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diff --git a/36539.txt b/36539.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..14a6785 --- /dev/null +++ b/36539.txt @@ -0,0 +1,4005 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of St. Dionysius of Alexandria, by +Bishop of Alexandria, Saint Dionysius + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: St. Dionysius of Alexandria + Letters and Treatises + +Author: Bishop of Alexandria, Saint Dionysius + +Editor: Charles Lett Feltoe + +Release Date: June 27, 2011 [EBook #36539] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ST. DIONYSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA *** + + + + +Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + + TRANSLATIONS OF CHRISTIAN LITERATURE + SERIES I + GREEK TEXTS + + ST. DIONYSIUS OF + ALEXANDRIA + + TRANSLATION OF CHRISTIAN + LITERATURE. SERIES I + GREEK TEXTS + + + + + ST. DIONYSIUS + OF ALEXANDRIA + LETTERS AND TREATISES + + + _By_ CHARLES LETT FELTOE, D.D. + + SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING + CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE. London + The Macmillan Company. New York + + + + + PREFACE + + +Not long after my edition of this Father's writings appeared in the +_Cambridge Patristic Texts_ (1904), I was invited to translate the +Letters and some of the other more certainly genuine fragments that +remain into English for the present series; but it is not until now that +I have been able to accomplish the task I then undertook. Since then, +though chiefly occupied in other researches, I have naturally acquired a +more extensive and accurate knowledge of St. Dionysius and his times, +some of the results of which will be found in this volume. Nevertheless, +I was bound to incorporate a considerable amount of the information and +conclusions arrived at in the former work, and wish to express my +acknowledgments to the Syndics of the University Press for leave to do +so, as well as to those again whose names I mentioned as having assisted +me before. + +In the present book Dr. A. J. Mason was kind enough to advise me over the +choice of extracts from the two treatises, _On Nature_ and _Refutation +and Defence_, and on one or two minor points, while a friend and +neighbour (the Rev. L. Patterson) read through the whole of the MS. +before it went to the printer and gave me the benefit of a fresh mind +upon a number of small details of style and fact, for which I sincerely +thank him. + + C. L. Feltoe. + + _Ripple by Dover_ + _March 1918._ + + + + + CONTENTS + + + PAGE + PREFACE V + INTRODUCTION 9 + LETTERS 35 + TO BASILIDES 76 + "ON THE PROMISES" 82 + "ON NATURE" 91 + "REFUTATION AND DEFENCE" 101 + ADDITIONAL NOTE 108 + INDEX 109 + + + + + INTRODUCTION + + +1. None of the many influential occupants of the see of Alexandria and of +the many distinguished heads of the Catechetical School in that city seem +to have been held in higher respect by the ancients than Dionysius. By +common consent he is styled "the Great," while Athanasius, one of his +most famous-successors as Bishop, calls him "Teacher of the Church +universal," and Basil (of Caesarea) refers to him as "a person of +canonical authority" ({kanonikos}). He took a prominent and important +part in all the leading movements and controversies of the day, and his +opinions always carried great weight, especially in Eastern Christendom. +His writings are freely referred to and quoted, not only by Eusebius the +historian,[1] but also by Athanasius, Basil and John of Damascus amongst +others. And what we gather of his personal story from his letters and +various fragments embodied in the works of others--and very little, if +anything else, for certain has come down to us--undoubtedly leaves the +impression that the verdict of the ancient world is correct. + + + His Family and Earlier Life + +2. The references to his family and early years are extremely scanty and +vague. In the _Chronicon Orientale_, p. 94, he is stated to have been a +_Sabaita_ and sprung from "the chiefs and nobles of that race": and +several writers speak as if he had been a rhetorician before his +conversion (as Cyprian of Carthage had been). The exact meaning of the +term "Sabaita" above is doubtful. Strictly used, it should mean a member +of the Sabaite convent near Jerusalem, and the _Chronicon_ may be +claiming Dionysius as that, though, of course, without any ground for the +claim. If it is equivalent, however, to "Sabaean" here, it implies an Arab +descent for him, which is hardly probable, as he seems always to consider +himself connected by education and residence, if not by birth, with the +city-folk of Alexandria, whom he distinguishes from the Coptic +inhabitants of Egypt ({Aigyptioi}); so that it would be rather surprising +to find that his family came from the remoter parts of Arabia, where the +Sabaeans dwelt. The other tradition of his having been a rhetorician may +be due to some confusion between our Dionysius and a much later +Alexandrian writer of the same name, who edited the works of the +Areopagite with notes and wrote other treatises. On the other hand, +Dionysius's literary style is such that it might very well have been +formed by the study and practice of rhetoric, while he has been thought +himself to corroborate the statement of the _Chronicon Orientale_, as to +the high position of his family, in his reply to Germanus (p. 49), where +he refers to the "losses of dignities" which he has suffered for the +Faith. + +3. He was probably a priest, and not less than thirty, when he became +head of the Catechetical School in 231, and in 264 he excused himself +from attendance at the Council of Antioch on the ground of age and +infirmity; and so it is a safe inference that he was born about or before +200, being thus nearly of an age with Cyprian of Carthage, and only ten +or fifteen years younger than Origen, his master. + + + His Conversion + +4. The _Chronicon Orientale_ assigns the reading of St. Paul's letters as +the cause of his conversion to Christianity, and proceeds to state how, +after their perusal, he presented himself for baptism to Demetrius, then +Bishop of Alexandria, who admitted him in due course. Whether this was +actually the cause of his conversion or not, we know from what he has +himself told us in his letter to Philemon (p. 56), that both before and +after baptism he was a diligent student of all that was written for and +against Christianity. + + + Was He Married or Not? + +5. Whether, in accordance with the common practice of the Eastern Church +at that time, Dionysius was married or not, is a moot point. He addressed +his treatise {peri Physeos} to one Timotheus {ho pais}, and we read of +{hoi paides} (of whom Timotheus was one) as accompanying him in his +flight (p. 44). One would naturally infer from this that he was then a +widower (his wife not being mentioned), and that these were his sons; but +they may have been his pupils, on the supposition that he was still +Catechete as well as Bishop, or, which is less likely, his servants.[2] + + + He becomes Head of the Catechetical School + +6. When Demetrius died in 231, Heraclas, who for some years had been +associated with Origen at the Catechetical School and had just been left +in charge of it by him on his final retirement that year from Alexandria, +was elected Bishop, while Dionysius, who had himself been a pupil of +Origen there, was appointed to fill the vacancy he created. It is +possible that the treatise {peri Physeos}, extracts from which are given +below (on pp. 91 ff.), was composed while Dionysius held this important +post, and that a commentary on _Ecclesiastes_, some genuine fragments of +which probably remain, belongs to the same period. The former of these is +much the more valuable work, for in it for the first time a Christian +undertook systematically to refute the atomistic theories of Epicurus and +his followers. + + + He becomes Bishop of Alexandria + +7. Sixteen years later, in 247, upon the death of Heraclas, Dionysius +succeeded to the bishopric as the fourteenth occupant of the see, +possibly, as has already been suggested, without at once resigning his +post at the School. Philip the Arabian (of Bostra) had then been Emperor +for three years, a position he was destined to retain for two years +longer. Like Alexander Severus before him, he was known to favour the +Christians, and Dionysius himself bears witness to the comparative +mildness