was a failure, in so far as regarded
+Mr. McKinley's original injunction to the Taft Commission; where,
+after alluding to the articles of capitulation of the city of Manila
+to our forces, which concluded with the words:
+
+
+    This city, its inhabitants * * * and its private property of all
+    descriptions * * * are placed under the special safeguard of the
+    faith and honor of the American Army,
+
+
+he added:
+
+
+    As high and sacred an obligation rests upon the Government of
+    the United States to give protection for property and life * * *
+    to all the people of the Philippine Islands. I charge this
+    commission to labor for the full performance of this obligation,
+    which concerns the honor and conscience of their country.
+
+
+Commenting on this in his inaugural address as Governor of the
+Philippines, Governor Taft had said:
+
+
+    May we not be recreant to the charge, which he truly says,
+    concerns the honor and conscience of our country.
+
+
+No matter who was to blame, here we were in Samar, with the
+14th Infantry three hours away in one direction at Calbayog,
+doing nothing, and the 18th Infantry five hours away in another
+direction, at Tacloban, doing nothing, and a reign of terror going
+on in Samar, with the peaceably inclined people of the lowlands
+and coast towns appealing to us for protection and not getting it,
+sometimes crouching in abject terror without knowing which way to fly,
+sometimes taking to the hills and joining the outlaws as a measure
+of self-preservation. 'Twas pitiful, wondrous pitiful! I then and
+there decided that we ought to get out of the Philippines as soon
+as any decent sort of a native government could be set up, and that
+our republic was not adapted to colonization. In his North American
+Review article above cited, in denying that the unwillingness of
+the Manila government to order out the army in Samar in the fall
+of 1904 had anything to do with the possible effect so doing might
+have had on the presidential election, then in progress in the United
+States, Governor Ide rebuked me with patronizing self-righteousness
+thus: "Was Judge Blount opposed to kindness?" He means in giving
+the Filipinos, under such circumstances, the "protection of civil
+government," instead of ordering out the army. No, but I was opposed
+to using a saw, in lieu of a lancet, in excising the ulcers of that
+body politic at that time. In protesting that there was "nothing
+sinister" about the failure to use the troops, Judge Ide cunningly
+wonders whether my attitude was subsequently assumed after I left
+the Islands because of "proclivities as a Democrat," or whether it
+was merely due to "predilections in favor of military rule." Read
+Mr. McKinley's instructions to the Taft Commission, above quoted,
+that to protect life and property concerned the honor and conscience
+of their country, and consider if the Ide suggestion does not seem to
+hide its head and slink away in shame before the strong clear light
+of what was then a plain duty. As a matter of fact Judge Charles
+S. Lobinger, who is still with the Philippine judiciary, visited me
+en route to another point, during that Samar term of court, and he
+will recall, should he ever chance upon this book and this chapter,
+with what vehemence I said to him at the time, in effect, "Judge,
+we belong in the Western Hemisphere. We have no business out here
+permanently." If proclivities and predilections in favor of affording
+decent protection to the lives and property of defenceless people
+by properly garrisoning their towns constitutes lack of kindness,
+then the Ide rebuke was well taken.
+
+These details are not related with Pickwickian gravity in order to
+acquaint the reader with my utterances as being important per se. But
+it is important to make clear to the reader, and he is entitled,
+in all frankness, to have it made clear by one who has now so long
+detained his attention on this great subject, to know just when "the
+light from heaven on the road to Damascus" broke upon this witness,
+and how and why he came to be in favor of Philippine independence,
+because the reasons which convinced him may seem good in the sight
+of the reader also. If the man who reads this book shall see that
+the man who wrote it was, in Samar in 1904, neither a Republican nor
+a Democrat, but simply an American in a far distant land, jealous
+of the honor of his country's flag in its capacity as a symbol of
+protection to those over whom it floated, then the work will not have
+been written in vain.
+
+The presidentes or mayors of the various pueblos were in session
+at Catbalogan in semi-annual convention during the first few days
+of October, 1904, when the Assistant Attorney-General, Mr. Harvey,
+visited Catbalogan. Mr. Harvey and the writer had taken a number of
+long walks together in the suburbs of Catbalogan, though Major Dade,
+commanding the Samar constabulary, an officer of the regular army,
+had warned us it was not safe outside of town. We had talked over
+the situation fully. Besides all its other aspects, there were a
+number of American women in Catbalogan, an American lawyer's wife,
+the wife of the superintendent of schools, her sister, and others. It
+was not at all likely that the Pulajans would enter Catbalogan, but
+there was always the possibility, not to be wholly ignored, that some
+such episode as that of March 23d, of the preceding year, at Surigao,
+already described, might be repeated. As hereinbefore noted, on August
+9th, the Pulajans had done some killing and burning at Silanga, less
+than ten miles north of Catbalogan and likewise at Motiong, less than
+ten miles south of Catbalogan, on September 1st, and on the evening
+of September 2d, about 7:30, there had been a false alarm caused
+by some native of Catbalogan running down the main street yelling,
+"Pulajans! Pulajans!" All of which did not tend to make you feel
+that your American women were quite as entirely safe from harm as
+they ought to be.
+
+In the course of one of our walks Mr. Harvey and I had stopped on the
+mountain side overlooking Catbalogan, to catch our breath and take in
+the view of the town below and the sea beyond. I said to him, because
+I knew his mind also was on the one great need of the hour: "Yes sir,
+if President Roosevelt were here, and could see this situation as we
+do, he would order out the army and protect these defenceless people,
+no matter which way the chips might fly." Mr. Harvey agreed with
+me. He promised to go back to Manila and tell the authorities there
+so. After we came back to town, we were advised that the convention of
+presidentes desired to have Mr. Harvey favor them with an address. He
+said, "What shall I tell them?" I said, "Tell them that if they will
+do their duty by the American Government, the American Government will
+do its duty by them." He spoke Spanish fluently, made a good speech,
+and told them in effect just that thing. Then he went back to Manila,
+and shortly afterward wrote me the two letters which follow:
+
+
+    Department of Justice, Philippine Islands,
+    Office of the Assistant Attorney-General
+    for the Constabulary,
+
+                                        Manila, P. I., October 15, 1904.
+
+
+    My dear Judge: We arrived in Manila on Tuesday morning,
+    the 11th instant, and I prepared my report and submitted it
+    to the attorney-general on the 12th, in the meantime making a
+    transcript of your summary and delivering a copy of same with other
+    information to the attorney-general along with my report. After
+    dictating the report and before delivering it I had a conversation
+    with General Allen on the situation in Samar and told him what
+    my recommendations would be. He agreed that rewards should be
+    offered for the capture of Pablo Bulan, Antonio Anogar, and Pedro
+    de la Cruz, but took issue on the other recommendations, and to my
+    mind he takes a very extreme view; but I thought at the time and
+    still think that he wanted to tone me down in my feelings in the
+    matter. I think the real cause for his opposition is the effect
+    that he fears an aggressive attitude might have on the presidential
+    election. In other words, whatever they do aggressively might be
+    misconstrued and made use of as political capital.
+
+    At Governor Wright's request I got the report from the
+    attorney-general before it was sent up and went over to the
+    Malacanan, and the governor read the report and read most of the
+    data that I submitted with the report, including your summary, and
+    while he did not say much what he did say convinced me that there
+    would be something doing if it were not on the eve of election,
+    and in my opinion there will be things doing in Samar within
+    thirty days.
+
+    I inclose herewith a copy of your summary, and also a copy of my
+    report to the attorney-general. On the 18th instant I received
+    your telegram to hold the completion of your summary until receipt
+    of a letter mailed by you that day. I telegraphed you in reply
+    that my report and your summary were placed in the hands of the
+    attorney-general on the 12th instant. If there is any additional
+    data in your letter mailed on the 13th I will submit it to the
+    proper authorities.
+
+    For the lack of time, I will close, and write more next time.
+
+
+        Very truly yours,
+        (Signed) Geo. R. Harvey,
+        Assistant Attorney-General.
+
+
+
+
+    Department of Justice, Philippine Islands,
+    Office of the Assistant Attorney-General,
+    for the Constabulary,
+
+                                        Manila, P. I., October 19, 1904.
+
+
+    My dear Judge Blount: Since mailing my letter to you of last
+    Saturday I have found the copies of your summary on the situation
+    in Samar and inclose two herewith, in accordance with my promise.
+
+    This week we have received some good news from Samar with
+    reference to important captures and killings of Pulajans. I
+    am not in touch with what is going on with reference to Samar,
+    and can give you no information along that line. As I remember,
+    the governor told me the other day when I was talking with him
+    that one more company of scouts will be sent down right away.
+
+    I sincerely hope the situation is improving, and that you are
+    getting along rapidly in disposing of the large docket before
+    you. If there is not a very great improvement in the situation
+    by the 9th of November, I think there will be a considerable
+    movement of troops in Samar within thirty days. For the good of the
+    government, I hope the situation will improve materially before
+    that time. I would like to see them put the troops there right
+    now. I am of the opinion that it would not affect the election a
+    half-dozen votes, and it might save two or three or a half-dozen
+    massacres and the destruction of much property.
+
+    With best wishes for your success in your work, and with regards
+    to Mr. Block, I am,
+
+
+        Very truly yours,
+
+        Geo. R. Harvey,
+
+        Assistant Attorney-General, Philippines Constabulary.
+        To Hon. James H. Blount,
+        Judge of First Instance, Catbalogan, Samar, P. I.
+
+
+These two letters may be found at p. 2532, Congressional Record,
+February 25, 1908, where they were the subject of remark in the House
+of Representatives by Hon. Thomas W. Hardwick of Georgia, apropos of
+Governor Ide's North American Review article of December, 1907.
+
+A few weeks after the presidential election I saw Mr. Harvey
+in Manila. We naturally talked about Samar and his two letters
+to me. The troops had then been ordered out. He referred to his
+conference with the Governor-General and stated, "Yes, he told me
+that was the reason," meaning that the reason for not ordering out
+the troops was the one assigned in his (Harvey's) letter to me, viz.,
+"Whatever we do aggressively might be misconstrued and made use of
+as political capital."
+
+On October 18, 1904, there was received at Manila the following
+cablegram concerning the presidential campaign in the United States:
+
+
+    New York, 16th. Judge Parker, in addressing campaign clubs at
+    Esopus the past week returned to the subject of the Philippines
+    in the evident hope of making it a paramount issue of the
+    campaign. He repeated his former declaration that the retention
+    of the Philippines and the carrying out of the policy of the
+    Republican Administration have cost six hundred and fifty millions
+    of dollars and two hundred thousand lives. Secretary of War Taft,
+    in addressing a mass meeting held in Baltimore, Saturday night,
+    ridiculed Judge Parker's statement and characterized his figures
+    as alarmist.
+
+
+Of course Judge Parker's figures were rather high--of which more
+anon. He was not going to miss anything in the way of a chance of
+"getting a rise" out of the Administration, by understatement. But some
+statement from the Philippines at once became a supremely important
+desideratum, to counterbalance Judge Parker's over-statement, some
+optimism to meet the Parker pessimism. Encouraged by the public
+interest aroused by the figures furnished him, and the consequent
+apparent uneasiness it created in "the enemy's camp," Judge Parker
+soon had the whole Philippine group of islands going to "the demnition
+bow-wows." On October 20th, Secretary of War Taft cabled Governor
+Wright, then Governor-General of the Islands, a long telegram, quoting
+Judge Parker as having used, among other language descriptive of the
+beatitudes we had conferred on our little brown brother, the following:
+"The towns in many places in ruins, whole districts in the hands of
+ladrones." [443]
+
+At that time the whole archipelago was absolutely quiet for the nonce,
+except Samar. Samar was the only island where Judge Parker's statement
+was true, and as to Samar, it was absolutely true. On October 23d
+Governor Wright wired Secretary of War Taft as follows:
+
+
+    There is nothing warranting the statement that towns are in
+    ruins. It is not true that there are whole districts in the hands
+    of ladrones. Life and property are as safe here as in the United
+    States. [444]
+
+
+This was followed by a perfectly true and correct picture of the
+peace and quiet which then prevailed for the time being everywhere
+throughout the archipelago, except in Samar, which dark and bloody
+isle was specifically excepted. Then followed a statement as to
+Samar, full of allusions as elaborately optimistic as any of the Taft
+cablegrams of 1900, to impliedly inconsiderable "prowling bands" of
+outlaws in Samar. Of course nobody at home knew the answer to this,
+so it silenced the Parker batteries, and the Samar massacres proceeded
+unchecked. Meanwhile the 14th Infantry at Calbayog, Samar, and the 18th
+Infantry, at Tacloban, Leyte, smiled with astute, if contemptuous,
+tolerance, at the self-inflicted impotence of a republic trying to
+make conquered subjects behave without colliding too violently with
+home sentiment against having conquered subjects; sang their favorite
+barrack room song,
+
+
+            He may be a brother of Wm. H. Taft,
+            But he ain't no friend of mine;
+
+
+and continued to enjoy enforced leisure. They did chafe under the
+restraint, but it at least relieved them from the not altogether
+inspiring task of chasing Pulajans through jungles and along the
+slippery mire of precipitous mountain trails, and at the same time
+permitted the secondest second lieutenant among them to swear fierce
+blase oaths, not wholly unjustified, about how much better he could
+run the Islands than they were being run.
+
+On October 26th, I wired Governor Wright at Manila as follows:
+
+
+    Since my letter of October 6th, situation appears worse. Additional
+    depredations both on east and west coast. Smith-Bell closing
+    out. [445] Reliable American residing in Wright says that during
+    week ending last Sunday thirteen families living along river
+    Nacbac, barrio of Tutubigan, said pueblo, kidnapped by brigands
+    and carried off to hills. This means some sixty people having
+    farms along river, rice ready to be harvested. Seven of the eleven
+    barrios of Wright have been burned.
+
+            Blount.
+
+
+When I sent that telegram of October 26th, the situation in the pueblo
+of Wright was typical of the reign of terror throughout the island.
+Wright could have been reached by the 18th Infantry (then over at
+Tacloban, in Leyte), and garrisoned on eight hours' notice. But I had
+little hope that the telegram would stir the 18th. The best man I had
+ever personally known well in high station was at the head of the
+government of the Islands, and as he was my friend, I sat down to
+think the situation out, determined, with the prejudice which is the
+privilege of friendship, to analyze his apparent apathy, and to
+conjecture how many times thirteen families "having farms along river,
+rice ready to be harvested" would have to be carried off to the hills
+by the brigands in order to move the 18th Infantry before the
+presidential election. Then I wondered just how many seconds it
+would have taken a British governor-general, backed by unanimous
+home sentiment concerning the wisdom of having colonies, to have
+acted, had a great British colonial mercantile house like Smith,
+Bell & Co. appealed to him for protection of its interests. And that
+brought me, there on "the tie-ribs of earth," as Kipling would phrase
+it, to the fundamentals of the problem. The British imperial idea of
+which Kipling is the voice and Benjamin Kidd the accompanist is based,
+superficially, upon a supposed necessity for the control of the tropics
+by non-tropical peoples, though fundamentally, it is an assertion of
+the right of any people to assume control of the land and destinies
+of another when they feel sure they can govern that other better than
+that other can govern itself. Is this proposition tenable, and if so,
+within what limits? Is it tenable to the point of total elimination of
+the people sought to be improved? If not, then how far? How far is
+incidental sacrifice of human life negligible in the working out of
+the broader problem of "the greatest good of the greatest number?" In
+his article in the North American Review for December, 1907, Governor
+Ide makes exhaustive answer to "the doctors who for some months past,
+in the columns of the North American Review and elsewhere, have
+published prescriptions for curing the ills of the Filipino people,"
+including Senator Francis G. Newlands, Hon. William J. Bryan, and the
+writer. In the course of disposing of the quack last mentioned,
+Governor Ide gets on rather a high horse, asking, with much dignified
+indignation, "How many people in the United States would have known or
+cared whether the army was or was not ordered out in Samar in 1904?"
+I concede that the solicitude was a super-solicitude, as do the Harvey
+letters, but like them, I must recognize its reality. However, when
+Governor Ide reaches this rhapsody of conscious virtue: "It is
+inconceivable that the Commission could have been animated by the
+base and ignoble partisan prejudices thus charged against them,"
+capping his climax by triumphantly pointing out that "Governor-General
+Wright was a life-long Democrat," he doth protest too much. For the
+angelic pinions he thus attaches to himself are at once rudely snapped
+by the reflection that a very short while after his article came out
+in the North American Review Governor Wright became Secretary of War
+in President Roosevelt's Cabinet, and a little later took the stump
+for Taft and Sherman, in 1908. Governor Wright did not stoop to deny
+or extenuate his share in the matter, and I honor him for it. [446]
+But to stick to your own crowd and then deny afterwards that you did
+so--that is another story. However, let us brush aside such petty
+attempts to cloud the real issue, which is: How many people would
+Governor Wright and Vice-Governor Ide have permitted to be massacred
+by the Pulajans in Samar in 1904 before they would have ordered out
+the military prior to the presidential election? Let us consider the
+case, not with a view of clouding the issue, but of clearing it. The
+truth is, Governor Wright was very gravely concerned about the Samar
+situation from August to November, 1904. Of course it is due to him
+to make perfectly clear that he did not realize the gravity of that
+situation as vividly as those of us who were on the ground in Samar,
+four or five hundred miles away. But the information hereinbefore
+reviewed, conveyed to him by the Provincial Governor, by Mr. Harvey,
+the Assistant Attorney General sent to Samar for the express purpose
+of getting the Manila government in possession of the exact situation,
+and by myself, was certainly sufficient to make him "chargeable with
+notice" of all that happened thereafter, certainly chargeable with
+knowledge of all that had happened theretofore. Of course there
+was General Allen, the commander-in-chief of the constabulary, at
+Manila, presumably speaking well of his command--the right arm of
+the civil government--presumably giving industrious and tactful aid
+and comfort to the idea that the authorities could afford to worry
+along with the constabulary alone until after the presidential
+election. But that could not discount the actual facts reported
+from the afflicted province by the officials on the ground. General
+Allen, it should be noted, remained in Manila all this time. So that
+any Otis-like "situation-well-in-hand" bouquets he may have thrown
+at his subordinates in Samar, and the situation there generally,
+were mere political hothouse products, surer to be recognized as
+such by the shrewd kindliness of the truly considerable man at the
+head of the government than by most any one else he could hand them
+out to. That man knew, to all intents and purposes, in the great and
+noble heart of him, what was really going on in Samar. He knew that
+massacres had been occurring, and that they were likely to keep on
+occurring. In other words, he knew that preventable sacrifice of life
+of defenceless people was going on, and that he could put a stop to it
+any time he saw fit. The question he had to wrestle with was, should he
+stop it, knowing the "Hell fer Sartin" the Democratic orators in the
+United States would at once luridly describe as "broke loose" in the
+Philippines? I insist that there is no use for any holier-than-thou
+gentleman to become suffused with any glow of indignant conscious
+rectitude based on the premises we are considering. Better to look
+a little deeper, on the idea that you are observing your republic in
+flagrante colonizatione, with as good a man as you ever have had, or
+ever will have, among you, as the principal actor. Governor Wright's
+course was entirely right, if the Philippine policy was right. If his
+course was not right, it was not right because the Philippine policy
+is fundamentally wrong. Governor Wright of course believed that the
+Philippine policy was right. I myself did not come finally to believe
+it was wrong until it was revealed in all its rawness by the period now
+under discussion. Of course the Governor did not vividly realize that
+the American women in Catbalogan were not entirely safe. If he had,
+he would have rushed the troops there, politics or no politics. But
+native life was politically negligible. What difference would a few
+score, or even a few hundred, natives of Samar make, compared with
+that pandemonium of anarchy and bloodshed all over the archipelago
+which Messrs. Taft, Wright, and Ide had long been insisting would
+follow Philippine independence? Was the whole future of 8,000,000 of
+people to be jeopardized to save a few people in Samar? That was the
+moral question before the insular government, in its last analysis. And
+the government faced the proposition squarely, and answered it "No."
+
+I will go farther than this. If I had believed, with Messrs. Taft,
+Wright, and Ide, that Philippine independence meant anarchy in the
+Islands, and the orthodox "bloody welter of chaos," I too might have
+hesitated to order out the troops on the eve of the election, and
+my hesitation, like theirs, might have continued until the election
+was safely over. So might yours, reader. Don't be so certain you
+would not. Practically absolute power, sure of its own benevolence,
+has temptations to withhold its confidence from the people that you
+wot not of. Don't condemn Governor Wright. Condemn the policy, and
+change your republic back to the course set by its founders. Give
+the Philippine people the independence they of right ought to have,
+instead of secretly hoping to unload them on somebody else, through
+the medium of your next great war.
+
+The question of whether the troops should have been ordered out
+or not at the time above dealt with is by no means without two
+sides. On the "bloody welter" side, you have the well-known opinions
+of Messrs. Taft, Wright, and Ide. On the other side you have before
+you--for the moment--only my little opinion. So instead of having in
+Governor Wright a Bluebeard, you simply have a man of great personal
+probity and unflinching moral courage, following his convictions to
+their ultimate logical conclusion without shadow of turning, in the
+act of colonization. In other words, Mr. American, you see yourself,
+as others see you. So face the music and look at yourself. In your
+colony business, you are a house divided against itself, which
+cannot stand. On the other hand, I knew the Filipino people far more
+intimately than either Mr. Taft, Governor Wright, or Judge Ide. I spoke
+their language--which they did not. I had met them both in peace and
+in war--which they had not. I had held court for months at a time in
+various provinces of the archipelago from extreme northern Luzon to
+Mindanao--which they had not. I had met the Filipinos in their homes
+for years on terms of free and informal intercourse impracticable
+for any governor-general. It was therefore perfectly natural that I
+should know them better than any of these eminent gentlemen. I was
+not prepared to be in a hurry about recommending myself out of office
+by assenting that our guardianship over the Filipinos should at once
+be terminated, but I knew there was nothing to the "bloody welter"
+proposition. The home life of the Filipino is too altogether a model
+of freedom from discord, pervaded as it is by parental, filial, and
+fraternal love, and their patriotism is too universal and genuine,
+to give the "bloody welter" bugaboo any standing in court.
+
+But whosoever questions for one moment Governor Wright's high personal
+character, simply does not know the man. To do so, moreover, would
+fatally cloud the issue I have sought to make clear between his
+view of the duty of our government and my own. In his moods that
+reminded one of Lincoln, Governor Wright used to say: "Don't shoot
+the organist, he's doing the best he can." It is true that his
+answer to Judge Parker was not a full and frank statement of the
+case. But did it lie in American human nature, when your antagonist
+was recklessly over-stating the case in the heat of debate on the
+eve of a presidential election, to take him into your confidence
+and tell him all you knew, in simple trusting faith that he would
+thereafter quit exaggerating? To permit the dispute to boil down to
+the real issue, viz., how many lives it was permissible to abandon on
+the "greatest good to the greatest number" theory, would obviously
+jeopardize the existence of a government which the Governor of the
+Philippines naturally believed to be better for all concerned than
+any other. And there is your cul-de-sac. Hinc illae lachrymae.
+
+We can point with pride to many things we have done in the
+Philippines, the public improvements, [447] the school system, the
+better sanitation, and a long list of other benefits conferred. But in
+the greatest thing we have done for them, we have builded wiser than
+we knew. "God moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform." In
+fourteen years we have welded the Filipinos into one homogeneous
+political unit. In a most charming book, entitled An Englishwoman in
+the Philippines, [448] we can see our attempts to fit government by
+two political parties into over-seas colonization caricatured without
+sting until we really remind ourselves of a hippopotamus caressing a
+squirrel. In one passage the British sister describes our programme
+as one "to educate the Filipino for all he is worth, so that he may,
+in the course of time, be fit to govern himself according to American
+methods; but at the same time they have plenty of soldiers to knock
+him on the head if he shows signs of wanting his liberty before the
+Americans think he is fit for it"--"A quaint scheme," she naively adds,
+"and one full of the go-ahead originality of America."
+
+The more we teach the Filipinos, the more intimately they will become
+acquainted, in their own way, with the history of the relations
+between our country and theirs from the beginning, including the
+taxation without representation, through Congressional legislation
+(hereinafter noticed) placed or kept on our statute-books by the hemp
+trust and other special interests in the United States. And they will
+learn all these things in the midst of a "growing gulf between the
+two peoples." [449]
+
+In fourteen years we have made these unwilling subjects, whom we
+neither want nor need any more than they want or need us, a unit; a
+unit for Home Rule in preference to alien domination, it is true; but,
+nevertheless, a patriotic unit--one people--a potential body politic
+which can take a modest, but self-respecting place in the concert of
+free nations, with only a little more additional help from us.
+
+In the handling of an insurrection in any given province with
+courts and constabulary during the first four or five years after
+the Taft government of the Philippines was founded, the function of
+a representative of the office of the Attorney-General, coming from
+Manila to help the local prosecuting attorney handle a large docket
+and a crowded jail, was by no means remotely analogous to that of a
+grand jury. He originated prosecutions, found "No Bill," etc. When
+Mr. Harvey came to Samar, he came direct to the court room, and I
+suspended the trial of the pending case, and, after greeting him,
+began an informal talk which was akin to the nature of a charge to
+a grand jury, putting him in possession of the general aspects of
+the uprising. He was a very just and kindly man, and entered into
+the spirit of the task. I elaborated on the class of cases where
+the defendant claimed, as most of them did, "Yes, I joined the band
+of brigands, but I was made to do so." It was also indictable to
+furnish supplies to the public enemy. This presented the class of
+cases where the brigands would swoop down on a town and demand rice,
+and not getting it, would sometimes kill the persons refusing it,
+and so intimidate the rest into finding rice for them. Also there was
+the class of cases where a man would claim to have been one of the
+inhabitants of an unprotected town who had gone off to the hills in a
+body, for safety, to propitiate the mountain people by becoming part of
+them. This sort of thing at one time threatened to become epidemic with
+all the coast towns. It did not, however. A modus vivendi of some sort,
+sometimes express, sometimes merely tacit, would be arranged between
+the coast people and the hill people. These modus vivendi arrangements
+enabled the coast people to obtain a certain degree of safety, in
+lieu of that we should have secured them but did not, by making the
+hill folk believe that the coast men were against us and for them. At
+one time the prosecuting attorney got hold of evidence sufficient to
+authorize the issuance of a warrant for the Presidente of Balangiga,
+the man supposed to have engineered the massacre of the 9th Infantry
+in September 1901. I authorized the issuance of the warrant for his
+arrest. But the native governor of the province, and also Major Dade,
+the American regular officer commanding the constabulary, satisfied me
+that we did not have force sufficient to protect Balangiga from the
+Pulajans, if we arrested the presidente, who, being persona grata to
+the Pulajans, was able to keep them from descending on his town. To
+arrest him would therefore mean, in their opinion, that the people
+of Balangiga would take to the hills for protection, and join the
+hill folk, or Pulajans, and if a town as large as Balangiga set any
+such example all the coast towns might follow it. So the supposed
+perpetrator of the 9th Infantry massacre was allowed to remain
+unmolested. The American court was impotent to enforce its processes.
+
+In my mass of Philippine papers there is one containing a copy of my
+remarks to the Assistant Attorney-General on his arrival at Catbalogan,
+above referred to as analogous to a charge to a grand jury at home. It
+is dated Catbalogan, Samar, September 28, 1904, and is headed:
+"Remarks by the court upon the occasion of the arrival of Assistant
+Attorney-General Harvey, with regard to the recent disturbances in
+Samar, and the cases for brigandage and sedition growing out of the
+same." Certain parts of this contemporary document will doubtless
+give the reader a more vivid apprehension of the then situation than
+he can get from mere subsequent description. Of course the visiting
+representative of the Attorney-General's office was familiar in a
+general way with the manner of the handling of the Albay insurrection
+in the previous year, described in the chapter preceding this. In
+discussing the Samar situation the "remarks" of the court contain,
+among other things, this passage:
+
+
+    In the cases growing out of the Albay disturbances there were
+    a great many people who strayed out to the mountains just like
+    cattle. They did not know why or whither they went. As to those
+    persons, Judge Carson, Mr. Ross, and myself were unanimous in the
+    opinion that some of them could be indicted under the vagrancy
+    law. There were others of a greater degree of guilt, but who did
+    not appear to have been what you might call ordinary thieves,
+    and we were all agreed to indict those under the sedition law,
+    the limit of which is ten years and ten thousand dollars. Thus you
+    do not force upon a Judge of First Instance the responsibility of
+    sentencing a man to twenty years of his life for a connection with
+    bandits which may be but little more than technical. Besides those
+    two classes, there were in Albay of course the bandits proper,
+    to whom the bandolerismo [brigandage] law was specially intended
+    to apply. There cannot be any doubt about the fact that this
+    bandolerismo law is one of the most stringent statutes that ever
+    was on the statute-books of any country. It is very far from the
+    purpose of this court to attempt to say what would be the wisest
+    legislation, or to say that this is not the very best legislation,
+    under the circumstances. How we administer the several laws
+    alluded to governing public order, will settle whether or not
+    substantial justice is done.
+
+
+The men in the United States who in those days were slinging mud at
+the Philippine trial judges as being "subservient," wholly missed
+the core of the whole matter. In the provinces where so many heavy
+sentences were imposed, the real situation was that a state of war
+existed, and the judges believed, and I think correctly, that they were
+practically a military commission of one, and much more able to give
+a prisoner a square deal, tempering justice with mercy, than officers
+briefly gathered from the scenes of the fighting to act as a military
+commission. We tried those men with as little prejudice as if they had
+just come from the moon. Moreover, from the italicized concluding words
+of the above excerpt from my talk to the Assistant Attorney-General,
+it will be seen that the court had practically unlimited discretion
+in the matter of punishment, and was, in fact, about the only court
+of criminal equity in the annals of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence.
+
+In the last analysis, the righteousness or unrighteousness of a civil
+government in a country not yet entirely subjugated, depends on whether
+more innocent people suffer through completing the work of subjugation
+with constabulary whose "prisoners of war" are tried, to see what
+they may have done, if anything, by one-man courts, or whether more
+innocent people suffer through completing the work of subjugation as
+any other great power on earth but ourselves would have completed it,
+with an army, trying the prisoners by military commission. Unless you
+yourself were a traitor to your country, you considered as criminal
+attempts to subvert your government by cut-throats that no one of
+the respectable Filipinos, from Aguinaldo and Juan Cailles down,
+would have hesitated to have shot summarily. But you sought to
+make the punishment in each case fit the crime, by ascertaining
+as dispassionately as if the defendant were fresh from the moon,
+just what each accused man had himself done. Either Aguinaldo, or
+an American military commission would have had such people shot in
+bunches, as not entitled to be treated as prisoners of war. The trouble
+with the civil government did not lie in its judiciary, but in its
+constabulary. It was the physical handling of the crowds of prisoners
+by the constabulary, and their failure, because not numerous enough,
+to protect peaceably inclined people, which made it a fact that turning
+the situation over to the military would have meant less sacrifice of
+the innocent along with the guilty. It is much more merciful to kill
+a few hundred people, as a lesson to the rest, and let the rest go,
+with the clear understanding that if they insurrect again you will
+promptly kill a few hundred more, than to permit a reign of terror
+from one month to another and from one year to another, with all the
+untilled fields, famine, pestilence, and other disease this involves,
+merely in order to be able to invoke the blessing of the Doctor Lyman
+Abbots of the world on a supposedly benign "civil" government.
+
+In all my sentences, and in all his indictments, Mr. Harvey and the
+writer sailed close to the wind, by holding only those responsible
+who had taken active parts in the sacking and burning of villages and
+the massacre of their inhabitants. I knew that sooner or later some
+officious prosecuting attorney of less noble mould than Harvey would
+ask me to convict some poor creature of brigandage for giving a little
+rice to the brigands, and my mind was made up to refuse to do so,
+and in so refusing to commit heresy once and for all by expressing my
+sentiments, in the decision, concerning the failure to give adequate
+protection to defenceless people, along the lines indicated in this
+chapter. No such case was in fact presented. I broke down under the
+strain of graver cases early in November and left Samar forever,
+bound for Manila.
+
+Before I left, the whole island was seething with sedition. I was
+told by a credible American that the chief deputy sheriff of the
+court, an ex-insurgent officer, one of the "peace-at-any-price"
+policy appointees, had remarked among some of his own people where he
+did not expect the remark to be repeated: "I see no use persecuting
+our brethren in the hills." The municipal officials of the provincial
+capital, Catbalogan, were suspected by the native provincial governor,
+and the latter in turn was suspected by the Manila government. In
+fact the whole political atmosphere of the island had become full of
+rumor and suspicion as to who was for the government, and who was
+against the government. I left Samar, November 8th, which was the
+day of the presidential election of 1904, determined to try no more
+insurrections. By that time nearly everybody in the island was more
+or less guilty of sedition, and I did not know the method of drawing
+an indictment against a whole people.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+GOVERNOR WRIGHT--1905
+
+        My heart is heavy with the fate of that unhappy people.
+
+                       Speech of Hon. A. O. Bacon in U. S. Senate. [450]
+
+
+Because the especially cordial relations which existed to the last
+between Governor Wright and myself [451] are familiar to a number of
+very dear mutual friends, I deem it due both to them and to myself,
+in view of the contents of the preceding chapter, to state that I
+see no reason why, in writing a history of the American Occupation
+of the Philippines, I should omit or slur the facts which convinced
+me that that occupation ought to terminate as soon as practicable,
+and that any decent kind of a government of Filipinos by Filipinos
+would be better for all concerned than the McKinley-Taft programme of
+Benevolent Assimilation whereof Governor Wright was the legatee. By the
+thousand and one uncandid threads of that programme, slowly woven from
+1898 to 1904, as indicated in the first sixteen chapters of this book,
+Governor Wright had found himself as hopelessly bound to concealment
+from the American people of the real situation in Samar in the fall
+of 1904, as a Gulliver in Lilliput.
+
+When I finally left Samar and came to Manila, in November, 1904, I
+was not prepared to figure out how or how soon, the blunder we made
+by the purchase of the Philippine archipelago could be corrected. But
+my mental attitude toward the whole Philippine problem had undergone
+a complete change. In 1901 Governor Wright, then Vice-Governor, had
+written me: "You younger men out here, who have cast your fortunes with
+this country, are to be, in all likelihood, in the natural course of
+events, its future rulers." Up to 1903 I had clung to that idea with
+the devotion of what was really high and earnest purpose, untroubled
+with misgivings of any kind. In November, 1903, in Albay, Judge Carson
+and myself had talked over the long struggle of the civil government
+to walk without leaning on the military, and, with the readiness of one
+vested with authority to believe such authority wisely vested, and the
+readiness of a civilian lawyer to jealously guard the American home
+idea that the military should be subordinate to the civil authority,
+I had cordially agreed with a sentiment one day expressed by Judge
+Carson concerning Governor Taft about "the splendid moral fibre of
+the man," meaning in keeping the military from prancing out of the
+traces. After Governor Taft left the Islands to be Secretary of War
+(December 23, 1903), and while I was still in Albay, I had learned of
+the 120 men who had died in the Albay jail while awaiting trial, and
+thereafter something of the magnitude of the Ola insurrection there,
+and that had given me pause as to the practical benevolence of the
+operation of "a benign civil government." Then the Samar massacres
+of 1904, and the gory panorama I had there witnessed, had finally
+convinced me that a republic like ours is wholly unfitted to govern
+people against their consent. But I did not tell anybody in Manila
+all these things. I simply pondered them. Grover Cleveland was the
+only man in the world I would have liked to talk to just then freely
+and fully. And he was not about. "My heart was heavy with the fate
+of that unhappy people" as Senator Bacon had said in the Senate in
+1902, after visiting the Islands in 1901. I did not condemn Governor
+Wright. I quite realized that I was "up against" about the largest
+ethical problem of world politics, one on which the nations are much
+divided, and that I was not infallible. I did not say to the Governor:
+"Governor, let's resign and go home and tell our people that this whole
+business is a mistake." Nor did I ever lose faith in Governor Wright
+personally. If I had, I might just as well have said: "After this,
+the deluge." I would simply have lost faith in human nature. I had not
+then, nor have I since, known a man of higher personal character. I
+had simply lost faith in Benevolent Assimilation, and begun to take
+the Filipino people seriously as a potential nation, probably better
+able to handle their own domestic problems than we will ever be able
+to handle them for them.
+
+The day after I resigned, Mr. Justice Carson, of the Supreme Court,
+and Mr. Wilfley, the Attorney-General, came to call on me. My friends
+knew I was very much troubled over the Samar business. I was doing
+some grumbling, but without specifying, because to specify would mean
+that we all of us ought to give up the life careers we had planned for
+ourselves in the Islands. I knew the old familiar answer a grumbler
+was sure to get in the Philippines, viz., "Old man, you've been out
+here too long. You better go home." But I did a little more grumbling
+to my friends Judge Carson and Mr. Wilfley, during the course of their
+visit. They could both pretty well guess what was the matter. But Judge
+Carson and I had come out in 1899, and had served through the war
+together. He knew all about the Albay business, and somewhat of the
+Samar business. Wilfley had not come out until the civil government
+was founded in 1901. Mr. Wilfley said cheerily: "Oh, Blount, you are
+too conscientious." I shall never forget what happened then. Judge
+Carson said, with a ring of something like anger in his tone: "No,
+Wilfley, I'll be d--d if he is." Is it any wonder that ever since I
+have worn that man, as Hamlet would say, "in my heart's core"? Here was
+as brave and true an Irishman as ever gained distinction on battlefield
+or bench. And he understood. He did not say--which was the implication
+of Wilfley's tone--"Old man, you've been out here too long, and illness
+has made you peevish." He knew what was the matter. He knew that as
+trial judges he and I had not been small editions of Lord Jeffries,
+as some of our American critics had implied, BUT HE ALSO KNEW THAT
+THERE WAS NO METHOD OF DRAWING AN INDICTMENT AGAINST A WHOLE PEOPLE.
+
+Possibly the intensity of my feelings on this great subject, then
+and ever since, hampers the power of clear expression. Therefore,
+a word more in attempt at elucidation. In 1898, Judge Carson and I,
+with many thousands of other young Americans, had trooped down to
+Cuba, in the wake of the impetuous Roosevelt, to free the inhabitants
+of that ill-fated island from Spanish rule, drive the Spaniards from
+the Western Hemisphere, and put a stop to Spain's pious efforts "to
+spare the great island from the dangers of premature independence,"
+as she always expressed her attitude toward Cuba. We had many of us
+been fired by the catchy Roosevelt utterance which did so much to
+bring on the Spanish War, viz., "The steps of the White House are
+slippery with the blood of the Cuban reconcentrados." Then in 1899,
+we had gone to the Philippines, and had ever since been engaged there
+in "sparing the Islands from the danger of premature independence,"
+and the Samar massacres of 1904 were, to me, the apotheosis of the
+work. So that after November 8, 1904, I felt "The steps of the White
+House are slippery with the blood of the people of my district." It had
+all been done under the pious pretence that the Filipinos welcomed our
+rule--a pretence which had taken the form for six years of systematic
+asseveration that they did so welcome it. Yet it was not true that
+they, or any appreciable fraction of them, had ever welcomed our
+rule. And it never will be true. Surely no man can see in this book
+any scolding or unkindness. It is an attempt merely to bring home to
+my countrymen a strategic fact, a fact which it is folly to ignore. But
+to return to the thread of our story.
+
+Four days after the presidential election of 1904, to wit, on November
+12th, Governor Wright left Manila and went to Samar, including in
+his itinerary various others of the southern islands. [452] Soon
+after their return, the seven hundred native troops in Samar were
+increased to nearly two thousand, and sixteen companies of regulars
+(say one hundred men to a company) were also thrown into Samar. It
+took until the end of 1906 to end the trouble. You cannot find in the
+reports of the civil authorities anything explaining their three or
+four weeks' stay in the Visayan Islands in November-December, 1904,
+that is not absolutely in accord with the original Taft obsession of
+1900 about the popularity of the proposed alien "civil" government with
+its subjects. Governor Wright's description of the trip says: "The
+warm hospitality of the Filipino people made this trip of inspection
+a most agreeable one." As a matter of fact, on such occasions, the
+more disaffected a leader of the people was, the more he would seek,
+by "warm hospitality," "warm" oratory telling the visiting mighty
+what the visiting mighty longed to hear, parades, fiestas, etc.,
+to divert suspicion of sedition from himself. The poor creatures
+had met General Young's cavalry column in northern Luzon in 1899
+with their town bands, doing the only thing they knew of to do to
+"temper the wind to the shorn lamb"--i.e., to temper it to their
+several communities--many of them doubtless expecting to be put
+to the sword by General Young's troopers, as the Cossacks did the
+Persians during the brief and sensational sojourn of that brilliant
+young administrator, Hon. W. Morgan Shuster, in Persia in 1911-12. I
+have no doubt that high on the list of those extending some of the
+"warm hospitality" above mentioned appeared the name of Don Jaime de
+Veyra. Yet in the summer of 1904 Don Jaime had gotten out of a sick
+bed to attend a convention called to send delegates to the Democratic
+National Convention in the United States that year, [453] and also,
+in that same year, had run for Governor of Leyte on a platform
+the principal plank of which was Carthago est delenda--"Carthago"
+being us, the American regime. De Veyra was defeated that time,
+but ran again the next time and was elected. While the writer is not
+one of those who seek to show their "breadth of view" by gossiping
+with outsiders regarding what is peculiarly our own affair, still,
+the British view-point of the situation in the Visayan Islands, as
+conveyed by an Englishwoman whose husband was engaged in mercantile
+business there in 1904-5, and who therefore was certainly in a position
+to know the opinion of the little circle of British people at Cebu and
+Iloilo, may not be superfluous here. This lady, living then at Iloilo,
+wrote a series of letters to friends back home in England which she
+afterwards published in book form. [454] In a letter dated Iloilo,
+January 22, 1905 (page 86), she says:
+
+
+    The Americans give out and write in their papers that the
+    Philippine Islands are completely pacified, and that the Filipinos
+    love Americans and their rule. This, doubtless with good motives,
+    is complete and utter humbug, for the country is honeycombed
+    with insurrection and plots; the fighting has never ceased; and
+    the natives loathe the Americans and their theories, saying so
+    openly in their native press and showing their dislike in every
+    possible fashion. Their one idea is to be rid of the U. S. A.
+    * * * and to be free of a burden of taxation which is heavier than
+    any the Spaniards laid on them.
+
+
+Also an Englishman who was in Samar in 1904-5, a Mr. Hyatt, who,
+with his brother, served with the American troops there in the bloody
+Pulajan uprising, afterwards wrote a book called the Little Brown
+Brother, wherein he fully corroborates Mrs. Dauncey's appreciation
+of the situation during that period.
+
+In its blindness to the unanimity of Visayan discontent, as manifested
+in its report now under consideration, the civil government of
+the Philippines was not trying wilfully to deceive anybody. It was
+deceiving itself. It was obeying the law of its life, its existence
+having been originally predicated on the consent of a great free
+people to keep in subjection a weaker people eager to be also free,
+such consent having been obtained through diligent nursing of the
+original idea that the subject people were not in fact so eager, but
+were, on the contrary, in a mental attitude of tearful welcome toward
+the proffered protection of a strong power. In his report for 1905
+[455] General William H. Carter, commanding the Department of the
+Philippines which included Samar and the rest of the Visayan Islands,
+gives the key to the Commission's twenty-six-day stay in his district
+in the following part of said report:
+
+
+    Within a few days after the rendition of the annual report for
+    last year [456] a serious outbreak occurred in the Gandara valley,
+    Samar. This was followed by disorders in all the other large
+    islands of the department, Negros, Panay, Cebu, and Leyte.
+
+
+Nowhere in the civil government reports do you find the slightest
+recognition that these disorders had any relation to each other, or to
+the fundamental problem of public order, or any political significance
+whatsoever, each being treated as a purely local issue, the idea that
+the circumstance of Samar's having been thrown into pandemonium by
+the successes of the enemies of the American Government might have
+encouraged its enemies in the neighboring islands, never seeming to
+occur to the authors of the said reports. General Carter's report goes
+on to state that within five months after the Samar outbreak of July,
+1904, seven hundred native troops had been put in the field in that
+turbulent island. In December, 1904, troops began to be poured into
+Samar, so that it was not long before the seven hundred native troops
+had become seventeen hundred or eighteen hundred, and, says General
+Carter, "in order to free them from garrison work in the towns, sixteen
+companies of the 12th and 14th Infantry were distributed about the
+disaffected coasts to enable the people who so desired to come from
+their hiding places"--whither they had gone because the American flag
+afforded them no protection--"and undertake the rebuilding of their
+burned homes." General Carter avoids touching on the civil government's
+(to him well-known) obsession about its popularity, a state of mind
+which could see no "political" significance in outbreaks of any
+kind. But he does use this very straightforward language about Samar:
+
+
+    Whatever may have been the original cause of the outbreak, it was
+    soon lost sight of when success had drawn a large proportion of
+    the people away from their homes and fields. * * * Except in the
+    largest towns it became simply a question of joining the Pulajans
+    or being harried by them. In the absence of proper protection
+    thousands joined in the movement.
+
+
+Early in 1905, Hon. George Curry, of New Mexico, who was an officer
+of Colonel Roosevelt's regiment in Cuba, and had gone out to the
+Philippines with a volunteer regiment in 1899, remaining with the
+civil Government after 1901, was made Governor of Samar. Governor
+Curry has since been Governor of the Territory of New Mexico,
+and is now (1912) a member of Congress from the recently admitted
+State of New Mexico. Governor Curry has told me since he was
+elected to Congress that it took him all of 1905 and most of
+1906, aided by several thousand troops, native and regular, to
+put down that Samar outbreak. Yet a certificate signed March 28,
+1907, by the Governor-General and his associates of the Philippine
+Commission states that "a condition of general and complete peace"
+had continued in the Islands for two years previous to the date
+of the certificate. [457] We will come to this certificate in its
+chronological order later. How many and what sort of uprisings were
+blanketed in that "forget-it" certificate of 1907 is material to the
+question whether or not the National Administration has ever been or
+is now frank with the country about the universality of the desire of
+the Philippine people for independence and local self-government, and
+pertinent to the insistently recurring query: "Why should we make of
+the Philippines an American Ireland?" But inasmuch as, in addition to
+the Samar uprising which raged all through 1905, another insurrection
+occurred in that year, which was duly "forgotten" by said certificate,
+this last movement must now claim our attention.
+
+The provinces which were the theatre of the outbreak last above
+mentioned were all near Manila. They were: Cavite, a province of
+135,000 people almost at the gates of Manila; Batangas, a province of
+257,000 inhabitants adjoining Cavite; and Laguna, a province of 150,000
+people adjoining both. Some five hundred brigands headed by cut-throats
+claiming to be patriots were terrorizing whole districts. Far be it
+from me to lend any countenance to the idea that the leaders of this
+movement, Sakay, Felizardo, Montalon, and the rest of their gang,
+were entitled to any respect. But they certainly had a hold on
+the whole population akin to that of Robin Hood, Little John, and
+Friar Tuck. In refusing in 1907 to commute Sakay's death sentence
+after he was captured, tried, and convicted, Governor-General James
+P. Smith gives some gruesome details concerning the performance of
+that worthy, and his followers, yet in dealing with the nature and
+extent of the trouble they gave the Manila government he says they
+"assumed the convenient cloak of patriotism, and under the titles of
+'Defenders of the Country' and 'Protectors of the People' proceeded
+to inaugurate a reign of terror, devastation, and ruin in three of
+the most beautiful provinces in the archipelago." [458]
+
+It has already been made clear that, during the time of the
+insurrection against both the Spaniards and Americans, the insurrecto
+forces were maintained by voluntary contributions of the people. Major
+D. C. Shanks, Fourth U. S. Regular Infantry, who was Governor of Cavite
+Province in 1905, after calling attention to this fact, adds [459]:
+
+
+    When the insurrection was over a number of these leaders remained
+    out and refused to surrender. Included among them were Felizardo
+    and Montalon. The system of voluntary contributions, carried on
+    during the insurrecto period, was continued after establishment
+    of civil government.
+
+
+Again Governor Shanks says, with more of frankness than diplomacy,
+considering that he was a provincial governor under the civil
+government:
+
+
+    The establishment of civil government of this province was
+    premature and ill-advised. Records show the capture or surrender
+    since establishment of civil government of nearly 600 hostile
+    firearms.
+
+
+One of the causes contributory to the Cavite-Batangas-Laguna
+insurrection is stated in the report of the Governor-General for
+1905 thus:
+
+
+    In the autumn of 1904 it became necessary to withdraw a number
+    of the constabulary from these provinces to assist in suppressing
+    disorder which had broken out in the province of Samar. [460]
+
+
+Another of the contributory causes is thus stated:
+
+
+    There was at the time [the fall of 1904] also considerable activity
+    among the small group of irreconcilables in Manila, who began
+    agitating for immediate independence, doubtless because of the
+    supposed effect it would have on the presidential election in
+    the United States, in which the Philippines was a large topic
+    of discussion. Evidently this was regarded as a favorable time
+    for a demonstration by Felizardo, Montalon, De Vega, Oruga, Sakay
+    [etc]. All these men had been officers of the Filipino army during
+    the insurrection.
+
+
+Consider the benevolent casuistry necessary to include these fellows,
+and the tremendous following they could get up, and did get up, in
+Cavite, "the home of insurrection," and the adjacent provinces, in a
+certificate to "a condition of general and complete peace" alleged
+in the certificate to have prevailed for two years prior to March
+28, 1907. To make a long story short, on January 31, 1905, a state
+of insurrection was declared to exist, the writ of habeas corpus was
+suspended in Cavite and Batangas, the regular army of the United States
+was ordered out, and reconcentration tactics resorted to, as provided
+by Section 6 of Act 781 of the Commission. This is the act already
+examined at length, intended to meet cases of impotency on the part
+of the insular government to protect life and property in any other
+way. Political timidity is conspicuously absent from the resolution of
+the Philippine Commission of January 31, 1905, formally recognizing
+a break in the peerless continuity of the "general and complete
+peace." It is virilely frank, the presidential election being then
+safely over. [461] It concludes by authorizing the Governor-General
+to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and declare martial law, "the
+public safety requiring it." Then follows a proclamation of the same
+date and tenor, by the Governor-General.
+
+It appears from the case cited in the foot-note that in the spring of
+1905, one, Felix Barcelon, filed in the proper court a petition for the
+writ of habeas corpus, alleging that he was one of the reconcentrados
+corralled and "detained and restrained of his liberty at the town of
+Batangas, in the province of Batangas," by one of Colonel Baker's
+constabulary minions down there. The writ was denied by the lower
+court. In one part of the opinion of the Supreme Court in the case it
+is stated (p. 116) that the petitioner "has been detained for a long
+time * * * not for the commission of any crime and by due process of
+law, but apparently for the purpose of protecting him." The opinion of
+the court, delivered by Mr. Justice Johnson, very properly held that
+the detention was lawful under the war power, basing its decision on
+the authority conferred on the Governor-General of the Philippines
+by the Act of Congress of July 1, 1902, section 5 of which expressly
+authorizes the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus "when in
+cases of rebellion, insurrection, or invasion the public safety may
+require it." A long legal battle was fought, the court holding that the
+Executive Department of the Government is the one in which is vested
+the exclusive right to say when "a state of rebellion, insurrection,
+or invasion" exists, and that when it so formally declares, that
+settles the fact that it does exist. At page 98 of the volume above
+cited [462] the court held, as to the above mentioned resolution of
+the Philippine Commission and the above mentioned executive order
+declaring a state of insurrection in Cavite and Batangas:
+
+
+    The conclusion set forth in the said resolution and the said
+    executive order, as to the fact that there existed in the provinces
+    of Cavite and Batangas open insurrection against the constituted
+    authorities, was a conclusion entirely within the discretion of
+    the legislative and executive branches of the Government, after
+    an investigation of the facts.
+
+
+Yet two years later the same "constituted authorities" certified to
+the President of the United States, in effect, as we shall see, that
+no open insurrection against the constituted authorities had occurred
+during the preceding two years. They do not in their certificate
+ignore Cavite and Batangas. They mention them by name, with a lot
+of whereases, explaining that after all they really believe that the
+majority of the people in the provinces aforesaid were not in sympathy
+with the uprising. However, after they get through with their whereases
+they face the music squarely, and certify to "the condition of general
+and complete peace." Of the "nigger in the woodpile" more anon.
+
+Governor Wright was not a party to the certificate of 1907. He
+left the Islands on leave November 4, 1905. A speech made by him
+prior to his departure, as published in a Manila paper, indicates
+an expectation to return. He never did. In 1906 he was demoted to be
+Ambassador to Japan, a place of far less dignity, and far less salary,
+which he resigned after a year or so. Vice-Governor Ide acted as
+Governor-General until April 2, 1906, on which date he was formally
+inaugurated as Governor-General.
+
+Just why Governor Wright did not go back to the Philippines as
+Governor, after his visit to the United States in 1905-6, does
+not appear. It would seem almost certain that if Secretary of War
+Taft had wanted President Roosevelt to send him back, he would have
+gone. Mr. Taft never did frankly tell the Filipinos until 1907 that
+they might just as well shut up talking about any independence that
+anybody living might hope to see. Governor Wright began to talk that
+way soon after Mr. Taft left the Islands. Possibly Governor Wright
+undeceived them too soon, and thereby made the Philippines more of
+a troublesome issue in the presidential campaign of 1904. President
+Roosevelt recognized the sterling worth of the man, by inviting
+him to succeed Mr. Taft as Secretary of War in 1908. But President
+Taft did not invite him to continue in that capacity after March 4,
+1909. Gossip has it that when the incoming President Taft's letter
+to the outgoing President Roosevelt's last Secretary of War, Governor
+Wright, was handed to the addressee, and its conventional "hope to be
+able to avail myself of your services later in some other capacity"
+was read by him, the outgoing official quietly remarked: "Well, that
+is a little more round-about than the one Jimmie Garfield [463] got,
+but it's a dismissal just the same."
+
+I have always thought that the reason Governor Wright did not go back
+to the Philippines as Governor after 1905 was that he did not continue
+to "jolly" the Filipinos, and abstain from ruthlessly crushing their
+hopes of seeing independence during their lifetime, as Mr. Taft did
+continuously during his stay out there. The inevitable tendency of
+the Wright frank talk was from the beginning to discredit the Taft
+pleasing and evasive nothings. Also, it was followed, as we have seen,
+by quite a crop of serious disturbances of public order, and somebody
+had to be "the goat."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+GOVERNOR IDE--1906
+
+                                The Tariff is a local issue.
+
+                                                  General W. S. Hancock.
+
+
+After Governor Wright left the Islands finally on November 4, 1905,
+Vice-Governor Henry C. Ide acted as Governor-General until April 2,
+1906, when he was duly inaugurated as such. He resigned and left the
+Islands finally in September thereafter.
+
+All through 1905, Governor Curry, as Governor of Samar, which is the
+third largest island of the archipelago, wrestled with the Pulajan
+uprising there, aided, as has been stated in the previous chapter,
+by the native troops, scouts, and constabulary, and also by the
+regular army. But at the end of 1905 "the situation" was not yet
+"well in hand." Since his election to Congress in 1912, Governor
+Curry has told me that in 1905 many thousands of people of Samar
+participated actively as part of the enemy's force in the field during
+that period. By the spring of 1906 Governor Curry was getting a grip
+on the situation, and in the latter part of March of that year, some
+of the main outlaw chiefs agreed to surrender to him. The report of
+Colonel Wallace C. Taylor, commanding the constabulary of the Third
+District, which included Samar states [464]: "After several weeks of
+negotiating, during which time the camp of the Pulahanes was visited
+by Governor Curry, and the Pulahan officers visited the settlement
+at Magtaon"--a settlement in south central Samar--"an understanding
+was arrived at by which the Pulahanes were to surrender, March 24,
+1906. Instead of surrendering as agreed, the Pulahanes, commanded by
+Nasario Aguilar, made a treacherous attack on the constabulary garrison
+on the day and hour appointed for the surrender." The constabulary
+numbered some fifty men, the pulajans about 130. After the pulajans
+opened fire they made a rush on the constabulary and a hand-to-hand
+fight ensued. Colonel Taylor's report continues:
+
+
+    After the first rush the fighting continued fiercely, and when
+    the last of the pulahanes disappeared there remained but seven
+    enlisted men of the constabulary able to fight. Seven more were
+    lying about more or less seriously wounded and twenty-two were
+    dead. Captain Jones received a bad spear thrust in the chest early
+    in the fight, but fought on, regardless. Lieutenant Bowers received
+    a gunshot wound through the left arm, which, however, did not put
+    him out of the fight. Thirty-five dead pulahanes were found on the
+    field and eight more have since been found some distance off. The
+    number of wounded who escaped cannot be determined. The unarmed
+    Americans present with Governor Curry escaped to the river and
+    afterwards rejoined Captain Jones who armed them.
+
+
+The explanation of this treachery, as given by Governor Curry, is
+curious and interesting. The outlaws had intended in good faith to
+surrender as a result of his negotiation with them, but at the last
+moment there arrived to witness the surrender certain native officials
+and other natives bitterly hated by the Pulajans and wholly mistrusted
+by them. Their arrival caused the outlaws to suspect treachery
+themselves and that was the cause of their change of plans. It was not
+until the end of the year 1906 that the various energetic campaigns
+which followed the Magtaon incident finally began to work more or
+less complete restoration of public order by gradual elimination of
+the enemy through killings, captures, and surrenders. An idea of the
+seriousness and magnitude of these operations may be gathered without
+going into the details, from the annual report for 1906 of General
+Henry T. Allen commanding the Philippines Constabulary. This report,
+dated August 31, 1906 [465], states:
+
+
+    At present seventeen companies of scouts and four companies of
+    American troops under Colonel Smith, 8th U. S. Infantry, are
+    operating against the pulahanes, but with success that will be
+    largely dependent upon time and attrition.
+
+
+General Allen adds: "The entire 21st Regiment [of Infantry] is also in
+Samar." These facts are here given because they relate to the period
+covered by the certificate of the Philippine Commission of March 28,
+1907, heretofore alluded to, and which will be more fully dealt with
+hereinafter, which stated that "a condition of general and complete
+peace" had prevailed throughout the archipelago for two years prior
+to March 28, 1907. Without a brief exposition of all these matters,
+it would be impossible to enable the reader to feel the pulse of
+the Filipino people as it stood at the time of the election of their
+assembly in 1907. The fact of our having been unable to discontinue
+Filipino-killing altogether for any considerable period from 1899 to
+the end of 1906 is too obviously relevant to the state of the public
+mind in 1907 to need elaboration.
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1906 [466] deals at some
+length with disturbances which occurred in the island of Leyte (area
+3000 square miles, population nearly 400,000), beginning in the middle
+of June. It describes among other things a visit of Governor-General
+Ide to Tacloban, the capital of Leyte, made in consequence of said
+disturbances, and conferences held by him there with Major-General
+Wood, commanding all the United States forces in the Philippines,
+Brigadier-General Lee, commanding the Department of the Visayas (which
+included Leyte, headquarters, Iloilo), Colonel Borden, commanding
+the United States forces in the island of Leyte, Colonel Taylor, the
+chief of the constabulary of the District, etc. Certainly from this
+formidable gathering of notables, it is clear that there was about to
+take place in Leyte what our friends of the Lambs' Club in New York
+would call "An all star performance." Leyte was four to five hundred
+miles from Manila. Yet so serious was the disturbance that the highest
+military and civil representatives of the American Government in the
+archipelago deemed it necessary to meet in the island which was the
+scene of the trouble with a view of handling it. Yet in the Report of
+the Philippine Commission for 1906 one finds the usual rotund rhetoric
+treating the disturbances as of no "political" significance--which
+was only another way of claiming that they were not serious. It
+is difficult to handle this aspect of the matter without imputing
+to the civil authorities intent to deceive, but to leave such an
+imputation unremoved would be to miss the whole significance of the
+matter. As has already been made clear, when Judge Taft, Judge Ide,
+and their colleagues of the Philippine Commission had left Washington
+for Manila in 1900 Mr. McKinley had assured them he had no doubt that
+the better element of the Philippine people, once they understood us,
+would welcome our rule. As soon as they set foot in the Philippine
+Islands they had at once begun to act upon the theory that there was
+no real fundamental opposition to us on the part of the people of
+the Philippines and had continued obstinately to act upon that theory
+ever since. Certainly the attitude of the civil government toward the
+disturbances in Leyte in 1906 is not surprising when the mind adverts
+for a moment to the panorama of the five more or less sanguinary years
+already fully described hereinbefore and then takes the following
+bird's-eye glance at the official reports for those years.
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1900, (page 17) had said:
+
+
+    A great majority of the people long for peace and are entirely
+    willing to accept the establishment of a government under the
+    supremacy of the United States.
+
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1901 (page 7) had said:
+
+
+    The collapse of the insurrection came in May.
+
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1902 (page 3) had said:
+
+
+    The insurrection as an organized attempt to subvert the authority
+    of the United States in these islands is entirely at an end,
+
+
+referring farther on to "the whole Christian Philippine population"
+as "enjoying civil government." If the "enjoyment" thus described had
+been genuine, continued, profound, and sincere, it would have been
+another story. But the net attitude of the civil government toward
+the general health of the body politic, relatively to public order,
+reminds one of the cheerful gentleman who remarked of his invalid
+friend, "He seems to be 'enjoying' poor health."
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1903 (page 25) says:
+
+
+    The conditions with respect to tranquillity in the islands have
+    greatly improved during the last year.
+
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1904 (page 1) says:
+
+
+    The great mass of the people, however, were domestic and peaceable.
+
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1905 (part 1, page 59)
+says:
+
+
+    On the whole life and property have been as safe as in other
+    civilized countries.
+
+
+The Report of the Philippine Commission for 1906 (page 40) says:
+
+
+    Viewing the entire situation the islands are in a peaceable and
+    orderly condition aside from----
+
+
+various disorders which fill some ten pages of the report.
+
+The inflexible attitude of the Commission from the beginning, of
+treating each successive disturbance of public order as a purely
+"local issue," after General Hancock's method with the tariff,
+is thus sufficiently apparent. They always refuse to see in
+successive outbreaks in various parts of the Islands any evidence
+of general and unanimous lack of appreciation for a benign alien
+civil government. Therefore it was of course clearly a foregone
+conclusion, in 1906, that Governor Ide, who had been in the Islands
+all these years, was going to be wholly unable to see anything in the
+disturbances in Leyte in the least tending to show that American rule
+was unpopular. And yet it was a matter of common knowledge all over
+the Visayan Islands that Jaime Veyra, then Governor of Leyte, elected
+by the people, was one of the most obnoxious anti-Americans in the
+archipelago. Both the army and constabulary were ordered out in Leyte
+and a good deal of fighting occurred before order was restored. The
+report of General Allen, commanding the constabulary for that year
+[467] shows one engagement with the outlaws in Leyte participated
+in by the constabulary and the 21st Regular Infantry, in which the
+enemy numbered 450 and left forty-nine dead upon the field. All
+this period is covered by the certificate of general and complete
+peace of 1907, in the fall of which year a Philippine legislature
+was elected. And those of the membership of that body not in favor
+of Philippine independence were almost as few as the Socialist party
+in the American House of Representatives, which, I believe, consists
+of Representative Berger. True, the peace certificate does not ignore
+the Leyte outbreak. It "forgets and forgives it," so to speak, as we
+shall see.
+
+Governor Ide left the Islands finally on September 20, 1906, having
+resigned. Why he should have resigned, it is difficult to say. Take
+it all in all, he made a splendid Governor-General, and ought to
+have been allowed to remain. He knew the Islands from Alpha to Omega
+and had been there six years. His going out of office to make way
+for still another Governor-General was wholly uncalled for. So far
+as the writer is informed, he was, when he left, still blessed with
+good health. He had filled a very considerable place in the history
+of his country most creditably. He had drawn up a fine code of laws
+for the Islands known as the Ide code. He had made a great minister of
+finance, successfully performing the perilous task of transferring the
+currency of the country from a silver basis to a gold basis, and in so
+doing had proven himself fully a match, in protecting the interests
+of the Government, for the wiley local financiers representing the
+Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, the chartered bank of India, Australia,
+and China, and other institutions run by experienced men of more or
+less piratical tendencies. As Governor-General of the Islands, his
+justice, firmness, and courtliness of manner combined to produce an
+administration in keeping with the dignity of his great office. After
+returning to the United States, he remained in private life for a time,
+and was finally given a comparatively unimportant post as minister to
+a second-class country, Spain, which post he still occupies (in 1912).
+
+When, fresh from the memory of the Samar massacres of 1904, I landed
+at Seattle, at the end of my last homeward-bound journey across the
+Pacific, in April, 1905, one of the "natives" of Seattle asked me:
+"Have those people over there ever got quiet yet?" The question itself
+seemed an answer to the orthodox official attitude at Manila, which had
+so long been elaborately denying, as to each successive local outbreak,
+that such outbreak bore any relation to the original insurrection,
+or was any wise illustrative of the general state of public feeling
+in the Islands. At the time the question was asked, the answer was,
+"Not entirely." Not until toward the end of 1906 did "Yes" become
+a correct answer to the question. In other words, there were no
+more serious outbreaks after 1906, nor was a state of general and
+complete peace ever finally established until then. Since 1906 there
+have been occasional despatches from Manila recounting small episodes
+of bloodshed, several of which have had quite a martial ring. These
+have related merely to the country of the Mohammedan Moros, who are
+as wholly apart from the main problem as the American Indian to-day
+is from our tariff and other like questions. The Moros are indeed
+what Kipling calls "half savage and half child." They never did have
+anything more to do with the Filipino insurrection against us than
+the American Indian had to do with the Civil War.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI
+
+GOVERNOR SMITH--1907-9
+
+        Oh, but Honey, dis rabbit dess 'bleeged ter climb dis tree.
+
+                                                            Uncle Remus.
+
+
+"On September 20, 1906," says the Report of the Philippine Commission
+for 1907, [468] "the resignation of the Hon. Henry Clay Ide as
+Governor-General became effective, and on that date the Hon. James
+F. Smith was inaugurated as Governor-General of the Philippine
+Islands."
+
+The year 1907 will be known most prominently to the future history of
+our Far Eastern possession as the year of the opening of the Philippine
+Assembly, which momentous event occurred on October 16th. But in the
+departments both of Politics and Psychology it should be known as the
+year of the Great Certificate. The Great Certificate was a certificate
+signed by certain eminent gentlemen on March 28, 1907, which made the
+preposterous affirmation that a condition of general and complete
+peace had prevailed throughout the archipelago, except among the
+non-Christian tribes, for the two years immediately preceding. Taken
+in its historic setting, that certificate can by no possibility escape
+responsibility, as "accessory after the fact" at least, to the pretence
+that a similar condition had prevailed ever since President Roosevelt's
+final war-whoop of July 4, 1902, published to the American troops in
+the Islands on the day named. That war-whoop, it will be remembered,
+was in the form of a presidential proclamation congratulating General
+Chaffee and "the gallant officers and men under his command" on some
+"two thousand combats, great and small," and declaring, in effect,
+that Benevolent Assimilation was at last triumphantly vindicated,
+and that opposition to American rule was at an end. The certificate of
+March 28, 1907, appears at pages 47-8 of the Report of the Philippine
+Commission for 1907, part 1. If we consider what is now going on in
+the Islands as "modern" history, and the days of the early fighting as
+"ancient" history, this certificate will serve as the connecting link
+between the two. It furnishes the key-note to all that had happened
+during the American occupation prior to 1907, and the key-note of
+all that has happened since. Therefore, though somewhat long, it is
+deemed indispensable to clearness to submit here in full the text of
+
+
+    THE GREAT CERTIFICATE OF 1907
+
+    Whereas the census of the Philippine Islands was completed and
+    published on the twenty-seventh day of March, nineteen hundred and
+    five, which said completion and publication of said census was,
+    on the twenty-eighth day of March, nineteen hundred and five, duly
+    published and proclaimed to the people by the governor-general of
+    the Philippine Islands with the announcement that the President
+    of the United States would direct the Philippine Commission to
+    call a general election for the choice of delegates to a popular
+    assembly, provided that a condition of general and complete peace
+    with recognition of the authority of the United States should be
+    certified by the Philippine Commission to have continued in the
+    territory of the Philippine Islands for a period of two years
+    after said completion and publication of said census; and
+
+    Whereas since the completion and publication of said census there
+    have been no serious disturbances of the public order save and
+    except those caused by the noted outlaws and bandit chieftains,
+    Felizardo and Montalon, and their followers in the provinces of
+    Cavite and Batangas, and those caused in the provinces of Samar
+    and Leyte by the non-Christian and fanatical pulahanes resident
+    in the mountain districts of the said provinces and the barrios
+    contiguous thereto; and
+
+    Whereas the overwhelming majority of the people of said provinces
+    of Cavite, Batangas, Samar, and Leyte have not taken part in said
+    disturbances and have not aided or abetted the lawless acts of
+    said bandits and pulahanes; and
+
+    Whereas the great mass and body of the Filipino people have,
+    during said period of two years, continued to be law-abiding,
+    peaceful, and loyal to the United States, and have continued to
+    recognize and do now recognize the authority and sovereignty of
+    the United States in the territory of said Philippine Islands:
+    Now, therefore, be it
+
+    Resolved by the Philippine Commission in formal session duly
+    assembled, That it, said Philippine Commission, do certify, and it
+    does hereby certify, to the President of the United States that for
+    a period of two years after the completion and publication of the
+    census a condition of general and complete peace, with recognition
+    of the authority of the United States, has continued to exist
+    and now exists in the territory of said Philippine Islands not
+    inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes; and be it further
+
+    Resolved by said Philippine Commission, That the President of the
+    United States be requested, and is hereby requested, to direct
+    said Philippine Commission to call a general election for the
+    choice of delegates to a popular assembly of the people of said
+    territory in the Philippine Islands, which assembly shall be
+    known as the Philippine Assembly.
+
+
+Let us examine these amiable liberties thus taken with the facts of
+history by men of irreproachable private character, briefly analyzing
+their action. Such an examination and analysis are indispensable to
+a clear understanding by a great free people whose proudest boast is
+love of fair play, of whether the Filipino people, or any appreciable
+fraction of them, have ever in the least consented, or do now in the
+least consent, to our rule, as the small minority among us interested
+in keeping the Islands, have systematically sought, all these years,
+to have this nation believe. As the above certificate of 1907 was
+the last hurdle that Benevolent Assimilation had to leap on the
+Benevolent Hypocrisy course over which we had to gallop in order to
+get from the freeing of Cuba to the subjugation of the Philippines,
+let us glance back for a moment at the first hurdle or two, leapt
+when Mr. Taft was in the Philippine saddle.
+
+Judge Taft had said on November 30, 1900:
+
+
+    A great majority of the people long for peace and are entirely
+    willing to accept the establishment of a government under the
+    supremacy of the United States [469];
+
+
+and, pursuant to that idea, he had set up his civil government on July
+4, 1901. He never did thereafter admit that he was mistaken in his
+original theory, but kept on trying to fit the facts to his theory,
+hoping that after a while they would fit. He "clung to his policy
+of disinterested benevolence with a tenacity born of conviction,"
+to borrow a phrase from Governor-General Smith's inaugural address of
+1907. But in this same inaugural address of Governor Smith of 1907,
+you find, for the first time in all the Philippine state papers,
+a frank admission of the actual conditions under which the civil
+government of 1901 was in fact set up. Says he:
+
+
+    While the smoke of battle still hung over the hills and valleys
+    of the Philippines and every town and barrio in the islands was
+    smoking hot with rebellion, she [the United States] replaced the
+    military with a civil regime and on the smouldering embers of
+    insurrection planted civil government. [470]
+
+
+That confession, made with the bluntness of a most gallant soldier,
+is as refreshing in its honesty as the Roosevelt war-whoop of
+1902. There shall be no tiresome repetition here concerning the
+original withholding of the facts from the American people in 1898-9,
+but to place in juxtaposition Secretary of War Root's representations
+to the American public in the year last named, and the actual facts
+as stated earlier in the same year by General MacArthur, one of
+our best fighting generals, during the thick of the early fighting,
+in an interview already noticed in its proper chronological place,
+will forever fix the genesis of the original lack of frankness as to
+conditions in the Philippines which has naturally and inexorably made
+frankness as to those conditions impossible ever since. As late as
+October 7, 1899, Mr. Root--who had not then and has not since been
+in the Philippines--had said in Chicago, in a speech at a dinner of
+the Marquette Club:
+
+
+    Well, against whom are we fighting? Are we fighting the
+    Philippine nation? No. There is none. There are hundreds of
+    islands, inhabited by more than sixty tribes, speaking more than
+    sixty different languages, and all but one are ready to accept
+    American sovereignty.
+
+
+As early as the beginning of April, 1899, just after the taking on
+March 31st of the first insurgent capital, Malolos, General MacArthur,
+who commanded our troops in the assault on that place, had said, in
+an interview with a newspaper man afterwards verified by the General
+before the Senate Committee of 1902 as substantially correct:
+
+
+    When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that
+    Aguinaldo's troops represented only a faction. * * * I did not like
+    to believe that the whole population of Luzon * * * was opposed to
+    us * * *. But after having come thus far, and having been brought
+    much in contact with both insurrectos and amigos, [471] I have
+    been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses
+    are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads. [472]
+
+
+The presidential election of 1900 had been fought out, in the midst of
+considerable bitterness, on the idea that the Root view was correct
+and the MacArthur view was altogether mistaken. So that after 1900,
+the McKinley Administration was irrevocably committed to the Root
+view. [473] The Philippine Government had, after 1900, diligently set
+to work to live up to the Root view, and to fit the facts to the Root
+view by prayer and hope, accompanied by asseveration. Hence in 1901 the
+alleged joyous sobs of welcome with which the Filipino people are, in
+effect, described in the report of the Philippine Commission for that
+year as having received the "benign" civil government, said sobs or
+other manifestations having spread, if the Commission's report is to
+be taken at its face value, "like wild-fire." Hence also the attempt
+of 1902 to minimize the insurrection of 1901-2, in Batangas and other
+provinces of southern Luzon, conducted by what Governor Luke E. Wright,
+in a speech delivered at Memphis in the latter part of 1902, called
+"the die-in-the-last-ditch contingent." Hence the quiet placing of
+the province of Surigao in the hands of the military in 1903 without
+suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and the failure to order
+out the army in Albay in 1903 and in Samar in 1904. Hence also the
+prompt use of the army in Samar, Batangas, and Cavite in 1905, after
+the presidential election was safely over. Hence also the seething
+state of sedition which smouldered in the Visayan Islands in 1906,
+punctuated by the outbreak in Leyte of that year.
+
+The psychologic processes by which the distinguished gentlemen
+who signed the Great Certificate of March 28, 1907, got their
+own consent to sign it make the most profoundly interesting study,
+relatively to the general welfare of the world, in all our Philippine
+experiments so far. They are the final flowering of the plant Political
+Expediency. They are the weeds of benevolent casuistry that become from
+time to time unavoidable in a colonial garden tended by a republic
+based on the consent of the governed and therefore by the law of its
+own life unfitted to run any other kind of a government frankly. These
+processes find their origin in the provisions of the Act of Congress
+of July 1, 1902, known as the Philippine Government Act. Three days
+after President Roosevelt approved the Act, he issued his proclamation
+of July 4, 1902, above noticed, declaring the insurrection at an
+end. Section 6 of that Act provided:
+
+
+    Whenever the existing insurrection in the Philippine Islands shall
+    have ceased, and a condition of general and complete peace shall
+    have been established therein, and the fact shall be certified to
+    the President by the Philippine Commission, the President, upon
+    being satisfied thereof, shall order a census of the Philippine
+    Islands to be taken by said Philippine Commission.
+
+
+This census was intended to be preliminary to granting the Filipinos
+a legislature of their own, but as a legislature full of insurrectos
+would of course stultify its American sponsors before all mankind,
+it was announced in effect, in publishing the census programme, that
+no legislature would be forthcoming if the Filipinos did not quit
+insurrecting, and remain "good" for two years. If they did remain good
+for two years after the census was finished, then they should have
+their legislature. During the lull of "general and complete" peace
+which, in the fall of 1902, followed the suppression of the Batangas
+insurrection of 1901-2, and preceded the Ola insurrection of 1902-3 in
+the hemp provinces of southern Luzon, the Commission made, on September
+25, 1902, the certificate contemplated by the above Act of Congress,
+and the taking of the census was accordingly ordered by the President
+of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, by a proclamation issued the
+same day. [474] Section 7 of the aforesaid Act of Congress provided:
+
+
+    Two years after the completion and publication of the census, in
+    case such condition of general and complete peace with recognition
+    of the authority of the United States shall have continued in
+    the territory of said islands not inhabited by Moros or other
+    non-Christian tribes, and such facts shall have been certified
+    to the President by the Philippine Commission, the President
+    upon being satisfied thereof shall direct said Commission to
+    call, and the Commission shall call, a general election for the
+    choice of delegates to a popular assembly of the people of said
+    territory in the Philippine Islands, which shall be known as the
+    Philippine Assembly.