of his rule (p. 37). For a short time, therefore, the new Bishop +and his flock were left in peace, though even before the death of Philip +signs of the coming storm appeared. In the last year of his reign +Dionysius tells Fabius, Bishop of Antioch (p. 35), that "the prophet and +poet of evil to this city, whoever he was," stirred up the populace +against the Christians in Alexandria, and several persons were cruelly +martyred. This reign of terror lasted some time, but was interrupted in +the autumn of 249 by the revolution which caused the deposition and death +of Philip, and which set Decius on the throne in his stead. The respite +was only too brief, for by the beginning of the new year the edict which +Decius had issued was being actively carried into effect. The Bishops +were at first singled out for attack. Origen, though not one of them, was +included among the earlier victims--on account, no doubt, of his +prominence as a scholar and a teacher--being imprisoned at Tyre and +cruelly tortured, though not actually martyred. + + + Under the Persecution of Decius + +8. Decius's reversal of his predecessor's policy towards the Christians +was probably due to reasons of state and expediency rather than, as +Eusebius implies, to mere spite and hatred of Philip and all his ways. +Anyhow, the severity of the Decian persecution is undoubted, and it fell +with great force upon the Church at Alexandria. The Prefect of Egypt, +Sabinus, lost no time in attacking Dionysius and his followers. Many +endured tortures or death, or both. Dionysius himself, after waiting four +days, fled and was sought for by a secret service messenger +(_frumentarius_, see note on p. 43) sent by Sabinus. A brief search was +sufficient to recover him, and he was carried off with four of his +companions to Taposiris. But through a strange interposition of +Providence (related on pp. 44 f.) he was rescued by a wedding party of +rustic revellers and removed to a place of safety in the Libyan Desert, +where he appears to have been left unmolested, with two of his four +companions (see pp. 64 ff.), till the persecution ceased and he was able +to return to the city. In after days Dionysius's action in fleeing on +this occasion was violently attacked by a certain Bishop Germanus, who +was perhaps one of his suffragans. Germanus boasted of his own much +braver conduct under persecution. Dionysius in his reply (see especially +pp. 43 and 45) maintains that it was not of his own will nor yet without +divine intimation that he had fled, and that he had suffered far more +than his critic for the Faith. Decius's rule was brought to a calamitous +end in 251, but Gallus, who succeeded him, continued his treatment of the +Christians for another two years, when he, too, suffered an untimely +fate. + +9. For the next four years the Church of Alexandria enjoyed comparative +rest and peace. In 253 AEmilianus[3] the Governor of Pannonia and Moesia, +who had in that spring wrested the imperial power from Gallus, was in his +turn, after four months' rule, defeated by Valerian and his son +Gallienus, and slain by the soldiery. The new Emperors (father and son) +left the Christians alone during the first four years of their reign--a +somewhat surprising fact, when it is considered that Valerian had been +specially chosen to fill the office of "Censor," which Decius had +revived. It may in some measure have been due to what Archbishop Benson +(_Cyprian_, p. 457) calls his "languid temperament" as well as to his +son's connexions with the Christians through his wife Cornelia Salonina. + + + His Action about Heretical Baptism + +10. During this interval of peace, but chiefly towards the end of it, +Dionysius took part in that controversy about heretical baptism to which +the letters on pp. 51 ff. belong. Up till now various parts of +Christendom had followed various customs on this matter without much +disputing. In Asia Minor and in Africa baptism by heretics was not +recognized, while in the West baptism with water in the name of the +Trinity or of Christ was held valid by whomsoever performed. Before the +middle of the third century, however, the difference of practice +gradually became more and more a matter of controversy. In or about A.D. +230 two synods were held one after the other at Iconium and at Synnada +(see p. 58, _n._), which confirmed the opinion that heretical baptism was +invalid: and some twenty-five years later on Cyprian of Carthage convened +several synods in North Africa, which arrived at the same conclusion. +Thereupon a violent quarrel arose between Cyprian and Stephen the Bishop +of Rome; this became, perhaps, all the keener, because of the former +alliance and co-operation between Cyprian and Stephen's predecessor, +Cornelius, in combating the Novatianist schism,[4] which had eventually +led also to heresy over the restoration of those who had lapsed under +persecution. Severe language was now used on both sides, and other +leading Churchmen of the day were naturally drawn into the discussion: +among them our Dionysius, who--after the first, at all events--with +characteristic sagacity steered a middle course and advised that the +older spirit of toleration should be maintained, the circumstances of +different churches requiring different methods. Fragments of five letters +on this subject have come down to us, all addressed to the Church of Rome +or rather to representative members of that Church, the first of them +probably written in 254 when the Novatianist schism was subsiding (see p. +52), and the others belonging to the year 257 (see pp. 54 ff.). + + + Under the Persecution of Valerian + +11. Suddenly, in the summer of that year, the Church was startled by the +issue of an edict which revived the reign of terror and threw her into a +state of persecution which lasted for more than three years. This +unexpected change of treatment is attributed by Dionysius to the +influence of Macrianus, who at one time held the office of _Rationalis_ +(Treasurer or Accountant-General) to the Emperor. This man was apparently +a cripple in body, but mentally and otherwise a person of considerable +ability and force of character: but he seems to have associated himself +in some way with the soothsayers of Egypt,[5] and to have conceived a +violent hatred against the Christians. Quite early in the proceedings +which were instituted against them at Alexandria in consequence of the +edict, Dionysius, with several of his clergy, was brought before +AEmilianus the Prefect,[6] and after examination--chiefly as to his +loyalty to the Emperors, which his refusal to pay them divine honours +rendered doubtful--was banished first to a place called Cephro (probably +not far from Taposiris, where he had been sent before), and then +somewhere on the high road in the district called Colluthion. Dionysius's +own account of the circumstances which led to and attended this second +exile is given on pp. 46 ff., an account which is valuable, among other +reasons, because it is largely drawn from the official memoranda of the +Prefect's court, and because it shows how both sides did their +ineffectual best to understand each other's position. + + + Restoration of Peace + +12. The persecution lasted till the autumn of 260, and was then, on the +disappearance of Valerian, stayed by an edict of Peace issued by his son +Gallienus, who was now left alone upon the throne. The Greek version, +which Eusebius gives us, is apparently not that of the actual edict, but +of the Emperor's letter or rescript which applied it to Egypt. It is +addressed to Dionysius and other bishops, and runs as follows: "I have +ordained that the benefit of my concession be enforced throughout the +world, to the effect that men should withdraw from (_i. e._ not interfere +with) your places of worship. And accordingly ye, too, may use the terms +of my rescript, so that none may interfere with you. And this, which may +with authority be carried out by you, has already been granted by me some +time ago. And accordingly Aurelius Quirinius, who is in charge of the +Exchequer,[7] shall preserve this form now given by me." Instructions +were also issued permitting the Christians to have free access to their +cemeteries--a privilege which was always much prized. + + + His Return to Alexandria + +13. It is practically certain that Dionysius returned to Alexandria as +soon as Gallienus's edict came into operation there. But almost +immediately fresh