+
+
+On March 27, 1905, the President of the United States was duly
+advised that the census had been completed, and on March 28th,
+the presidential proclamation promising the Filipinos a legislature
+two years later if in the meantime they did not insurrect any, was
+duly published at Manila. It is true that there is no Philippine
+state paper signed by anybody, either by the President of the United
+States, or the Governor-General of the Philippines, or any one else,
+certifying to a condition of "general and complete peace" between
+the certificate to that effect made by the Philippine Commission on
+September 25, 1902, above mentioned, which authorized commencing the
+census (and was justified by the facts), and the presidential promise
+of March 28, 1905, that if they would "be good" for two years more,
+they should have a legislature. But the whole manifest implication
+of the representations of fact sought to be conveyed by the action
+both of the Washington and the Manila authorities at the date of the
+presidential promise of March 28, 1905, is that a condition of general
+and complete peace had obtained ever since the last certificate to that
+effect, the certificate of September 25, 1902. Yet, as we saw in the
+chapter covering the last year of Governor Wright's administration,
+besides the Samar disturbances that lasted all through 1905, a big
+insurrection was actually in full swing in Cavite, Batangas, and Laguna
+provinces, on March 28, 1905, had then been in progress since before
+the first of the year, and continued until the latter part of 1905,
+the then Governor-General, Governor Wright, having, by proclamation
+issued January 31, 1905, declared Cavite and Batangas to be in a
+state of insurrection, ordered the military into those provinces, and
+suspended the writ of habeas corpus. President Roosevelt's proclamation
+of March 28, 1905, can by no possibility be construed as saying to
+the Filipinos anything other than substantially this: "You have not
+insurrected any since my proclamation of July 4, 1902. If you will be
+good two years more, you shall have a legislature." What then was the
+Philippine Commission to do at the end of those two years, peppered,
+as they had been, with most annoying outbreaks in various provinces
+not inhabited by "Moros or other non-Christian tribes." During the
+presidential campaign of 1904 the Commission had committed themselves,
+as we have seen, to the proposition that nothing serious was going
+on at that time in Samar. So how could they take frank official
+cognizance on paper of the reign of terror let loose there by their
+delay in ordering out the army until after the presidential election,
+a delay which, like a delay of fire-engines to arrive at the scene of
+a fire, had permitted the Samar outbreak to gain such headway that it
+took two years to finally put it down? Then there was the outbreak
+of 1906 in Leyte, described in the last chapter, as to which even
+the Commission had admitted in their annual report for that year [475]:
+
+
+    Possibly its [Leyte's] immediate vicinity to Samar has had to do
+    with the disturbed conditions.
+
+
+In other words, possibly, a fire may spread from one field of dry
+grass to another near by.
+
+As to the Cavite-Batangas-Laguna insurrection of 1905, in an executive
+order dated September 28, 1907, [476]--noticed in a previous chapter,
+but too pertinent to be entirely omitted here--wherein are set forth
+the reasons for withholding executive clemency from the condemned
+leaders of that movement, Governor-General Smith describes in harrowing
+terms "a reign of terror, devastation, and ruin in three of the most
+beautiful provinces in the archipelago," wrought by the condemned
+men, who he says "assumed the cloak of patriotism, and under the
+titles of 'Defenders of the Country,' and 'Protectors of the People'
+proceeded to inaugurate" said reign of terror. These men were most
+of them former insurgent officers who had remained out after the
+respectable generals had all surrendered. This Cavite-Batangas-Laguna
+insurrection was the very sort of thing which the conditional promise
+of a legislature made by Congress to the Filipino people in Sections 6
+and 7 of the Act of July 1, 1902--the Philippine Government Act--had
+stipulated should not happen. This is no mere dictum of my own. In
+the case of Barcelon against Baker, 5 Philippine Reports, pp. 87 et
+seq., already very briefly noticed in a previous chapter, the Supreme
+Court of the Islands had, in effect, so held. Section 5 of the Act of
+Congress of July 1, 1902, had provided that if any state of affairs
+serious enough should arise, the Governor of the Philippines should
+have authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus "when in cases
+of rebellion, insurrection, or invasion the public safety may require
+it." Sections 6 and 7 of the same Act had provided, on the other hand,
+that if a condition of general and complete peace should prevail for
+a stated period the Filipinos should have a legislature. In the case
+of Barcelon against Baker the Supreme Court held that the situation
+contemplated by Section 5 of the Act of Congress had arisen in the
+provinces of Cavite and Batangas. That, of course, automatically, so
+to speak, made the postponement of the Philippine Assembly a necessary
+logical sequence, under the provisions of Sections 6 and 7. These
+Sections 6 and 7 promised the Filipinos a legislature in the event
+the conditions contemplated by Section 5 should not arise. Barcelon,
+who was one of the (non-combatant) reconcentrados restrained of his
+liberty at Batangas, claimed that his detention as such reconcentrado
+by the defendant in the habeas corpus proceeding, the constabulary
+officer, Colonel Baker, was unlawful, in that, he being charged with
+no crime, such detention deprived him of his liberty without due
+process of law. The Philippine Commission, however, had declared,
+by virtue of the authority vested in it by Section 5 of the Act of
+Congress aforesaid, that a state of insurrection existed in Cavite and
+Batangas, and accordingly the Governor-General had suspended the writ
+of habeas corpus and declared martial law in those provinces. The
+Attorney-General representing the Philippine Commission before
+the court rested the Government's case on the proposition that the
+petitioner was not entitled to claim the ordinary "due process of
+law" because "open insurrection against the constituted authorities"
+existed in the provinces named. And the Supreme Court upheld his
+contention. In so holding, they say, among other things (page 93),
+in construing Section 5 of the Act of Congress we are considering:
+
+
+    Inasmuch as the President, or Governor-General with the approval
+    of the Philippine Commission, can suspend the privilege of the
+    writ of habeas corpus only under the conditions mentioned in the
+    said statute, it becomes their duty to make an investigation of
+    the existing conditions in the archipelago, or any part thereof,
+    to ascertain whether there actually exists a state of rebellion,
+    insurrection, or invasion, and that the public safety requires the
+    suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. When
+    this investigation is concluded, and the President, or the
+    Governor-General with the consent of the Philippine Commission,
+    declares that there exists these conditions, and that the public
+    safety requires the suspension of the privilege of the writ of
+    habeas corpus, can the judicial department of the Government
+    investigate the same facts and declare that no such conditions
+    exist?
+
+
+They answer "No!" The head note of the decision is as follows:
+
+
+    The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus may be suspended in
+    the Philippine Islands in the case of rebellion, insurrection,
+    and invasion, when the public safety requires it, by the President
+    of the United States, or by the Governor-General of the Philippine
+    Islands with the approval of the Philippine Commission.
+
+
+Thus the Supreme Court of the Islands squarely held that on the
+fourth day of August, 1905 (the day the writ of habeas corpus
+was made returnable), open insurrection existed against the
+constituted authorities in the Islands, in the provinces named,
+and had existed since the Executive Proclamation of January 31st,
+previous, declaring a state of insurrection, and on that ground denied
+the writ. Yet the Commission certified on March 28, 1907, that a state
+of general and complete peace as contemplated by the Act of Congress
+conditionally promising a legislature, had prevailed for the two
+years preceding. In other words the Philippine Commission declared
+a state of insurrection to exist in certain populous provinces, and
+was upheld by the Supreme Court of the Islands in so doing, and later
+certified to the continuance of a state of general and complete peace
+covering the same period.
+
+All the uncandid things--uncandid in failure to take the American
+people into their confidence--that have been done by all the good men
+we have sent to the Philippines from the beginning, have been justified
+by those good men to their own consciences on the idea that, because
+the end in view was truly benevolent, therefore the end justified the
+means. As a matter of fact, American Benevolent Assimilation in the
+Philippines has, in its practical operation, worked more of misery and
+havoc, first through war, and since through legislation put or kept on
+the statute books by the influence of special interests in the United
+States with Congress, "than any which has darkened their unhappy past"
+to use one of Mr. McKinley's early expressions deprecating doing for
+the Philippines what we did for Cuba. [477]
+
+But let us see just how much the Philippine Commission that signed the
+peace certificate of March 28, 1907, swallowed, and how they swallowed
+it. It will be observed that they sugar-coated their certificate with
+a lot of whereases. The first of these recites President Roosevelt's
+promise of March 28, 1905, that the Filipinos should have a legislature
+two years thereafter "provided that a condition of general and
+complete peace with recognition of the authority of the United States
+should be certified by the Philippine Commission to have continued in
+the territory of the Philippine Islands for a period of two years"
+after the proclamation. Whereas number two, it will be noted, goes
+on to state that there have been "no serious disturbances of public
+order save and except" those in Cavite, Batangas, Samar, and Leyte,
+[478] the magnitude of which has been fully described in previous
+chapters. Of the Cavite-Batangas insurrection, the only one they had
+previously formally admitted to be an insurrection, they say it was
+"caused by certain noted outlaws and bandit chieftains [naming them],
+and their followers." Obviously this was hardly sufficient to show
+that an insurrection they had once officially recognized as such
+was not in fact such at all. So in order to justify a statement
+that "a condition of general and complete peace" had continued in
+these two great provinces of Cavite and Batangas, which they had
+but shortly previously declared to be in a state of insurrection,
+and been upheld by the Supreme Court in so doing, they resort to the
+old Otis expedient of 1898-9, worked on the American people through
+Mr. McKinley to show absence of lack of consent-of-the-governed. This
+expedient, as we have seen in the earlier chapters of this book,
+consisted in vague use of the word "majority." It had stood Judge
+Taft in good stead in the campaign of 1900, because when he then
+said that "the great majority of the people" were "entirely willing"
+to accept American rule, there was no earthly way to disprove it
+in time for the verdict of the American people to be influenced by
+the unanimity of the Filipinos against a change of masters in lieu
+of independence. It was the only possible expedient for an American
+conscience, because every American naturally feels that unless he
+can, by some sort of sophistry, persuade himself that "the majority"
+of the people want a given thing, then the thing is a wrong thing to
+force upon them. So the ethical hurdle the Commission had to leap in
+order to sign the certificate of 1907 was cleared thus:
+
+
+    The overwhelming majority of the people of said provinces have
+    not taken part in said disturbances and have not aided and abetted
+    the lawless acts of said bandits.
+
+
+As a matter of fact, the report of the American Governor of Cavite--and
+conditions were conceded to be identical in the two provinces of
+Cavite and Batangas--shows that the reason it was so hard to suppress
+the Cavite-Batangas troubles of 1905 was that the people would not
+help the authorities to apprehend the outlaws. No doubt the King of
+England would have signed a similar certificate as to the people of
+the shires and counties in which Robin Hood, Little John, and Friar
+Tuck, held high carnival. Of course I do not mean to libel the fair
+fame of that fine freebooter Robin Hood and his companions by placing
+the rascally leaders of the bands of outlaws now under consideration
+in the same jolly and respectable class with those beloved friends of
+the childhood of us all. But the Cavite-Batangas "patriots" of 1905
+could never have given the authorities as much trouble as they did if
+the people had not at least taken secret joy in discomfiture of the
+American authorities. Until finally suppressed, all such movements
+as these always grew exactly as a snow-ball does if you roll it on
+snow. Says Governor Shanks, a Major of the 4th United States Infantry,
+who was Governor of Cavite, in 1905 in his report for that year, [479]
+in explaining the uprising under consideration, and the way it grew:
+"The Filipino likes to be on the winning side." Certainly this is
+not peculiar to the Filipino. Governor Shanks proceeds:
+
+
+    The prestige acquired (by the uprising) at San Pedro Tunasan,
+    Paranaque, Taal, and San Francisco de Malabon had great weight in
+    creating active sympathy for ladrone bands and leaders. Something
+    was needed to counterbalance the effect of their combined
+    successes, and the appearance of regular troops was just the
+    thing needed.
+
+
+This explains how "the overwhelming majority" of which the certificate
+of 1907 speaks was obtained in Cavite. It took six months to obtain
+said "majority" at that. I suppose the campaigning of the American
+regulars might be credited with obtaining the "majority," and the
+reconcentration of brother Baker of the constabulary might be accorded
+the additional credit of making the majority "overwhelming." If you
+have, as election tellers, so to speak, a soldier with a bayonet on
+one side, and a constabulary officer with a reconcentration camp
+back of him on the other, you can get an "overwhelming majority"
+for the continuance of American rule even in Cavite province.
+
+Through men I commanded during the early campaigning, I have killed my
+share of Filipinos in the time of war; and after the civil government
+was set up I had occasion to hang a good many of them, under what
+seemed to me a necessary application of the old Mosaic law, "An eye
+for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and a life for a life." But I thank
+God I have never been a party to the insufferable pretence that they,
+or any appreciable fraction of them, ever consented to our rule. This,
+however, is the whole theory of the Philippine Commission's certificate
+of March 28, 1907. It is curious how generously and supremely frank a
+brave soldier will get when he forgets to be a politician. In one of
+his state papers of 1907 Governor-General Smith [480] speaks of General
+Trias, who had been Lieutenant-General of the insurgent army in the
+days of the insurrection, and next in rank to Aguinaldo himself, as one
+"whose love of country had been tested on many a well fought field
+of honorable conflict." Contrast this tribute to the respectability
+of the original Philippine war for independence against us with the
+long list of stale falsehoods already reviewed in this volume, on the
+faith of which, in the presidential campaign of 1900, the American
+people were persuaded that to deny to the Filipinos what they had
+accorded to Cuba was righteous! The leaders of the Cavite-Batangas
+uprising of 1905 had been officers of the insurgent army, and that
+was the secret of their hold upon the people of those provinces. It
+is true that they must have been pretty sorry officers, and that they
+were ladrones (brigands). They were cruel and unmitigated scoundrels
+working for purely selfish and vainglorious ends. But it was the
+cloak of patriotism, however, infamously misused, that gained them
+such success as they attained in 1905. Says the American Governor of
+Cavite province in his annual report for 1906 [481]:
+
+
+    The province should be most carefully watched. I am convinced
+    that ladrone leaders do not produce conditions, but that the
+    conditions and attitude of the public produce ladrones.
+
+
+So much for the Cavite-Batangas hurdle. And now as to the Samar and
+Leyte hurdle.
+
+The signers of the certificate of 1907 justify their certificate as to
+Samar and Leyte on a very ingenious theory. The Act of Congress of July
+1, 1902, already cited, which had provided for the taking of a census
+preliminary to the call of an election for delegates to a legislature,
+had recognized the crude ethnological status of the Moros and other
+non-Christian tribes. These had never had anything whatever to do
+with the insurrection against us. Therefore in making the continuance
+of a state of general and complete peace for a prescribed period a
+condition precedent to granting the Filipinos a legislature, the Act
+of 1902 had limited that condition precedent to "the territory of said
+Islands not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes." In fact
+President Roosevelt's proclamation of September 25, 1902, already
+noticed, ordering the taking of the census on the theory that a
+state of general and complete peace then existed, explains that this
+theory is entirely consistent with trouble among the Moros and other
+non-Christian tribes because they, it says, quoting from a statement
+of the Philippine Commission previously made to the President,
+"never have taken any part in the insurrection." The Moros and other
+non-Christian tribes were, so to speak, in no sense assets of the
+Philippine insurrection. All the rest of the population was--that is,
+if there was anything in the veteran General MacArthur's grim jest of
+1900, prompted by Governor Taft's half-baked opinion to the contrary,
+that "ethnological homogeneity" was the secret of the unanimity of the
+opposition we met, and that somehow people "will stick to their own
+kith and kin." When the Philippine Government Act of 1902 was drawn
+nobody pretended for a moment that there were any non-Christian tribes
+either in Samar or Leyte. The whole population of those Islands were
+valuable assets of the insurrection. If any one doubts it, let him
+ask the 9th Infantry. You will find in the Census of 1903 that there
+are no non-Christian tribes credited either to Samar or Leyte. [482]
+When the Philippine Government Act of 1902 was drafted, the exception
+about Moros and other non-Christian tribes was intended to except
+merely certain types of people as distinct from the great mass of the
+Philippine population as islands are from the sea. The fact is, no
+person connected with the Philippine Government either before or after
+the certificate under consideration, ever thought of classifying the
+ignorant country people of the uplands and hills of Samar or Leyte,
+as "non-Christian tribes." The Philippine Census of 1903 does not
+so classify them. The very volume of the Report of the Philippine
+Commission for 1907 in which the certificate aforesaid appears,
+does not. In that volume, [483] the report of the Executive Secretary
+deals elaborately with the subject of non-Christian tribes. Professor
+Worcester of the Philippine Commission has for the last twelve years
+been the grand official digger-up of non-Christian tribes. He takes
+as much delight at the discovery of a new non-Christian tribe in
+some remote, newly penetrated mountain fastness, as the butterfly
+catcher with the proverbial blue goggles does in the capture of a
+new kind of butterfly. The Executive Secretary's report, out of
+deference to the professor, omits no single achievement of his
+with reference to his anthropological hobby. It treats, with an
+enthusiasm that would delight Mrs. Jellyby herself, of "the progress
+that was made during the fiscal year in the work of civilizing
+non-Christian tribes scattered throughout the archipelago." It
+gives an alphabetical list of all the provinces where there are
+non-Christian tribes, and, under the name of each province it gives
+notes as to the progress during the year with those tribes. Neither
+Samar nor Leyte appear in that list of provinces. So that the Samar
+"Pulajans," or "Red Breeches" fellows,--"fanatical" Pulajans, they
+are called in the certificate--were "non-Christian tribes" for peace
+certificate purposes only. One thing which makes it most difficult
+of all for me to understand how these gentlemen got their consent
+to sign that certificate is that each non-Christian tribe in the
+Philippines has a language of its own, whereas the country people
+of the uplands and mountains of Samar and Leyte who are labelled--or
+libelled--"non-Christian tribes" in the certificate of 1907, were no
+more different from the rest of the population of those islands than,
+for instance, the ignorant mountain people of Virginia or Kentucky
+are different, ethnologically, from the inhabitants of Richmond or
+Louisville. In his report for 1908, [484] Governor-General Smith
+himself makes this perfectly clear, where he describes the Samar
+Pulajan, or mountaineer, thus:
+
+
+    The Pulajan is not a robber or a thief by nature--quite the
+    contrary. He is hard working, industrious, and even frugal. He
+    had his little late [485] of hemp on the side of the mountain,
+    and breaking out his picul [486] of hemp, he carried it hank by
+    hank for miles and miles over almost impassable mountain trails
+    to the nearest town or barrio. There he offered it for sale,
+    and if he refused the price tendered, which was generally not
+    more than half the value, he soon found himself arrested on a
+    trumped-up charge, and unless he compromised by parting with his
+    hemp he found himself, after paying his fine and lawyer's fees,
+    without either hemp or money.
+
+
+The non-Christian tribes, on the other hand, never have anything to
+do with the civilized people. The Act of Congress of 1902, therefore,
+had no sort of reference to the simple, ignorant, and ordinarily
+docile mountain folk who tilled the soil, revered the priests, paid
+their cedula or head tax like all the rest of the population of the
+Islands, and carried their agricultural products from season to season,
+their hemp and the like, to the coast towns to market. In other words,
+inclusion of the Samar "Pulajans," or "Red Breeches" brigade, and the
+Leyte bandits, in the peace certificate of 1907, as "non-Christian
+tribes" was an afterthought, having no foundation either in logic
+or fact. It was a part of Benevolent Assimilation. This is clearly
+apparent from President Roosevelt's message to Congress of December,
+1905. [487] You do not find any buncombe about "non-Christian
+tribes" in that message. In there reviewing the Samar and other
+insurrections of 1905 in the Philippines, you find him dealing with
+the real root of the evil with perfect honesty, though adopting the
+view that the Filipino people were to blame therefor, because we
+had placed too much power in the hands of an ignorant electorate,
+which had elected rascally officials. "Cavite and Samar," he says,
+"are instances of reposing too much confidence in the self-governing
+power of a people." If we had let the Filipinos go ahead with their
+little republic in 1898, instead of destroying it as we did, they
+knew and would have utilized the true elements of strength they had,
+viz., a very considerable body of educated, patriotic men having
+the loyal confidence of the masses of the people. But we proceeded
+to ram down their throats a preconceived theory that the only road
+to self-government was for an alien people to step in and make the
+ignorant masses the sine qua non. Yet if there was one point on which
+Mr. McKinley had laid more stress than on any other, in his original
+instructions of April 7, 1900, to the Taft Commission, that point was
+the one consecrated in the following language of those instructions:
+
+
+    In all the forms of government and administrative provisions which
+    they are authorized to prescribe, the commission should bear in
+    mind that the government which they are establishing is designed
+    not for * * * the expression of our theoretical views, etc.
+
+
+Of course the ignorant electorate we perpetrated on Samar as an
+"expression of our theoretical views" proved that we had "gone too
+fast" in conferring self-government, or, to quote Mr. Roosevelt,
+had been "reposing too much confidence in the self-governing power
+of a people," if to begin with the rankest material for constructing
+a government that there was at hand was to offer a fair test of
+capacity for self-government. But President Roosevelt's message,
+above quoted, shows you that the "ignorant electorate" was merely an
+ignorant electorate, and not a non-Christian tribe, as the Philippine
+Commission later had the temerity to certify they were. Now the plain,
+unvarnished, benevolent truth is just this: The Commission knew that
+nobody in the United States, whether they were for retaining the
+Islands or against retaining them, had any desire to postpone granting
+a legislature to the Philippine people. So in their certificate they
+simply included everybody who had given trouble in Samar and Leyte
+as "non-Christian tribes." The only justification for this was that
+they had in fact acted in a most un-Christianlike manner,--i.e., for
+people who devotedly murmur prayers to patron saints in good standing
+in the church calendar. In making their certificate, the Commission
+simply ignored the various uprisings of the preceding two years. They
+simply said, generously, "Oh, forget it." They knew nobody in the
+United States begrudged the Filipinos their conditionally promised
+legislature, or cared to postpone it. The leading Filipinos begged the
+authorities to "forget" the various disturbances that had occurred
+since the publication of the census, and there was a very general
+desire in the Islands to let bygones be bygones, wipe the slate, and
+begin again. Any other attitude would have meant that the legislature
+would have to be postponed. Then the opposition in the United States
+would want to know why, and by 1908 Philippine independence might
+become an issue again. In the eyes of the Commission, the end, being
+benevolent, justified stretching the language of the Act of 1902
+as if it had been the blessed veil of charity itself--i.e., the end
+justified the means. In fact it did--almost--justify the means. But not
+quite. The moral quality of the Great Certificate of 1907 was not as
+reprehensible as General Anderson's dealings with Aguinaldo, already
+described, which, like the certificate, were a necessary part of the
+benevolent hypocrisy of Benevolent Assimilation of an unconsenting
+people. Yet General Anderson is an honorable man. It was not as bad
+as General Greene's juggling Aguinaldo out of his trenches before
+Manila in a friendly way, and failing to give him a receipt for said
+trenches, as he had promised to do, because such a receipt would show
+co-operation and "might look too much like an alliance." This also was
+done on the idea that the end justified the means. Yet General Greene
+is an honorable man. The signers of the great peace certificate of
+1907 are all honorable men. But they signed that certificate, just the
+same. "Judge not that ye be not judged." All I have to say is, I would
+not have signed that certificate. I would have said: "No, gentlemen,
+the end does not justify the means. The Philippine Assembly must be
+postponed, if we are going to deal frankly with Congress and the folks
+at home. The conditions Congress made precedent to the grant of an
+assembly have not been met, and we each and all of us know it. We owe
+more to our own country and to truth than we do to the Filipinos. The
+Act of Congress of 1902 did not vest in the Philippine Commission
+authority to pardon disturbances of public order. It imposed upon
+the Commission an implied duty to report such disturbances, fully
+and frankly. It is not true that there has been a continuing state of
+general and complete peace in these Islands for the last two years,
+and I for one will not certify that there has been."
+
+The truth is, the attitude of the signers of the certificate was like
+that of Uncle Remus, when interrupted by the little boy in one of his
+stories. When Uncle Remus gets to the point in the rabbit story where
+the rabbit thrillingly escapes from the jaws of death, i.e., from the
+jaws of the dogs, by climbing a tree, the rapt listener interrupts:
+"Why, Uncle Remus, a rabbit can't climb a tree." To which Uncle
+Remus replies, with a reassuring wave of the hand, "Oh, but Honey,
+dis rabbit dess 'bleeged ter climb dis tree."
+
+Should any of my good friends still in the Philippines feel disposed to
+censure such levity as the above, I can only say, as Kipling writes
+from England to his Anglo-Indian friends in a foreword to one of
+his books:
+
+
+            I have told these tales of our life
+              For a sheltered people's mirth,
+            In jesting guise,--but ye are wise,
+              And ye know what the jest is worth.
+
+
+Moreover, my authority to speak frankly about these matters is also
+aptly stated by the same great poet thus:
+
+
+            I have eaten your bread and salt,
+              I have drunk your water and wine,
+            The deaths ye died I have watched beside
+              And the lives that ye led were mine.
+
+            Was there aught that I did not share
+              In vigil or toil or ease,
+            One joy or woe that I did not know,
+              Dear friends across the seas?
+
+
+The above reflections are not placed before the reader to show him
+what a pity it is that the writer was not a member of the Philippine
+Commission at the time of their certificate of 1907, or to show what
+a fine thing for our common country it would be if he were made a
+member of that Commission now. He is, personally, as disinterested
+as if Manila were in the moon, for he cannot live in the tropics
+any more. The effect of a year or so of residence there upon white
+men invalided home for tropical dysentery and then returning to the
+Islands is like the effect of water upon a starched shirt. However,
+it is believed that the facts of official record collected in this
+chapter up to this point are a demonstration of this proposition,
+to wit: What the Philippine Government needs more than anything else
+is that the minority party in the United States should be represented
+on the Commission. By this I do not mean representation by what are
+called, under Republican Administrations, "White House" Democrats,
+nor what under a Democratic Administration, if one should ever occur,
+would probably be called "Copperhead Republicans." I mean the genuine
+article. A Democrat who has cast his fortunes with the Philippines
+is no longer a Democrat relatively to the Philippines, because the
+Democratic party wants to get rid of the Philippines and the Democrat
+in the Philippines of course does not. How absurd it is to talk about
+former Governors Wright and Smith, as "life-long Democrats," by way
+of preliminary to using their opinions as "admissions." In the law
+of evidence, an "admission" is a statement made against the interest
+of the party making it.
+
+The first election for representatives in the Philippine Assembly was
+held on July 30, 1907, and on October 16th thereafter the Assembly
+was formally opened by Secretary of War, William H. Taft. The various
+"whereases" hereinabove reviewed, importing complete acquiescence in
+American rule since President Roosevelt's Proclamation of July 4, 1902,
+were first duly read, and then the Assembly was opened. Of course,
+no man could have been elected to the Assembly without at least
+pretending to be in favor of independence, and all but a corporal's
+guard of them were outspoken in favor of the proposition. As the
+present Governor-General Mr. Forbes, said, while Vice-Governor,
+in the Atlantic Monthly for February, 1909:
+
+
+    To deny the capacity of one's country for * * * self-government
+    is essentially unpopular.
+
+
+When he visited the Philippines to open their Assembly in 1907,
+Mr. Taft had said nothing definite and final on the question of
+promising independence since his departure from the Islands in
+1903. His then benevolent unwillingness to tell them frankly he did not
+think they had sense enough to run a government of their own, and that
+they were unfit for self-government, has already been reviewed. For
+two years after 1903 Governor Wright had made them pine for the return
+of Mr. Taft. They longed to hear again some of the siren notes of
+the celebrated speech "the Philippines for the Filipinos." They had
+gotten very excited and very happy over that speech. Of course they
+would not have gotten very excited over independence supposed to be
+coming long after they should be dead and buried. During the two dark
+frank years of Governor Wright's regime, they had frequently been
+told that they were not fit for independence. So that when Secretary
+of War Taft had visited the Islands in 1905 they all had been on the
+qui vive for more statements vaguely implying an independence they
+might hope to live to see. During the visit of 1905 the time of the
+visiting Congressional party was consumed principally with tariff
+hearings, and comparatively little was said on the subject uppermost
+in the minds of all Filipinos. It is true that Mr. Taft said then he
+was of the opinion that it would take a generation or longer to get
+the country ready for self-government, but he said it in a tactful,
+kindly way, and did not forever crush their hopes. So when he went
+out to the Islands to open the assembly in 1907, the attitude of the
+whole people in expectation of some definite utterances on the question
+of a definite promise of independence at some future time, was just
+the attitude of an audience in a theatre as to which one affirms
+"you could hear a pin fall." In this regard Mr. Taft's utterances
+were as follows [488]:
+
+
+    I am aware that in view of the issues discussed at the election of
+    this assembly I am expected to say something regarding the policy
+    of the United States toward these islands. I cannot speak with
+    the authority of one who may control that policy. The Philippine
+    Islands are territory belonging to the United States, and by the
+    Constitution, the branch of that government vested with the power
+    and charged with the duty of making rules and regulations for their
+    government is Congress. The policy to be pursued with respect
+    to them is therefore ultimately for Congress to determine. * * *
+    I have no authority to speak for Congress in respect to the
+    ultimate disposition of the Islands.
+
+
+After that there was some talk about "mutually beneficial trade
+relations" and "improvement of the people both industrially and in
+self-governing capacity." But with regard to the "process of political
+preparation of the Filipino people" for self-government the Secretary
+said that was a question no one could certainly answer; and so far as
+he was concerned he thought it would take "considerable longer than a
+generation." Somewhere in the early Philippine State papers there is
+a quotation used by Mr. Taft from Shakespeare about "Keeping the word
+of promise to the ear and breaking it to the hope." The Filipinos have
+eagerly read for the last twelve years every utterance of Mr. Taft's
+that they could get hold of. If any of those embryonic statesmen of the
+first Philippine Assembly, familiar with the various Taft utterances,
+had looked up the context of the Shakespearian quotation above alluded
+to, he would have found it to be as follows:
+
+
+            And be these juggling fiends no more believ'd,
+            That palter with us in a double sense:
+            That keep the word of promise to our ear
+            And break it to our hope. [489]
+
+
+Since the announcement by Secretary of War Taft at the opening
+of the Philippine Assembly in October, 1907, of the policy of
+indefinite retention of the Islands with undeclared intention,
+the Filipinos have of course clearly understood that if they were
+ever to have independence they must look to Congress for it. But
+they know Congress is not interested in them and that they have no
+influence with it, and that the Hemp Trust, the Tobacco Trust, and the
+Sugar Trust, have. So that since 1907, both the American authorities
+in the Philippines and the Filipinos have settled down, the former
+suffused with benevolence--hardened however by paternalistic firmness,
+the latter stoically, to the programme of indefinite retention with
+undeclared intention. No conceivable programme could be devised more
+ingeniously calculated to engender race hatred. The Filipino newspapers
+call the present policy one of "permanent administration for inferior
+and incapable races." The Act of Congress of July 1, 1902, known as the
+Philippine Government Act, which is the "Constitution," so to speak,
+we have given the Filipinos, accords "liberty of the press" in the
+exact language of our own Constitution. The native press does not
+fail to use this liberty to the limit. Naturally the American press
+does not remain silent. So here are a pair of bellows ever fanning
+the charcoals of discontent. And the masses of the Filipino people
+read the Filipino papers. If they cannot read, their children can. In
+one of the reports of one of the American constabulary officials in
+the Philippines, there is an account of the influence of the native
+press too graphic to be otherwise than accurate. He says one can often
+see, in the country districts, a group of natives gathered about some
+village Hampden, listening to his reading the latest diatribe against
+the American Occupation. Never was there such folly in the annals of
+statesmanship. In their native papers, the race situation of course
+comes in for much comment. Now the most notorious and inflexible
+fact of that race situation is that the colonial Anglo-Saxon does
+not intermarry with "the yellow and brown" subject people, as the
+Latin colonizing races do. It would be an over-statement of the case
+to say that the Filipinos to-day had rather have the Spaniards back
+as their overlords instead of us. In 1898, they "tasted the sweets
+of liberty," to use an expression of one of their leaders, and I
+am perfectly sure that to-day the desire of all those people for a
+government of their own is so genuine and universal as that it amounts
+to a very hopeful positive factor in the equation of their capacity for
+self-government. But there is no doubt that many of the Filipinos after
+all have a very warm place in their hearts for the Spanish people. How
+could it be otherwise when so many of the Filipinos are sons and
+grandsons of Spaniards? Much of like and dislike in life's journey is
+determined pre-natally. On the other hand, the American women in the
+Philippines maintain an attitude toward the natives quite like that of
+their British sisters in Hong Kong toward the Chinese, and in Calcutta
+toward the natives there. The social status of an American woman who
+marries a native,--I myself have never heard of but one case--is like
+that of a Pacific coast girl who marries a Jap. This is merely the
+instinct of self-defence with which Nature provides the weaker sex,
+just as she provides the porcupine with quills. But look at the other
+side of the picture. When an American man marries a native woman,
+he thereafter finds himself more in touch with his native "in-laws"
+it is true, but correspondingly, and ever increasingly, out of touch
+with his former associations. This is not as it should be. But it is
+a most unpleasant and inexorable fact of the present situation. In
+an address delivered at the Quill Club in Manila on January 25,
+1909, Governor Smith, after reciting the various beneficent designs
+contemplated by the government and the various public works consummated
+(at the expense of the people of the Islands) deplored, in spite of
+it all, what he termed "the growing gulf between the races." Said he:
+
+
+    An era of ill feeling has started between Americans and Filipinos,
+    and, I hesitate to say it, race hatred.
+
+
+Cherchez la femme! You find her, on the one hand, in the American woman
+whose attitude has been indicated, and you find her, on the other,
+in the refined and virtuous native woman, who finds her American
+husband's relations to his compatriots altered--queered--since his
+marriage to her, no matter how faithful a wife and mother she may
+be. This is the unspeakably cruel situation we have forced upon the
+Filipino people--whom I really learned to respect, and became much
+attached to, before I left the Islands--and President Taft knows it
+as well as I do. Yet he does not take the American people into his
+confidence. He simply worries along with the situation, wishing it
+would get better, but knowing it will get worse. That this situation
+is a permanent one is clearly shown by all the previous teachings
+of racial history. In his Winning of the West, written in 1889,
+speaking of the French settlers in the Ohio valley before 1776,
+and the cordial social relations of the dominant race with the
+natives--relations which have always obtained with all Latin races
+under like circumstances--Mr. Roosevelt says (vol. i., page 41):
+
+
+    They were not trammelled by the queer pride which makes a man
+    of English stock unwilling to make a red-skinned woman his wife,
+    though anxious enough to make her his concubine.
+
+
+Men of English stock have changed but little in the matter of race
+instinct since 1776. If we had a definite policy, declared by Congress,
+promising independence, the American attitude in the Philippines toward
+the Filipinos would at once change, from the present impossible one,
+to our ordinary natural attitude of courtesy toward all foreigners,
+regardless of their color.
+
+On May 7, 1909, the Honorable James F. Smith took his departure from
+the Philippine Islands forever and turned over the duties of his
+office to the Honorable W. Cameron Forbes, as Acting President of the
+Commission and Governor-General. As in the case of Governors Wright
+and Ide, so in that of Governor Smith, no reason is apparent why the
+Washington Government should have been willing to dispense with the
+services of the incumbent. This was peculiarly true in the case of
+General Smith. He was but fifty years of age when he left the Islands
+in 1909. He has rendered more different kinds of distinguished public
+service than any American who has ever been in the Philippine Islands
+from the time Dewey's guns first thundered out over Manila Bay down to
+this good hour. Going out with the first expedition in 1898 as Colonel
+of the 1st California Regiment, he distinguished himself on more
+than one battlefield in the early fighting and in recognition thereof
+was made a brigadier-general. Subsequent to this he became Military
+Governor of the island of Negros, that one of the six principal
+Visayan Islands which gave less trouble during the insurrection and
+after than any other--a circumstance doubtless not wholly unrelated
+to General Smith's wise and tactful administration there. Later on
+during the military regime he became Collector of Customs of the
+archipelago. The revenues from customs are the principal source of
+revenue of the Philippine Government and the sums of money handled
+are enormous. The customs service, moreover, in most countries, and
+especially in the Philippines, is more subject to the creeping in of
+graft than any other. General Smith's administration of this post was
+in keeping with everything else he did in the Islands. When the civil
+government was founded by Judge Taft in 1901, he was appointed one of
+the Justices of the Supreme Court and filled the duties of that office
+most creditably. Thence he was promoted to the Philippine Commission,
+which is, virtually, the cabinet of the Governor-General. Still later
+he became Vice-Governor, and finally Governor, serving as such from
+September, 1906, to May, 1909. Any other government on earth that has
+over-seas colonies and recognizes the supreme importance of a maximum
+of continuity of policy, would have kept Governor Smith as long
+as it could have possibly induced him to stay, just as the British
+kept Lord Cromer in Egypt. Governor Smith was succeeded by a young
+man from Boston, who had come out to the Islands four years before,
+and who, prior to that time, had never had any public service in the
+United States of any kind, had never been in the Philippine Islands,
+and probably had never seen a Filipino until he landed at Manila.
+
+General Smith is now (1912) one of the Judges of the Court of Customs
+Appeals at Washington.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXII
+
+GOVERNOR FORBES--1909-1912
+
+            The trouble with this country to-day is that,
+            under long domination by the protected interests,
+            a partnership has grown up between them and the
+            Government which the best men in the Republican
+            party could not break up if they would.--Woodrow Wilson.
+
+
+When Governor Forbes assumed the duties of Governor-General of the
+Philippines, some ten years after the ratification of the Treaty
+of Paris whereby we bought the Islands, he was the ninth supreme
+representative of American authority we had had there since the
+American occupation began. The following is the list:
+
+
+    (1) Gen. Thomas M. Anderson       June  30, 1898-July 25, 1898
+    (2) Gen. Wesley Merritt           July  25, 1898-Aug. 29, 1898
+    (3) Gen. Elwell S. Otis           Aug.  29, 1898-May 5, 1900
+    (4) Gen. Arthur MacArthur         May    5, 1900-July 4, 1901
+    (5) Hon. William H. Taft          July   4, 1901-Dec. 23, 1903
+    (6) Hon. Luke E. Wright           Dec.  23, 1903-Nov. 4, 1905
+    (7) Hon. Henry C. Ide             Nov.   4, 1905-Sept. 20, 1906
+    (8) Hon. James F. Smith           Sept. 20, 1906-May 7, 1909
+    (9) Hon. W. Cameron Forbes        May    7, 1909- [490]
+
+
+No one of these distinguished gentlemen has ever had any authority to
+tell the Filipinos what we expect ultimately to do with them. They
+have not known themselves. Is not this distinctly unfair both to
+governors and governed?