disturbances were felt in the city, followed by one of +those frequent outbreaks of pestilence to which the East was always +liable, and these hindered for a time his work of bringing the brethren +together again. The disturbances are with good reason thought to have +been those connected with the attempt of Macrianus to overturn the power +of Gallienus in Egypt, though that country was so often the scene of +tumults and civil wars for the next twelve years and more that it is +almost impossible to identify any particular disturbances with certainty +during this period. + + + The Troubles Connected with his Protest against Sabellianism + +14. For another five years Dionysius was spared to administer his charge +and to benefit the Church at large with his prudent counsels. But, though +attacks upon himself never seem to have troubled him very much, he had +still to endure one such attack which probably grieved him more than all +the rest, and the after results of which lingered on till the days of +Athanasius and Basil in the next century. This was in connexion with the +Sabellian controversy, especially that phase of it which had recently +arisen in the Libyan Pentapolis (on the north-west coast of Cyrenaica). +Sabellius was a native of the district, and his heresy consisted in +laying too much stress on the unity of the Godhead and in so hopelessly +confounding the Three Persons in the Trinity as to imply that the Person +of the Father was incarnate in Christ. It is in 257 that we first find +Dionysius, in a letter to Xystus II (see p. 55), calling the attention of +the Bishop of Rome to these views, by which time Sabellius was himself +probably already dead. From what he says there, it appears as if +Dionysius was unaware that these views were not of quite recent origin +and were already rather prevalent in both East and West, whilst his words +seem also to imply that this later phase of Sabellianism endangered the +dignity of the Third Person as well as of the First and Second. In Libya +the heresy gained such a hold upon the Church that it even infected +certain of the Bishops, and the Son of God was no longer preached. +Dionysius, therefore, feeling his responsibility for the churches under +his care, became active in trying to eradicate the evil. Among a number +of letters which he wrote on the subject, there was one (about the year +260) in which he made use of certain expressions and illustrations with +regard to the Son of God, which were seized hold of by some members of +the Church either at Alexandria or in the Pentapolis as heretical. This +letter was apparently one of the later letters of the series, when his +earlier overtures had failed to produce the effect he desired. + +15. Dionysius's critics laid a formal complaint against him before his +namesake (Dionysius), who had by now succeeded the martyred Xystus II as +Bishop of Rome; they accused him of having fallen into five errors +himself, while correcting the false views of the Sabellians. + +They were as follows, as we gather them from Athan., _de sent. Dion._:-- + + (1) Separating the Father and the Son. + + (2) Denying the eternity of the Son. + + (3) Naming the Father without the Son and the Son without the Father. + + (4) Virtually rejecting the term {homoousios} (of one substance) as + descriptive of the Son. + + (5) Speaking of the Son as a creature of the Father and using + misleading illustrations of their relation to One Another. + +One or two of these illustrations which were objected to will be found in +the extract translated on p. 103, and they are sufficient to give some +idea of the rest. It may, however, be acknowledged that neither Dionysius +himself in his original statements and in his attempts to explain them, +nor Athanasius, who, when Arius afterwards appealed to Dionysius in +support of his opinions, put forward an elaborate defence of him, was +altogether happy or successful. + +16. Upon receiving the complaint mentioned, the Bishop of Rome appears to +have convened a synod, which condemned the expressions complained of, and +a letter was addressed by him on the modes of correcting the heresy to +the Church of Alexandria. From motives of delicacy he made no actual +mention of his Alexandrian brother-bishop in this letter, while +criticizing his views, though he wrote to him privately asking for an +explanation. A considerable portion of the public letter has been +preserved for us by Athanasius, but it is not included in this volume, +nor is it necessary to particularize his treatment of the question or to +say more than this, that, though the Roman Bishop wrote quite good Greek +and gives no impression that he felt hampered by it in expressing his +meaning, yet he does naturally exhibit distinct traces of Western modes +of thought as opposed to Eastern, and is not always quite fair in his +representation and interpretation of what Dionysius had said. + +Dionysius's answer to his Roman brother was embodied in the treatise +called _Refutation and Defence_ ({Elenchos kai Apologia}), some extracts +from which (as given by Athanasius) will be found on pp. 101 ff. + +The following is an indication of Dionysius's line of defence against the +five points raised against him, other matters which arose more +particularly between him and his namesake of Rome being passed over. + +(1) As to the charge of separating the Three Persons in the Trinity, he +distinctly denies it: all the language he employs and the very names he +gives imply the opposite: "Father" must involve "Son" and "Son" "Father": +"Holy Spirit" at once suggests His Source and the Channel. + +(2) As to the eternity of the Son, he is equally emphatic. God was always +the Father and therefore Christ was always the Son, just as, if the sun +were eternal, the daylight would also be eternal. + +(3) The charge of omitting the Son in speaking of the Father and vice +versa is refuted by what is said under (1): the one name involves the +other. + +(4) Dionysius's rejection or non-employment of the term {homoousios} is +less easily disposed of. He practically acknowledges that, as it is not a +Scriptural word, he had _not_ used it, but at the same time that the +figures he employed suggested a similar relationship, _e. g._ the figure +of parent and child who are of one family ({homogeneis}) or seed, root +and plant which are of one kind ({homophye}), and again source and +stream, and in another place the word in the heart and the mind springing +forth by the tongue (see p. 106): but for the unsatisfactoriness of this +defence the reader should consult Bethune-Baker, _Early History of +Christian Doctrine_, chap. viii. pp. 113 ff, who points out that +Dionysius had not grasped the Western tradition of one _substantia_ +({ousia}) of Godhead existing in three Persons. + +(5) But the most serious misunderstanding naturally arose from Dionysius +speaking of the Son as {poiema} (creature), and illustrating the word by +the gardener with his vine and the shipwright with his boat. His defence +is that though he had undoubtedly used such rather unsuitable figures +somewhat casually, he had immediately adduced several others more +suitable and apposite (such as those mentioned under (4) above). And he +complains that not only here, but throughout, his accusers did not take +his utterances as a whole, but slashed his writings about and made what +sense of them they liked, not sincerely, but with evil intent. He tries +further to explain that in his context {poiein} (make) was equivalent to +{gennan} (beget), as of a Father, not a Creator, which he maintains is +legitimate, but the defence is not very convincing all the same. + +So far as we can now judge, however, his arguments seem to have satisfied +his critics at the time, and were certainly held in high repute by the +ancient Churches, for they are quoted or referred to not only by +Athanasius, as has been stated, but also by Eusebius, by Basil of Caesarea +(who is, however, much more temperate in his support), and by Jerome and +Rufinus. + + + Dionysius's Last Days + +17. It is evident that, in spite of this controversy, his great +reputation in the eyes of the Church was maintained to the end: for when +the Council of Antioch was being summoned to deal with the troubles +connected with the heresies of Paul of Samosata, who held views somewhat +similar to those of Sabellius, Dionysius was specially invited to attend. +As was said above on p. 10, he excused himself from attendance on the +ground of old age and infirmity, but he sent a letter in reply to the +invitation which contained his views on the matter, and these were +unfavourable to the heretic. In 265, before the Council had finished its +sessions, he passed to his well-earned rest. + + + Dionysius as Author + +18. From what has already been said, it will be gathered that Dionysius +was a person of remarkable versatility, and at the same time unusually +free from those snares of the versatile man, shallowness and inaccuracy. +The critical remarks on the Revelation of S. John the Divine from his +treatise _On the Promises_ ({peri Epangelion}), which are given in full +(from Eusebius) on pp. 82 ff., have received the most respectful +consideration from such authorities as Bishop Westcott and Dr. Swete and +are well worth reading, while some of the expositions of Biblical +passages attributed to him are probably genuine and by no means destitute +of merit, though none of them are printed in this volume. + + + As Christian Philosopher + +19. The long extracts which remain from his book _On Nature_ ({peri +Physeos}), directed against the Epicureans, show him to have possessed on +the whole a clear grasp of their tenets, together with much genuine +humour and entire absence of bitterness of spirit in criticizing them. + +The extracts given by Eusebius appear to be fairly continuous throughout: +they deal (1) with the atomistic portion of the Epicurean philosophy, and +(2) with the more strictly "theological" portion of it, the references to +the hedonistic doctrine being only slight and passing. + +Dionysius begins by remarking that of the various hypotheses which have +been started as to the origin of the universe, one of the least +satisfactory is that of Epicurus, viz. that it is the result of a chance +concourse of an infinite number of atoms, as they rush through space. + +He then proceeds to show by a series of illustrations taken from human +workmanship that mere chance could never produce the wonderful results +that we see all around us. So, too, from the study of the heavens the +same inference must be drawn. + +His next point appears to be that the difference in durability, which +Epicurus postulates for the various bodies produced by atoms, goes to +upset his theory. If some products (_e. g._ the gods) are eternal and +some are short-lived, what determines the difference? Some of the +senseless atoms themselves must be gifted with powers of directing, +arranging and ruling. But if it is mere chance, then Epicurus asks us, +who study the order and the phenomena of earth and heaven, to believe the +impossible. + +The same conclusion is arrived at by the study of man, whose mere body is +a machine so marvellous that some have emerged from the study of it with +a belief that {Physis} herself is a deity. The higher powers, too, of +man, his mind and reason and skill, all point in the opposite direction +to Epicurus's solution of the problem. It cannot, surely, be the atoms +rather than the Muses which are responsible for the arts and sciences. + +The half-humorous allusion to these heaven-born personages of heathen +mythology leads Dionysius to attack the Epicurean theory of the gods. +According to Epicurus, the gods in no way concern themselves with mundane +matters, but spend a serene existence without labour or exertion of any +kind. But such an existence, says Dionysius, is so repugnant to the very +idea and instinct of man that it must be absolutely false with regard to +divine beings. + +At this point occurs a short passage in which the inconsistency of +Democritus, from whom Epicurus had confessedly borrowed his physics, +_mutatis mutandis_, is criticized, though it has only a general bearing +upon the line of argument. Democritus, he says, who professed that he +would have given the world in exchange for the discovery of one good +cause ({aitiologia}), yet in putting forward his ideas of Chance as a +cause could not have been more absurd: he sets up {Tyche} as the +sovereign cause of the Universe, and yet banishes her as a power from the +life of men. The truth is that, while practical men and even philosophers +find their highest pleasure in benefiting others, by this theory the gods +are to be kept from any share in such pleasure. + +One other inconsistency in the Epicurean writings Dionysius next deals +with, and that is Epicurus's own constant use of oaths and adjurations, +in which the names of those very beings occur whose influence upon men's +affairs he so depreciates. This is, in Dionysius's opinion, due to his +fear of being put to death by the state for atheism, as Socrates had +been: though he is probably doing Epicurus a wrong. + +The extracts end with a repetition of the appeal to the wonders of the +sky and of the earth as a conclusive contradiction of Epicurus's +views.[8] + +A selection from these interesting portions of a not unimportant work for +its time will be found on pp. 91 ff. + + + General Characteristics of his Writings + +20. The letter to Basilides on several points of ecclesiastical order +(the larger portion of which is given on pp. 76 ff.) is a model of what +such episcopal utterances should be: it definitely states which is the +highest and best course, but leaves the decision to the individual +conscience. But it is to the general correspondence (pp. 35 ff.) that the +bulk of English readers will probably turn, and that deals with a large +variety of subjects: in some cases theological matters like Novatianism +and the baptism of heretics are discussed; in others there are +descriptions of the martyrdoms of his time at Alexandria and his own +personal experiences under persecution, all told with a vividness and a +sobriety eminently characteristic of the man: others are addressed to +persons or districts in his province, especially at Eastertide, treating +of matters of local and temporary importance, while one or two incidents +which he records are of much value as illustrating church customs and +manners of the period (_e. g._ the case of Sarapion on p. 42, prayers for +the Emperors on p. 47, matters connected with the celebration of Holy +Baptism and Holy Communion on p. 59). + +In his controversy with the Sabellians, as we have already remarked, some +of the expressions and figures employed were insufficiently guarded or +explained and so laid Dionysius open to criticism: but we must remember +how much more easy it is for us, who have the benefit of subsequent +history and experience, to see this and to correct it, than it was for +him and for his contemporaries to grope their way, as they slowly but +surely did, under the Divine guidance to a fuller knowledge and a more +accurate statement of the truth. + +21. It is further to be noticed how very seldom, if ever, Dionysius +offends against the principles of good taste either when attacking +opponents, or when describing horrors, or when dealing with the mysteries +of the Faith. In controversy he always displays an admirable moderation +and sweetness of tone, which is the more remarkable because his +convictions were strong and definite. This is especially to be observed +in his treatment of Novatianus the intruder (see p. 50), in his criticism +of the deceased Nepos of Arsenoe (see p. 82), and to a less extent in his +defence of himself against the charges of Germanus (see p. 43). Even when +he has to speak of one whom he believes to have done him wrong, like the +Prefect AEmilianus (p. 48), or of one whom his soul abhors like Macrianus +(p. 68), his language is mild in comparison with that of many in similar +circumstances. So, too, when he takes upon himself to describe the +tortures and deaths of the martyrs (pp. 35 f.), or the ravages of +pestilence (p. 74), he indulges in but few ghastly or revolting details, +though his narrative is always lively and thrilling. And once more when +he deals with such a subject as the Eternal Sonship of our Lord, or, if +the passage (not here given) be authentic, His Death and Passion, the +same good taste and restraint of language is to be observed. + +22. Dionysius's literary style is excellent for the age in which he +lived, and so far confirms the truth of the statement that he had been a +master of rhetoric before his conversion. He gives evidence of having +read widely and to good purpose both in classical and in religious +literature. As to the former, he actually quotes from or refers to Homer, +Hesiod, Thucydides, Aristotle, and