+
+Before Governor Forbes went to the Philippines he had been a largely
+successful business man. He is a man of the very highest personal
+character, and an indefatigable worker. He has done as well as the
+conditions of the problem permit. But he is always between Scylla
+and Charybdis. American capital in or contemplating investment in the
+Islands is continually pressing to be permitted to go ahead and develop
+the resources of the Islands. To keep the Islands from being exploited
+Congress early limited grants of land to a maximum too small to attract
+capital. So those who desire to build up the country, knowing they
+cannot get the law changed, are forever seeking to invent ways to get
+around the law. And, being firm in the orthodox Administration belief
+that discussion of ultimate independence is purely academic, i.e.,
+a matter of no concern to anybody now living, Governor Forbes is of
+course in sympathy with Americans who wish to develop the resources of
+the Islands. On the other hand, he knows that such a course will daily
+and hourly make ultimate independence more certain never to come. So
+do the Filipinos know this. Therefore they clamor ever louder and
+louder against all American attempts to repeal the anti-exploiting
+Acts of Congress by "liberal" interpretation. Many an American just
+here is sure to ask himself, "Why all this 'clamor'? Do we not give
+them good government? What just ground have they for complaint?" Yes,
+we do give them very good government, so far as the Manila end of
+the business is concerned, except that it is a far more expensive
+government than any people on the earth would be willing to impose
+on themselves. But their main staples are hemp, sugar, and tobacco,
+and we raise the last two in this country. Their sugar and tobacco
+were allowed free entry into the United States by the Paine Law of
+1909 up to amounts limited in the law, but the Philippine people know
+very well that American sugar and tobacco interests will either dwarf
+the growth of their sugar and tobacco industries by refusing to allow
+the limit raised--the limit of amounts admitted free of duty--or else
+that our Sugar Trust and our Tobacco Trust will simply ultimately
+eliminate them by absorption, just as the Standard Oil Company used
+to do with small competitors. In this sort of prospect certainly even
+the dullest intellect must recognize just ground for fearing--nay for
+plainly foreseeing--practical industrial slavery through control by
+foreign [491] corporations of economic conditions. So much for the
+two staples in which the Philippines may some day become competitors
+of ours. It took Mr. Taft nine years to persuade American sugar and
+tobacco that they would not be in any immediate danger by letting
+in a little Philippine sugar and tobacco free of duty. Then they
+consented. Not until then did they promise not to shout "Down with
+cheap Asiatic labor. We will not consent to compete with it." Their
+mental reservation was, of course, and is, "if the Philippine sugar
+and tobacco industries get too prosperous, we will either buy them,
+or cripple them by defeating their next attempt to get legislation
+increasing the amounts of Philippine sugar and tobacco admitted into
+the United States free of duty." And the Filipinos know that this is
+the fate that awaits two out of the three main sources of the wealth
+of their country. Their third source of wealth, their main staple, is
+the world-famous Manila hemp. This represents more than half the value
+of their total annual exports. And as to it, "practical industrial
+slavery through control by foreign corporations of economic conditions"
+is to-day not a fear, but a fact. The International Harvester Company
+has its agents at Manila. The said company or allied interests,
+or both, are large importers of Manila hemp. The reports of all the
+governors-general of the Philippines who have preceded Governor Forbes
+tell, year after year, of the millions "handed over" to American hemp
+importers through "the hemp joker" of the Act of Congress of 1902,
+hereinafter explained, in the chapter on Congressional Legislation
+(Chapter XXVI.). Why did these complaints--made with annual
+regularity up to Governor Forbes's accession--cease thereafter? You
+will find these complaints of his predecessors transcribed in the
+chapter mentioned, because if I had re-stated them you might suspect
+exaggeration. The "rake-off" of the American importers of Manila hemp
+for 1910 was nearly $750,000, as fully explained in Chapter XXVI.
+
+Governor Forbes will be in this country when this book is issued. I
+think he owes it to the American people to explain why he does not
+continue the efforts of his predecessors to halt the depredations
+of the Hemp Trust. Why does he content himself in his last annual
+report with a mild allusion to the fact that the condition of
+the hemp industry is "not satisfactory"? I have said that Governor
+Forbes is a man of high character, and take pleasure in repeating that
+statement in this connection. The truth is we are running a political
+kindergarten for adults in the Philippines, and those responsible
+for the original blunder of taking them, and all their political
+heirs and assigns since, have sought to evade admitting and setting
+to work to rectify the blunder. Unmasked, this is what the policy of
+Benevolent Assimilation now is. They allege an end, and so justify
+all the ways and means. Benevolent Assimilation needs the support
+of the International Harvester Company and of all other Big Business
+interested directly or indirectly in Manila hemp. The end justifies
+the means. Hence the silence. Philippine gubernatorial reticence is
+always most reticent about that particular subject on which at the time
+the American people are most peculiarly entitled to information. As
+long as public order was the most pressing question, Philippine
+gubernatorial reticence selected that branch of our colonial problem
+either for especial silence or for superlatively casual allusion, as
+we have already seen. So now with the economic distresses. Frankness
+would obviously furnish too much good argument for winding up this
+Oriental receivership of ours. The Philippine Government will never
+tell its main current troubles until after they are over. But as
+the present trouble--the economic depredations of powerful special
+interests--must necessarily be fruitful of discontent which will
+crop out some day to remind us that as we sow so shall we reap,
+any one who helps expose the root of the trouble is doing a public
+service. No Congressman who in silence would permit Big Business to
+prey upon his constituents as Governor Forbes has, could long remain in
+office. Taxation without representation may amount to depredation, and
+yet never be corrected, when the powers that prey have the ear of the
+court, and the victims cannot get the ear of the American people. So
+the Hemp Trust continues to rob the Filipinos under the forms of law,
+and the Mohonk Conference continues to kiss Benevolent Assimilation
+on both cheeks. And Dr. Lyman Abbott periodically says Amen. I am not
+speaking disrespectfully of Dr. Abbott. I am deploring the lack of
+information of our people at home as to conditions in the Philippines.
+
+It is a relief to turn from such matters to some of the real
+substantial good we have done out there to which Governor Forbes
+has heretofore publicly pointed with just pride. In an article
+in the Atlantic Monthly for February, 1909, Governor Forbes (then
+Vice-Governor) said, among other things:
+
+
+    We have completed the separation of Church and State, buying out
+    from the religious orders their large agricultural properties,
+    which are now administered by the government for the benefit of
+    the tenants.
+
+
+This statement I cannot too cordially endorse. It would be grossly
+unfair not to accord full measure of acclaim to Governor Taft for the
+way he worked out the problem of the Friar Lands. He has been attacked
+in some quarters in this regard, and most unjustly. Not being a
+Catholic, and all my people being Protestants, I have no fear of being
+suspected of special pleading in the matter. The working out of the
+Friar Land problem by Governor Taft in the Philippines was a splendid
+piece of constructive statesmanship. He was at his greatest and best
+in that very transaction. The Treaty of Paris had guaranteed that all
+vested rights should be respected, including those of ecclesiastical
+bodies. The friars had long owned the lands in question. There can be
+no particle of doubt on this point. The tenants on the land had all
+long ago attorned to them, father and son, from time out of mind,
+paying rent regularly. But by claiming jurisdiction over their
+tenants' souls also, and getting that jurisdiction effectively
+recognized, the thrifty friars used to raise the rent regularly,
+quieting incipient protest with threats of eternal punishment,
+or protracted stay in purgatory. The advent of our government let
+loose a revolt against the authority of the friars generally, and,
+their spiritual hold once loosened, this led the tenants to dispute
+the land titles of their spiritual shepherds, who were also their
+temporal landlords. Of course the titles had all been long recorded,
+and looked after by the best legal talent the country afforded. As
+long as you control the future of your tenant's soul, you can make him
+pay his last copeck for rent. But as soon as that control is lost,
+the man on whom the governing of the country thereafter devolves
+has a certain prospect of a great agrarian revolution on his hands,
+having in it many elements of substantial righteousness. Governor
+Taft's capacious mind, prompted by his strongest instinct, love of
+justice, conceived the idea of having the Philippine Government raise
+the money to buy the Friar Lands, by issuing bonds, and then buying
+the Friars out and re-selling the land to the tenants on long time,
+on the instalment plan, the instalments to be so graduated as to be
+equal to a moderate rental. Each tenant stayed right where he had
+been all the time, in possession of the tract he had always tilled,
+he and his father before him. To arrange all this it took an Act of
+Congress authorizing the bond issue, and a visit to Rome to arrange
+the bargain with the Pope. Some say His Holiness drove a hard bargain
+with Governor Taft, or to put it another way, that Governor Taft paid
+the Church people too much for the land. He did not. He may not have
+counted pennies with them, but the lands were worth what he paid for
+them. And the purchase protected the faith and honor of our government,
+as pledged by the Treaty of Paris, and at the same time prevented an
+agrarian revolution--which would have had a lot of elemental justice
+on its side.
+
+Another of the good works we have done in the Philippines, to which
+Governor Forbes points in his magazine article above mentioned,
+is thus noted by him:
+
+
+    We have put the finances on a sound and sensible basis.
+
+
+To this also I say Amen. The Forbes article then goes on to say
+that the government of the Islands is self-supporting. This is
+true, except the $14,000,000 a year it costs us to keep out there a
+garrison of 12,000 American troops (supplemented by certain native
+scouts--see chapter on "Cost of the Philippines," hereafter). This
+garrison is conceded to be a mere handful, sufficient merely,
+and intended merely--as a witty English woman has put it in a book
+on the Philippines--"to knock the Filipino on the head in case he
+wants his liberty before the Americans think he is fit for it." In
+other words, we only attempt to keep force enough there to quell any
+outbreak that might occur. So far as possible invasion by any foreign
+power is concerned, our $14,000,000 per annum is an absolutely dead
+loss. Brigadier-General Clarence Edwards, U. S. A., commanding the
+Bureau of Insular Affairs, said recently [492] before the Finance
+Committee of the Senate:
+
+
+    I would never think of the Philippines as a military problem for
+    defence. If any nation wants them, it is merely a declaration
+    of war.
+
+
+What a shameful admission for a great nation to subscribe to,
+relatively to people it pretends to be protecting! The programme of
+the War Department is to abandon the Islands to their fate, for the
+time being at least, in our next war, letting them remain a football
+until the end of such war, when, as an independent republic they
+could, and would, rally as one man to the defence of their country
+against invasion, and would, with a little help from us, make life
+unbearable for an invading force. As things stand, we are just as
+impotent as Spain was out there in 1898, and it is utter folly to
+forget what happened then.
+
+But to return to Governor Forbes's article and to a pleasanter feature
+of the situation. He says:
+
+
+    We have established schools throughout the archipelago, teaching
+    upward of half a million children.
+
+
+This also is true, and greatly to our credit. But as the American
+hemp trust mulcts the Philippine hemp output about a half million
+dollars a year (as above suggested, and later, in another chapter,
+more fully explained), it follows that each Filipino child pays the
+hemp trust a dollar a year for the privilege of going to school.
+
+And now let us consider the most supremely important part of Governor
+Forbes's magazine article above quoted. The burden of the song of
+the adverse minority report on the pending Jones bill (looking to
+Philippine independence in 1921) [493] is that because there are
+certain "wild tribes" scattered throughout the archipelago, in the
+mountain fastnesses, therefore we should cling to the present policy of
+indefinite retention with undeclared intention until the wild tribes
+get civilized. Governor Forbes's article is an absolute, complete,
+and final answer to the misinformed nonsense of the minority report
+aforesaid. He says, apropos of public order:
+
+
+    It is now safe to travel everywhere throughout the Islands without
+    carrying a weapon, excepting only in some of the remote parts of
+    the mountains, where lurk bands of wild tribes who might possibly
+    mistake the object of a visit, and in the southern part of the
+    great island of Mindanao which is inhabited by intractable Moros.
+
+
+The foregoing unmasks, in all its contemptible falsehood, the pretence
+that the presence of a few wild tribes in the Philippines is a reason
+for withholding independence from 7,000,000 of Christian people in
+order that a greedy little set of American importers of Manila hemp may
+fatten thereon. True, hemp is not edible, but it is convertible into
+edibles--and also into campaign funds. That the existence of these wild
+tribes--the dog-eating Igorrotes and other savages you saw exhibited at
+the St. Louis Exposition of 1903-4--constitute infinitely less reason
+for withholding independence from the Filipinos than the American
+Indian constituted in 1776 for withholding independence from us, will
+be sufficiently apparent from a glance at the following table, taken
+from the American Census of the Islands of 1903 (vol. ii., p. 123):
+[494]
+
+
+        Island      Civilized       Wild        Total
+
+        Luzon       3,575,001    223,506    3,798,507
+        Panay         728,713     14,933      743,646
+        Cebu          592,247                 592,247
+        Bohol         243,148                 243,148
+        Negros        439,559     21,217      460,776
+        Leyte         357,641                 357,641
+        Samar         222,002        688      222,690
+        Mindanao      246,694    252,940      499,634
+
+
+I think the above table makes clear the enormity of the injustice I am
+now trying to crucify. Without stopping to use your pencil, you can
+see that Mindanao, the island where the "intractable Moros" Governor
+Forbes speaks of live, contains about a half million people. Half
+of these are civilized Christians, and the other half are the wild,
+crudely Mohammedan Moro tribes. Above Mindanao on the above list,
+you behold what practically is the Philippine archipelago (except
+Mindanao), viz., Luzon and the six main Visayan Islands. If you will
+turn back to pages 225 et seq., especially to page 228, where the
+student of world politics was furnished with all he needs or will
+ever care to know about the geography of the Philippine Islands,
+you will there find all the rocks sticking out of the water and all
+the little daubs you see on the map eliminated from the equation
+as wholly unessential to a clear understanding of the problem of
+governing the Islands. That process of elimination left us Luzon and
+the six main Visayan Islands above, as constituting, for all practical
+governmental purposes all the Philippine archipelago except the Moro
+country, Mindanao (i.e., parts of it), and its adjacent islets;
+Luzon and the Visayan Islands contain nearly 7,000,000 of people,
+and of these the wild tribes, as you can see by a glance at the above
+table, constitute less than 300,000, sprinkled in the pockets of their
+various mountain regions. Nearly all these 300,000 are quite tame,
+peaceable, and tractable, except, as Governor Forbes suggests, they
+"might possibly mistake the object of a visit." The half million
+"intractable Moros" of Mindanao, plus those in the adjacent islets,
+make up another 300,000. These last, it is true, will need policing
+for some time to come, but whether we do that policing by retaining
+Mindanao, or whether we let the Filipinos do it, is a detail that has
+no standing in court as a reason for continuing to deny independence
+to the 7,000,000 of people of Luzon and the Visayan Islands because
+they have some 300,000 backward people in the backwoods of their
+mountains. Yet see how the ingenuity of inspired ignorance states the
+case, by adding the 300,000 tame tribes of Luzon and the Visayas to
+the 300,000 fierce Moro savages away down in Mindanao, near Borneo,
+so as to get 600,000 "wild" people, and then alluding to the fact
+that so far only 200,000 Filipinos are qualified to vote. Says the
+report of the minority of the Committee on Insular Affairs on the
+pending Jones bill (proposing independence in 1921):
+
+
+    The wild and uncivilized inhabitants of the islands outnumber, 3
+    to 1, those who would be qualified to vote under the pending bill
+    [the Jones bill].
+
+
+You see the minority report is counting women and children,
+when it talks about the wild tribes, but not when it talks about
+voters. According to universally accepted general averages, among
+7,500,000 people you should find 1,500,000 adult males. No one doubts
+that of these, by 1921, 500,000 will have become qualified voters. No
+one can deny that any such country having 500,000 qualified voters, the
+bulk of whom are good farmers, and the cream of whom are high-minded
+educated gentlemen, and all of whom are intensely patriotic, will be in
+good shape for promotion to independence. What wearies me about this
+whole matter is that the minority report above mentioned is permitted
+to get off such "rot," and the New York Times, the Army and Navy
+Journal, and others, to applaud it, while the Administration sits by,
+silent, and reaps the benefit of such stale, though not intentional,
+falsehoods, without attempting to correct them, so that our people
+may get at the real merits of the question. You see this silence
+inures to the benefit of the interests that have cornered the Manila
+hemp industry.
+
+In the campaign of 1912 for the Republican nomination for the
+Presidency, there was much mutual recrimination between Colonel
+Roosevelt and Mr. Taft about which of them had been kindest to
+the International Harvester Company. It seems to me it is "up to"
+Governor Forbes, who in the Philippines has served under the present
+President and his predecessor also, to explain why he has abandoned
+the fight, so long waged by previous governors-general, to get what
+former Governor-General James F. Smith calls "the [hemp] joker" of
+the Act of Congress of 1902 concerning the Philippines, wiped from
+the statute books of this country.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIII
+
+"NON-CHRISTIAN" WORCESTER
+
+            The cry of remote distress is ever faintly heard.
+
+                          Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
+
+
+In the year 1911, the editor of one of the great metropolitan
+papers told me that President Taft told him that the Honorable
+Dean C. Worcester, the Secretary of the Interior of the Philippine
+Government, was "the most valuable man we have on the Philippine
+Commission." Certainly, reproduction of such an indorsement from
+so exalted a source shows a wish to be fair, in one who considers
+Professor Worcester the direst calamity that has befallen the
+Filipinos since the American occupation, neither war, pestilence,
+famine, reconcentration, nor tariff-wrought poverty excepted. During
+all my stay in the Philippines I never did have any official relations
+of any sort with the Professor, and only met him, casually, once,
+in 1901. The personal impression left from the meeting was distinctly
+that of an overbearing bully of the beggar-on-horseback type. Conscious
+of liability to error, and preferring that the reader should judge for
+himself, I give the main circumstances upon which this impression is
+based. Soon after the central insular government was set up, in 1901,
+Judge Taft and certain other members of the Philippine Commission,
+the Professor among the number, came into my judicial district to
+organize provincial governments. Their coming to each town where they
+stopped was telegraphed in advance, and before they reached the town
+where I then was holding court each one of the American colony of
+the town was designated by common consent to look after a fraction
+of the Taft party during their stay. The Professor fell to my lot. I
+always was unlucky. However, their stay was only a few hours. While
+they were there, I had occasion to observe that the Professor spoke
+Spanish quite well and so remarked to him. The well-bred reply was:
+"You'll find that I know a great many things you might not think I
+knew." Whether this was merely "The insolence of office" cropping
+out in a previously obscure young man suddenly elevated to high
+station, or whether it was an evidence of the Commissioner's idea
+of the relation of the Executive Department of a government to its
+Judiciary, is a question. [495] At all events I think the incident
+gives an insight into the man not irrelevant to what is hereinafter
+submitted. I have met a number of other Americans since who had
+received impressions similar to my own. And the Professor's whole
+subsequent course in the Islands corroborates those impressions. I
+have never talked to any American in the Philippines who had a good
+word for him. Of course, Power, like Property, will always have
+friends. So that even Professor Worcester may have some friends,
+among his fellow-countrymen in those far-away Islands. But it has
+already been made clear in a former chapter how entirely possible it
+is for a man occupying high position in the government out there to
+be very generally and cordially disliked by his own countrymen there
+and actually not know it. Whether this is true of Professor Worcester,
+or not, as a general proposition it is quite possible. One thing is
+certain, namely, that he is very generally and very cordially detested
+by the Filipinos. That this detestation is perfectly natural under
+the circumstances, and entirely justifiable, and that it is a cruel
+injustice to those people, as well as a monumental piece of folly,
+to keep the Professor saddled upon them, it is now in order to show.
+
+In Chapter VI (ante), we made the acquaintance of two young naval
+officers. Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and Naval Cadet L. R. Sargent, who,
+in the fall of 1898, while the fate of the Philippines hung in the
+balance at Paris, and peace still reigned in the Islands between us
+and the Filipinos, made a trip through the interior of Luzon, covering
+some six hundred miles, and afterwards furnished Admiral Dewey with
+a written report of their trip, which was later published as a Senate
+document. Professor Worcester's greatest value to President Taft, and
+also the thing out of which has grown, most unfortunately, what seems
+to be a very cordial mutual hatred between him and the Filipinos,
+is his activities in the matter of discovering, getting acquainted
+with, classifying, tabulating, enumerating, and otherwise preparing
+for salvation, the various non-Christian tribes. These tribes have
+already been briefly dealt with in Chapter XXI. (ante), apropos of
+that part of the Great Peace Certificate of 1907 which related to the
+"Moros and other non-Christian tribes"--uncivilized tribes which,
+being as distinct from the great mass of the Filipino people as
+islets from the sea, had had no more to do with the insurrection
+against us, than the Pawnees, Apaches, and Sioux Indians had to do
+with our Civil War of 1861-5. They were also dealt with, somewhat,
+in the chapter preceding this. Long before Professor Worcester was
+permanently inflicted upon the Filipino people, one of the young
+naval officers above mentioned, Mr. Sargent, published an article in
+the Outlook for September 2, 1899, [496] based on this trip through
+the interior of Luzon, made by authority of Admiral Dewey the year
+before. In the course of his article Mr. Sargent says:
+
+
+    Some years ago, at an exposition held at Barcelona, Spain,
+    a man and woman were exhibited as representative types of the
+    inhabitants of Luzon. The man wore a loin cloth, and the woman
+    a scanty skirt. It was evident that they belonged to the lowest
+    plane of savagery.
+
+
+He adds:
+
+
+    I think no deeper wound was ever inflicted upon the pride of the
+    real Filipino people than that caused by this exhibition, the
+    knowledge of which seems to have spread throughout the island. The
+    man and woman, while actually natives of Luzon, were captives of
+    a wild tribe of Igorrotes of the hills.
+
+
+Professor Worcester was originally a professor of zoology, or something
+of that sort, in a western university. In the early nineties he had
+made a trip to the Philippines, confining himself then mostly to
+creeping things and quadrupeds--lizards, alligators, pythons, unusual
+wild beasts, and other forms of animal life of the kind much coveted as
+specimens by museums and universities. In 1899, just after the Spanish
+War, he got out a book on the Philippines, and as an American who had
+been in the Philippines was then a rara avis, it came to pass that
+the reptile-finder ultimately became a statesman. He was brought,
+possibly by conscious worth, to the notice of President McKinley,
+accompanied the Schurman Commission to the Islands, in 1899, and
+the Taft Commission in 1900, and finally evolved into his present
+eminence as Secretary of the Interior and official chief finder of
+non-Christian tribes for the Philippine Government.
+
+The best known of the wild tribes in the Philippines are the Igorrotes,
+the dog-eating savages you saw at the St. Louis Exposition in 1903-4,
+the same Mr. Sargent speaks of in his article in the Outlook. Of
+course it was not a desire to misrepresent the situation, but only the
+enthusiasm of a zoologist, anthropologically inclined, and accustomed
+to carry a kodak, which started the Professor to photographing the
+dog-eating Igorrotes and specimens of other non-Christian tribes
+soon after the Taft Commission reached the Philippines. But you
+cannot get far in the earlier reports of the Taft Commission, which
+was supposed to have been sent out to report back on the capacity of
+the Filipinos for self-government, without crossing the trail of the
+Professor's kodak--pictures of naked Igorrotes and the like. This,
+however innocent, must have been of distinct political value in
+1900 and 1904 in causing the heart of the missionary vote in the
+United States to bleed for those "sixty different tribes having sixty
+different languages" of which Secretary Root's campaign speeches made
+so much. It must also have greatly awakened the philanthropic interest
+of exporters of cotton goods to learn of those poor "savage millions"
+wearing only a loin cloth, when they could be wearing yards of cotton
+cloth. By the time the St. Louis Exposition came off, in 1903-4,
+it was decided to have the various tribes represented there. So
+specimens were sent of the Igorrote tribe, the Tagalos, the Visayans,
+the Negrito tribe, and various other tribes. The Tagalos, the Visayans,
+etc., being ordinary Filipinos, did not prove money-makers. But it was
+great sport to watch the Igorrotes preparing their morning dog. So it
+was the "non-Christian tribes" that paid. It was they that were most
+advertised. It was the recollection of them that lingered longest
+with the visitor to the Exposition, and there was always in his mind
+thereafter an association of ideas between the Igorrotes and Filipino
+capacity for self-government generally. Many representative Filipinos
+visited the St. Louis Exposition, saw all this, and came home and told
+about it. One very excellent Filipino gentleman, a friend of mine,
+who was Governor of Samar during my administration of the district
+which included that island, sent me one day in October, 1904, a
+satirical note, enclosing a pamphlet he had just received called
+Catalogue of Philippine Views at the St. Louis Exposition. He knew I
+would understand, so he said in the note, that the pamphlet was sent
+"in order that you may learn something of certain tribes still extant
+in this country." Concerning all this, I can say of my own knowledge
+exactly what Naval Cadet Sargent said concerning the lesser like
+indignity of the one Igorrote couple exhibited at Barcelona while
+the Filipinos were asking representation in the Spanish Cortes, viz.:
+
+
+    I think no deeper wound was ever inflicted upon the pride of
+    the real Filipino people than that caused by this exhibition,
+    the knowledge of which seems to have spread throughout the islands.
+
+
+You see our Census of 1903 gave the population of the Philippines
+at about 7,600,000 of which 7,000,000 are put down as civilized
+Christians; and of the remaining 600,000, about half are the
+savage, or semi-civilized, crudely Mohammedan Moros, in Mindanao,
+and the adjacent islets down near Borneo. The other 300,000 or so
+uncivilized people scattered throughout the rest of the archipelago,
+the "non-Christian tribes," which dwell in the mountain fastnesses,
+remote from "the madding crowd," cut little more figure, if any,
+in the general political equation, than the American Indian does
+with us to-day. Take for instance the province of Nueva Vizcaya,
+in the heart of north central Luzon. That was one of the provinces
+of the First Judicial District I presided over in the Islands. I
+think Nueva Vizcaya is Professor Worcester's "brag" province, in the
+matter of non-Christian anthropological specimens, both regarding
+their number and their variety. Yet while I was there, though we knew
+those people were up in the hills, and that there were a good many
+of them, the civilized people all told us that the hill-tribes never
+bothered them. And on their advice I have ridden in safety, unarmed,
+at night, accompanied only by the court stenographer, over the main
+high-road running through the central plateau that constitutes the
+bulk of Nueva Vizcaya province, said plateau being surrounded by a
+great amphitheatre of hills, the habitat of the Worcester pets.
+
+The non-Christian tribes in the Philippines have been more
+widely advertised in America than anything else connected with
+the Islands. That advertisement has done more harm to the cause
+of Philippine independence by depreciating American conceptions
+concerning Filipino capacity for self-government, than anything that
+could be devised even by the cruel ingenuity of studied mendacity. And
+Professor Worcester is the P. T. Barnum of the "non-Christian tribe"
+industry. The Filipinos, though unacquainted with the career of
+the famous menagerie proprietor last named, and his famous remark:
+"The American people love to be humbugged," understand the malign
+and far-reaching influence upon their future destiny of the work
+of Professor Worcester, and his services to the present Philippine
+policy of indefinite retention with undeclared intention, through
+humbugging the American people into the belief that the Islands must be
+retained until the three hundred thousand or so Negritos, Igorrotes,
+and other primitive wild peoples sprinkled throughout the archipelago
+are "reconstructed." Is it any wonder that the Filipinos do not love
+the Professor? To keep him saddled upon them as one of their rulers
+is as tactful as it would be to send Senator Tillman on a diplomatic
+mission to Liberia or Haiti.
+
+Not long ago the famous magazine publisher Mr. S. S. McClure, who, I
+think, is trying to make his life one of large and genuine usefulness
+for good, said to me that if we gave the Filipinos self-government
+we would shortly have another Haiti or Santo Domingo on our hands. He
+must have seen some of Professor Worcester's pictures of Igorrotes and
+Negritos scattered through public documents related to the question
+of Filipino capacity for self-government. Mr. McClure has never,
+I believe, been in the Islands; and the cruelly unjust impression he
+had innocently received was precisely the impression systematically
+developed all these years through the Worcester kodak.
+
+In February, 1911, there appeared an article in the Sunset magazine for
+that month entitled "The Philippines as I Saw them." The contributor
+of the article is no less a personage than the Honorable James
+F. Smith, former Governor-General of the Islands. At the top of the
+article one reads the legend "Illustrated by Photographs through
+the Courtesy of the Bureau of Insular Affairs." If you read this
+legend understandingly, you can, in so doing, hear the click of the
+Worcester kodak. General Smith's article is smeared all over with
+such pictures. One is merrily entitled "Eighteen Igorrot Fledglings
+Hatched by the American Bird of Freedom." Another is entitled "Subano
+Man and woman, Mindanao." Another is a picture of an Ifugao home
+in the province of Nueva Vizcaya, hereinabove mentioned. Ifugao is
+the name of one of the wild tribes, one of the results of Professor
+Worcester's anthropological excavations of the last few years. In
+front of the Ifugao home stands the master of the house, clothed in a
+breech-clout. Next in the menagerie in the article under consideration
+you find a group of Ifugao children, then a Bagobo of Mindanao, then
+some other specimen with a curious name, in which there is a woman
+naked from the waist up and a man in a loin-cloth. Then follows a
+picture of a Tingyan girl from Abra province. And, to cap the climax,
+among the last of these pictures you find a Filipino couple pounding
+rice. The rice pounders are ordinary Filipinos. The woman is decently
+dressed; the man is clothed only from the waist down, having divested
+himself of his upper garment, as is customary in order to work at hard
+labor more comfortably in hot weather. I do not so much blame General
+Smith for this libellous panorama of pictures, scattered though they
+are through an article by him on "The Philippines as I Saw them." He
+probably illustrated his article with what the Bureau of Insular
+Affairs sent him, without giving much thought to the matter. But the
+Bureau of Insular Affairs appears to neglect no occasion to parade the
+Philippine archipelago's sprinkling of non-Christian tribes before
+the American public, fully knowing that the hopes of the Filipinos
+for independence must depend upon impressions received by the American
+people concerning the degree of civilization they have reached.
+
+For all these wanton indignities offered their pride and self-respect,
+the Filipinos well know they are primarily indebted to Professor
+Worcester and his non-Christian tribe bureau. The feud between the
+Professor and the Filipino people--the bad blood has been growing so
+long that the incident hereinafter related justifies its being called
+a feud--has been peculiarly embittered by the missionary aspect of
+the non-Christian industry. The great body of the Filipino people,
+the whole six or seven millions of them, are Catholics--most of them
+devout Catholics. Presumably, their desire for salvation by the method
+handed down by their forefathers would not be affected by a change
+from American political supervision to independence. Yet the darkest
+thing ahead of Philippine independence prospects is the Protestant
+missionary vote in the United States. Bishop Brent, Episcopal Bishop
+of the Philippines, one of the noblest and most saintly characters
+that ever lived, has devoted his life apparently to missionary work
+in the Philippines, having twice declined a nomination as Bishop of
+Washington (D.C.). The only field of endeavor open to Bishop Brent and
+his devoted little band of co-workers is the non-Christian tribes. It
+seems that the Catholic and Protestant ecclesiastical authorities in
+the Islands get along harmoniously, a kind of modus vivendi having
+been arranged between them, by which the Protestants are not to do
+any proselyting among the seven millions of Catholic Christians. So
+this field of endeavor is the one Professor Worcester has been
+industriously preparing during the last twelve years. Obviously,
+every time Professor Worcester digs up a new non-Christian tribe
+he increases the prospective harvest of the Protestants, thus
+corralling more missionary vote at home for permanent retention of
+the Philippines. Professor Worcester is quoted in a Manila paper as
+saying, "I am under no delusion as to what may be accomplished for
+the primitive wild people. It takes time to reconstruct them." This
+remark is supposed to have been made in a speech before the Young Men's
+Christian Association of Manila. Neither is Mr. Taft under any delusion
+as to how valuable is religious support for the idea of retaining the
+Philippines as a missionary field. The nature of the above allusion to
+Bishop Brent should certainly be sufficient to show that the writer
+yields to no one in affectionate reverence and respect for that rare
+and noble character. But neither Bishop Brent nor any one else can
+persuade him that it is wise to abandon the principle that Church
+and State should be separate, in order that our government may go
+into the missionary business. Since it has become apparent that the
+Philippines will not pay, the Administration has relied solely on
+missionary sentiment. In one of his public utterances Mr. Taft has
+said in effect, "The programme of the Republican party with regard
+to the Philippines is one which will make greatly for the spread of
+Christian civilization throughout the Orient."
+
+The foregoing reflections are not intended to raise an issue as to the
+wisdom of foreign missions. They are simply intended to illustrate
+how it is possible and natural for President Taft to consider
+Professor Worcester "the most valuable man we have on the Philippine
+Commission." The Professor's menagerie is a vote-getter. Also,
+President Taft's whole Philippine policy being founded upon the theory
+that "the great majority" of the Filipino people are in favor of
+alien thraldom in lieu of independence, he tolerantly permits their
+editors to "let off steam" through clamor for independence. This
+privilege they do not fail to exercise to the limit. The attitude
+of the Insular Government permits the native press much latitude of
+"sauciness," in deference to the American idea about liberty of the
+press. In the exercise of this privilege during the last few years
+the native press has gone the limit. However, there was no way to
+stop them, on the principle to which we had committed ourselves. The
+thing was very mischievous, and became utterly intolerable. There was
+a native paper called Renacimiento (Renaissance). This paper was long
+permitted to say things more or less seditious in character which
+no self-respecting government should have tolerated. This was done
+pursuant to the original theory, obstinately adhered to up to date,
+that there was no real substantial unwillingness to American rule. Of
+course, if this were true, newspaper noise could do no harm. Therefore
+it was permitted to continue. Finally, however, like a boy "taking a
+dare," the Renacimiento published an article on Professor Worcester
+which intimately and sympathetically voiced the general yearning of
+the Filipino people to be rid of the Professor. In so doing, however,
+the hapless editor overstepped the limits of American license, and
+got into the toils of the law, by saying things about the Professor
+that rendered the editor liable to prosecution for criminal libel. The
+Professor promptly took advantage of this misstep, to the great joy of
+the authorities, who had been previously much goaded by independence
+clamor. The result was that the paper was put out of business and the
+editor was put in jail. No doubt the editor ought to have been put in
+jail, but his incarceration incidentally served to tone down Filipino
+clamor for independence. Subsequent to this coup d'etat, the Professor
+did a little venting of feelings in his turn. He made a speech at
+the Y. M. C. A. on October 10, 1910, which was a highly unchristian
+speech to be gotten off in an edifice dedicated to the service
+of Christ. The Manila papers give only extracts from the speech,
+and I have never seen a copy of it. From the newspaper accounts,
+it seems that the Professor was determined to, and did, relieve his
+feelings about the Filipinos. The Manila Cable-News of October 11,
+1910, quotes the Professor as referring to his pets, the non-Christian
+tribes, as "ancestral enemies of the Christians." Thus for the first
+time is developed an attitude of being champion of the uncivilized
+pagan remnant, left from prehistoric times, against the Christians
+of the Islands. The Cable-News also says that Professor Worcester
+"laughed at the idea that the Islands belonged to the so-called
+civilized people and held that if the archipelago belonged to any
+one it certainly belonged to its original owners the Negritos." This
+remark about the "so-called civilized people" was as tactful as
+if President Taft should address a meeting of colored people in a
+doubtful state and call them "niggers." Another of the Manila papers
+gives an account of the speech from which it appears that the burly
+Professor succeeded in amusing himself at least, if not his audience,
+by suggestions as to the superior fighting qualities of the Moros over
+the Filipinos, which suggestions were on the idea that the Moros would
+lick the Filipinos if we should leave the country. (The Moros number
+300,000, the Filipinos nearly 7,000,000.) The Professor's remarks
+in this regard, according to the paper, were a distinct reflection
+upon the courage of the Filipinos generally as a people. The effect
+of Professor Worcester's speech before the Y. M. C. A. may be well
+imagined. However the facts of history do not leave the imagination
+unaided. The Philippine Assembly, representing the whole Filipino
+people, and desiring to express the unanimous feeling of those people
+with regard to the Worcester speech, unanimously passed, soon after
+the speech was delivered, a set of resolutions whereof the following
+is a translation:
+
+
+    Resolved that the regret of the Assembly be recorded for the
+    language attributed to the Honorable Dean C. Worcester, Secretary
+    of the Interior of the Philippine Government in a discourse
+    before the Young Men's Christian Association, October 10,
+    1910. It is improper and censurable in a man who holds a public
+    office and who has the confidence of the government. And as the
+    statements made as facts are false, slanderous, and offensive to
+    the Philippine people, their publication is a grave violation of
+    the instructions given by President McKinley which required that
+    public functionaries should respect the sensibilities, beliefs,
+    and sentiments of the Philippine people, and should show them
+    consideration. The words and the conduct of Mr. Worcester tend
+    to sow distrust between the Americans and the Filipinos, whose
+    aspirations and duties should not separate them but unite them
+    in the pathway which leads to the progress and emancipation of
+    the Philippine people. The influence of Mr. Worcester has caused
+    injury to the feelings of the Filipinos, encouraged race hatred,
+    and tended to frustrate the task undertaken by men of real good
+    will to win the esteem, confidence, and respect of the Philippine
+    people for the Americans.
+
+    Resolved further that this House desires that these facts should
+    be communicated to the President of the United States through
+    the Governor of the Philippines and the Secretary of War.
+
+
+Presumably these resolutions were forwarded "to the President
+of the United States through the Governor of the Philippines and
+the Secretary of War." But apparently they were pigeonholed when
+they reached Washington. I stumbled on them in the Insular Affairs
+Committee of the House of Representatives whither they had landed
+through Mr. Slayden of Texas. The distinguished veteran Congressman
+from Texas, being known as an enemy of all wrong things, was appealed
+to by certain persons in the United States to bring the matter to
+the attention of Congress. He did so by presenting to the House of
+Representatives an American petition which embodied a copy of the
+resolutions of the Philippine Assembly.