Democritus: but his language is really +saturated with classical uses, and a large number of the words and +phrases which he employs recall the best writers of antiquity. His +compositions exhibit signs of much care in production, notably the +treatise _On Nature_ ({peri Physeos}) and the two Easter letters, to the +Alexandrians and to Hierax (pp. 70 and 73). Here, and to a somewhat less +degree in the letter to Hermammon (pp. 65 ff.), he writes in a more +rhetorical and elaborate manner than in most of the other fragments which +are extant, but even in these passages he is seldom fantastic, or +stilted, or obscure; whilst in pure narrative or simple description (_e. +g._ in the letters which record his own or others' sufferings and in the +treatise _On the Promises_ ({peri Epangelion})), his language could +hardly be more unaffected or better chosen. + + + Dionysius as Interpreter of Scripture + +23. To what extent did Dionysius accept the principles and methods of +Origen, especially in the matter of Biblical criticism and +interpretation? The evidence, such as it is, is rather doubtful and +conflicting. It is somewhat ominous that after the death of Bishop +Demetrius, whose denunciations had caused the master's removal from +Alexandria and his retirement to Caesarea, we hear of no effort on the +part of Dionysius or of any other pupil to obtain his recall. This +certainly suggests that, great as their regard and respect for him as a +man and a scholar may have been, they either felt themselves powerless to +reinstate him, or else considered his views and methods of advocating +them detrimental to the welfare of the Church at large. On the other +hand, it is pleasing to remember that Dionysius wrote an epistle to his +old teacher on the subject of martyrdom, which we may presume was +designed to comfort him during his imprisonment at Tyre. We learn, too, +on somewhat late authority that after Origen's death Dionysius wrote a +letter to Theotecnus, Bishop of Caesarea, extolling his master's virtues. +The chief methodical comments on the Bible, of the authenticity of which +we may be certain, are those contained in the fragments of the treatise +_On the Promises_ ({peri Epangelion}), reproduced on pp. 82 ff. This was +a direct reply to the _Refutation of Allegorists_ ({Elenchos +Allegoriston}), in which Nepos of Arsenoe had thought to support his +grossly materialistic views of the Millennium by the Revelation of S. +John the Divine. As the title suggests, this work had, no doubt, attacked +Origen's fondness for the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, and +especially on the subject of the Millennium, and therefore we may with +some amount of certainty infer that Dionysius in his refutation of Nepos +would accept Origen's methods as a commentator. But the extracts +preserved by Eusebius deal almost wholly with the authorship and textual +criticism, and so give no proper clue as to his method of interpreting +the subject-matter of the book. + +In the letter to Basilides (pp. 76 ff.) the requirements of the case do +not call for a style of interpretation which would bring out either a +correspondence or a disagreement with Origen's methods, except so far as +it is marked by the frank and free exercise of critical judgment. The +commentary on the _Beginning of Ecclesiastes_, if it is, as seems likely, +in part the work of Dionysius, is not inconsistent in style of treatment +with a general acceptance of his master's position. Procopius of Gaza, +however, ranks him among the opponents of the allegorical school of +interpreters, stating that it was in this very work that Dionysius +attacked his master, and a short extract which has been assigned to it by +Pitra (_Spic. Solesm._, i, 17) is distinctly less allegorical in +treatment than the rest: it runs as follows-- + +"On Eccles. iv. 9, 10: 'Two are better than one,' etc. As we understand +this literally, we do not admit those who accept the interpretation of +the statements as referring to the soul and the body; for it is by no +means justified, seeing that the soul has the entire control over the +ruling and governing both of itself and of the body, whereas the body is +the bondman of the soul, subservient and enthralled to it in all its +decisions. If, then, the soul be inclined to what is mean and evil, and +become careless of better thoughts and considerations, the body is unable +to restore it and lead it back to higher things: for that is not natural +to it." + +There is also another short extract (on Gen. ii. 8, 9[9]) attributed to +our author, which is non-allegorical in its treatment. The evidence +therefore is inconclusive on this point: for though Jerome also mentions +Dionysius as a commentator on the Bible three times in his letters, he +throws no further light on the question.[10] + +On the subject of Inspiration we have no ground for thinking that +Dionysius took up an independent position.[11] He introduces his Biblical +quotation with the phrases current amongst early Christian writers. + +The general impression therefore left upon the reader is that Dionysius +reverted to the more sober methods of interpreting Scripture that +prevailed throughout the Church of his day as a whole, though he +approached his master's theories in his usual sympathetic spirit and +availed himself of much that was valuable in them. + + + His Place in the Church Kalendar + +24. We hear of a Church dedicated to S. Denys in Alexandria at the +beginning of the fourth century, which was destroyed by fire in a tumult +in the time of Athanasius. October 3 and November 17 are the two most +usual dates for his Commemoration in the Kalendar, the former date more +especially in the East, where he is honoured as "a holy martyr."[12] + + + Concluding Remarks + +25. The foregoing sketch is sufficient to show that, as a man of action +and a ruler of the Church, Dionysius's personality is no less striking +than as a student, a writer and a thinker. He was clearly a strong yet +conciliatory administrator of his province as Bishop of Alexandria, just +as he had been a competent and successful teacher and director of sacred +studies as head of the Catechetical Schools--one who in each capacity +carried on and maintained the great traditions which he inherited from S. +Mark and his successors, from Pantaenus, Clement and Origen. And not only +at home and within his own jurisdiction, as we have seen, did he worthily +"magnify his office" and "make full proof of his ministry"; for he made +his influence for good felt throughout Christendom. Bishops and clergy +from all parts naturally turned to him in their difficulties for advice +and guidance; and it is impossible not to feel that his wonderful breadth +of judgment and his love of conciliation were of the greatest value to +the Church of the third century, and will remain a model for imitation to +each succeeding age. Men will always be tempted, as they were in that +century, to speak strongly and to act vehemently where their spiritual +beliefs are involved, and we may pray that God will never fail to raise +up amongst the rulers of His Church men of the type of S. Denys the Great +of Alexandria. + + + Bibliography + +26. The first attempt at making a full collection of our author's remains +was undertaken by Simon de Magistris, whose edition was published at Rome +in 1796. Routh (_Reliquiae Sacrae_, tom. iii. and iv.; Oxford, 1846) and +Migne (_Patr. Graec._ tom. x.) published considerable portions with Latin +notes, while Gallandius (_Bibliotheca vett. patrum_, app. to vol. xiv.), +Pitra, Mai and (more recently) Holl in vol. v. of _Texte und +Untersuchungen_ (_neue Folge_) have printed a number of fragments from +various sources and of very varying degrees of probable authenticity. + +The earliest list of Dionysius's literary productions, except the +scattered references to be found in the _Ecclesiastical History_ of +Eusebius, is that of Jerome (_de viris illustribus_, 69), which more or +less tallies with what we gather from Eusebius. The student will, +however, find a complete modern list of them, together with other +valuable matter, in Harnack, _Altchrist. Lit._, vol. i. pp. 409-27, and +in Bardenhewer, _Altkirch. Lit._, vol. ii. pp. 167-91: the account in +Krueger, _Early Christian Literature_ (Eng. Trans.) is much shorter. +Several compositions mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome are only known to +us by name, unless some of the short extracts attributed to Dionysius +come from one or other of them, and the contents of them are almost +wholly matter for conjecture. The most important of these is perhaps the +{epistole diakonike dia Hippolytou} (Eus., _H. E._ vi. 45), because of +the various theories which have been put forward about it. Dom Morin +(_Revue Benedictine_, xvii., 1900), for instance, suggested that +Rufinus's translation of the doubtful epithet ({diakonike}) being _de +ministeriis_, it was none other than the _Canons of Hippolytus_, and that +the Canons were afterwards attributed to the church-writer, Hippolytus, +through a mistaken identification of the unknown bearer of Dionysius's +missive with the well-known author; but the theory has not met with much +acceptance since, and the discussion has of late died down, quite +different views being now held about the Canons of Hippolytus. + +It may also be mentioned that several fragments in Syriac and in Armenian +are attributed to Dionysius, but only three of these, in the former +language, appear to be genuine: one is a translation of the letter to +Novatian (p. 50), and the two others are, whether rightly or wrongly, +thought to be part of the Letter to Stephanus on Baptism, and will be +found as [S][S] 2 and 3 of it on pp. 53 ff. + +The article on Dionysius in Smith's _Dictionary of Christian Biography_ +is by Dr. Westcott, and, though not very full, is, it is needless to say, +worthy of being consulted. + +Three German books on our author will also be found useful, though not +very recent: viz. Foerster, _de doctrin. et sententiis Dionysii_, +Berolini, 1865; Dittrich, _Dionysius der Grosse_, Freiburg, i.B., 1867; +and Roch, _Dionysius der Grosse ueber die Natur_, Leipzig, 1882. Of these +the second is the most important for the general student. + +Dr. Salmond produced a serviceable translation of the fragments in 1871 +(T. & T. Clark's series, Edinburgh), and since then we have had Dr. +Gifford's (in his scholarly edition of Eus., _Praepar. Evang._, Oxford, +1903), of such as there appear. + +For the general history of the period much valuable help will be found in +Archbishop Benson's _Cyprian_, London, 1897; P. Allard, _Histoire des +Persecutions_, vols. ii. and iii., Paris, 1886, and Aube, _L'Eglise et +l'Etat dans la 2de moitie du 3me Siecle_. + +A full collection of all the genuine and doubtful extracts appeared in +the series of _Cambridge Patristic Texts_, with introductions and notes +by the present editor, in 1904. + + + + + LETTERS + + + To Fabian, Bishop of Antioch + (Eus., _H. E._ vi. 41, 42, and 44) + +(1) The persecution did not begin amongst us with the Imperial edict; for +it anticipated that by a whole year. And the prophet and poet of evil to +this city, whoever he was,[13] was beforehand in moving and exciting the +heathen crowds against us, rekindling their zeal for the national +superstitions. So they being aroused by him and availing themselves of +all lawful authority for their unholy doings, conceived that the only +piety, the proper worship of their gods was this--to thirst for our +blood. First, then, they carried off an old man, Metras, and bade him +utter impious words,[14] and when he refused they beat his body with +sticks and stabbed his face and eyes with sharp bulrushes as they led him +into the outskirts of the city and there stoned him. Then they led a +believer named Quinta to the idol-house and tried to make her kneel down, +and, when she turned away in disgust, they bound her by the feet and +hauled her right through the city over the rough pavement, the big stones +bruising her poor body, and at the same time beat her till they reached +the same spot, and there stoned her. Thereupon they all with one consent +made a rush on the houses of the believers, and, falling each upon those +whom they recognized as neighbours, plundered, harried and despoiled +them, setting aside the more valuable of their possessions and casting +out into the streets and burning the cheaper things and such as were made +of wood, till they produced the appearance of a city devastated by the +enemy. But the brethren gave way and submitted and accepted the +plundering of their possessions with joy like unto those of whom Paul +also testified.[15] And I know not if any, save possibly a single one who +fell into their hands, up till now has denied the Lord. + +Another notable case was that of the aged virgin Apollonia, whom they +seized and knocked out all her teeth, striking her on the jaws: then they +made a pyre before the city and threatened to burn her alive, if she +would not join them in uttering blasphemies. But she asked for a brief +respite, and being let go, suddenly leapt into the fire and was devoured +by the flames. Sarapion, also, they caught in his own house, and after +outraging him with cruel tortures and crushing all his limbs, they cast +him headlong from the upper storey. + +And we could go by no high road, thoroughfare, or byway, either by day or +by night; for everywhere and always there was a constant cry that any one +who did not utter words of blasphemy must be dragged off and burnt. + +And this state of things prevailed for some time, till the revolution and +civil war[16] occupied the attention of these unhappy men and turned on +one another their fury against us. And so we had a short breathing space, +as they found no leisure for raging against us: but very soon the +overthrow of the ruler who had been not unfavourable to us[17] is +announced, and our grave fears of being attacked are renewed. And, in +fact, the edict arrived, which was itself almost to be compared with that +foretold by the Lord, well-nigh the most terrible of all, so as to cause, +if possible, even the elect to stumble.[18] Nevertheless all were +panic-stricken, and numbers at once of those who were in higher +positions, some came forward in fear, and some who held public posts were +led by their official duties; others, again, were brought in by those +about them, and when their names were called, approached the impure and +unholy sacrifices; pale and trembling in some cases as if they were not +going to sacrifice but themselves become sacrifices and victims to the +idols, so that they incurred ridicule from the large crowd that stood by, +and proved themselves to be utter cowards both in regard to death and in +regard to sacrificing, whilst others ran readily up to the altar, making +it plain by their forwardness that they had not been Christians even +before. About such the Lord's prediction is most true that with +difficulty shall they be saved.[19] And of the rest[20] some followed one +or other of the above, while others fled or were captured: and of these +last, again, some after going as far as chains and imprisonment, and even +after being immured several days in certain cases, still, before coming +into court, forswore themselves; and others, even after enduring some +amount of torment, failed at the last. But the steadfast and blessed +pillars of the Lord,[21] being strengthened by Him and receiving due and +proportionate power and endurance for the mighty Faith that was in them, +proved themselves admirable witnesses of His Kingdom.[22] Foremost among +them was Julian, a sufferer from gout, unable to stand or walk; he was +brought up with two others, who carried him, of whom the one straightway +denied the Faith; the other, Cronion by name, but surnamed Eunous +(well-disposed), and the old man Julian himself confessed the Lord and +were conveyed on camel's back, and scourged as they rode right through +the city--big though it be, as ye know--and at last were burnt with fire +unquenchable, whilst all the people stood round. And a soldier who stood +by as they were carried along and protested against those who insulted +them was denounced and brought up, to wit God's brave warrior Besas, and +after heroic conduct in the great war of piety was beheaded. And yet +another, a Libyan by race, who rightly and happily was named Mauar +(happy),[23] though the judge urged him strongly to renounce the Faith, +would not give in, and so was burnt alive. After them Epimachus and +Alexander, when they had remained a long time in bonds and had endured +endless tortures from the "claws"[24] and scourges, were also consumed +with fire unquenchable. And with them four[25] women: Ammonarion, a holy +virgin, though the judge tortured her vigorously for a long time because +she had declared beforehand that she