+
+It thus becomes apparent that one of Professor Worcester's principal
+elements of value is in bullying the Filipinos, and thereby smothering
+manifestations of a desire for independence, the existence of which
+desire is denied by President Taft's Administration. The more the
+Filipinos cry for independence the greater seems the sin of holding
+them in subjection. So that Professor Worcester is very valuable in
+silencing independence clamor and thereby creating an appearance of
+consent of the governed, when there is no consent of the governed
+whatsoever.
+
+In describing the discontent in distant provinces under brutal
+pro-consuls, which contributed largely to the final disintegration
+of the Roman Empire, Gibbon says:
+
+
+    The cry of remote distress is ever faintly heard.
+
+
+The total failure of the above temperate, dignified, and vibrant
+protest of the Philippine Assembly to reach the ears of the American
+people is but another reminder that history repeats itself.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIV
+
+THE PHILIPPINE CIVIL SERVICE
+
+        Is our Occupation of the Philippines to be temporary,
+        like our occupation of Cuba after the Spanish War, or
+        "temporary" like the British Occupation of Egypt since
+        1882? The Unsettled Question.
+
+        The policy to be pursued is for Congress to determine.
+        I have no authority to speak for Congress in respect
+        to the ultimate disposition of the Islands.
+
+              Secretary of War Wm. H. Taft to Philippine Assembly, 1907.
+
+
+The Act of Congress of July 1, 1902, known as the Philippine Government
+Act, is entitled "An Act temporarily to provide" a government for the
+Philippine Islands. The young American who goes out to the Philippines
+to take a position with the Insular Government there has usually
+read his share of Kipling, and his imagination likes to analogize
+his prospective employment to the British Indian Civil Service. The
+latter, however, offers a career. But what does the former offer? Take
+the prospects of the rank and file, as set forth by Mr. J. R. Arnold,
+of the Executive Bureau of the Philippine Government, in an article
+published in the North American Review for February, 1912. Suppose a
+young man goes out to the Philippines at a salary of $1200. Mr. Arnold
+discusses fully and frankly the cost of living in the Islands, and
+how much higher board, lodging, etc., are out there than in the United
+States. He states that board and lodging will cost $15 to $20 a month
+more than here. So that, so far, a salary of $1200 in the Philippines
+would seem equivalent to a salary of say approximately $950 in the
+United States--say in Washington. Also he calls attention to the
+fact that the government will pay your way out, but you must get
+back the best way you can. He does not say so, but the walking is not
+good all the way from Manila to Washington. Seriously, according to
+the authority from whom we are quoting, it costs $225 to $300 to get
+back. So if you come back at the end of a three years' stay--you must
+contract to stay at least that long--you must have laid by, taking
+his maximum return fare as the more prudent figure to reckon on, one
+hundred dollars a year to buy your return ticket. Mr. Arnold does not
+say so, but it is a fact, that various little expenses will creep in
+that are sure to amount, even with the most rigidly frugal, to $50
+per annum that you would never have spent in the United States. You
+are hardly respectable in the Philippines if you do not have a
+muchacho. Muchacho, in Spanish, means the same as garcon in French,
+or valet in English. But muchachos are as thick as cigarettes in the
+Philippines. And you can hire one for about $5 a month. To resolve not
+to have a muchacho in the Philippines would be like resolving at home
+never to have your shoes shined, or your clothes pressed. It would be
+contrary to the universal custom of the country, and would therefore be
+"impossible." You have not been long in the Philippines before you get
+tired of telling applicants for the position of muchacho that you do
+not want one, and, benumbed by the universal custom, you accept the
+last applicant. You must figure on a muchacho as one of your "fixed
+charges." Count then an extra $50 annual necessary expense that you
+would not have at home. If you do not succumb to the muchacho custom,
+you will get rid of the $50 in other ways fairly classifiable as
+necessary current expenses. Thus, if you take from your $1200, worth
+$950 in Manila, as above stated, the $100 per annum necessary to be
+laid by against your home-coming, and the other $50 last suggested,
+your salary of $1200 per annum in Manila becomes equivalent to one of
+$800 at home, so far as regards what you are likely to save by strict
+habits of economy. In other words, to figure how you are going to come
+out in the long run, if you go out as a $1200 man, while your social
+position will be precisely that of a man commanding the same salary
+in a government position in Washington, you must knock off a third of
+the $1200. This is not the way Mr. Arnold states the case exactly. I
+am simply taking his facts, supplemented by what little I have added,
+and stating them in a way which will perhaps illustrate the case
+better to some people. Mr. Arnold says you are apt to get up as high
+as $1500 and finally even to $1800 in three to five years. Suppose
+you do have that luck. Still, if, as has been made plain above, you
+must consider $1200 in Manila as equal to only $800 in Washington
+(so far as regards what you are going to be able to save each year),
+by the same token you must consider $1500 in Manila as being equal
+to only $1000 in Washington, and $1800 as only $1200.
+
+The utmost limit of achievement in the Philippine Government service,
+the only one of the higher positions not subject to political caprice,
+the only one regarded out there as a "life position"--and this excepts
+neither the Governorship of the Islands nor the Commissionerships--is
+the position of Justice of the Supreme Court. The salary is $10,000
+per annum, American money. But there is not an American judge on that
+bench who would not be glad at any moment to accept a $5000 position
+as a United States District Judge at home. All of them whom I know
+are most happily married. But I believe their wives would quit them
+if they refused such an offer from the President of the United States,
+or else get so unhappy about it that they would accept and come home.
+
+While we have now considered the case from bottom to top, we did not
+originally figure on the young American going out to the Philippines
+otherwise than single. In this behalf Mr. Arnold himself says:
+
+
+    I do not think it can be fairly called other than risky for
+    an American to attempt to practise love in a cottage in the
+    Philippines.
+
+
+Says the late Arthur W. Fergusson--who gave his life to the Philippine
+Civil Service--in his annual report for 1905, as Executive Secretary:
+
+
+    The one great stumbling-block, and which no legislative body
+    can eradicate, is the fact that very few Americans intend to
+    make the Philippines their permanent home, or even stay here
+    for any extended period. This is doubtless due to the location
+    of the islands, their isolation from centres of civilization
+    and culture, the enervating climate, lack of entertainment and
+    desirable companionship, and distance from the homeland. Every
+    clerk, no matter what his ideals or aspirations, realizes after
+    coming here that he must at some time in the future return to
+    the United States and begin all over again. After spending a
+    year or more in the islands, the realization that the sooner the
+    change is made the better, becomes more acute. This condition
+    causes, doubtless, the class of men who are not adventurous or
+    fond of visiting strange climes to think twice before accepting
+    an appointment for service in these islands, and generally to
+    remain away, and a great majority of those who do come here to
+    leave the service again after a very short period of duty. [497]
+
+
+Then Mr. Fergusson comes to the obvious but apparently unattainable
+remedy, which he says is
+
+
+    to make a Philippine appointment a permanent means of livelihood
+    by providing an effective system of transfers to the Federal
+    service after a reasonable period of service here. * * * Under
+    the present regulations influence must be brought to bear at
+    Washington in order that requisition may be made by the Chief of
+    some bureau there for the services of a clerk desiring to transfer.
+
+
+You see, if a Washington Bureau, say the Coast and Geodetic Survey,
+or the Geological Survey, sends a man out to the Islands, he is never
+for a moment separated from the Federal Civil Service or the Federal
+Government's pay-roll. The same is true of civilian employees of the
+army. But the man in the Insular Service, when he wants to get back
+home, is little better off than if he were in the employ of the Cuban
+Government, or the British Indian Government, or that of the Dutch
+East Indies. Mr. Fergusson also says:
+
+
+    It is believed to be useless to try to influence men to come out
+    here unless there is something permanent offered to them at the
+    expiration of a reasonable term of service. * * * The average
+    European is content to live and die "east of Suez"; the average
+    American is not. * * * I am firmly convinced that a permanent
+    service under present conditions is entirely out of the question.
+
+
+How can you have "a permanent service" unless you have a definite
+declared policy? Why not declare the purpose of our Government with
+the regard to the Islands?
+
+In his annual report for 1906 [498] Mr. Fergusson says:
+
+
+    Our relations to the islands are such that the education and
+    specialization of a distinct body of high class men purposely
+    for this service as is done in England for the Indian service,
+    will probably be always a practical impossibility.
+
+
+He then goes on to reiterate his annual plea for a law providing for
+transfer as a matter of right, not of influence, from the Philippine
+Civil Service to the Federal Civil Service in the United States,
+and tells of a very capable official of his bureau who got a chance
+during the year just closed to transfer from the Philippines to a
+$1400 government position in the United States, and was glad to get
+it, although $1400 was "considerably less than half what he received
+here." Mr. Fergusson quickly gives the key to all this in what he calls
+"the haunting fear of having to return to the States in debilitated
+health and out of touch with existent conditions, only to face the
+necessity of seeking a new position." He adds:
+
+
+    That this is not a mere theory is proven by the number of army
+    (civilian) employees who contentedly remain year after year.
+
+
+In 1907, Mr. Fergusson reports on the same subject [499]: "Matters
+do not seem to be improving," and that the Director of the Insular
+Civil Service informs him that "during the fiscal year there were five
+hundred voluntary separations from the service by Americans, of whom
+one hundred were college graduates." He adds: "When the expense of
+getting and bringing out new men, and of training them to their new
+work is considered, the wastefulness of the present system is evident."
+
+You do not find any quotations from any of the Fergusson disclosures
+in Mr. Arnold's North American Review article. He would probably have
+lost his job, if he had quoted them. Yet the evils pointed out by
+Mr. Fergusson come from one permanent source, the uncertainty of the
+future of every American out there, due to the failure of Congress
+to declare the purpose of the Government.
+
+On January 30, 1908, Arthur W. Fergusson died in the service of the
+Philippine Government. No general law putting that service on the basis
+he pleaded for to the day of his death has ever yet been passed. Since
+his death, his tactful successor appears to have abandoned further
+pleading, and concluded to worry along with the permanently lame
+conditions inherent in the uncertainty as to whether we are to keep
+the Islands permanently or not, rather than embarrass President Taft
+by discouraging young Americans from going to the Islands.
+
+The report of the Governor-General of the Philippines for 1907,
+Governor Smith, says [500]:
+
+
+    American officials and employees have rarely made up their minds
+    to cast their fortunes definitely with the Philippines or to make
+    governmental service in the tropics a career. Many of those who
+    in the beginning were so minded, due to ill health or the longing
+    to return to friends or relatives, changed front and preferred to
+    return to the home land, there to enjoy life at half the salary
+    in the environment to which they were accustomed. * * * That
+    which operates probably more than anything else to induce good men
+    drawing good salaries to abandon the service * * * is the knowledge
+    that they have nothing to look forward to when broken health or
+    old age shall have rendered them valueless to the government.
+
+
+If Congress should ever care to do anything to improve the Philippine
+Civil Service and the status of Americans entering the same, certainly
+the one supremely obvious thing to do is to make transfer back to
+the civil service in the United States after a term of duty in the
+Islands a matter of right.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXV
+
+COST OF THE PHILIPPINES
+
+                If 't were well to do right, 't were better still
+                if 't were more profitable.
+
+                                                           Cynic Maxims.
+
+
+General Otis's annual report for 1899, [501] dated August 31st, gives
+the number of Americans killed in battle in the Philippines, from
+the beginning of the American occupation to that date, as 380. This
+includes those wounded who afterwards died of such wounds. His report
+for 1900, [502] covering the period from his 1899 report to May 5,
+1900, gives the number of Americans killed in battle from August 31,
+1899, to May 1, 1900, as 258. General MacArthur succeeded General
+Otis in command of the American forces in the Philippines on May 5,
+1900. General MacArthur's annual report for 1901, [503] gives the
+number of Americans killed in battle between May 5, 1900, and June 30,
+1901, as 245. Thus the total number of Americans killed in battle up
+to the time the Civil Government was set up in 1901, was 883. The
+military reports do not always give the insurgents killed during
+the periods they cover. But on June 4, 1900, as we saw in a previous
+chapter, General MacArthur reported the number of Filipinos killed
+up to that time, so far as our records showed, to be something over
+10,000. General MacArthur's report, above quoted, giving our killed
+for the period it covers (May 5, 1900, to June 30, 1901), at 245,
+gives the insurgent killed for the same period as 3854. If we add this
+3854 to the 10,000 killed up to about where May merged into June in
+1900, we have 13,854 Filipinos killed up to the time Judge Taft was
+inaugurated as Governor, in 1901. There was no record, of course,
+obtainable or attempted, by the Eighth Army Corps, of Filipinos who
+were wounded and not captured and who subsequently died. It is quite
+safe to assume that such fatalities must have swelled the enemy's list
+up to the time of the setting up of the Civil Government far above
+16,000 killed. Thus, as has heretofore been stated, the ratio of the
+enemy's loss to our loss was, literally, at least 16 to 1, up to the
+time the civil government was set up. General MacArthur's report for
+1900 [504] would seem to bear out the above ratio. He there gives the
+number of our killed, from November 1, 1899, to September 1, 1900,
+including the wounded who afterwards died of such wounds, at 268, and
+the Filipinos killed, "as far as of record," 3227. While these last
+figures make our killed for the period they relate to, considerably
+over 200, and the enemy's killed but a very small figure over 3200,
+still, making allowances for the enemy's wounded that died afterwards,
+of which of course we have no record, the 16 to 1 ratio would seem to
+give a fairly accurate probable estimate of the relative loss of life.
+
+These figures are explained by the facts, already noticed hereinbefore,
+that most of our people knew how to shoot and the Filipinos did
+not. The great part of their army were raw recruits who did not
+understand the use of two sights on a rifle, and frequently relied
+solely on the one at the muzzle, not even lifting up the sight near
+the lock which when not in use lies flat along the gun-barrel, with
+the result that they almost invariably got the range too high and
+shot over our heads.
+
+Because the military reports overlap each other in many instances,
+it is not possible to state accurately how many men the Eighth Army
+Corps lost by disease, but our loss chargeable to this account was
+not far from our fatalities on the battlefield. [505]
+
+It is not possible to even approximate the enemy's loss other than
+on the battlefield. The United States Coast and Geodetic Survey
+Philippine Atlas gives the table estimating the population of the
+various provinces of the Philippine archipelago prior to the American
+occupation. This estimate gives the population of Batangas province
+at 312,192. The American Census of the Philippines of 1903 gives
+the population of Batangas province at 257,715. [506] This would
+present a difference in the population of Batangas prior to 1898 and
+its population after the war of 54,477. The provincial secretary of
+Batangas province made a report to Governor Taft on December 18, 1901
+[507] on the condition of the province generally. This report, as it
+appears in the Senate Document, is a translation from the Spanish. The
+portion which relates to the reduction of the population of Batangas
+province reads as follows:
+
+
+    The mortality, caused no longer by the war, but by disease,
+    such as malaria and dysentery, has reduced to a little over
+    200,000 the more than 300,000 inhabitants which in former years
+    the province had.
+
+
+Of course these appalling figures [508] must be taken with a grain
+of salt. In the first place, the man who furnished them was merely
+reproducing the general impression of his neighbors as to the
+diminution of the population of the province. He does not pretend
+to be dealing with official statistics. On the other hand, all of
+the yearly reports of the various native provincial officers are,
+as a general rule, pathetically optimistic. They all seem to think
+it their duty to present a hopeful view of the situation. In fact if
+you read these reports one after the other, the various signers seem
+to vie with one another in optimism as if their tenure of office
+depended upon it. So that, balancing probabilities, it would seem
+unlikely that the provincial secretary of Batangas would have stated
+more than what he at least believed to represent actual conditions,
+and the results of the war. A comparison of the Atlas population
+tables above mentioned with the census tables of 1903 shows no very
+startling difference in the population of any of the other provinces
+of the archipelago before and after the war except Batangas. It is
+also notorious that Batangas suffered by the war more than any other
+province in the Philippine Islands. However, a glance at the table
+of population of the various provinces of the Census of 1903 [509]
+shows you fifty provinces with a total of 7,635,426 people. While
+we will never know whether Batangas did or did not lose one hundred
+thousand as a result of the war and its consequences, still, if it did,
+the other forty-nine provinces above mentioned must have lost as many
+more, that is to say, must have lost another hundred thousand. So that
+while it is all a matter of surmise, with nothing more certain to go on
+than the foregoing, it would really seem by no means absurd to assume
+the Filipino loss of life, other than on the battlefield, caused by the
+war, and the famine, pestilence, and other disease consequent thereon,
+at not far from 200,000 people. In more than one province, the people
+died like flies, especially the women and children, as a result of
+conditions incident to and consequent upon the war. This will not
+seem an over-statement to men who have lived much among people that
+do not know much about how to take care of themselves in the midst
+of great calamities, people who will eat meat of animals carried off
+by disease, in time of famine; who will drink water contaminated by
+what may for euphony be called sewage; and who are unprovided with
+any save traditional home remedies against cholera, small-pox, etc.
+
+As to the cost of the Philippines in money, it used to be said
+in the early days that we paid $20,000,000 for a $200,000,000
+insurrection. Just what the Islands have cost us up to date in money
+it is utterly impossible to figure out with any degree of certainty,
+except that a safe minimum may be arrived at. Said the distinguished
+Congressman from Texas, Honorable James L. Slayden, in a speech which
+appears in the Congressional Record of February 25, 1908 (pp. 2532
+et seq.):
+
+
+    On this point, and in reply to a resolution of the Senate in
+    1902, the Secretary of War reported that the cost of the army
+    in the Philippines from June 30, 1898, to July 1, 1902, had been
+    $169,853,512.00. To this let us add $114,515,643.00, the admitted
+    cost of the army in the Philippines from May 1, 1902, to June 30,
+    1907, and we will have a grand total of $284,369,155.00. That
+    does not take into account the additional cost of the navy.
+
+
+Nor, be it noted, does it count the $20,000,000 we paid Spain for
+the Islands, which item, is, however included in another part of
+Mr. Slayden's speech.
+
+The only other estimate of what the Islands have cost, made in the
+last few years, which seems to be specially worthy of consideration,
+is one which appeared in the New York Evening Post of March 6,
+1907. This estimate was prepared by one of the best trained and
+most conservative newspaper men in the United States, Mr. Edward
+G. Lowry, then Washington correspondent of the Evening Post, and
+since 1911, its managing editor. The total which Mr. Lowry arrives
+at is $308,369,155, up to that time. There have been various absurd
+estimates made recklessly without knowledge, but Mr. Lowry's estimate
+is very carefully studied out, and presented in detail in the newspaper
+referred to. From the testimony of Mr. Slayden and Mr. Lowry, given
+as a result of their inquiries into the matter, it would thus seem
+that the Islands must have cost us by the end of 1907 something like
+$300,000,000. The Insular Government is now self-sustaining, except
+as to military affairs.
+
+The cost per annum of the Philippine (native) scouts, of which there
+are 4000, is paid out of the United States Treasury, and amounts
+to $2,000,000 per annum. [510] The number of American troops in the
+islands for the last few years has been about 12,000. Those who are
+wedded to the present Philippine policy of indefinite retention
+with undeclared intention, insist that our military expenses in
+the Philippines, in respect to the regular army out there, are not
+fairly chargeable as a part of the current expenses of the Philippine
+occupation. This argument must be admitted to have some force as far
+as the navy is concerned, but as to the army it is clearly without
+merit. Under the Act of Congress reorganizing the army of the United
+States after the Spanish War, provision was made for a skeleton army
+of about 60,000 men capable of expansion to something like 100,000
+in time of war. The method of expansion thus contemplated was to have
+companies of, say, for illustration, sixty men, in time of peace, which
+companies could be recruited up to a war footing of one hundred men,
+in time of war. The suggestion that the cost of the part of the regular
+army which we have to keep in the Philippines is not chargeable to
+the Philippines because those same troops would have to be somewhere
+in the United States if they were not where they are, is not well
+taken. If we did not need 12,000 men continually in the Philippines,
+the army could be at once reduced by that much without affecting its
+present organization. If we had no troops in the Philippines this would
+not mean the absolute elimination from the army of enough regiments
+to represent twelve thousand men. It would not eliminate any existing
+organization. It would simply mean contraction of the number of men in
+the several companies of the several regiments of the army toward a
+peace basis to the extent of a total of twelve thousand men, more or
+less. The War Department has long figured on the cost of an American
+soldier in the Philippines per annum including his pay, allowances,
+and transportation out and back, at $1000 per annum. The cost of
+12,000 soldiers at $1000 per annum is $12,000,000, per annum. The
+conclusion would, therefore, seem inevitable that the extra military
+current expense chargeable to our occupation of the Philippines is
+$12,000,000, per annum, outside the Philippine scouts, or, a total
+of $14,000,000. Even if the Philippines have cost us $300,000,000,
+that is no reason why we should continue to run a kindergarten for
+adults out there, and let the Monroe Doctrine run to seed. "Something"
+is not "bound to turn up." The Philippine Islands will not prove a
+blessing in disguise. In every war with a nation having discontented
+colonial subjects, the enemy will always strike the colony first,
+and hope for aid from the inhabitants thereof.
+
+Even if the Philippines have cost us $300,000,000, we are a nation
+of nearly 100,000,000 people. So they have cost us, all told, in
+the neighborhood of only about $3 a piece. And we subjugated them by
+mistake, after freeing a less capable people, the Cubans.
+
+The Panama Canal is to be finished in 1913. This means a splendid,
+but free-for-all contest, for the trade of South America. In South
+America we will meet a tremendous pro-German sentiment, and a by no
+means inconsiderable anti-"Yankee" sentiment. The bigger Germany's
+army and navy grows, the more she will loom up as the one great
+menace to the peace of the world, and the one avowed enemy of the
+Monroe Doctrine. We need to build up a Pan-American esprit de corps,
+based on the instinct of self-defence. We must win the good will of
+South America, and we cannot do it so long as we insist, in another
+part of the world, upon the righteousness of the principle of one
+Christian people policing a weaker Christian people, ostensibly to
+keep them from having revolutions, and really in the hope of ultimate
+profit. To free the Filipinos should be the first step we take after
+the Panama Canal is completed toward getting ourselves foot-loose
+entirely, with a view of getting everything from the Canadian border
+to the Argentine wheat fields and beyond, solidly and sincerely
+for the Monroe Doctrine. In that direction lies our only sensible
+and reasonable hope that the canal will get for us the trade and
+friendship of South America. With such tremendous issues at stake,
+what does it matter to the richest nation on earth what the Philippines
+cost? What does it matter, anyhow, how much it costs to do right?
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVI
+
+CONGRESSIONAL LEGISLATION
+
+        Taxation without representation is good cause for revolt.
+
+                                                American Speech of 1776.
+
+
+As a colony of Spain the Philippines enjoyed certain special
+privileges in the way of trade with the "mother country." When at the
+beginning of our military occupation in 1898 General Otis detailed
+an army officer to take charge of the Customs House, he continued
+for the time being the Spanish tariff laws concerning imports and
+exports. On September 17, 1901, the Philippine Commission passed
+a tariff act [511] fixing the duties on imports into the Islands
+and also continuing to a considerable extent the system of duties
+on Philippine exports inherited from the Spanish regime. Among the
+products of the Philippine Islands on which the Act of September 17,
+1901, imposed an export tax were the following:
+
+
+    Hemp, 75c. per 100 kilos [512]; sugar, 5c. per 100 kilos;
+    manufactured tobacco, $1.50 per 100 kilos; raw tobacco, $1.50
+    down to 75c. per 100 kilos. [513]
+
+
+On March 8, 1902, the United States Congress passed an Act,
+"temporarily to provide revenue for the Philippine Islands and for
+other purposes." The Act of 1902 re-enacted the Commission's tariff
+law for the Philippines of September 17, 1901, with one change,
+hereinafter to be discussed, as to its export tax features. As
+to the tariffs to be collected at our custom-houses on Philippine
+products shipped to the United States, the Act of 1902 reduced the
+rates fixed by the Dingley tariff to seventy-five per cent. of said
+rates. That was all Congress did in the way of lowering our tariff
+wall to Philippine products until 1909, when the Payne-Aldrich tariff
+bill became a law. This twenty-five per cent. reduction was no better
+than no reduction whatever would have been.
+
+Governor Taft pleaded very earnestly with Congress, at the time
+of the passage of the Philippine Tariff Act of March 8, 1902, for a
+substantial reduction of the Dingley tariff rate on sugar and tobacco,
+so as to give his "constituents"--his Filipinos--something in lieu
+of the markets they had had under Spain. But our sugar and tobacco
+interests defeated his efforts, because they feared what they termed
+"competition with cheap Asiatic labor."
+
+The Act of Congress of March 8, 1902, repealed the export duties
+imposed by the Act of the Philippine Commission of September 17,
+1901, as to exports to the United States, leaving unrepealed,
+however, the export duty on Philippine products shipped to foreign
+countries. Section 2 of said Act of 1902 provided, as to exports
+from the Philippines to the United States, that the rates of duty
+upon products of the Philippine Archipelago coming into the United
+States, should be less any duty or tax levied, collected, and paid
+thereon (under the Act of the Philippine Commission of September
+17, 1901, aforesaid) upon the shipment thereof from the Philippine
+Archipelago. This sounds liberal enough. It is, as far as it goes. But
+what those familiar with the hemp infamy of the Act of 1902 call
+"the joker" in it, is as follows:
+
+
+    All articles, the growth and product of the Philippine Islands,
+    admitted into the ports of the United States free of duty
+    under the provisions of this act, and coming directly from said
+    islands to the United States, for use and consumption therein,
+    shall be hereafter exempt from any export duties imposed in the
+    Philippine Islands.
+
+
+This also sounds liberal, on first reading, but its object was, and
+its effect has been, to enable the American Hemp Trust to corner
+and control the Manila hemp industry. There is but one article of
+Philippine export which any one in the United States is interested
+in, that was admitted into the United States free of duty under the
+Dingley Act. [514] That article is hemp. The object of the law was
+to favor Americans interested in exporting hemp from Manila to the
+United States as against Europeans exporting it to England and other
+foreign countries. This does not look, on its face, either unpatriotic
+or un-Christian. It is not unpatriotic or un-Christian, ordinarily,
+to favor your own people, as against their foreign competitors. The
+moral quality of such favoritism, however, must depend on who is to
+pay for it. Under the Act of 1902, the Manila authorities have always
+collected an export tax on hemp coming to the United States, just as
+they do on hemp going from Manila to foreign countries, exactly as
+if the law abolishing the export tax on hemp coming to the United
+States had never been passed. Later, on proof that the hemp was in
+fact carried to the United States and used and consumed therein, they
+refund the export tax. This is on the idea that they cannot tell where
+the hemp is going to until they know where it went to, nor where it
+is going to be "used and consumed" until they know where it was in
+fact finally "used and consumed." Of course the small farmer is in
+no position to follow his bale of hemp into the markets of the world
+and show, if it happens to go to the United States, that it did in
+fact go there and that it was there "used and consumed," and, finally
+obtaining the proof of this, submit it to the Manila Government and
+get his little export tax on his bale of hemp refunded. Only the big
+buyer's agents at Manila are in a position to do this. So the hemp
+crop is bought and moved under conditions which are the same as if
+all hemp were subject to an export tax. And only the big fish get
+the benefit. For instance, the International Harvester Company has
+its hemp buyers at Manila. And as to the part of the Philippine hemp
+crop it handles, it can, of course, follow the hemp to its ultimate
+consumption in the United States, make the proof, and get the refund.
+
+The wealth of the Philippines is practically entirely
+agricultural. Neither mining nor manufactures cut any appreciable
+figure. Hemp, sugar, tobacco, and copra [515] are the chief staples
+and main exports, and of the first of these Secretary of War Taft
+says in one of his reports: [516]
+
+
+    The chief export in value and quantity from the Philippines is
+    Manila hemp, it amounting to between 60 and 65 per cent. of the
+    total exports.
+
+
+Let us see just how far, according to the annual reports of our
+own agents in the Philippines--those charged by us with governing
+them,--this piece of legislation gotten through by "special privilege"
+has depressed the Manila hemp industry, the chief source of wealth of
+the Islands. And before we even get to the main trouble, let us permit
+the Insular Government to "place on the screen," as a preliminary
+"view," a glance at what the instinct of self-preservation of American
+sugar and tobacco interests, fearing competition from "cheap Asiatic
+labor," have deemed it necessary to do to the Philippine sugar and
+tobacco industries, through the Dingley tariff. The annual report of
+the Philippine Commission for 1904, before it gets to the subject of
+hemp, draws a most gloomy picture of how we killed the markets for
+sugar and tobacco the Islands had under Spain, and gave them none
+instead. They speak of "the languishing state of these industries"
+(p. 26), and describe a state of affairs that sounds more like Egypt
+under Pharaoh than anything else, including a cattle disease that
+carried off ninety per cent. of the beasts of burden of the country,
+and wholesale destruction of crops by locusts. [517] What they have to
+say of the annual tribute levied by the American Hemp Trust, through
+Congress, on the Manila hemp industry, should not be re-stated,
+but quoted. They say: [518]
+
+
+    We desire to call attention to the injustice effected upon the
+    revenues of the islands by section 2 of the Act of Congress
+    approved March 8, 1902, which provides that the Philippine
+    Government shall refund all export duties imposed upon articles
+    exported from the islands into and consumed in the United
+    States. Under the provisions of this section there has been
+    collected in the Philippine Islands, since its enactment down to
+    the close of the fiscal year 1904, the sum of $1,060,460.20 United
+    States currency, which is refundable. These refundable duties
+    are principally upon hemp exportations to the United States,
+    and are in effect a gift of that amount to the manufacturers of
+    the United States who use hemp in their operations.
+
+
+They add:
+
+
+    It is manifestly a discrimination in favor of our manufacturers
+    as against those of foreign countries. No good reason is perceived
+    why this bounty to American manufacturers should be extracted from
+    the treasury of the Philippine Islands, and it is respectfully
+    submitted that the law authorizing it should be repealed.
+
+
+The annual report of the Philippine Commission for 1905, after the
+usual complaint about being made a political football by Benevolent
+Assimilation on the one side, and Louisiana and our sugar-beet
+States on the other, and the usual annual and true description of
+the consequent poverty, says concerning hemp:
+
+
+    We have several times in our reports called attention to the
+    practical workings of that portion of the Act of Congress approved
+    March 8, 1902, which provides for the refund of duties paid
+    on articles exported from the Philippine Islands to the United
+    States and consumed therein, and have as repeatedly recommended
+    its repeal. It is a direct burden upon the people of the Philippine
+    Islands, because it takes from the insular treasury export duties
+    collected from the people and gives them to manufacturers of hemp
+    products in the United States. These manufacturers were already
+    prosperous before this bounty was given them and it seems hardly
+    consistent with our expressions of purpose to build up and develop
+    the Philippine Islands when we are thus enriching a few of our
+    own people at their expense. [519]
+
+
+By the end of the fiscal year 1905 (June 30), the American importers of
+Manila hemp--of whom the International Harvester Company and its allied
+interests are the most influential--had, under the operation of the
+rebate system based on the Act of 1902, milked the Philippine people to
+the tune of about $1,000,000. Says the Philippine Commission's annual
+report for 1905, immediately after the passage last above quoted:
+
+
+    The amount of duties refunded under this act to manufacturers in
+    the United States during the three years ending June 30, 1905,
+    is $1,057,251.12. Many of the departments of the government are
+    much hampered in their operations because of the lack of funds,
+    notably the bureau of education, and were the sum thus taken
+    available for educational purposes, to say nothing of any other,
+    the government would be enabled to give instruction to thousands
+    of Filipino children whom they are now unable to reach and who
+    must remain steeped in ignorance because of the lack of funds to
+    provide such instruction.
+
+
+Said the Manila Chamber of Commerce to the Taft Congressional party in
+August, 1905: "The country is in a state of financial collapse." [520]
+
+Says the Philippine Commission's report for 1906 (pt. 1, p. 68):
+
+
+    The Commission has repeatedly called attention in its reports
+    to the action of Congress providing for a refund of duties paid
+    on articles exported from the Islands to the United States and
+    consumed therein. The reasons that led the Commission heretofore to
+    recommend the repeal of that provision are still operative. Since
+    the passage of that act on March 8, 1902, the amount of duties
+    collected and paid into the Philippine treasury and handed over
+    to manufacturers in the United States down to June 30, 1906,
+    is $1,471,208.47. This money has been taken out of the poverty
+    of the insular treasury to be delivered directly into the hands
+    of manufacturers of cordage and other users of Philippine hemp in
+    the United States for their enrichment. The cordage interests are
+    prosperous and do not need this help; the Philippine Islands are
+    poor. Legislation which takes money directly from the Philippine
+    treasury and passes it over to a particular industry in the United
+    States is not founded on sound principles of political economy
+    or of justice to the Filipinos. We renew our recommendation for
+    the repeal of this provision.
+
+
+You also find in the Commission's report for 1906 the usual
+annual protests against the Dingley tariff on Philippine sugar and
+tobacco. Said the Honorable Henry C. Ide in an article in the New York
+Independent for November 22, 1906, written shortly after he retired
+from the office of Governor-General of the Philippines and returned
+to the United States: "By annexation we killed the Spanish market for
+Philippine sugar and tobacco, and our tariff shuts these products
+from the United States market, and to-day both these [industries]
+are practically prostrated." In their annual report for 1907,
+the Philippine Commission say with regard to the American corner on
+Philippine hemp: [521] "The price of hemp has fallen from an average of
+twenty pesos ($10 American money) per picul [522] to thirteen pesos
+per picul." It thus appears that by judicious manipulation of the
+hemp market at Manila, through the leverage of the refund system,
+based on collection and subsequent refunding of the export tax on
+hemp coming to the United States, the Manila agents of the American
+hemp manufacturers had, as early as 1907, beat the price of hemp down
+to not far above half of what it had been formerly. To-day (1912)
+the Filipino hemp farmer gets for his hemp just one half what he got
+just ten years ago. During all this period of economic depression,
+the public utterances and State papers both of President Roosevelt
+and Mr. Taft are full of such preposterous stuff as the following:
+
+
+    No great civilized power has ever managed with such wisdom and
+    disinterestedness the affairs of a people committed by the accident
+    of war to its hands. [523]
+
+
+This is what Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Taft were publicly pretending to
+believe. But at practically the same time, during as dark a year,
+economically, as the American occupation has seen, 1907, let us see
+what they were privately admitting to their intimate friends.
+
+In the North American Review for January 18, 1907, in an article
+contributed to that Review by the author of this volume, our
+treatment of the Philippine people, through our Congress, was briefly
+discussed. The article chanced to attract the attention of Mr. Andrew
+Carnegie, who gave a considerable sum of money to have it reprinted and
+distributed. Some correspondence followed between us, in the course
+of which Mr. Carnegie stated that he had been at the White House
+shortly before writing me, and described what happened as follows:
+
+
+    When at supper with the President [Mr. Roosevelt] recently,
+    pointing to Judge Taft [then Secretary of War], who sat opposite,
+    he [President Roosevelt] said: "Here are the two men in all the
+    world most anxious to get out of the Philippines."
+
+
+In another letter Mr. Carnegie described this same incident, this other
+letter's version of President Roosevelt's supper-table remark being:
+
+
+    Here are the two men in America most anxious to get rid of them
+    [the Philippines]. [524]
+
+
+Now why all this public boasting about our "disinterestedness,"
+when, if he had been a Filipino, Colonel Roosevelt would probably
+have hunted up all the American speeches of 1776 about taxation
+without representation, and played hide-and-seek with the public
+prosecutor at Manila, to see how far he could violate the sedition
+statute without getting in jail? And why this private admission
+to his friend Mr. Carnegie, which neither he nor Mr. Taft has ever
+publicly made? Why did he not send a message to Congress showing up
+the hemp rebate system? Simply because to do so would lose support
+for the Administration, would alienate powerful interests from the
+fatuous policy of Benevolent Assimilation bequeathed to Mr. Roosevelt
+by Mr. McKinley. His party was irrevocably committed to indefinite
+retention of the Islands. It was like Lot's wife. It could not turn
+back. So the protected and subsidized interests were permitted to
+continue to prey upon the Philippine people. Tariff evils were never
+President Roosevelt's specialty. Nor has war against intrenched
+privilege of any sort ever been Mr. Taft's specialty. Mr. Taft went
+out to the Philippines in 1907 to open the Philippine Assembly. In
+1908 he came back and made a report to President Roosevelt which is
+as bland as his Winona declaration that the Payne-Aldrich bill is
+"the best tariff bill the Republican party ever passed." It makes
+the American reader's heart swell with pious pride at what he is
+doing for his "little brown brother," in the matter of vaccination,
+sewers, school-books, and the like. President Roosevelt sent this
+report to Congress, accompanied by a message, from which we have
+already quoted. In that same message he said:
+
+
+    I question whether there is a brighter page in the annals of
+    international dealing between the strong and the weak than the
+    page which tells of our doings in the Philippines.
+
+
+Apparently, Messrs. Roosevelt and Taft thought, in 1907, that granting
+the Filipinos a little debating society solemnly called a legislative
+body, but wholly without any real power, was ample compensation for
+deserted tobacco and cane plantations and for the price of hemp being
+beat down below the cost of production by manipulation through an Act
+of Congress passed for the benefit of American hemp manufacturers. If
+we had had a Cleveland in the White House about that time, he would
+have written an essay on taxation without representation, with the
+hemp infamy of this Philippine Tariff Act of 1902 as a text, and sent
+it to Congress as a message demanding the repeal of the Act. But the
+good-will of the Hemp Trust is an asset for the policy of Benevolent
+Assimilation. The Filipino cannot vote, and the cordage manufacturer in
+the United States can. No conceivable state of economic desolation to
+which we might reduce the people of the Philippine Islands being other
+than a blessing in disguise compared with permitting them to attend
+to their own affairs after their own quaint and mutually considerate
+fashion, the Hemp Trust's rope, tied into a slip-knot by the Act of
+1902, must not be removed from their throats. By judicious manipulation
+of sufficient hemp rope, you can corral much support for Benevolent
+Assimilation. Therefore, to this good hour, the substance of the hemp
+part of the Philippine Tariff Act of March 8, 1902, remains upon the
+statute books of the United States, to the shame of the nation.