would say nothing that he bade her, +kept true to her promise and was led off to punishment; and of the rest +there was the aged and reverend Mercuria and Dionysia, who, though she +had many children, did not love them above the Lord: these the Prefect +was ashamed to go on torturing in vain and be beaten by women, and so +they died by the sword without further tortures: for the brave Ammonarion +had exhausted all their devices. + +Then were delivered up three Egyptians: Heron, Ater and Isidore, and with +them Dioscorus, a lad of about fifteen. And first of all the Prefect +tried to cajole the stripling with words, thinking he could easily be won +over, and then to force him by torments, thinking he would soon give in, +but Dioscorus was neither persuaded nor forced. So the others he cruelly +lacerated, and when they, too, stood firm, handed them over to the fire; +but Dioscorus, who had distinguished himself in public and had answered +his private questionings most wisely, he let off, saying that he granted +him a reprieve for repenting, on account of his age. And now[26] the +godly Dioscorus is still with us, having waited for his longer trial and +his more determined conflict. + +Another Egyptian, Nemesion, was falsely accused of being an associate of +brigands, but being accused of that most untrue charge before the +centurion, he was then denounced as a Christian and came in chains before +the Prefect.[27] And he having most unjustly maltreated him with twice as +many tortures and stripes as the brigands had received, burnt him to +death between them, being honoured, happy man, by the example of +Christ.[28] + +Again a whole quaternion of soldiers--Ammon, Zenon, Ptolemy and Ingenuus, +and an old man, Theophilus, with them, were standing before the judgment +seat, whilst some one was being tried for being a Christian, and when he +showed signs of denying the Faith they were so provoked as they stood by, +nodding their heads, and stretching out their hands and making gestures +with their bodies, that they drew the general attention to themselves, +and then, before any could seize them, they leapt upon the stand[29] of +their own accord, saying they were Christians, so that the Prefect and +his assessors were frightened, and those who were being judged seemed to +take courage over what awaited them, and their judges lost heart. So +these soldiers walked in brave procession from the court and rejoiced in +their witness (martyrdom), God giving them a glorious triumph.[30] + +(2) And many others in the cities and villages were torn asunder by the +heathen (Gentiles), one of which I will mention as an example. Ischyrion +acted as steward to one of the authorities at a wage. His employer bade +him sacrifice, ill-treated him when he refused, and on his persistence +drove him forth with insults: when he still stood his ground, he took a +big stick and killed him by driving it through his vital parts. What need +to mention the multitude of those who wandered in deserts and +mountains[31] consumed by hunger and thirst and cold and diseases and +brigands and wild beasts? the survivors of whom bear witness to their +election and victory.[32] Of these, also, I will bring forward one +instance by way of illustration. Chaeremon was the aged Bishop of what is +called Nilopolis. He fled to the Arabian hills[33] with his wife[34] and +never returned, nor were they ever seen again by the brethren, who made +long search, but found neither them nor their bodies. And there were many +who on those very Arabian hills were sold into slavery by the barbarian +Saracens,[35] of whom some were with difficulty ransomed at high sums, +and others even yet have not been ransomed. And these things I have +described at length, brother, not without purpose, but in order that thou +mightest know how many terrible things have taken place amongst us, of +which those who have had more experience will know of more cases than I +do. + +Then shortly after he proceeds-- + +(3) Accordingly, the holy martyrs themselves, when still amongst us, who +are now the assessors of Christ and partners of His Kingdom, sharing His +judgments and decisions,[36] espoused the cause of certain of the fallen +brethren who had incurred the charge of having done sacrifice, and seeing +their conversion and repentance and approving it as fit to be accepted by +Him who desireth not at all the death of the sinner so much as his +repentance,[37] received them, summoned them to assemblies, introduced +them and admitted them to the prayers and feasts.[38] What, then, do ye +counsel us in these matters, brethren? What ought we to do? Shall we +acquiesce and assent to them and maintain their decision and concession +and treat kindly those to whom they have extended mercy? or shall we hold +their judgment wrong and set ourselves up as critics of their decision +and vex their kind hearts and reverse their arrangement? + +[A further extract on the subject of the lapsed] + +I will set out the following single example that happened amongst us. +There was a certain aged believer amongst us, Sarapion, who had lived +blamelessly for a long time but yielded to temptation. This man often +begged to be restored, but no one heeded him; for he had sacrificed. But +he fell ill, and for three days in succession he remained speechless and +unconscious. Then recovering a little on the fourth day, he called to him +his nephew and said: "How long, my child, do ye keep me back? hasten ye, +I pray, and let me go speedily. Call thou one of the elders +(presbyters)." After this he became speechless again. The boy ran for the +elder, but it was night and he was ill and could not come. Now I had +given instructions that if those who were departing life asked and +especially when they chanced to have made supplication even before, they +should be absolved in order that they might depart in good hope; he gave +the boy, therefore, a morsel of the Eucharist, bidding him moisten it and +drop it into the old man's mouth. The lad went back with it. When he drew +near, before he entered, Sarapion revived again and said: "Hast come, +child? The presbyter could not come, but do thou quickly what he bade +thee, and let me go." So the boy moistened it and dropped it into his +mouth: and the other shortly after swallowing it straightway gave up the +ghost. Was he not clearly sustained and kept alive until he was absolved +that, with his sin wiped out, he might be acknowledged (by the Lord) for +the many good things he had done? + + + To Germanus a Bishop + (Eus., _H. E._ vi. 40 and vii. 11) + +(1) Now before God I speak and He knoweth if I lie;[39] not at all on my +own judgment nor yet without Divine guidance did I take flight, but on a +former occasion also as soon as ever the persecution under Decius was set +up,[40] Sabinus[41] sent a _frumentarius_[42] to seek me; and I awaited +his arrival at my house for four days, while he went round searching +everywhere, the streams, the roads and the fields, where he suspected me +to hide or go, but he never lighted on my house, being held by blindness: +for he did not believe I should stay at home under pursuit. And hardly +after the four days when God bade me remove and unexpectedly made a way +for me, I and the boys[43] and many of the brethren went out together. +And this was ordered by the Providence of God, as after events have +shown, in which perchance we have been useful to some. + +Further on he proceeds-- + +(2) For about sunset I with my companions having fallen into the hands of +the soldiers, was taken to Taposiris, but Timotheus[44] by the Providence +of God happened not to be present nor to be caught elsewhere. But +arriving afterwards, he found the house empty and servants guarding it, +and us carried off prisoners. + +And further on-- + +(3) And what is the manner of His wonderful dispensation? for only the +truth shall be spoken. One of the rustics met Timotheus as he was fleeing +and troubled,[45] and inquired the reason of his haste. And he told the +truth, and when the other heard it (now he was going to a marriage revel: +for it is their custom to pass the whole night at such gatherings), he +entered and informed those who were reclining at table. And they with one +consent as if at a signal all arose and came running at great speed and +fell upon us with loud cries, and when the soldiers who were guarding us +straightway took to flight, they came upon us just as we were reclining +on the bare