+
+At last, under the Payne tariff law of 1909, Mr. Taft's long and
+patient quiet work with Congressional committees prevailed upon
+Congress and the interests to admit Philippine sugar and tobacco to
+this country free of duty, up to amounts limited in the Act. [525]
+Since then you find the reports of our American officials in the
+Philippines palpitating with gratitude to Congress. As a matter
+of fact all Congress had said to the Filipinos by its action may be
+summed up about thus: "The sugar and tobacco interests of this country
+have at last realized that such little of the sugar and tobacco you
+raise as may stray over to this side of the world will not be in the
+least likely to hurt them. Therefore they have graciously decided,
+in their benignity, to permit you to live, provided you do not get
+too prosperous." But this very same Payne bill continued the export
+tax features of the Act of 1902. Section 13 of the Payne bill is
+as follows:
+
+
+    Section 13. That upon the exportation to any foreign country from
+    the Philippine Islands, or the shipment thereof to the United
+    States or any of its possessions, of the following articles
+    there shall be levied, collected, and paid thereon the following
+    export duties: Provided, however, that all articles the growth
+    and product of the Philippine Islands coming directly from said
+    islands, to the United States or any of its possessions for use
+    and consumption therein shall be exempt from any export duties
+    imposed in the Philippine Islands:
+
+    352. Abaca (hemp), gross weight, 100 kilos, 75 cents.
+    353. Sugar, gross weight, 100 kilos, 5 cents.
+    354. Copra, gross weight, 100 kilos, 10 cents.
+    355. Tobacco, gross weight:
+
+    (a) Manufactured or unmanufactured, except as otherwise provided,
+    100 kilos, $1.30.
+
+    (b) Stems, clippings, and other wastes of tobacco, 100 kilos,
+    50 cents.
+
+
+Let us briefly glance at the net results of this law, and its
+predecessor, the Act of 1902, the export features of which it
+re-enacted. It is important that every fair-minded American who can
+possibly spare the time should take such a glance at what Congress has
+done to the Philippine hemp industry, because of the obvious bearing
+that such taxation without representation will probably have on the
+attitude of the Philippine people whenever we get into a war with a
+foreign power. Certainly the legislation Congress has perpetrated upon
+them, at the behest of special interests in the United States, has not
+soothed the original desire of those people to be free and independent.
+
+At page 27 of the report of the Philippine Collector of Customs for
+1910, a table is given showing the export duties subject to refund
+collected under the Act of Congress of March 8, 1902, and deposited
+in the Philippine treasury to the credit of the Insular Government
+at the end of each fiscal year (June 30), as follows:
+
+
+                    1902        $  71,064.69
+                    1903          527,228.10
+                    1904          462,433.83
+                    1905          486,475.56
+                    1906          433,991.79
+                    1907          433,458.58
+                    1908          370,513.36
+                    1909          598,917.69
+                               -------------
+                               $3,384,083.60
+
+
+The following table, taken from this same annual report of the
+Collector of Customs of the Philippines for 1910 (p. 22) shows the
+size (weight in kilograms), and value, of the annual Philippine hemp
+crop from 1899 to 1910, both inclusive. It gives in one set of columns
+the total exported to all countries, and in the other the part which
+comes to the United States:
+
+
+              To All Countries.         To United States.
+                 Kilos        Value       Kilos        Value
+
+        1899   59,840,368  $ 6,185,293  23,066,248  $ 2,436,169
+        1900   76,708,936   11,393,883  25,763,728    3,446,141
+        1901  112,215,168   14,453,110  18,157,952    2,402,867
+        1902  109,968,792   15,841,316  45,526,960    7,261,459
+        1903  132,241,594   21,701,575  71,654,416   12,314,312
+        1904  131,817,872   21,794,960  61,886,592   10,631,591
+        1905  130,621,024   22,146,241  73,351,136   12,954,515
+        1906  112,165,384   19,446,769  62,045,088   11,168,226
+        1907  114,701,320   21,085,081  58,388,504   11,326,864
+        1908  115,829,080   17,311,808  48,813,720    7,684,000
+        1909  149,991,866   15,883,577  79,210,362    8,534,288
+        1910  170,788,629   17,404,922  99,305,102   10,399,397
+
+
+If you have the time and inclination, you can easily figure out the
+annual "rake-off" of the American hemp importers from the above
+table. For instance, take the last year, 1910: 99,305,102 kilos
+at 75 cents per 100 kilos is $744,788.26, which is more than 4%
+of $17,404,922, the total value of the hemp crop of the archipelago
+for that year. Add this $744,788.26 to the $3,384,183.60 shown by the
+above table of refundable duties collected from 1902 to 1909 inclusive,
+and you have over $4,000,000 rebates accruing to American importers
+of Manila hemp from 1902 to 1910 inclusive.
+
+In his remarks on Section 13 of the Payne Law of 1909 (above set
+forth), in the House of Representatives, May 13, 1909, [526] Hon. Oscar
+W. Underwood said, in part:
+
+
+    When you put a tax on your people for engaging in export trade,
+    to that extent you lessen their ability to successfully meet
+    their foreign competitor and reduce the territory in which they
+    can successfully dispose of their surplus products abroad. Our
+    forefathers in writing the Constitution of the United States,
+    recognizing the false principle on which an export tax was based,
+    put it in the fundamental law of our land that the United States
+    Government should not lay export taxes. If we enact this law,
+    we write into the statute book for the Philippine Islands,
+    legislation which is little short of barbarous, legislation that
+    no government in the civilized world except Turkey, and Persia,
+    and other second-class nations countenance to-day.
+
+
+But the hemp interests won out and the section was adopted. In an
+argument for the repeal of the export tax, delivered in the House of
+Representatives August 19, 1911, the Philippine delegate, Hon. Manuel
+L. Quezon, said:
+
+
+    There is one section in the Philippine tariff law, approved
+    August 5, 1909, which is seriously injuring the proper commercial
+    development of the islands.
+
+
+Of course the earnestness with which Mr. Quezon pleaded his cause may
+be imagined from the circumstance that, as he says, he is continually
+advised by letters from his people, and verily believes that if the
+export tax is not taken off soon the Philippine hemp industry will be
+entirely destroyed, and the hemp farmers will have to take to raising
+something else in lieu of hemp, because the present prices hardly
+permit them to live. In the course of his speech Mr. Quezon offered
+the following truly eloquent and absolutely unanswerable argument:
+
+
+    Although it has been decided by the Supreme Court of the United
+    States that the provisions of the Constitution are not in force in
+    the Philippines, I have serious doubts as to whether said decision
+    also meant that this Government has the power to enact laws for
+    the islands which are expressly prohibited by the Constitution
+    in the United States.
+
+
+It is through the courtesy of Mr. Quezon that such light as I may
+have been able to throw on the subject has been obtained. He has
+shown me letters from the Philippine Chamber of Commerce at Manila
+and other commercial organizations prophesying ruin to the Manila
+hemp industry in the event the export tax should continue. One of
+these letters is addressed to the two Philippine Commissioners in
+Congress, Mr. Legarda and Mr. Quezon. It informs them of the hopes of
+the Filipinos at Manila that they, Messrs. Legarda and Quezon, may be
+successful in their campaign to get the law repealed and that many
+of them (the Filipinos at Manila) feel hopeful of results in that
+regard. Speaking for their fellow countrymen at Manila, they say,
+"The optimists are of the opinion that the matter being in such good
+hands as yours will be carried to a successful conclusion." Then they
+give the darker side of the picture thus:
+
+
+    But the representatives at this capital of the famous syndicate,
+    the International Harvester Company, are of the opinion that we
+    will be able to accomplish nothing, and theirs is an opinion to
+    which great weight should be attached, because the vast interests
+    which that concern represents can set in motion powerful influences
+    to keep the present law as it is, since it concerns their interest
+    to do so.
+
+
+Mr. Quezon has also shown me a letter written to him, March 30, 1911,
+by his and my warm personal friend, Hon. James F. Smith, formerly
+Governor-General of the Philippines, now (1912) Judge of the Court of
+Customs Appeals at Washington, D. C., in which letter General Smith
+says, concerning the operation of that part of the export tax act of
+March 8, 1902 (continued by the Payne Tariff Law of 1909) by which
+American manufacturers are relieved from the payment of the export
+tax on Manila hemp:
+
+
+    In effect this really and truly amounts to the payment by the
+    Philippine Government and the Filipino people of a large subsidy
+    to American manufacturers of hemp. More than that, this concession
+    to the American manufacturer, by enabling him to undersell his
+    British competitor, gives him an undue control of the situation
+    and has put him in a position, to some extent, to control prices
+    for the raw product.
+
+
+It seems to me that the American people had better look to their
+own liberties, when they remember that in the campaign for the
+Republican nomination in 1912, the Roosevelt Headquarters gave out
+that pending the Roosevelt dictation of Mr. Taft's nomination in
+1908, the International Harvester Company furnished a floor of its
+Chicago building to the Taft people, this interesting fact being
+part of the leakage from the Roosevelt-Taft quarrel caused by the
+Roosevelt charge that Mr. Taft was unfit for re-election because he
+"meant well feebly"; and when it is recalled, on the other hand, that
+in the Roosevelt campaign of 1912 for the presidential nomination for
+a third term, Mr. George W. Perkins, [527] the very personification
+of undue corporation influence with the Government, assumed the role
+of Warwick for an ex-President who, when President, had repudiated
+the advice of his counsel, Governor Harmon, that a railroad company
+[528] be prosecuted for taking rebates because the vice-president of
+the company was his personal friend. [529] But let us return to the
+Philippine rebates, and their corner-stone, the export tax, Section
+13 of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.
+
+In the case of Fairbanks vs. United States, 181 U. S. Supreme Court
+Reports, page 290, a case in which the court was asked to declare a
+certain Act of Congress unconstitutional and void, because it imposed
+what was virtually an export tax, the opinion of the court cites
+the absolute inhibition against such a tax imposed by our Federal
+Constitution, and says concerning the wise theory on which this
+fundamental tenet of our government rests:
+
+
+    The requirement of the Constitution is that exports should be
+    free from any governmental burden.
+
+
+The decision then goes on to elaborate on what it terms "that freedom
+from governmental burden in the matter of exports which it was the
+intention of our Constitution to protect and preserve." Finally,
+the court uses an expression which is certainly a stinging rebuke to
+any law-making power that permits the selfish greed of a little set
+of importers to get a law passed imposing for their special benefit
+a paralyzing export tax on the chief staple of a helpless colony:
+
+
+    The power to tax is the power to destroy.
+
+
+But Mr. Quezon has no vote in Congress and his voice was not heard,
+at least not heeded.
+
+The summation of the whole matter is this: Both the Philippine
+people and the American people are, and long have been, suffering
+from unjust taxation through laws for which special selfish financial
+interests in the United States, exercising grossly undue influence on
+governmental action, are responsible. Neither will ever get relief
+until the government of this nation is wrested from the control
+of the money-hogs and restored to the people. Until that is done,
+selfish greed will continue to sow sedition in the Philippines,
+and socialism in the United States.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVII
+
+THE RIGHTS OF MAN
+
+                        The rights of man cannot be changed. It is
+                        the government which attempts to change them
+                        that must change.--Webster.
+
+
+It was the homely common sense of Mr. Lincoln that first reminded
+us most vividly how like to the sins of an individual are those of a
+nation. To the Southern man who admires Mr. Lincoln as one of the great
+figures of all time, he seems like a great physician, who, with malice
+toward none and with charity for all, kept vigil for four years at the
+bedside of a sick nation through all the long agony of its efforts to
+throw off from its system the inherited curse of slavery. Of course,
+human slavery was a relic of barbarism. But in fixing the Rights of
+Man, the founders of the Republic actually overlooked the fact that a
+negro was a human being. So that, vast property rights having accrued
+pursuant to that mistake, the march of progress had to wipe them out,
+no matter whom it hurt financially. The enormity of the iniquity of
+human slavery did not dawn suddenly and exclusively upon William Lloyd
+Garrison. He is not the sole, original inventor and patentee of the
+idea. Lord Macaulay's father was doing the same sort of agitating in
+England about the same time. Westminster Abbey has its monument to
+the elder Macaulay, just as Commonwealth Avenue has its monument to
+the elder Garrison. Simultaneous like stirrings occurred elsewhere
+throughout Christendom. But, of course, in America, arguments for
+the emancipation of the slave first took root most readily in a
+thrifty section of our liberty-loving country which had nothing to
+lose by abolition.
+
+John Quincy Adams once said that our government was "an experiment
+upon the heart of man." It is because this government of the people
+by the people for the people was a deliberate and thoughtful attempt
+upon the part of its founders to apply the Golden Rule as a doctrine
+of international and inter-individual law, that we believe our form
+of government is the last hope of mankind. It is, as we conceive
+it, the voice of humanity raised in protest against the proposition
+that might makes right. It is, as we conceive it, a government which
+entered the lists of the nations as the champion of the human mind,
+in the great struggle of Mind for the mastery over Matter, the
+world-old struggle between Good and Evil, Light and Darkness. Our
+government, like everything else, must follow the law of its being,
+or die. Its first great sin in violation of the Rights of Man was due
+to heredity. We inherited the institution of slavery, the governmental
+exception to the rule that all men are created with equal right to
+life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This was a sin against
+human liberty, one of the "unalienable" Rights of Man, upon which
+the Republic purported to be builded. The consequences of that sin
+are still with us; but, except for the occasional bloody-shirt waver,
+whose intellectual resources are not sufficient to provide him with a
+live issue, we are meeting those consequences, as a nation, bravely,
+and with the mutual forbearance born of the fact that none are wholly
+free from responsibility for present difficulties.
+
+Our second great national sin was a yielding to the temptation of
+the environment which arose, unforeseen, after a splendid war waged
+for the Rights of Man against Spain in Cuba. The Philippine war was
+waged to subjugate the Filipino people, because Mr. McKinley believed
+it would be financially profitable to us to own the islands, and in
+the face of the fact that the only thing he knew officially about
+the Filipino people was that Admiral Dewey thought them superior
+to the Cubans and more capable of self-government. The war in the
+Philippines was, therefore, a war against the Rights of Man. Nowhere
+in any state paper has any American statesman, soldier, or sailor,
+had the temerity to invoke the name of God in connection with the
+retention of the Philippine Islands. Nowhere in any American state
+paper connected with the Philippines is there any reference to "a
+decent respect to the opinions of mankind." The sin of our Philippine
+policy is that it is a denial of the right of a people to pursue
+happiness in their own way instead of in somebody else's way. It is a
+denial of the very principles in maintenance of which we went to war
+against Spain to free Cuba, as we had previously gone to war against
+England to free ourselves.
+
+Now the reason the nation blundered into taking the Philippines was
+that it believed the Filipinos to be, not a people, but a jumble
+of savage tribes. But the reason the men who controlled the action
+of the government at the time took the Philippines was because they
+believed they would pay. Nevertheless, there was a sufficient number
+of our fellow-citizens--controlled, some by altruistic motives and
+some by sordid motives--to cause the nation to follow the lead of
+those then in control. If the men then in control had taken the people
+into their confidence, the blunder would never have been made. If the
+correspondence between Mr. McKinley and the Paris Peace Commission
+in the fall of 1898, from which the injunction of secrecy was not
+removed until 1901, had been given out at the time, the treaty would
+never have been ratified except after some such declaration as to
+the Philippines as was made concerning Cuba, some reaffirmance of
+allegiance to faith in our cardinal tenet--the right of every people
+to pursue happiness in their own way, free from alien domination. The
+Bacon resolution of 1899, which was along this line, was defeated only
+by the deciding vote of the presiding officer, the Vice-President of
+the United States. The passage of that resolution would have prevented
+the Philippine Insurrection. Had it passed, the Filipinos would no more
+have had occasion to think of insurrection than the Cubans did. It was
+Mr. McKinley alone who decided to take the Philippines. Congress was
+not called together in extra session. The people were not consulted,
+except from the rear-end of an observation car.
+
+Most people, whether they be lawyers or not, are more or less
+acquainted with the doctrine of what is called in law a "bona
+fide purchaser without notice." No man can claim to be a bona fide
+purchaser without notice, when he knows enough about the subject
+matter of his purchase to put him on reasonable notice of the
+existence of facts which, had he taken the trouble to verify them,
+would have caused him to halt and not purchase. The correspondence
+in 1898, made public in 1901, withheld by Mr. McKinley until after
+his second election in 1900, is sufficient to have made any honest
+man ask himself some such question as this: "After all, is it not
+quite possible that those people can run a decent government of
+their own? Admiral Dewey says they are superior to the Cubans." But
+Mr. McKinley did not pursue this inquiry, as it was his duty to
+do. He took the islands because he believed they would pay, knowing
+nothing in particular about the Filipinos, except what he had learned
+from Admiral Dewey's brief comment, yet hoping in spite of it that
+they would turn out sufficiently unfit for self-government for the
+event to vindicate the purchase. To demonstrate that the Filipinos
+were wholly unfit for the treatment accorded the Cubans was the only
+possible justification of the initial departure from the traditions of
+the Republic and from the principles which were its corner-stone. And
+he made the departure because the business "interests" of the country
+then believed--erroneously they all now admit--that it would pay. He
+decided to treat eternal principles as "worn-out formulae." Senator Hoar
+once declined an invitation extended by his own city of Worcester,
+to deliver a eulogy on Mr. McKinley, because of his Philippine
+policy. True, he tempers the asperity of this action thus: "It was
+not because I was behind any other man in admiration or personal
+affection for that lofty and beautiful character. But * * * if a great
+Catholic prelate were to die, his eulogy should not be pronounced
+by a Protestant." [530] But all Senator Hoar's speeches against the
+McKinley Philippine policy were as emphatic as Luther's ninety-five
+theses. He was in possession at the time, along with the rest of the
+Senate, of the correspondence with the Paris Peace Commission made
+public after the presidential election of 1900.
+
+Ever since Mr. McKinley took the Philippines, it has been the awkward
+but inexorable duty of the defenders of that good man's fame to
+deprecate Filipino capacity for self-government. President Taft's
+chief life-work since this century began has been to take care
+of his martyred predecessor's fame, by proving that Mr. McKinley
+guessed right in 1898 when he bought the Philippines and trusted
+to luck to be able to make out, in spite of what Admiral Dewey had
+said, a case sufficiently derogatory to Filipino intelligence to
+justify the purchase and subjugation of the islands at the very
+time we were freeing Cuba. Obviously, then, the more utterly unfit
+for self-government in the present or the near future Mr. Taft can
+make the Filipinos out, the nearer he gets to vindicating the memory
+of Mr. McKinley, that is, with men of his own, (Mr. Taft's) high
+character. He insists on treating as children a people who got up a
+well-armed army of thirty-odd thousand men in three or four months
+and held at bay, for two years and a half, some 125,000 husky American
+soldiers, over five times as many as it took to drive Spain from the
+Western hemisphere. Physical force is the basis of all government
+among men. If President Taft had anything of the soldier instinct
+of his immediate predecessor, he would not sniff demagoguery in the
+proposition that military efficiency is a better guaranty of capacity
+for self-government than all the school-books in the world, and that
+proven passionate willingness to die for freedom from alien domination
+is the best guaranty conceivable against internecine strife. It was
+a tremendous struggle with his own conscience that Mr. McKinley went
+through with before he decided to repudiate the principles on which we
+took Cuba in order, for a money consideration euphemistically called
+"trade expansion," to take the Philippines. He had advices before him
+at the time making it reasonably certain that this meant trouble with
+the Filipinos, i.e., bloodshed in the Philippines, the extent of which
+none could foresee, and about which he was of course apprehensive. In
+the matter of instructing our Paris Peace Commissioners to insist on
+Spain's ceding us the Philippines, Mr. McKinley took no moral ground
+tenable like a rock, such as truly great men take in great crises of
+their country's history. He did not attempt to lead the people. He
+simply decided that it would be a popular thing to do to take the
+islands. Fresh from a war entered upon to emancipate the Cubans from
+alien domination, he took a step which both Admiral Dewey and General
+Merritt warned him beforehand would probably mean war--to subjugate,
+against their will, a people superior to the Cubans. And in taking
+this step, he took into his confidence, neither the people who paid
+for the war, nor the soldiers who fought it. To deny that his motives
+were benevolent would be simply stupid. But he followed the mob which
+shouted from the rear-end of his observation car and repeated by cable
+to the Paris Peace Commission, what the mob yelled. Ever since the
+supposed Philippine Klondyke whispered in President McKinley's ear
+"Eat of the imperial fruits of a colonial policy," the archives of
+this government--the reports of the State, War, and Navy Departments,
+and the Congressional Documents--have reeked with the inevitable
+consequences of our fall from our high estate. No man can serve two
+masters. Philanthropy for pecuniary profit is a paradox. Duplicity
+ever follows deviation from principle. In our dealings in 1898 with
+Aguinaldo you find vacillation on the part of military commanders who
+personally did not know what fear was, and embarrassed hypocrisy in
+dealing with him on the part of men wearing the shoulder-straps of the
+American army, athwart the frankness of whose gaze no such shadow had
+ever fallen before. You find systematic concealment of our intentions
+in dealing with the insurgents, for fear they would insurge before the
+Treaty was signed, and thus cause such a revulsion of feeling in our
+country against the purchase of theirs as to defeat the ratification
+of the treaty. After that, you find a systematic minimizing of
+the opposition to our rule, reinforced by subtle depreciation of
+Filipino intelligence, and backed up by a "peace-at-any-price" policy,
+periodically punctuated by the horrors of war without its dignity. The
+denial of Filipino opposition to our rule, which opposition means
+merely a natural longing for freedom from alien rule, has gradually
+been abandoned. Nobody now clings to that stale fiction. Also, a long
+course of chastening, through reconcentration and kindred severities
+subsequent to the official announcement of a state of general peace,
+has at last gotten the situation as to public order well in hand. The
+only question for those who affect that "decent respect to the opinions
+of mankind" which the men of 1776 had in mind is, "Are the Filipinos
+a people?" President Taft was originally with Senator Hoar on the
+Philippine question. At least he was an "anti-expansionist." In all
+the heat of subsequent controversy he has never made bold to deny
+the general proposition of the unalienable right of every people to
+liberty and the pursuit of happiness in their own way. His position
+is that the Filipino people must be made an exception to the rule
+because they are not a people. This is the strongest I can state his
+proposition for him. It is very difficult to state even with apparent
+plausibility, anything which denies the right of every community of
+people to immunity from alien domination. The case must be an extreme
+one. The issue which the writer raises with the President's policy
+is that the Filipinos are a people.
+
+I know of no graver responsibility that an American statesman can
+take upon himself before the bar of history than to deny the right
+of any given people to self-government. Certainly any man who denies
+that right at least assumes the burden of proof that they are unfit
+to attend to their own affairs. Mr. McKinley assumed it without
+pretending to know anything much about the Filipinos, the motive being
+that the Islands would be profitable to us. When Mr. Taft went to the
+Philippines in 1900, he went, not to investigate the correctness of
+Mr. McKinley's assumption, which was implied in the purchase, but to
+champion it; not to give advice concerning the righteousness of having
+taken over the Philippines, but to bolster up the policy. He assumed
+the burden of proof before he knew anything about the facts. The
+burden has been on him ever since. Any subordinate who helps him
+to bear that burden, finds favor in his eyes. But the burden is
+greater than he can bear. The proof fails. The proof shows that the
+Filipino people ought to be allowed to pursue happiness in their
+own way instead of being made to pursue it in Mr. Taft's way. Once
+you pretend that our true object in the Philippines is the "pursuit
+of happiness" for them, The Taft policy is condemned by the facts;
+and that is why I am opposed to it. The record shows this. He admits
+it. But he insists, with a sigh, that in some other generation they
+will be happy. Meantime, we are drifting toward our next war carrying
+in tow 8,000,000 of human beings who, if neutralized and let alone
+would not be disturbed by our next war, but whose destinies now must
+be dependent upon the outcome of such war, however little they may
+be concerned in the issues which bring it about.
+
+The shifty opportunism which once actually held out to the Filipinos
+the hope of some day becoming a State of the United States of America,
+has long since lapsed into the silence of shame, because no American
+ever honestly believed that the American people would ever countenance
+any such preposterous proposition. And so a free republic based on
+representative government is face to face with the proposition of
+having a "crown colony" on its hands which wishes to be, and could
+soon be made fit to be, a free republic also.
+
+If a federal republic cannot live half slave and half free, can it
+live with millions of the governed denied a voice in the federal
+government confessedly forever?
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVIII
+
+THE ROAD TO AUTONOMY
+
+                                Oh be ye not dismayed
+                                Though ye stumbled and ye strayed.
+
+                                         Kipling--A Song of the English.
+
+
+He who points out a wrong without being prepared to suggest a remedy
+presumes upon the patience of his neighbor without good and sufficient
+cause. Up to this point the wrong has been unfolded, with such ability
+as was vouchsafed the narrator, "from Genesis to Revelations," so to
+speak; also his own attitude as an eye-witness, and its evolution from
+the Mosaic doctrine of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,
+to the more Christian doctrines of the New Testament. Let us now
+consider the remedy.
+
+In the course of our travels with the army in the earlier chapters of
+this book, we first followed its northern advance, from Manila over
+the great central plain drained by the Rio Grande and crossed by the
+railroad connecting Manila Bay with Lingayen Gulf; its further advance
+from the northern borders of the plain over the mountains of Central
+Luzon; and its march from the central mountains to the northern sea,
+at the extreme northern end of the archipelago. We thus saw in detail
+the military conquest and occupation of that part of Luzon lying
+north of the Pasig River. Before leaving that part of the subject, the
+way the provinces thus occupied were grouped into military districts
+was indicated. Following the lines of the military occupation, it was
+shown that Northern Luzon was naturally and conveniently susceptible of
+division into four groups of provinces, which groups might ultimately
+be evolved into self-governing commonwealths--States of a Philippine
+Federal Union, as follows:
+
+
+    Name of State     Area (sq. m.)    Population
+
+    Ilocos [531]          6,500           650,000
+    Cagayan [532]        12,000           300,000
+    Pangasinan [533]      4,500           625,000
+    Pampamga [534]        5,000           650,000
+                         ------         ---------
+    Total                28,000         2,225,000
+
+
+It will be remembered that after our narrative had followed the
+occupation of Northern Luzon by the American forces to practical
+completion, we turned to that part of Luzon lying south of Manila,
+and followed the military occupation as it was gradually extended
+from the Pasig River to the extreme point of Southern Luzon. Before
+closing the review of that military panorama, suggestions were made
+for an ultimate grouping of the provinces of Southern Luzon into two
+governmental units intended to be ultimately evolved into states. Those
+suggestions contemplated grouping the provinces of the lake region
+bordering on the Laguna de Bay and the adjacent provinces, into a
+territory designated for convenience as Cavite. [535] This territory
+was to include all of Southern Luzon except the hemp peninsula,
+which lies to the south of the Lake country. It was also suggested
+in the same connection that the three provinces of the hemp peninsula
+might form a convenient ultimate State of Camarines. In other words,
+two states can be made out of Southern Luzon as follows:
+
+
+    Name of State    Area (sq. m.)      Population
+
+    Cavite              8,500              700,000
+    Camarines           7,000              600,000
+                       ------            ---------
+    Total              15,500            1,300,000
+
+
+To recapitulate: All of Luzon except Manila and the vicinity
+can at once be divided into the six groups of provinces above
+mentioned--"territories," having what we are accustomed in the United
+States to call a "territorial form of government," and intended to
+be made states later. Luzon is about the size of Cuba (a little over
+40,000 sq. miles), is twice as thickly populated (nearly 4,000,000 to
+Cuba's 2,000,000), and is not cursed with a negro question, as Cuba is.
+
+The above totals, be it remembered, are only round numbers, but
+they get us "out of the woods" so to speak, and away from a lot of
+unpronounceable names. They show you how to handle Luzon as if it were
+about the size of Ohio--which it is. And, as has already been made
+clear in the earlier part of this volume, Luzon "is" the Philippines,
+in a very suggestive sense of the phrase, since it contains half the
+land area of the archipelago (outside of the Mohammedan island of
+Mindanao), and half the total population of the whole archipelago,
+besides being eight or ten times as large as any other island of the
+group except Mindanao; and it also contains the city which is the
+capital and chief port of the archipelago, and has been the seat of
+government for over three hundred years--Manila. And Manila is eight
+or ten times as large as any other town in the archipelago.
+
+After the occupation of Luzon, General Otis's extension of our
+occupation to the Visayan islands was reviewed, and in that connection
+it was pointed out that each of the six largest of those islands to
+wit, Panay, Negros, Cebu, Leyte, Samar, Bohol, might be ultimately
+evolved into six states. [536]
+
+The smaller islands lying between Luzon and Mindanao could easily be
+disposed of governmentally by being attached to the jurisdiction of
+one of the said six islands.
+
+There is to-day no reason why a dozen Americans could not be at
+once appointed governors of the twelve prospective autonomous
+commonwealths above indicated, just as the President of the United
+States has in the past appointed governors for New Mexico, Arizona,
+and other territories of the United States which have subsequently
+been admitted to the Union. If the Congress of the United States should
+promise the Filipinos independence, to be granted as soon as American
+authority in the Islands should so recommend, the dozen territorial
+governments intended to be evolved into states of an ultimate federal
+union could soon be whipped into shape where they could take care of
+themselves to the extent that our state governments to-day take care
+of themselves. American representatives of American authority in the
+Islands, sent out to work out such a programme, might be instructed
+to watch these twelve territorial governments, granting to each the
+right to elect a governor in lieu of the appointed governor as soon
+as in their judgment a given territory was worthy of it. I have no
+doubt that such recommendations would follow successively as to all
+of said prospective states inside of four or five years. Whether this
+plan is wise or not, it certainly is not, as far as I am concerned,
+"half baked." Some five years ago, in the North American Review,
+[537] I suggested that Luzon could be so organized within less than
+ten years by American territorial governors selected for the work,
+naming the Honorable George Curry of New Mexico, formerly Governor of
+the territory of New Mexico, and now a member of Congress therefrom,
+as an ideal man to organize one such territory. It is true that there
+are not eleven other men as well qualified for the work as Governor
+Curry. In fact he is probably better qualified for the work than
+any man living. The language used as to Governor Curry in the North
+American Review article referred to was as follows:
+
+
+    If the inhabitants of these regions were told by a man whom they
+    liked and would believe, as they would Curry, that they were to
+    have autonomous governments like one of the Western Territories
+    of the United States, at the very earliest possible moment,
+    and urged to get ready for it, they could and would, under his
+    guidance. We would get a co-operation from those people we do not
+    now get and never will get, so long as we keep them in uncertainty
+    as to what we are going to do with them. If next year we should
+    formally disclaim intention to retain the islands permanently, and
+    set to work to create autonomous Territories destined ultimately
+    to be States of a Federated Philippine Republic, whenever fit,
+    we would soon see the way out of this tangle, and behold the
+    beginning of the end of it.
+
+
+Whenever the twelve territorial governments should be gotten into
+smooth working order under elected native governors, the Philippine
+archipelago would then be nearly ready for independence, so far as
+its internal affairs are concerned. The danger of their being annexed
+on the first pretext by some one of the great land-grabbing powers
+should be met by our guaranteeing them their independence, as we
+do Cuba, until they could be protected by neutralization treaties,
+such as protect Belgium and Switzerland to-day, as explained in
+the chapter which follows this. Powers not specifically granted
+to the several states-in-embryo should of course, until the final
+grant of independence, be reserved to the central government at
+Manila. Manila and Rizal province would be available at almost any
+time as a thirteenth state. So that when the twelve states above
+suggested had shown themselves capable of local self-government,
+Manila and Rizal province might be added to make the final one of
+thirteen original states of a Philippine Republic.
+
+Any American who has seen a Filipino pueblo transformed, as if by
+magic, from listless apathy to a state of buzzing and busy enthusiasm
+suggestive of a bee-hive, by preparations for some church fiesta,
+or for the coming of some dignitary from Manila, has seen something
+analogous to what would happen if the Filipino body politic should
+suddenly be electrified by a promise of independence under some such
+programme as the above. A generous rivalry would at once ensue all
+over the archipelago in each of the twelve prospective states. Each
+would seek to be the first to be recommended by American authority as
+ready for statehood. I do not believe the annals of national experience
+contain any analogy where every member of a given community has rallied
+to a common cause more completely than the whole Filipino people would
+rally to such a prospective programme of independence. The unanimity
+would be as absolute as the kind we saw among the American people at
+the outbreak of the Spanish War, when Congress one fine morning placed
+fifty millions of dollars at the disposal of President McKinley by
+a unanimous vote.
+
+I especially invite attention to the fact that the above programme
+throws away nothing that has been done by us in the Islands in the
+last twelve years in the way of organization. It simply takes it and
+builds upon it. Congress should not attempt to work out the details
+from this end of the line. We should send men out there from here to
+work them out, with local co-operation from the leading Filipinos. Men
+animated by the idea of working out a programme under which the living
+may hope to see the independence of their country, should be sent out
+to take the place of the men now there who are irrevocably committed
+to the programme of indefinite retention with undeclared intention,
+which holds out no hope to the living. It is not wise to arrange
+the details of the programme by act of Congress without a year or
+two of study of the situation by such men on the ground. An act of
+Congress which goes into details before getting the recommendations
+of such men will inevitably set up a lot of straw men easy for the
+other side to knock down. All you need is a program, sanctioned by
+Congress, containing a promise of independence, and men sent out to
+the islands to work out the program. They would report back from time
+to time, and the Congress by whose authority they went out would have
+no hesitation in being guided by their recommendations. If unpatriotic
+greed for office among the Filipinos, or other opposition animated by
+evil motives, should block the game, your Americans so sent out would
+have to recommend the calling of a halt. This ever-present shadow
+in the background would in turn throw the shadow of ostracism over
+all demagogues.
+
+Meantime the Filipinos should be given a Senate, or upper house,
+in which, the thirteen prospective "states" should be represented by
+two men, the bill therefor to be framed out there, and sent back here
+to Congress for approval. This would give them under the plan here
+suggested, as soon as the Americans sent out should so recommend,
+a Senate of twenty-six members. At present, if the native Assembly,
+or lower house, does not pass the annual appropriations necessary
+to run the government, the appropriation act of the preceding year
+again becomes law. At present, the upper house is the Philippine
+Commission. By withholding its consent, it can prevent any legislation
+whatsoever. So, at present, the Assembly is little more than a debating
+society. All questions as to appropriations, veto of legislation, and
+other details, in the event the Filipinos are given a Senate also,
+should be left to be fixed in the bill recommended by the men sent
+out to work out the program of promise.
+
+On March 20, 1912, Honorable W. A. Jones, the distinguished veteran
+Congressman from Virginia, who is Chairman of the Committee on Insular
+Affairs, introduced in the House of Representatives a bill entitled
+"A bill to establish a qualified independence for the Philippines, and
+to fix the date when such qualified independence shall become absolute
+and complete." The greater part of what precedes this paragraph of
+this chapter was written prior to March 20, 1912. Mr. Jones's bill
+works out the details of the independence problem in a manner somewhat
+different from the plan I suggest, but that does not make me any the
+less heartily in favor of the principle which his bill embodies. The
+supreme virtue of the Jones bill is that it promises Independence at
+a fixed date, July 4, 1921. It ends the cruel uncertainty, so unjust
+to both the Filipinos and to the Americans in the Philippines, that
+is contained in the present program of indefinite retention with
+undeclared intention. Five years ago, in the North American Review
+for January 18, and June 21, 1907, the writer hereof expressed the
+belief that an earlier date was feasible, thus:
+
+
+    If three strong and able men, familiar with insular conditions,
+    and still young enough to undertake the task [538] were told by
+    a President of the United States, by authority of the Congress,
+    "Go out there and set up a respectable native government in
+    ten years, and then come away," they could and would do it,
+    and that government would be a success; and one of the greatest
+    moral victories in the annals of free government would have
+    been written by the gentlemen concerned upon the pages of their
+    country's history.
+
+
+As Mr. Jones's bill allows four years more of time, I believe it to
+be absolutely safe.
+
+Governor Curry, the Congressman from New Mexico hereinabove mentioned,
+who spent eight years in the Philippines, agrees with the fundamental
+principle of the Jones bill, that as to making a definite promise of
+Independence within a few years, and does not consider 1921 too early.
+
+Under the present law, the Philippine Assembly has some eighty
+members, each supposed to represent 90,000 people, more or less. This
+tallies, roughly, with the census total of population, which is
+7,600,000. [539] Under the existing law in the Philippines, the
+qualifications for voting are really of two kinds, though nominally
+of three kinds. There is a property qualification, and there is
+an educational qualification. In any case, in order to vote, the
+individual must be twenty-one years old, and must have lived for six
+months in the place where he offers to vote. The property qualification
+requires that the would-be voter own at least $250 worth of property,
+or pay a tax to the amount of $15. The explanation of how a man may
+not own $250 worth of property and yet pay $15 taxes is that under the
+old Spanish system, which we partially adopted, a man might pay such
+cedula or poll-tax as he preferred, according to a graduated scale,
+certain civic rights being accorded to those voluntarily paying the
+higher poll-tax which were denied to those paying less. The educational
+qualification requires the would-be voter to speak, read, and write
+either English or Spanish, or else to have held certain enumerated
+small municipal offices under the Spaniards--before the American
+occupation. Mr. Jones's bill proposes to add the speaking, reading,
+and writing of the native dialect of a given locality [540] to the
+educational qualification. This would double, or perhaps triple,
+the electorate, and would, in my judgment, be wise. Thousands upon
+thousands of natives who only speak a little Spanish can both speak,
+read, and write their native Tagalo, Ilocano, or Visayan, as the
+case may be. The total of those qualified to vote for members of the
+Assembly in 1907 was only about 100,000. At a later election, that
+number was doubled. If there are 7,500,000 people in the archipelago,
+one fifth of these should represent the adult male population, say
+1,500,000. Under Mr. Jones's bill, the electorate would probably
+increase to half a million long before the date he proposes for
+independence, July 4, 1921. But all such details as qualification for
+voting might, it seems to me, be left to people on the ground, their
+recommendations controlling. Under a promise of independence by 1921,
+a very fair electorate of at least one third, possibly one half, of
+the adult male population, could be built up. As the majority report
+on the Jones Bill, dated April 26, 1912, says:
+
+
+    For nearly ten years the average public-school enrolment has not
+    been less than 500,000. [541]
+
+
+I believe that the Moros should be left as they are for the
+present. The time for solving that problem has not yet been
+reached. Mr. Jones himself evidently bases his idea of allowing the
+Moro country representation in the Philippine Congress, or legislature
+provided by his bill, on the probability that enough Christian people
+will vote, down there, to make up an electorate that would not be
+"impossible," i.e., absurd. For instance, he tells me that a great
+many people have moved into Mindanao from the northern islands for
+commercial reasons, and, if I recollect correctly, that Zamboanga,
+the most beautiful little port in Mindanao, which hardly had 10,000
+people when I was there, now has possibly 50,000. But the Moro
+question need not stand in the way of setting up an independent
+government in the Philippines in 1921, as proposed by his bill. You
+have material for thirteen original states, representing a population
+of nearly seven million Christian people, in Luzon and the six main
+Visayan Islands. Why delay the creation of this republic on account
+of 250,000 semi-civilized, crudely Mohammedan Moros in Mindanao--a
+separate island lying off to the south of the proposed republic? [542]
+A happy solution of the matter would be to send Mr. Jones out there as
+Governor-General and let him work out the problem on the ground. He
+has had a long and distinguished career in the public service,
+twenty-two years in Congress. His public record and speeches on the
+Philippine question from the beginning would make him to the Filipinos
+the very incarnation of a bona fide intention on our part to give
+them their independence at the earliest practical moment, that is,
+at some time which the living might hope to see. When Governor Taft
+and Mr. Root drew the Philippine Government Act of 1902, the former
+had already been president of the Philippine Commission for two
+years, had been all over the archipelago, and knew it well. Suppose
+the Taft policy should be substituted by the more progressive Jones
+policy. Mr. Jones, or whoever is to change the policy, ought to have
+as much acquaintance with the subject, acquired on the ground, as
+Mr. Taft had when he formulated his policy of indefinite retention
+with undeclared intention. The nucleus of the Taft policy was stated
+by Governor Taft to the Senate Committee in 1902, as follows [543]:
+
+
+    My own judgment is that the best policy, if a policy is to be
+    declared at all, is to declare the intention of the United States
+    to hold the islands indefinitely, until the people shall show
+    themselves fit for self-government, under a gradually increasing
+    popular government, when their relation to the United States,
+    either of statehood, or of quasi-independence, like the colony
+    of Australia or Canada, can be declared after mutual conference.
+
+
+The policy which Mr. Jones has favored for the last twelve years is
+almost as well known to the Filipinos as are the views of Mr. Taft
+himself.
+
+In conclusion, the writer desires to say, with especial emphasis,
+that the suggestions outlining the plan which forms the bulk of this
+chapter are presented in a spirit of entire deference to the views
+of any one else who may have considered this great subject carefully,
+especially to the views of Mr. Jones, whose bill is so entirely right
+in principle. The one supreme need of the situation is a definite
+legislative declaration which shall make clear to all concerned--to the
+Filipino demagogue and the American grafter, as well as to the great
+body of the good people of both races out there--that the governing
+of a remote and alien people is to have no permanent place in the
+purposes of our national life; and that we do bona fide intend to
+give the Filipinos their independence at a date in the future which
+will interest the living, by extending to the living the hope to see
+the independence of their country. And the Jones Bill does that.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIX
+
+THE WAY OUT
+
+                Respect for the perpetual neutrality of Switzerland
+                has now taken such lodgment in the conscience of
+                Europe that its violation would inevitably provoke
+                a storm of indignation.
+
+                             M. de Martens in the Revue des Deux Mondes.
+
+
+On March 25, 1912, Honorable W. A. Jones, of Virginia, Chairman of the
+House Committee on Insular Affairs, introduced a resolution (H. J. 278)
+proposing the neutralization of the Philippines, to accompany his
+Philippine Independence Bill discussed in the preceding chapter. Such
+a resolution, accompanying such a bill, both introduced by one of the
+majority leaders in the House of Representatives, lifts the question
+of Philippine neutralization out of the region of the "academic,"
+and brings it forward as a thing which must, sooner or later, command
+the serious consideration both of Congress and the country. There
+have been many such resolutions before that of Mr. Jones. But they
+are all the same in principle. All contemplate our guaranteeing the
+Filipinos their independence until the treaties they propose shall
+be consummated. In 1911, there were at least nine such resolutions
+proposing neutralization of the Philippines, introduced by the
+following named gentlemen, the first a Republican, the rest Democrats:
+
+Mr. McCall, of Massachusetts; Mr. Cline, of Indiana; Mr. Sabath,
+of Illinois; Mr. Garner, of Texas; Mr. Peters, of Massachusetts;
+Mr. Martin, of Colorado; Mr. Burgess, of Texas; Mr. Oldfield, of
+Arkansas; and Mr. Ferris, of Oklahoma.
+
+Because the neutralization plan to provide against the Philippines
+being annexed by some other Power in case we ever give them their
+independence would, if successfully worked out, reduce by that much
+the possible area of war, and be a distinct step in the direction of
+universal peace, it is certainly worthy of careful consideration by
+the enlightened judgment of the Congress and the world.
+
+Mr. McCall is the father of the neutralization idea, so far as
+the House of Representatives is concerned, application of it to
+the Philippines having been first suggested at the Universal Peace
+Conference of 1904, by Mr. Erving Winslow, of Boston. Mr. McCall has
+been introducing his neutralization resolution at every Congress for
+a number of Congresses past.
+
+The McCall Resolution (H. J. Res. 107) is the oldest, and perhaps the
+simplest, of the various pending resolutions for the neutralization
+of the Philippines, and is typical of all. It reads:
+
+
+    JOINT RESOLUTION
+
+    Declaring the purpose of the United States to recognize
+    the independence of the Filipino people as soon as a stable
+    government can be established, and requesting the President to
+    open negotiations for the neutralization of the Philippine Islands.
+
+    Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+    States of America in Congress assembled:
+
+    That in accordance with the principles upon which its government
+    is founded and which were again asserted by it at the outbreak of
+    the war with Spain, the United States declares that the Filipino
+    people of right ought to be free and independent, and announces
+    its purpose to recognize their independence as soon as a stable
+    government, republican in form, can be established by them, and
+    thereupon to transfer to such government all its rights in the
+    Philippine Islands upon terms which shall be reasonable and just,
+    and to leave the sovereignty and control of their country to the
+    Filipino people.
+
+    Resolved, That the President of the United States be, and he hereby
+    is, requested to open negotiations with such foreign Powers as in
+    his opinion should be parties to the compact for the neutralization
+    of the Philippine Islands by international agreement.
+
+
+If the McCall Resolution, or any one of the kindred resolutions,
+were passed, and complied with by the President of the United States,
+and accepted by the other Powers, and the Filipinos were helped to
+organize territorial governments such as Arizona and New Mexico were
+before they became States, several such territories could form the
+nucleus about which to begin to build at once, as indicated in the
+chapter on "The Road to Autonomy." A number of such territories could
+be made at once as completely autonomous as the governments of the
+territories of Arizona and New Mexico were before their admission to
+our Union. With those examples to emulate, together with the tingling
+of the general blood that would follow a promise of independence and
+a national life of their own, similar territorial governments could
+be successively organized, as indicated in the preceding chapter,
+throughout the archipelago. These could, in less than ten years, be
+fitted for admission to a federal union of autonomous territories,
+with the string of our sovereignty still tied to it, and an American
+Governor-General still over the whole, as now. And when the last island
+knocked for admission and was admitted, the string could be cut, and
+the Federal Union of Territories admitted, through our good offices, to
+the sisterhood of nations, as an independent Philippine republic. They
+would not bother the rest of the world any more than Belgium and
+Switzerland do, which are likewise protected by neutralization.
+
+The idea of international neutralization is not without pride of
+ancestry or hope of posterity. It was born out of the downfall of
+Napoleon I. The Treaty of Paris of 1815 declared that
+
+
+    the neutrality and inviolability of Switzerland, as well as its
+    independence of outside influences, are in conformity with the
+    true interests of European politics.
+
+
+The Congress of Vienna, held afterwards in the same year, at
+which there were present, besides the various monarchs, such men as
+Wellington, Talleyrand, and Metternich, solemnly and finally reiterated
+that declaration. Would not "the neutrality and inviolability" of
+the Philippines be gladly acceded to by the great Powers as being
+"in conformity with the true interests of European politics," and
+Asiatic politics as well?
+
+Says M. De Martens, in an article in the Revue des Deux Mondes for
+November 15, 1903:
+
+
+    Respect for the perpetual neutrality of Switzerland has now taken
+    such lodgment in the conscience of the civilized nations of Europe
+    that its violation would inevitably provoke a storm of indignation.
+
+
+At present, the Philippines are a potential apple of discord thrown
+into the Balance of Power in the Pacific. The present policy of
+indefinite retention by us, with undeclared intention, leaves everybody
+guessing, including ourselves. Now is the accepted time, while the
+horizon of the future is absolutely cloudless, to ask Japan to sign
+a treaty agreeing not to annex the Philippine Islands after we give
+them their independence. By her answer she will show her hand. The
+overcrowded monarchies do not pretend any special scruples about
+annexing anything annexable. Germany very frankly insists that she
+became a great Power too late to get her rightful share of the earth's
+surface, and that she must expand somewhither. And only the virile
+menace of the Monroe Doctrine has so far stayed her heavy hand from
+seizing some portion of South America. But probably none of the Powers
+would object to converting the Philippines into permanently neutral
+territory, by the same kind of an agreement that protects Switzerland.
+
+The Treaty of London of 1831, relative to Belgium and Holland,
+declares:
+
+
+    Within the limits indicated, Belgium shall form an independent
+    and perpetually neutral state. She shall be required to observe
+    this same neutrality toward all the other states.
+
+
+The signatories to this treaty were Great Britain, France, Austria,
+Prussia, and Russia. Forty years after it was made, during the
+Franco-Prussian war, when Belgium's neutrality was threatened by
+manifestations of intention on the part both of France and of Prussia
+to occupy some of her territory, England served notice on both parties
+to the conflict that if either violated the territorial integrity of
+Belgium, she, England, would join forces with the other. And the treaty
+was observed. The specific way in which observance of it was compassed
+was this: Great Britain made representations to both France and Germany
+which resulted in two identical conventions, signed in August, 1870,
+at Paris and Berlin, whereby any act of aggression by either against
+Belgium was to be followed by England's joining forces with the other
+against the aggressor. So long as human nature does not change very
+materially, "the green-eyed monster" will remain a powerful factor in
+human affairs. The mutual jealousy of the Powers will always be the
+saving grace, in troubled times, of neutralization treaties signed in
+time of profound peace. If "Balance of Power" considerations in Europe
+have protected the Turkish Empire from annexation or dismemberment all
+these years, without a neutralization treaty, why will not the mutual
+jealousy of the Powers insure the signing and faithful observance of
+a treaty tending to preserve the Balance of Power in the Pacific? Who
+would object?
+
+The Panama Canal is to be opened in 1913. We want South America to
+be a real friend to the Monroe Doctrine, which she certainly is not
+enthusiastic about now, and will never be while we remain wedded
+to the McKinley Doctrine of Benevolent Assimilation of unconsenting
+people--people anxious to develop, under God, along their own lines. In
+1906, while Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Root made
+a tour of South America. He told those people down there, at Rio
+Janeiro, by way of quieting their fears lest we may some day be moved
+to "improve" their condition also, through benevolent assimilation
+and vigorous application of the "uplift" treatment:
+
+
+    We wish for * * * no territory except our own. We deem the
+    independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member
+    of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of
+    the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the
+    chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong.
+
+
+That Rio Janeiro speech of Mr. Root's is as noble a masterpiece of
+real eloquence, its setting and all considered, as any utterance of
+any statesman of modern times. Among other things, he said:
+
+
+    No student of our times can fail to see that not America alone
+    but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its old
+    governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its civilization
+    to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By this pathway
+    mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads. Upon the success
+    of this, our great undertaking, the hope of humanity depends.
+
+
+As Secretary of War, "civilizing with a Krag," Mr. Root reminds one
+of Cortez and Pizarro. As Secretary of State, he permits us to believe
+that all the great men are not dead yet.
+
+If, in making that Rio Janeiro speech, Mr. Root laid to his soul
+the flattering unction that the minds of his hearers did not revert
+dubiously to his previous grim missionary work in the Philippines,
+where the percentage of literacy is superior to that of more than one
+Latin-American republic, he is very much mistaken. If he is laboring
+under any such delusion, let him read a book written since then by
+a distinguished South American publicist, called El Porvenir de La
+Americana Latina ("The Future of Latin America"). If he does not read
+Spanish, he can divine the contents of the book from the cartoon which
+adorns the title-page. The cartoon represents the American eagle,
+flag in claw, standing on the map of North America, looking toward
+South America as if ready for flight, its beak bent over Panama,
+the shadow of its wings already darkening the northern portions of
+the sister continent to the south of us. To get the trade of South
+America, in the mighty struggle for commercial supremacy which is to
+follow the opening of the Panama Canal, we must win the confidence of
+South America. We will never do it until we do the right thing by the
+Filipinos. Concerning the Philippines, South America reflects that
+we annexed the first supposedly rich non-contiguous Spanish country
+we ever had a chance to annex that we had not previously solemnly
+vowed we would not annex. We must choose between the Monroe Doctrine
+of mutually respectful Fraternal Relation, which contemplates some
+twenty-one mutually trustful republics in the Western Hemisphere, all
+a unit against alien colonization here, and the McKinley Doctrine of
+grossly patronizing Benevolent Assimilation, which contemplates some
+8,000,000 of people in the Eastern Hemisphere, all a unit against
+alien colonization there--a people, moreover, whose friendship we
+have cultivated with the Gatling gun and the gallows, and watered
+with tariff and other legislation enacted without knowledge and used
+without shame.
+
+We should stop running a kindergarten for adults in Asia, and get back
+to the Monroe Doctrine. There are only two hemispheres to a sphere,
+and our manifest destiny lies in the Western one. We do not want the
+earth. Our mission as a nation is to conserve the republican form
+of government, and the consent-of-the-governed principle, and to
+promote the general peace of mankind by insuring it in our half of
+the earth. The first thing to do to set this country right again is
+to get rid of the Philippines, and give them a square deal, pursuant
+to the spirit of the neutralization resolutions now pending before
+Congress. All these resolutions contain the one supreme need of the
+hour, an honest declaration of intention. The longer we fight shy
+of that, the less likely we are ever to give the Filipinos their
+independence, and the deeper we get into the mire of mistaken
+philanthropy and covert exploitation.
+
+We should resume our original programme of blazing out the path and
+making clear the way up which any nation of the earth may follow when
+it will. That path lies along the line of actually attempting as a
+nation a practical demonstration of the Power of Righteousness, or,
+in other words, the existence of an Omnipotent Omniscient Benevolent
+Good (whether you spell it with one o or with two is not important)
+shaping, guiding, and directing human affairs, such demonstration
+to be made through the concerted action of a self-governing people
+under a written Constitution based on equality of opportunity and
+the Golden Rule.
+
+As a people we are very young yet. It is not yet written in the Book
+of Time how long this nation will survive. So far, our government is
+only an experiment. But, as John Quincy Adams once said, it and its
+Constitution are "an experiment upon the human heart," to see whether
+or not the Golden Rule will work in government among men.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+[1] The date contemplated by the pending Philippine Independence
+Bill, introduced in the House of Representatives in March, 1912,
+by Hon. W. A. Jones, Chairman of the Committee on Insular Affairs.
+
+[2] Congressional Record, December 6, 1897, p. 3.
+
+[3] Split Rock.
+
+[4] Senate Document 62, p. 381.
+
+[5] See pages 341 et seq., Senate Document 62, part 1, 55th Cong.,
+3d Sess., 1898-9.
+
+[6] Senate Document 62, p. 346.
+
+[7] Ib., 349.
+
+[8] The natives in and about Singapore are Mohammedans, forbidden by
+their religion to use alcoholic beverages.
+
+[9] Senate Document 62, p. 354.
+
+[10] Senate Document 62, p. 356.
+
+[11] Hearings on Philippine affairs, Senate Document 331, part 3,
+57th Cong., 1st Sess., 1901-2, proceedings of June 26-8, 1902.
+
+[12] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2927.
+
+[13] The Senate Document has it backwards "left Mirs Bay for Hong
+Kong," clearly an error.
+
+[14] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2932.
+
+[15] Cong. Record, April 17, 1900, p. 4287.
+
+[16] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2928.
+
+[17] Ib.
+
+[18] S. D. 148, 56th Cong., 2d Sess., 1901, p. 6.
+
+[19] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2937.
+
+[20] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2934.
+
+[21] Ib., p. 2967.
+
+[22] See pp. 2928 and 2956, S. D. 331, part 3.
+
+[23] S. D. 331, pt.3, p. 2965.
+
+[24] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2939.
+
+[25] Ib., p. 2936.
+
+[26] Ib., p. 2940.
+
+[27] See letter of H. Irving Hancock, American war correspondent in
+the field, dated Manila, May 3, 1899, published New York Criterion,
+June 17, 1899. This Hancock interview with General MacArthur was
+quoted in debate on the floor of the Senate on April 17, 1900 (see
+Cong. Rec. of that date), and was corroborated by General MacArthur
+himself as substantially correct in that officer's testimony before
+the Senate in 1902, S. D. 331, pt. 2, 57th Congress, 1st Session,
+p. 1942, in answer to questions put by Senator Culberson.
+
+[28] Rev. Clay Macaulay, who afterwards made that statement in a
+letter to the Boston Transcript.
+
+[29] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2939.
+
+[30] S. D. 208, part 2, 56th Congress, 1st Sess., pp. 7, 8.
+
+[31] Cong. Record, December, 1897.
+
+[32] See Cong. Record, April 11, 1898, pp. 3699 et seq.
+
+[33] Cong. Record, April 13, 1898, pp. 3701 et seq.
+
+[34] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 103.
+
+[35] S. D. 62, p. 327.
+
+[36] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, App., p. 100. Dispatch May 20, 1898.
+
+[37] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i, pt. 4, p. 13.
+
+[38] S. D. 331, pt. 3, p. 2930.
+
+[39] Report Schurman Commission, vol. i., p. 172.
+
+[40] S. D. 62, p. 337.
+
+[41] S. D. 331, pt. 3, 1902, p. 2951.
+
+[42] S. D. 331, p. 2955.
+
+[43] Ib., p. 2954.
+
+[44] S. D. 62, pp. 328-9.
+
+[45] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 103.
+
+[46] Ib., p. 102.
+
+[47] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 102.
+
+[48] S. D. 62, p. 362.
+
+[49] Ib., pp. 360-1.
+
+[50] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 106.
+
+[51] S. D. 62, p. 354.
+
+[52] S. D. 62, p. 329.
+
+[53] Ib., p. 432.
+
+[54] Alas, that rare man, Frank Millet, perished in the Titanic
+disaster of April, 1912, since the above was written.
+
+[55] Expedition to the Philippines.
+
+[56] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 111.
+
+[57] See p. 2934, S. D. 331, pt. 3, 57th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[58] See p. 2934, S. D. 331, pt. 3, 57th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[59] S. D. 62, p. 383.
+
+[60] See Admiral Dewey's testimony before the Senate Committee of 1902,
+S. D. 331, pp. 2942, 2957.
+
+[61] See National Geographic Magazine, August, 1905.
+
+[62] Congressional Record, December 5, 1898.
+
+[63] See p. 2938, S. D. 331 (1902).
+
+[64] Congressional Record, December 5, 1898, p. 5.
+
+[65] Senate Document 169, 55th Cong., 3d Sess. (1898).
+
+[66] Ib.
+
+[67] Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, August, 1898 Century Magazine.
+
+[68] See p. 85, S. D. 208, 1900.
+
+[69] See General Orders No. 101, series 1898, Adjutant-General's
+Office, Washington, July 18, 1898, a copy of which accompanied the
+President's message to Congress of December, 1898, and may be seen
+at p. 783, House Document No. 1, 55th Cong., 3d Sess., 1898-9.
+
+[70] For a copy of this proclamation, see p. 86, S. D. 208, 56th Cong.,
+1st Sess.
+
+[71] S. D. 208, p. 8.
+
+[72] S. D. 331, p. 2976, Hearings before Senate Committee, 1902.
+
+[73] S. D. 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., 1900, p. 16.
+
+[74] Correspondence, War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 720.
+
+[75] For Admiral Dewey's cable report of this, see Navy Dept. Report,
+1898, Appendix, p. 110. For particulars, given by him subsequently,
+see S. D. 331, 1902, p. 2942.
+
+[76] S. D. 331, pt. 3, 1902, p. 2942, and thereabouts.
+
+[77] S. D. 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., 1900, p. 4.
+
+[78] S. D. 208, p. 4.
+
+[79] Anderson only had about 2500 troops then.
+
+[80] See Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 110; S. D. 331, 1902,
+p. 2942.
+
+[81] Senate Document 208, 1900, p. 8.
+
+[82] Ib., pp. 12-13.
+
+[83] S. D. 208, 1900, p. 9.
+
+[84] Ib., p. 8.
+
+[85] See page 40 of General Merritt's Report, War Dept. Report, 1898,
+vol. i., part 2.
+
+[86] S. D. 208, 1900, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 11.
+
+[87] Ib., p. 10.
+
+[88] The writer is certainly one of these, and while calling in
+question the wisdom and righteousness of our Philippine policy,
+he cannot refrain from avowing just here a feeling of individual
+obligation to Mr. Root for his exquisite tribute to the personal
+equation of Mr. McKinley, delivered at the National Republican
+Convention of 1904, which was, in part, as follows: "How wise and
+skilful he was. How modest and self-effacing. How deep his insight
+into the human heart. How swift the intuitions of his sympathy. How
+compelling the charm of his gracious presence. He was so unselfish,
+so genuine a lover of his kind. And he was the kindest and tenderest
+friend who ever grasped another's hand. Alas, that his virtues did
+plead in vain against his cruel fate."
+
+[89] See Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 117.
+
+[90] S. D. 208, 1900, p. 13.
+
+[91] For the Merritt proclamation, see S. D. 208, p. 86.
+
+[92] In 1906.
+
+[93] S. D. 208, 1900, p. 13.
+
+[94] Ib., p. 40.
+
+[95] Report First Philippine Commission, vol. i., p. 172.
+
+[96] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4. Otis report, p. 13.
+
+[97] S. D. 331, 1902, p. 2941.
+
+[98] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 788.
+
+[99] May 19th-July 9th; see General Anderson's report to the
+Adjutant-General of the army of July 9, 1898, S. D. 208, p. 6.
+
+[100] See Major J. F. Bell's report to Merritt of August 29, 1898,
+S. D. 62, p. 379.
+
+[101] Clerks.
+
+[102] See S. D. 208, pp. 101-2.
+
+[103] Senate Document 148, 56th Cong., 2d Sess., 1901, p. 34.
+
+[104] S. D. 208, p. 99.
+
+[105] Admiral Dewey to Senate Committee, 1902, S. D. 331, 1902,
+p. 2940.
+
+[106] 7,635,426. See Philippine Census of 1903, vol. ii., p. 15.
+
+[107] 3,798,507. See Philippine Census of 1903, vol. ii., p. 125.
+
+[108] See Senate Document 62, 1898, p. 379.
+
+[109] Albay, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, and Sorsogon.
+
+[110] Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Cagayan.
+
+[111] S. D. 62, p. 380.
+
+[112] Diary of Major Simeon Villa, p. 1898, Senate Document 331,
+pt. 3, 56th Congress, 1st Session, 1902.
+
+[113] See Merritt's Report for 1898, War Dept. Report, 1898, vol. i.,
+pt. 2, p. 40.
+
+[114] Expedition to the Philippines, p. 61.
+
+[115] "With 10,000 men, we would have had to guard 13,300 Spanish
+prisoners, and to fight 14,000 Filipinos," says General Anderson,
+North American Review for February, 1900.
+
+[116] Senate Document 208, p. 86.
+
+[117] Mr. McKinley's instructions to the Peace Commissioners, Senate
+Document 148, 56th Cong., 2d Sess., 1901, p. 6.
+
+[118] See General Greene's Report, W. D. R., 1898, vol. i., pt. 2,
+p. 72, where Mr. Millet's conduct in the assault on the city receives
+special mention.
+
+[119] War Dept. Report, 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 73.
+
+[120] See War Dept. Report, 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 58.
+
+[121] Congressional Record, December 5, 1898, p. 5.
+
+[122] War Dept. Report, 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 57.
+
+[123] Ib., vol. i., pt. 4, p. 190.
+
+[124] See his Report, War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 3.
+
+[125] On August 20th. War Dept. Report,1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 345.
+
+[126] Ib., p. 5.
+
+[127] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. 1., pt. 4, pp. 346-7.
+
+[128] Ib. p. 335.
+
+[129] Senate Document 148, 56th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 34.
+
+[130] S. D. 208, pt. ii., pp. 7, 8.
+
+[131] Otis's Report, p. 10.
+
+[132] Navy Dept. Report, 1898, Appendix, p. 101.
+
+[133] To say nothing of the "chariot and four, and a band of a hundred
+pieces, and everything in the grandest style," of which Admiral Dewey
+told the Senate Committee in 1902 (S. D. 331, 1902, p. 2972).
+
+[134] See p. 7, S. D. 148, 56th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[135] Expedition to the Philippines, p. 255.
+
+[136] "Putting the road and accessories into the same state as they
+were on February 4, 1899," was the language in which Mr. Higgins
+formulated his demand in a letter to General Otis on Jan. 25, 1900. See
+War Dept. Record, 1900, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 516.
+
+[137] North American Review, January 18, 1907, p. 140.
+
+[138] The six main Visayan Islands. Mohammedan Mindanao is always
+dealt with in this book as a separate and distinct problem.
+
+[139] Senate Document 196, 56th Cong., 1st. Sess., p. 14.
+
+[140] Here the author's commanding officer, Major Batson, was shot
+a year and a day later while directing with his usual clear-headed
+intrepidity the fire of a part of his battalion to protect the crossing
+of the rest of it over the Aringay River, we being at the time in hot
+pursuit of Aguinaldo, whose rear-guard made a stand in the trenches
+on the other side of the river.
+
+[141] Senate Document 62, pt. 1, 55th Cong., 3d Sess., 1898-9, p. 283.
+
+[142] Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, then Assistant Secretary of the
+Treasury, now (1912) President of the National City Bank, New York,
+in the Century Magazine, August, 1898.
+
+[143] S. D. 148, p. 15.
+
+[144] Navy Department Report for 1898, Appendix, p. 122.
+
+[145] Senate Document 148, p. 19.
+
+[146] Chairman of the Spanish Commission.
+
+[147] Meaning evidently payment of some of Spain's debts with money
+she could probably get from us for the asking, as a matter of sympathy
+for the fellow who is "down and out."
+
+[148] Mr. McKinley had before that sent word significantly that he
+was not unmindful of the distressing financial embarrassments of Spain.
+
+[149] Otis's Report for 1899, p. 43.
+
+[150] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i, pt. 4, p. 3.
+
+[151] Ib., pt. 2, p. 75.
+
+[152] Senate Document 62, p. 379.
+
+[153] Published at page 7 of Senate Document 208, pt. 2, 56th Congress,
+1st Session (1900).
+
+[154] Called in Spanish "Visayas," or Bisayas. Visayas is an
+adjective derived from the name of the Bay of Biscay, "b" and "v"
+being interchangeable in Spanish.
+
+[155] For a fuller description of the archipelago, see Chapter XII.
+
+[156] Vol. ii., p. 315.
+
+[157] This proclamation has been printed many times, in various
+government publications, e.g., War Department Report, 1899, vol. i.,
+pt. 4, pp. 355-6; Senate Document 208, 56th Congress, 1st Session
+(1900), pp. 82-3, etc.
+
+[158] Senate Document 62, pt. 1, 55th Congress, 3d Session, p. 272.
+
+[159] The "self-doubting" lay in the doubt of the Administration as
+to whether its programme of conquest would or would not be ratified
+by the Senate. The "pusillanimity" lay, wholly unbeknown to Washington
+of course, in the estimate of us it produced among the Filipinos.
+
+[160] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 62.
+
+[161] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 64.
+
+[162] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 79.
+
+[163] Ib., p. 67.
+
+[164] "I sent you the President's proclamation, not for publication,
+but for your information," wrote Otis to Miller after the latter had
+let the cat out of the bag. Senate Document 208, p. 58.
+
+[165] Senate Document 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 54.
+
+[166] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 66.
+
+[167] Ibid.
+
+[168] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 59.
+
+[169] Senate Document 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess. (1900), pp. 54-5.
+
+[170] Colonel Enoch H. Crowder, General Otis's Judge Advocate, was
+"the brains of" the Otis government. But the difference between General
+Otis and Aguinaldo was that Aguinaldo always had the good sense to
+follow Mabini's advice, while Otis did not always follow Crowder's.
+
+[171] Senate Document 208, p. 56.
+
+[172] S. D. 208, p. 58.
+
+[173] See Congressional Record, January 18, 1899, p. 734.
+
+[174] Senate Document 208, p. 59.
+
+[175] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 66.
+
+[176] Senate Document 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., 1900, p. 58, letter
+to General Miller.
+
+[177] A campaign synonym for forced marching. It has no known
+etymology, but to the initiated it suggests torrential downpouring
+of rain and bedraggled mud-spattered columns of troops.
+
+[178] Senate Document 208, pt. 2, p. 7.
+
+[179] Otis Report, p. 80.
+
+[180] The American "Tommy Atkins."
+
+[181] Otis Report, 1899 War Dept. Rpt., 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 81.
+
+[182] See Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 2709 et seq.
+
+[183] Congressional Record, January 11, 1899, p. 735.
+
+[184] Ib., January 18, 1899, p. 733.
+
+[185] The vote on the Bacon resolution was a tie, 29 to 29, and
+the Vice-President of the United States then cast the deciding vote
+against it. Cong. Rec., Feby. 14, 1899, p. 1845.
+
+[186] See Present-Day Problems, by Wm. H. Taft, p. 9; Dodd, Mead, &
+Co., N. Y., 1908.
+
+[187] Congressional Record, February 14, 1899, p. 1846 (55th Cong.,
+3d Sess.).
+
+[188] See General Hughes's testimony before Senate Committee, 1902,
+Senate Document 331, p. 508.
+
+[189] See Annual Report of the Secretary of War to the President for
+1899, pp. 7 et seq.
+
+[190] This is no mere attempt at rhetorical decoration. Said General
+MacArthur to the Senate Committee in 1902 concerning Aguinaldo:
+"He was the incarnation of the feelings of the Filipinos." Senate
+Document 331, 1902, p. 1926.
+
+[191] Senate Document 331, 1902, pp. 2927 et seq.
+
+[192] Senate Document 208, 56th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 23.
+
+[193] Senate Document 62, 55th Cong., 3d Sess., 1898-9, p. 383.
+
+[194] See end of Chapter IV. ante.
+
+[195] Otis Report for 1899, p. 66.
+
+[196] Report, p. 99.
+
+[197] Ib., p. 100.
+
+[198] Ib., p. 150.
+
+[199] Raw recruits.
+
+[200] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 375.
+
+[201] There were thirteen States represented by at least one
+organization. These were the First Californias, Second Oregons, First
+Colorados, First Nebraskas, Tenth Pennsylvanias, Major Young's Utah
+Battery, the First Idahos, Thirteenth Minnesotas, the North Dakota
+Artillery, the Twentieth Kansas, and the Tennessees, Montanas,
+and Wyomings.
+
+[202] The regular regiments represented were the 14th, 8th, and
+23d Infantry and 4th Cavalry. There were also some batteries of the
+Third Regular Artillery, and a number of Engineers, Hospital Corps,
+and Signal Corps people.
+
+[203] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 440.
+
+[204] Hearings on affairs in Philippine Islands, 1902.
+
+[205] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 109.
+
+[206] Senate Document 331, p. 1890.
+
+[207] Senate Document 331, pp. 1890 et seq.
+
+[208] Ib., p. 1436.
+
+[209] Senate Document 331, p. 1448.
+
+[210] Ib., pt. 2, p. 1447.
+
+[211] The "water cure" (a cure for reticence) consisted in placing
+a bamboo reed in the victim's mouth and pouring water down his
+throat thus painfully distending his stomach and crowding all his
+viscera. Allowed to void this after a time, he would, under threat
+of repetition, give the desired information.
+
+[212] Since the above was written, the officer in question has joined
+the Great Majority. It was that fearless, faithful, and kindly man,
+General Fred. D. Grant, who died in April, 1912.
+
+[213] The lieutenant is no longer in the army, but he resigned
+voluntarily long after the incident related in the text, and for
+reasons wholly foreign to said incident.
+
+[214] Of course my host's name was not Jones, but Jones will do.
+
+[215] Spanish for man.
+
+[216] A Philippine campaign expression for losing one's nerve and
+wanting to quit.
+
+[217] Otis's Report, p. 133.
+
+[218] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 35. In this handsome
+commendation General Lawton also included Maj. Charles G. Starr,
+one of the best all-round soldiers I ever knew.
+
+[219] See Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii.,
+pp. 1068 et seq.
+
+[220] Otis's Report, p. 115.
+
+[221] An interesting account of this experience is given by General
+Funston himself in the October, 1911, number of Scribner's Magazine,
+in an article entitled "From Malolos to San Fernando."
+
+[222] Otis's Report, p. 136.
+
+[223] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 138.
+
+[224] Except, of course, the capture of Aguinaldo by General Funston
+nearly two years later.
+
+[225] See General Lawton's Report on the Zapote River fight, War
+Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 282.
+
+[226] See Harper's History of the War in the Philippines, p. 214,
+where the name of the gentleman is spelled "Kanly."
+
+[227] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, Otis Despatches
+of November 27th, vol. ii., p. 846.
+
+[228] House Document 85, 55th Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[229] The words quoted are from President McKinley's message to
+Congress of December, 1899.
+
+[230] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1002.
+
+[231] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1020.
+
+[232] Meaning, of course, in time not to embarrass President McKinley's
+prospective candidacy for re-election in 1900, in a campaign in
+which all knew the acquisition of the Philippines was sure to be the
+paramount issue.
+
+[233] War Dept. Report, 1899, vol. i., part 4, p. 122.
+
+[234] Strictly speaking, only twenty-three regiments were sent out
+from the United States. Under the Act of March 2, 1899, providing the
+volunteer army of 35,000 men for the Philippines, twenty-four regiments
+of infantry and one of cavalry were organized. The infantry regiments
+were numbered Twenty-six to Forty-nine, both inclusive, the numbering
+taking up where the numbering of the regular infantry regiments then
+ended, with the Twenty-fifth. The cavalry regiment was called the
+Eleventh Cavalry, the regular cavalry regimental enumeration ending at
+that time with the Tenth. The Eleventh Cavalry and the Thirty-sixth
+Infantry were organized, officered, and largely recruited from men
+of the State Volunteers sent out in '98, who, in consideration of
+liberal inducements offered by the Government, consented to remain.
+
+[235] The population of the city of Manila according to the Philippine
+Census of 1903, vol. ii., p. 16; was 219,928. The three next largest
+towns are: Laoag, in the province of Ilocos Norte, about 270 miles
+north of Manila, near the northwest corner of Luzon, population 19,699;
+Iloilo, capital of the island of Panay and chief city and port of the
+Visayan Islands, some 300 miles south of Manila, population 19,054;
+and Cebu, capital and chief port of the island of Cebu, a day's
+voyage from Iloilo, population 18,330. See Philippine Census of 1903,
+vol. ii., p. 38.
+
+[236] 115,026 is the exact figure. See Philippine Census, vol. i.,
+p. 57.
+
+[237] The exact figure for Luzon is 40,969, and that for Mindanao,
+36,292. Ib.
+
+[238] Philippine Census, vol. i., p. 56.
+
+[239] Ibid.
+
+[240] Table of Areas, Census, 1903, vol. i., p. 263.
+
+[241] Table of Populations, ib., vol. ii., p. 126.
+
+[242] Total of these six in large type 20,418 square miles, say
+roughly 20,500.
+
+[243] Total of these last three in smaller type 9114 square miles.
+
+[244] There is a large sugar estate on Mindoro, supposed to contain
+over 60,000 acres or, say, ninety odd square miles, which in 1911
+figured in a congressional investigation of certain charges against
+Professor Worcester, a member of the Philippine Commission, but this
+is wholly separate from the original problem of public order.
+
+[245] The exact figure is 36,292. Philippine Census, vol. i., p. 263.
+
+[246] 499,634, Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 126.
+
+[247] The semi-civilized Moros of Mindanao live mostly in the interior,
+and have a crude form of Mohammedanism. The civilized Christian
+Filipinos of Mindanao live mostly on the littoral.
+
+[248] This was said in no mere speech. Speeches are often
+misquoted. It was a letter signed by the foremost man of this age,
+Mr. Roosevelt, written September 15, 1900, accepting the nomination
+for the Vice-Presidency. (See Proceedings of the Republican National
+Committee, 1900, p. 86.) Yet it represented then one of the many
+current misapprehensions about the Filipinos which moved this great
+nation to destroy a young republic set up in a spirit of intelligent
+and generous emulation of our own.
+
+[249] One of the sultans, or head-men, was believed in 1899, to have
+tried on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca made before we took
+the Philippines, by some dickering at Singapore or near there in
+the Straits Settlements, to sell out for a consideration to Great
+Britain, so as to be under the protection and in the pay of British
+North Borneo.
+
+[250] The fraction used is based on 500,000 (the population of
+Mindanao), being that fraction of 7,500,000 (which last is, roughly
+speaking, the total population of the archipelago). The census figures
+being 499,634 and 7,635,426 respectively, as heretofore stated.
+
+[251] 7,635,426. Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 15.
+
+[252] 3,798,507. Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 125.
+
+[253] 223,506 is the total of the uncivilized tribes still extant
+in Luzon, Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 125, but they live in the
+mountains and you might live in the Philippines a long lifetime
+without ever seeing a sample of them, unless you happen to be an
+energetic ethnologist fond of mountain climbing.
+
+[254] Philippine Census of 1903, vol. i., p. 57.
+
+[255] The area of Cuba is about 44,000 square miles.
+
+[256] Except Ohio, the States of Pennsylvania and Tennessee are nearer
+the size of Luzon than any others of the Union, the former containing
+about 45,000 square miles and the latter about 42,000.
+
+[257] This comparison does not pretend to be mathematically exact. New
+Jersey's area is nearer 8000 than 7000 square miles. For further
+illustration by comparison, it may be noted in this connection that
+the area of Massachusetts is over 8000 square miles (8315) and that of
+Vermont between 9000 and 10,000 (9565). As Costa Rica has only 368,780
+inhabitants (Statesman's Year Book), the province of Pangasinan alone
+contains more people than the republic of Costa Rica. The average of
+intelligence and industry of the masses in both is doubtless about
+the same, with the probabilities in favor of Pangasinan.
+
+[258] Table of Areas, Philippine Census of 1903, vol. i., p. 58.
+
+[259] Table of Populations, ib., vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[260] In alluding, in complimentary terms, to this officer's
+gallant conduct on that occasion, Harper's History of the War in the
+Philippines spells the name "Hustin," as it had previously misspelled
+the name of the star actor among the younger officers who participated
+in the Zapote River fight "Kanly." "Such is fame." The gentleman's
+right name is Mustin. He is now a lieutenant-commander, well known
+in the navy to-day, as the inventor of the "Mustin gun-sight."
+
+[261] There is a notable unanimity, among the men in the army of about
+Major March's age and rank, in the opinion that he is a man of very
+extraordinary ability. This unanimity is so generous and genuine that
+I deem it a duty as well as a pleasure to emphasize it here.
+
+[262] See Otis's Report covering September 1, 1899, to May 5, 1900,
+War Dept. Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 261.
+
+[263] The 12th, part of the 25th, and the 32d Infantry being used to
+guard the railroad and for other purposes.
+
+[264] Calumpit will be remembered as the place where in the previous
+spring Colonel Funston and his Kansans performed the daring and
+successful manoeuvre of crossing the Bagbag River under fire.
+
+[265] Senate Document 331, pt. 2 (1902), p. 1926.
+
+[266] This ratio is no jest. It is a statistical fact, figured out
+from one of the War Department Reports.
+
+[267] War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 59.
+
+[268] Report of Secretary of War, 1899, p. 12.
+
+[269] Campaign Spanish for "look for." Generals Lawton and Young had
+cut loose from their base of supplies and their command was trusting
+for subsistence to living upon the country.
+
+[270] See translation of diary of Major Simeon Villa, Senate Document
+331, pt. 3, 57th Cong., 1st Sess. (1902), p. 1988. It was in this
+Aringay fight that one of the narrowest escapes from death in battle
+ever officially authenticated occurred. Lieutenant Dennis P. Quinlan,
+now a captain of the 5th U. S. Cavalry, was struck just over the heart
+by an insurgent bullet (probably more or less spent) while crossing the
+river in the face of a hot fire, the bullet being deflected by a plug
+of tobacco carried in the breast pocket of the regulation campaign
+blue shirt he was wearing, which pocket, any one acquainted with
+that shirt will remember, is at the left breast just over the heart
+(War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 6, pp. 166, 279). He was
+knocked over, but soon recovered and went on. The flesh of the left
+breast over the heart was bruised black and blue. He was recommended
+for a medal of honor on account of the incident (War Department Report,
+1900, vol. i., pt. 7, p. 136).
+
+[271] If these figures are not exact, they are approximately
+correct. We always called it three hundred miles from Manila to the
+northern end of Luzon via Vigan and the lighthouse at Cape Bojeador.
+
+[272] For instance, there was what used to be known to the 8th Corps
+as "Col. Jim Parker's night attack at Vigan," which occurred early in
+December, 1899, soon after that place was occupied, the insurgents
+coming into the town in large numbers, at night under command of
+General Tinio, through a tunnel so it was said, and being driven
+out only after desperate close quarters' fighting from about two
+o'clock in the morning until after broad daylight, leaving the streets
+and plaza of Vigan much cumbered with their dead. Again, later on,
+there was the sudden order, swiftly executed, in obedience to which
+Lieutenant Grayson V. Heidt with a part of a troop of the 3d Cavalry,
+rode from Laoag to Batac to the rescue of a besieged garrison at the
+latter place, arriving in time to prevent a small Custer massacre,
+the garrison having gotten short of ammunition, and having just managed
+to telegraph for reinforcements a few moments before the enemy cut the
+telegraph wire. Then, there was Lieutenant Hannay, of the 22d Infantry,
+who being at the front, received an order from General Lawton to come
+back to build a bridge. The order made him sick, the surgeon reported
+him sick, the messenger returned with that message, and then Hannay
+promptly got well, and stayed at the front. And so on, ad infinitum.
+
+[273] The Visayan Islands--the half-dozen islands between Luzon and
+Mindanao already mentioned, as the only ones worth mentioning for
+our purposes, together with the various smaller islands, islets,
+and rocks "visible at high water."
+
+[274] "During April, in the First District, comprising the provinces
+of Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Union, Abra, Lepanto, Benguet, and Bontoc,
+Brigadier General S. B. M. Young, commanding, the insurgents manifested
+considerable activity and endeavored to take the offensive against
+the scattered detachments in the district. The insurgents were in
+every instance defeated, and lost more than 500 men killed." War
+Dept. Report 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 196.
+
+[275] The language quoted is that employed by Robert Collins,
+Associated Press Correspondent, in connection with the Round Robin
+incident of nine months previous, described in the concluding part
+of the chapter preceding this.
+
+[276] Hereinafter more fully set forth.
+
+[277] For the Table of Areas, see Philippine Census, vol. i., p. 58.
+
+[278] For the Table of Populations, see Philippine Census, vol. ii.,
+p. 123.
+
+[279] Under the Spaniards, these were two provinces. They were combined
+by us.
+
+[280] A province in Latin countries corresponds more nearly to what
+we call a county than to anything else familiar to our system of
+political divisions.
+
+[281] For the details of this march, see War Department Report, 1900,
+vol. i., pt. 4, p. 309. Captain Batchelor had neither orders nor
+permission to do what he did. When he cut loose from the command he
+belonged to, he took very long chances on finding subsistence for
+his men in the unknown country he had set out to conquer, to say
+nothing of the highly probable chances of annihilation of his whole
+command. When an officer commanding troops does this in time of war,
+he does so at his peril, and signal success is his only salvation.
+
+[282] Area tables, Philippine Census, vol. i., p. 58.
+
+[283] Population tables, Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[284] Though Nueva Vizcaya is not in the Cagayan valley, but on a
+plateau of the great divide, still, its streams all flow into the
+Cagayan valley, and that term will be used in this book, as it is
+colloquially in the Philippines, to include not only the Cagayan valley
+proper, but also the adjoining tributary province of Nueva Vizcaya.
+
+[285] The only thing of interest to the American people that ever
+happened over there was the capture of Lieutenant Gilmore of the Navy,
+and his men, at Baler, on the Pacific coast, in Principe, a capture
+which, it will be recollected, was followed by long captivity, and
+ultimately terminated in rescue. The interested student will see
+these two provinces on the American maps of the islands, but they
+were each attached by the Taft government for administration purposes
+to another province, and do not appear in the American census list
+of provinces. Therefore, they cut no figure in the census totals,
+either of area or population.
+
+[286] The officer on whom public attention in the United States was
+later focussed by an alleged order, charged to have been issued by him
+in a campaign in Samar to "kill everything over ten years old." This
+alleged order was called by the American newspapers of the period
+"Jake Smith's Kill and Burn Order."
+
+[287] The figures as to Principe are mere arbitrary guesses, the exact
+figures used being fixed on merely to get convenient round numbers,
+there being no statistics as to Principe.
+
+[288] Of course the Filipinos should be consulted as to what provinces
+should constitute each state, but I am simply sketching a tentative
+governmental scheme based upon the way our army perfected its original
+grip on public order and the general administrative situation.
+
+[289] All along here we, of course, deal in round numbers only.
+
+[290] See War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., part 5, pp. 45 et
+seq. The city of Manila and vicinity constituted the Sixth District
+of the Department of Northern Luzon.
+
+[291] War Dept. Report, 1900, vol. i., part 5, pp. 47-8.
+
+[292] War Dept. Report, 1900, vol. i., part 1, p. 9.
+
+[293] The Spanish word camarin means a warehouse. The province of
+Camarines was originally two provinces, and is still referred to as
+two, though governmentally but one.
+
+[294] Of March 2, 1899. Under it the term of enlistment of the
+volunteers was to expire June 30, 1901.
+
+[295] Table of Areas, Philippine Census of 1903, vol. i., p. 263. Table
+of Population, ib., vol. ii., pp. 123 et seq.
+
+[296] Copper-colored thief.
+
+[297] Sung to the tune of "Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching."
+
+[298] See Forum, vol. xxvi., p. 647.
+
+[299] See Forum, vol. xxix., p. 403.
+
+[300] These quotations are not taken from a scrap-book. Many
+readers forget that the bound volumes of all the great magazines are
+permanently available in the great libraries of the country.
+
+[301] Hostilities had not yet broken out when the article now being
+considered appeared on January 4th, and did not break out until thirty
+days later, to wit, on February 4th.
+
+[302] Congressional Record, April 13, 1898, p. 3701.
+
+[303] In the early days of the fighting they used to hurrah a good
+deal, and shout "Viva la Independencia" (Live Independence).
+
+[304] See Judge Taft's cablegram to Secretary of War Root of August
+21, 1900, War Department Report, vol. i., pt. 1, p. 80.
+
+[305] The Caribao Society is an organization composed mainly of
+officers of the regular army, but to which any one who served as an
+officer, volunteer or regular, in the Philippine Insurrection, is
+eligible. Their principal function, like that of the famous Gridiron
+Club, is to give an annual dinner.
+
+[306] Addresses at Republican National Convention (1904), p. 62,
+published by Isaac H. Blanchard & Co., New York, 1904. The Republican
+National Convention of 1900 met June 19th, just sixteen days after
+the Taft Commission arrived at Manila.
+
+[307] General MacArthur relieved General Otis May 5, 1900, and the
+Taft Commission arrived at Manila June 3d thereafter.
+
+[308] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1051.
+
+[309] Letter of July 22, 1898, by Duc d'Almodovar del Rio, Prime
+Minister of Spain, to President McKinley, suing for peace. Senate
+Document 62, pt. 1, 55th Congress, 3d Session, pp. 272-3.
+
+[310] See Congressional Record of that date, p. 33.
+
+[311] General Otis's appreciation of such "aid" was thus expressed
+in his cablegram to Washington of June 4, 1899: "Negotiations
+and conferences with insurgents cost soldiers' lives and prolong
+our difficulties." Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain,
+vol. ii., p. 1002.
+
+[312] Address by Secretary of War Taft before the National Geographic
+Society at Washington, published in the official organ of that Society,
+National Geographic Magazine for August, 1905.
+
+[313] Says General Chaffee in his annual report for 1902: "The
+intelligent element controlled the ignorant masses as perfectly as
+ever a captain controlled the men of his company." War Department
+Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 191.
+
+[314] War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 61.
+
+[315] August 29, 1898, to May 5, 1900.
+
+[316] Especially independence.
+
+[317] Senate Document 331 (1902), pt. 1, page 50.
+
+[318] A slander ignorantly repeated by the adverse report of the
+minority of the Insular Affairs Committee of the House, on the Jones
+Bill, introduced in March, 1912, proposing ultimate independence
+in 1921.
+
+[319] See The Commoner, April 27, 1906.
+
+[320] Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 9.
+
+[321] These are the three main lines of cleavage, linguistically
+speaking. Nearly all the minor dialects are kin to some one of the
+principal three.
+
+[322] Peasant's hut, usually of bamboo, thatched with stout straw
+(nipa). It is the log cabin of the Philippines.
+
+[323] By way of protest against this kind of belittling of the army's
+work, General MacArthur says in his annual report (War Dept. Rept.,
+1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 60), "Such a narrow statement of the case is
+unfair to the service," adding a handsome tribute, which might have
+come very graciously from the Commission had it felt so disposed, to
+"the endurance, fortitude, and valor" of his 70,000 men during the
+precise period while the Commission was filling the American papers
+with politically opportune nonsense about "Peace, peace," when there
+was no peace.
+
+[324] See Report of Secretary of War Root for 1900. War Department
+Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 1, p. 80.
+
+[325] See Report of Taft Philippine Commission of 1900, p. 17.
+
+[326] War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, pp. 34-42.
+
+[327] S. D. 435, 56th Cong. 1st Sess.
+
+[328] Report U. S. Philippine Commission, November, 1900, p. 15.
+
+[329] General Lawton was killed in battle in the hour of victory at a
+point only about twelve miles out of Manila, in the winter preceding
+the spring of 1900 in which the Taft Commission left the United States
+for Manila.
+
+[330] This interview was indorsed as substantially correct by General
+MacArthur before the Senate Committee of 1902, Senator Culberson first
+reading it to him and then asking him if it quoted him correctly. See
+hearing on Philippine affairs, 1902, Senate Document 331, pt. 2,
+p. 1942.
+
+[331] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 88.
+
+[332] Ibid., 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 60.
+
+[333] November, 1899, to September, 1900, both inclusive.
+
+[334] W. D. R., 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 60.
+
+[335] Judge Taft had cabled Secretary of War Root on August 21, 1900,
+after his arrival in June: "Defining of political issues in United
+States reported here in full, gave hope to insurgent officers still
+in arms, * * * and stayed surrenders to await result of election." See
+War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 80.
+
+[336] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 89.
+
+[337] See Report of Taft Commission to Secretary of War, dated November
+30, 1900.
+
+[338] A sample of one of these death sentences that Cailles and all
+the rest of the insurgent generals were accustomed to issue against
+their "Copperheads" may be seen in General MacArthur's report for
+1900. War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 63.
+
+[339] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 90.
+
+[340] See Report of Secretary Root for 1902, p. 13.
+
+[341] Just how correct this was will be examined later.
+
+[342] "The people seem to be actuated by the idea that men are
+never nearer right than when going with their own kith and kin." War
+Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 61.
+
+[343] General MacArthur's Annual Report dated October 1, 1900. War
+Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, pp. 61-2.
+
+[344] General MacArthur's report which we are now quoting from,
+dated October 1, 1900, was forwarded by the ordinary course of mail,
+and even if it arrived before the day of the November election, the
+Secretary of War certainly did not at once place it before the public.
+
+[345] Compare this MacArthur, October 1, 1900, statement with the Taft
+statements of the same situation between June and November, 1900, as
+expressed for instance in his November, 1900, report to the Secretary
+of War thus: "A great majority of the people long for peace and are
+entirely willing to accept the establishment of a government under
+the supremacy of the United States. They are, however, restrained
+by fear. * * * Without this, armed resistance to the United States
+authority would have long ago ceased. It is a Mafia on a very large
+scale." Report, Taft Commission, November 30, 1900, p. 17. This was
+before Judge Taft met Juan Cailles above mentioned and liked him well
+enough to make him governor of a province, in spite of his being an
+"assassin," in other words a Filipino general who had a few weak-kneed
+fellows shot for being too friendly with the Americans.
+
+[346] Chapter XI., ante.
+
+[347] See War Department Report, 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, pp. 65-6.
+
+[348] As for my share as a soldier in that Philippine Insurrection,
+admitting, as I now do, that it was a tragedy of errors, the President
+of the United States would indeed be a very impotent Chief Executive
+if it were every American's duty to deliberate as a judge on the
+Bench before he decided to answer a president's call for volunteers
+in an emergency. I am not yet so highly educated as to find no
+inward response to the sentiment, "Right or wrong, my country." If
+this sentiment is not right, no republic can long survive, for the
+ultimate safety of republics must lie in volunteer soldiery.
+
+[349] Page 93.
+
+[350] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1211.
+
+[351] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1222.
+
+[352] Ibid., vol. ii., p. 1223.
+
+[353] Ibid., p. 1226.
+
+[354] Ibid., p. 1237.
+
+[355] See Correspondence Relating to War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1239.
+
+[356] Ten or twelve thousand.
+
+[357] Correspondence Relating to War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1249.
+
+[358] See Public Laws, U. S. Philippine Commission Division of Insular
+Affairs, War Department, Washington, 1901, p. 181.
+
+[359] See General Funston's article on "The Capture of Aguinaldo,"
+which appeared in Scribner's Magazine for November, 1911.
+
+[360] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i. pt. 4, p. 99.
+
+[361] For a copy of this proclamation see War Department Report,
+1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 100.
+
+[362] The War with Spain, by H. C. Lodge, p. 20.
+
+[363] Mr. Williams to Mr. Cridler, Senate Document 62 (1898), p. 319.
+
+[364] See First Report of Taft Philippine Commission to the Secretary
+of War, p. 17.
+
+[365] General MacArthur's report for 1901, War Department Report,
+1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 90.
+
+[366] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1241.
+
+[367] J. R. Arnold, of the Philippine Civil Service Board, in North
+American Review, for February, 1912.
+
+[368] Correspondence Relating to War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1261.
+
+[369] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 98.
+
+[370] Senate Document 331, pt. 1, 57th Congress, 1st Session, 1902,
+p. 136.
+
+[371] Cagayan, Isabela, and Nueva Vizcaya.
+
+[372] A kind of two-wheeled buggy, the principal public vehicle
+of Manila.
+
+[373] As it turned out, I lost nothing in the end, because my
+resignation of my military commission was not acted on at Washington,
+and I only ceased to be an officer of the army by operation of law
+at the end of the fiscal year, June 30, 1901, as had been provided
+by the Act of Congress of March 2, 1899, organizing the twenty-five
+regiments for Philippine service.
+
+[374] See the Act of the U. S. Philippine Commission of July 17,
+1901, entitled, "An act restoring the provinces of Batangas, Cebu,
+and Bohol, to the executive control of the military governor," in
+Public Laws, U. S. Philippine Commission, Division of Insular Affairs,
+War Department.
+
+[375] See American Census of the Philippines, vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[376] Ib., vol. i., p. 58.
+
+[377] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 8, p. 7.
+
+[378] See pages 102 et seq. of Our Philippine Problem by H. Parker
+Willis, Professor of Economics and Politics in Washington and Lee
+University. New York, Henry Holt & Co., 1905.
+
+[379] Where he still is.
+
+[380] Correspondence Relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1297.
+
+[381] The words quoted were used by Mr. Root in a speech delivered
+at Youngstown, Ohio, October 25, 1900.
+
+[382] Sixty-six men and three officers were surprised at breakfast
+and cut off from their guns by several hundred bolo men who had come
+into town as unarmed natives under pretence of attending a church
+fiesta. Forty-five men and officers were killed after a desperate
+resistance. Twenty-four only were able to escape. War Department
+Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 8, p. 8.
+
+[383] Governor Taft's Report for 1901, War Department Report, 1901,
+vol. i., pt. 8, p. 8.
+
+[384] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 208.
+
+[385] Leviticus xvi., 10.
+
+[386] War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 8, p. 12.
+
+[387] Senate Document 331, pt. 1, p. 86, 57th Congress, 1st Session
+(1902).
+
+[388] War Department Report for 1900, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 59 et
+seq. Ibid., 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 88 et seq.
+
+[389] Report for 1901, p. 98.
+
+[390] See Philippine Census, vol. ii, p. 123.
+
+[391] The Provincial Government Act was an act passed February 6,
+1901, outlining the general scheme of government for the several
+provinces, and indicating the various tempting official positions
+attaching thereto.
+
+[392] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 191.
+
+[393] Senate Document 331, p. 1612 et seq.
+
+[394] Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 1614.
+
+[395] S. D. 331, 1902, p. 1622.
+
+[396] Ibid., p. 1623.
+
+[397] S. D. 331, 1902, p. 1628.
+
+[398] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 221.
+
+[399] Colonel Wagner's testimony before Senate Committee of
+1902. Senate Document 331, pt. 3, p. 2873.
+
+[400] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 284.
+
+[401] Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 887.
+
+[402] Senate Document 331, pt. 3, p. 2878.
+
+[403] Theodore Rex.
+
+[404] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 192.
+
+[405] Correspondence relating to the War with Spain, vol. ii.,
+pp. 1352-3.
+
+[406] Military Correspondence Relating to War with Spain, vol. ii.,
+p. 1244.
+
+[407] Macaulay's Trial of Hastings.
+
+[408] Says Gen. Henry T. Allen, commanding the Philippines
+constabulary, in his report for 1903 (Report U. S. Philippine
+Commission, 1903, pt. 3, p. 49), "For some time to come the number of
+troops (meaning American) to be kept here should be a direct function
+of the number of guns put into the hands of natives." He adds, "It
+is unwise to ignore the great moral effect of a strong armed force
+above suspicion."
+
+[409] The constabulary force was about 5000. When disturbances in one
+province would become formidable, constabulary from provinces would
+be hurried thither, thus denuding the latter provinces of proper
+police protection.
+
+[410] 1912.
+
+[411] The reference is supposed to be to Mr. McKinley.
+
+[412] War Department Report, 1902, vol. ix., p. 264.
+
+[413] Delaware has 2050 square miles, Albay 1783.
+
+[414] Correspondence Relating to War with Spain, vol. ii., p. 1249.
+
+[415] President Roosevelt cabled Kelly, whom he had known in the West
+many years before, congratulating him on the results of his cool
+and determined fearlessness and presence of mind on that occasion,
+but elaboration on the Surigao affair was not part of the insular
+programme, which was one of irrepressible optimism as to the state
+of public order.
+
+[416] Every province in the Philippines is divided into so many
+pueblos. Pueblo, in Spanish, means town. But the Spanish pueblo is more
+like a township. It does not mean a continuous stretch of residences
+and other buildings, but a given municipal area. Each pueblo is
+likewise subdivided into barrios, dotted usually with hamlets, and
+groups of houses.
+
+[417] Report U. S. Philippine Commission, 1903, pt. 3, p. 92.
+
+[418] Report U. S. Philippine Commission, 1903, pt. 1, p. 366.
+
+[419] Senate Document 170, 58th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 16.
+
+[420] Report U. S. Philippine Commission, 1903, pt. 1, p. 32.
+
+[421] 240, 326, Philippine Census, 1903, vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[422] The speech referred to in the text was made at Manila in
+December, 1903, but the same "Philippines for the Filipinos" policy had
+already been proclaimed much earlier. The Manila American of February
+28, 1903, reprints from the Iloilo Times of February 21, 1903, an
+account of Governor Taft's celebrated Iloilo speech of February 19,
+1903, which was received with such profound chagrin by the American
+business community in the Islands. There had been much bad blood
+between the American colony at and about Iloilo and the native
+Americano-phobes. The following is from the Iloilo paper's account
+of Governor Taft's speech: "The Governor then gave some advice to
+foreigners and Americans, remarking that if they found fault with the
+way the government was being run here, they could leave the islands;
+that the government was being run for the Filipinos."
+
+[423] James LeRoy in The World's Work for December, 1903.
+
+[424] A familiar instance of this will occur to any one acquainted
+with the situation in the Islands for any considerable part of the
+last ten years.
+
+[425] Act No. 136, U. S. Philippine Commission, passed June 11, 1901.
+
+[426] Act 1024, Philippine Commission, passed Oct. 10, 1903.
+
+[427] There were five members of the original Taft Commission,
+including President Taft.
+
+[428] I neither forget nor gainsay the generally benevolent character
+of his despotism; and having been a beneficiary of it myself I am
+therefore disposed to see much of wisdom in the way it was exercised.
+
+[429] Philippine Census, vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[430] Ib., vol. i., p. 58.
+
+[431] Says Brigadier-General Wm. H. Carter, in his annual report for
+1905 covering the Samar outbreak of 1904-5: "Whatever may have been
+the original cause of the outbreak, it was soon lost sight of when
+success had drawn a large proportion of the people away from their
+homes and fields. Except in the largest towns it became simply a
+question of joining the pulajans or being harried by them. In the
+absence of proper protection thousands joined in the movement." See
+War Department Report, 1905, vol. iii., p. 286.
+
+[432] Bulao was situated on a high bluff on the left bank of a river
+called the Bangahon. The Pulajans entered before daybreak, on July
+21st. There was a stiff fight at Bulao, also, between our native
+troops and the enemy on August 21st, but Calderon seems to have
+left it out of his list. See Gen. Wm. H. Carter's Report for 1905,
+War Department Report, 1905, vol. iii., p. 290. Capt. Cary Crockett,
+a descendant of David Crockett, commanded the constabulary, and though
+badly wounded himself, as were also half his command, he defeated
+a force of Pulajans greatly outnumbering his, killing forty-one of
+them. Report U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 3, p. 90, Report
+of Col. Wallace C. Taylor. I think he was awarded a medal of honor
+for his work. He certainly earned it.
+
+"Pulajan" means "red breeches," the uniform of the mountain clans,
+worn whenever they set out to give trouble.
+
+[433] Of March 23d of the previous year, already described in a
+previous chapter, where Luther S. Kelly--"Yellowstone" Kelly--saved
+the American women by gathering them and a few men in the Government
+House and bluffing the brigands off.
+
+[434] The "Conant" peso, named for the noted fiscal expert,
+Mr. Conant. It was worth fifty cents American money.
+
+[435] The Fourteenth U. S. Infantry was stationed in garrison just
+outside the town proper of Calbayog, which was three hours by steam
+launch from the provincial capital, Catbalogan. But the depredations
+might have been carried to just outside the line of the military
+reservation, and the military folk would not have dared to make a
+move save on request first made by the Civil Government at Manila. In
+other words the above three villages were burned under their noses.
+
+[436] One seems to get the stoicism better in the original, somehow,
+so I give the body of the original Spanish, as it came to me:
+
+
+    En el distrito de Motiong, municipio de Wright, provincia de
+    Samar, Islas Filipinas, a primero de septiembre de mil novecientos
+    quatro. Ante mi Peregrin Albano, consejal del mismo, y presente el
+    Presidente de Sanidad Municipal, D. Tomas San Pablo y principales
+    del mismo se procedio al enterramiento de los cadaveres victimas
+    de los Pulajans en el sementerio de esta localidad el oficial de
+    voluntarios, Rafael Rosales y otros voluntarios, Gualberto Gabane,
+    Juan Pacle, Dionisio Daisno, Pedro Damtanan, Carmelo Lagbo, y
+    particulares Eustaquia Sapiten y Apolinaria N: con otro tanto
+    Pulajan desconocido; en conformidad de la carta oficial de la
+    presidencia municipal de Wright de fecha de hoy registrada con
+    el numero 136.
+
+    Del citado enteramiento ha sido asistido por el Reverendo Padre
+    Marcos Gomez y acompanado por toda la fuerza voluntaria del mismo
+    por la muerte del oficial Rosales.
+
+
+[437] See War Department Report, 1905, vol. iii., p. 290.
+
+[438] Hill was Whittier's deputy at Llorente.
+
+[439] Even if the municipal police had been like Caesar's wife, they
+were like chaff before the wind in a Pulajan foray, though they were
+somewhat better if well led by some prominent and forceful man of
+the community in an expedition after Pulajans.
+
+[440] A disease of a dropsical variety, usually attacking the legs
+first, which easily becomes epidemic. It had been the cause of many
+of the 120 deaths in the Albay jail during the Ola insurrection. Ideal
+conditions for it are a steady diet of poor rice and lack of exercise.
+
+[441] It was not well to be too hasty. You might have the head of the
+whole uprising in custody, or one of his most important lieutenants,
+and find it out by the merest accident in the course of hearing a
+case against some apparently abject "private of the rear rank."
+
+[442] By unwarranted I mean without warrant. Nobody bothered much
+with warrants. The times were too strenuous.
+
+[443] See New York Tribune, Oct. 25, 1904.
+
+[444] Ibid.
+
+[445] Smith, Bell & Co. are an old British mercantile house, well
+known in Manila and Hong Kong.
+
+[446] The North American Review article by the writer, to which Judge
+Ide was replying, appeared in the issue of that magazine for January
+18, 1907, and could hardly have escaped the attention of anybody
+concerned, having been given wide circulation; (1) by Mr. Andrew
+Carnegie through pamphlet reprints; (2) by Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, in his
+paper, the Commoner; (3) by Hon. James L. Slayden, M. C. of Texas,
+through reprinting in the Congressional Record.
+
+[447] Such as the breakwater at Manila, the road-building in various
+provinces, etc.--all, however, be it remembered, being paid for by
+the Filipino people, out of the insular revenues and assets.
+
+[448] By Mrs. Campbell Dauncey.
+
+[449] Words used by Governor-General James F. Smith, in an address
+at the Quill Club, Manila, January 25, 1909.
+
+[450] Delivered in 1902, after the Senator visited the Islands in 1901.
+
+[451] The following is a copy of the letter accepting my resignation:
+
+             Office of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,
+                                                   January 25, 1905.
+
+    My dear Judge Blount:
+
+    I have to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of
+    yesterday in which you tender your resignation as Judge of First
+    Instance at large. I regret extremely that your ill-health has made
+    this course imperative. Under all the circumstances, however, I am
+    satisfied that you have acted wisely, as I have feared for some
+    time that you would be unable to perform the duties pertaining
+    to your office because of your physical condition. I, therefore,
+    though with much regret accept your resignation.
+
+    At the same time I beg to express my appreciation of the faithful
+    and efficient services you have rendered in the past. I hope very
+    much that a rest and change of climate may have the effect of
+    restoring you again to vigorous health, and I assure you that
+    you carry with you my best wishes for your future prosperity
+    and happiness.
+
+        Sincerely yours,
+        Luke E. Wright,
+        Civil Governor.
+
+    To the Honorable James H. Blount, Judge of First Instance at large,
+    Manila, P. I.
+
+[452] See annual report of the Governor-General for 1905, in Report
+of the Philippine Commission for 1905, pt. 1, p. 85.
+
+[453] Which delegates were denied admission to the Convention on the
+ground that no American living in the Philippines could be in sympathy
+with the Democratic programme as to them.
+
+[454] An Englishwoman in the Philippines, by Mrs. Campbell Dauncey.
+
+[455] War Department Report, 1905, vol. iii., p. 285.
+
+[456] Army reports are usually made right after the expiration of
+the American governmental fiscal year, June 30th.
+
+[457] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 47.
+
+[458] See Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 38. He
+means Cavite, Batangas, and Laguna.
+
+[459] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 1, p. 212.
+
+[460] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 1, p. 52.
+
+[461] For a copy of it, see the case of Barcelon vs. Baker, Philippine
+Supreme Court Reports, vol. v., p. 89.
+
+[462] Volume v., Philippine Reports.
+
+[463] Mr. Garfield was President Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior.
+
+[464] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1906, pt. 2, p. 255.
+
+[465] See page 227, Report of Philippine Commission, 1906, pt. 2.
+
+[466] Report, Philippine Commission, 1906, pt. 1, p. 37.
+
+[467] See Report of Philippine Commission, 1906, pt. 2, p. 228.
+
+[468] Pt. 1, p. 36.
+
+[469] Report of Taft Philippine Commission for 1900, p. 17.
+
+[470] See Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 229.
+
+[471] Amigo, in Spanish, means friend. Every non-combatant Filipino
+with whom our people came in contact in the early days always claimed
+to be an "amigo," and never was, in any single instance.
+
+[472] See testimony of General MacArthur before the Senate Committee
+of 1902, Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 1942.
+
+[473] The adverse minority report on the pending Jones bill, which
+bill proposes ultimate Philippine independence in 1921, is full of
+the old insufferable drivel about "tribes," and of the rest of the
+Root views of 1900.
+
+[474] See Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 211.
+
+[475] Part 1, p. 38.
+
+[476] Report of Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 37.
+
+[477] See President McKinley's annual message to Congress of December,
+1899, Congressional Record, December 5, 1899, p. 34.
+
+[478] Provinces totalling about a million people.
+
+[479] Report of U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 1, p. 211.
+
+[480] Report of Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 38.
+
+[481] Ibid., 1906; pt. 1, p. 225.
+
+[482] To be absolutely accurate, there are 688 people classified as
+"wild" in the Census figures as to Samar, and 265,549 are put down
+as civilized; the total of population being 266,237. All the 388,922
+people of Leyte are put down as civilized. See Philippine Census,
+Table of Population, vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[483] Report of Philippine Commission for 1907, pt. 1, p. 195.
+
+[484] See Report of Philippine Commission, 1908, pt. 1, p. 62.
+
+[485] Tract. You speak of the small farmer's "late of hemp" in the
+Philippines as you do of his "patch of cotton" in the United States.
+
+[486] A picul is a bale of a given quantity--weight. "Breaking out
+a picul of hemp" is analogous, colloquially, to "picking a bale
+of cotton."
+
+[487] See Congressional Record, December 5, 1905, p. 103.
+
+[488] See Report of Philippine Commission, 1907, pt. 1, p. 215.
+
+[489] Macbeth, Act V., Sc. 8.
+
+[490] In June, 1912, Governor Forbes was still Governor-General.
+
+[491] By "foreign" I mean, of course, American, i.e., non-resident.
+
+[492] Hearings on Sugar, April 5, 1912.
+
+[493] Introduced in the House of Representatives by Hon. W. A. Jones,
+of Va., Chairman of the Committee on Insular Affairs of the House,
+in March, 1912.
+
+[494] See also, in connection with this table, the folding map of
+the archipelago at the end of the book.
+
+[495] The greatest defect of the Philippine Government was in the
+beginning, and still is, that the Philippine Commission, which is
+the executive authority, controls the appointment and assignment of
+the trial judges, and also, largely, their chances for promotion
+to the Supreme Bench of the Islands. The Justices of the Supreme
+Court are appointed by the President of the United States, often on
+recommendation of the Commission, but thereafter they are absolutely
+independent. The trial judges ought also to be appointed by the
+President of the United States.
+
+[496] Republished, Congressional Record, January 9, 1900, p. 715.
+
+[497] See Report U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 1, p. 89
+et seq.
+
+[498] Report Philippine Commission, 1906, pt. 1, p. 99.
+
+[499] U. S. Philippine Commission Report, 1907, pt. 1, p. 149.
+
+[500] See Report Philippine Commission for 1907, pt. 1, p. 80.
+
+[501] War Department Report, 1899, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 142.
+
+[502] Ibid., pp. 559-560.
+
+[503] See War Department Report, 1901, vol. i., pt. 4, p. 98.
+
+[504] War Department Report, vol. i., pt. 5, p. 60.
+
+[505] From July 31, 1898, to May 24, 1900, we lost 1138 men by
+disease. See special report of the Surgeon-General of the Army, Senate
+Document 426, 56th Cong., 1st Sess. By the middle of 1900 our soldiers
+had pretty well learned how to take care of themselves in the tropics.
+
+[506] See vol. ii., p. 102.
+
+[507] See Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 887.
+
+[508] Appalling, because there are forty-nine other provinces besides
+Batangas.
+
+[509] Vol. ii., p. 123.
+
+[510] See page 78 of the special report of the Secretary of War
+Taft on the Philippines, January 23, 1908, transmitted by President
+Roosevelt to Congress, January 27, 1908, Senate Document 200, 60th
+Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[511] Act 230, U. S. Philippine Commission.
+
+[512] For the convenience of readers who do not constantly use the
+metric system: A kilo is about 2.25 lbs.
+
+[513] According to what part of archipelago grown.
+
+[514] The Payne law of 1909 continued the export tax, etc.
+
+[515] Dried cocoa-nut meat, used to make soaps and oils. I do not
+deal with copra because it nearly all goes to Europe, principally
+to Marseilles.
+
+[516] Senate Document 200, 1908, Sixtieth Congress, First Session.
+
+[517] I have myself seen a cloud of locusts three miles long.
+
+[518] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1904, pt. 1, pp. 26-7.
+
+[519] Report, U. S. Philippine Commission, 1905, pt. 1, pp. 72-3.
+
+[520] Senator Newlands, North American Review, December, 1905. Senator
+Newlands was one of the party.
+
+[521] Part 1, p. 99.
+
+[522] 137 1/2 lbs.
+
+[523] President Roosevelt's message to Congress of January 27, 1908,
+transmitting report of Secretary of War Taft on the Philippines.
+
+[524] Before assuming to use these letters in this book, I sent them
+to Mr. Carnegie and asked his permission to so use them. He returned
+them to me with his consent entered on the back of one of them.
+
+[525] 300,000 tons of sugar, 150,000,000 cigars, etc.
+
+[526] Congressional Record, May 13, 1909, p. 2009.
+
+[527] Mr. Perkins is chairman of the Finance Committee of the
+International Harvester Company, a hundred million dollar corporation
+owning divers subsidiary companies which make twine and cordage. See
+Moody's Manual.
+
+[528] The Atcheson, Topeka & Santa Fe.
+
+[529] Paul Morton.
+
+[530] Autobiography of Seventy Years, vol. ii., p. 317.
+
+[531] P. 252, ante.
+
+[532] P. 255.
+
+[533] P. 258.
+
+[534] Pp. 258-9.
+
+[535] The name is immaterial, but the grouping is convenient and
+practicable, though not the only grouping practicable.
+
+[536] See p. 267, ante.
+
+[537] For June 21, 1907.
+
+[538] In the article quoted from I named three men, adding "or
+any three men of like calibre." One of the three was Justice Adam
+C. Carson, of the Philippine Supreme Court, who has been a member
+of the Philippine Judiciary since the Taft Civil Government was
+founded in 1901. If this book has gained for me any character in
+the estimation of any reader who is or may hereafter be clothed with
+authority, I desire to say here, on the very highest public grounds,
+that, in my judgment, Judge Carson is the most considerable man we
+have out there now (1912)--a good man to have in an emergency. Though
+not as learned in the law as his colleague, Justice Johnson--who is
+quite the equal, as a jurist, of most of the Federal judges I know
+in the United States, Judge Carson is a man of great breadth of view,
+and is peculiarly endowed with capacity to handle men and situations
+effectively and patriotically.
+
+[539] Says the census of the Philippines of 1903, vol. ii., p. 15:
+"The total population of the Philippine Archipelago on March 2,
+1903, was 7,635,426. Of this number, 6,987,686 enjoyed a considerable
+degree of civilization, while the remainder, 647,740, consisted of wild
+people." By this same Census, the Moros are classified as uncivilized,
+and the population of the island on which they live, Mindanao, is
+given at about 500,000 (499,634, vol. ii., p. 126), of which about
+half only (252,940) are Moros, the rest being civilized. The total of
+the uncivilized people of the archipelago, according to the Census, is
+647,740 (vol. ii., p. 123), less than 400,000, leaving out the Moros.
+
+[540] Tagalo, Ilocano, and Visayan are the three main dialects
+that have been evolved into written language by the patience of the
+Spanish priests in the last couple of hundred years or so. Probably
+five sixths of the people of the archipelago speak some one of these
+three dialects. In fact they can hardly be called "dialects," for there
+are plenty of books--novels, plays, grammars, histories, dictionaries,
+etc.--written in Tagalo, Ilocano, or Visayan. Every educated Filipino
+of the well-to-do classes grows up speaking Spanish and the dialect
+of his native province, while the latter is the only language spoken
+by the less fortunate people of his neighborhood, the poorer classes.
+
+[541] This report is numbered Report 606, 62d Cong., 2d Sess., and
+accompanies H. R. 22143 (the Jones Bill).
+
+[542] According to the American Census of the Philippines, of 1903,
+the total population of Mindanao is 499,634 (see vol. ii., p. 126),
+of which 252,940 are Moros, and the rest civilized. In addition to
+said 252,940 Moros on Mindanao, the adjacent islets contain some
+25,000 Moros.
+
+[543] See Senate Document 331, 1902, p. 339.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The American Occupation of the
+Philippines 1898-1912, by James H. Blount
+
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