bedsteads. And I indeed, God wot, taking them at first to be +bandits who had come for plunder and ravage, remained on the couch where +I was, undressed save for my linen under-garment,[46] and began to offer +them the rest of my raiment which was at my side. But they bade me rise +and go out as quickly as I could. And then I, understanding why they had +come, cried out begging and praying them to depart and leave us, and if +they would do us a good turn, I besought them to forestall those who had +carried me off and cut off my head themselves. And while I thus cried, as +they know who shared and took part in everything, they raised me by +force, and when I let myself down on my back to the ground, they took and +led me out, dragging me by the arms and legs. And there followed me those +who had been witnesses of all this, Gaius, Faustus, Peter and Paul, and +they also helped to carry me out of the township in their arms, and then +putting me on a barebacked ass, led me away. + +[Another extract from the same letter given by Eusebius in another part +of his History, and referring to a somewhat later period in Dionysius's +life] + +(4) I am really in danger of falling into much foolishness[47] and want +of right feeling through being compelled of necessity to narrate God's +wondrous dispensation concerning us. But since "it is good," it says,[48] +"to keep close the secret of a king but glorious to reveal the works of +God," I will come to close quarters with our violent accuser, Germanus. I +came before AEmilian[49] not alone; for there followed with me my +fellow-presbyter[50] Maximus, and deacons Faustus, Eusebius and Chaeremon. +And one of the brethren who was present from Rome came in with us. Now +AEmilian did not say to me at the start, "Do not summon" (the brethren for +public worship): for that was superfluous and the last thing (to insist +on), since he was going back to the very beginning of the matter. For the +question was not about summoning others but about not being Christians +ourselves, and it was from this that he bade us desist, thinking that if +I should change my mind, the others would follow me. And I answered not +unsuitably nor yet very differently from the words: "We ought to obey God +rather than men,"[51] but I testified outright that I worship the only +God and none other, nor will I ever alter nor desist from being a +Christian. Upon this he bade us go away to a village on the borders of +the desert named Cephro. Listen then to what was said on both sides as it +was (officially) recorded: Dionysius, Faustus, Maximus, Marcellus[52] and +Chaeremon being brought in, AEmilian the Prefect said: "In the course of +conversation also[53] I described to you the clemency which our +Sovereigns[54] have displayed towards you. For they gave you opportunity +of being liberated if you would adopt a natural line of conduct and +worship the gods who protect the Empire and give up those who are +contrary to nature. What say ye then to this? for I do not expect you +will be ungrateful for their clemency when they invite you to a better +course." Dionysius answered: "It is not a fact that all men worship all +gods, for each worships certain whom he believes in. So with us, we +worship and adore the One God, the Creator of all things, who has +entrusted the Empire also to the most religious Emperors, Valerian and +Gallienus; and to Him we pray[55] without ceasing for their Empire that +it may abide unshaken." AEmilian the Prefect said, "But who prevents you +from worshipping him also, if he be god, with the natural gods? for you +were ordered to worship gods and those which all know." Dionysius +answered: "We worship none other but Him." AEmilian the Prefect said to +them: "I observe that you together are both ungrateful and insensible of +the leniency of our Emperors. Wherefore ye shall not be in this city but +shall be dismissed to the parts of Libya and stay in a place called +Cephro, which I have chosen at the bidding of our Emperors. And both you +and others will be absolutely forbidden either to hold meetings or to +enter the cemeteries so-called.[56] And if any one were to appear not to +have arrived at the place I have ordered or were found at any assembly, +he will do so at his own risk. For the necessary penalty will not be +wanting. Be off therefore where ye were bidden." So he hurried me away +even though I was sick, granting me not a day's respite. What leisure, +then, had I to call assemblies or not?[57] + +Further on he says-- + +(5) But we did not abstain even from the visible assembling of ourselves +together in the Lord's presence, but those who were in the city +(Alexandria) I the more earnestly urged to assemble, as if I were still +with them, being absent in the body, as it says, but present in the +spirit.[58] And at Cephro also a large number of the Church were +sojourning with us, consisting of the brethren who had followed us from +the city or were present from other parts of Egypt. There, too, the Lord +opened us a door for the word.[59] And at first we were pursued and +stoned, but later not a few of the Gentiles left their idols and turned +to God. Thus the word was first sown through us in their hearts who had +not previously received it. And as it were for this cause God having led +us to them, led us away again when we had fulfilled this ministry.[60] +For AEmilian wished, as it seemed, to transfer us to rougher and more +Libyan-like parts, and bade those who were scattered in every direction +to draw together to the Mareotis, assigning to each party one of the +villages of the district, but us he put more on the road so that we +should be the first to be arrested. For he evidently managed and arranged +so that he might have us easy of capture whenever he wished to seize us. +And as for me, when I was ordered to depart to Cephro, I did not even +know in what direction the place lay, hardly having heard so much as the +name before; and yet I went off willingly and without trouble. But when +it was told me that they would remove me to the parts of Colluthion, all +who were present know how I was affected. For here I will accuse myself. +At first I was vexed and took it very ill. For though the place happened +to be better known and more familiar to us, yet people said it was devoid +of brethren and respectable folk, being exposed to the annoyances of +wayfarers and the attacks of robbers. But I found consolation when the +brethren reminded me that it is nearer to the city, and that, while +Cephro gave much opportunity of intercourse with brethren from Egypt in +general, so that one could draw congregations from a wider area, yet at +Colluthion we should more constantly enjoy the sight of those who were +really loved and most intimate and dear. For they would be able to come +and stay the night and there would be district-meetings as is the case +with outlying suburbs.[61] And so it turned out. + +And lower down again he writes this about what had happened to him-- + +(6) Many indeed are the confessions of faith over which Germanus prides +himself: many are the things which he has to mention as having happened +to him. Can he reckon up as many in his own case as I can in +mine--condemnations, confiscations, sales by public auction, spoiling of +one's possessions, loss of dignities, despisings of worldly honour, +contempt of commendations by Prefects and Councils and of opponents' +threats, endurance of clamourings and dangers and persecutions and +wanderings and tribulations and much affliction, such as are the things +which have happened unto me under Decius and Sabinus and up to the +present time under AEmilian? But where did Germanus appear? What talk was +there of him? However, I withdraw from the much foolishness into which I +am falling through Germanus; wherefore I refrain from giving a detailed +account of events to the brethren who know all. + + + (To Novatian) + (Eus., _H. E._ vi. 45) + +If it was against thy will, as thou sayest, that thou wast promoted,[62] +thou wilt prove this by retiring of thine own accord. It were good to +suffer anything and everything so to escape dividing the Church of God. +And martyrdom[63] to avoid schism is no less glorious than martyrdom to +avoid idolatry. Nay, it is to my mind greater. In one case a man is a +martyr for his own single soul's sake. But this is for the whole Church. +Even now wast thou to persuade or constrain the brethren to come to one +mind, thy true deed[64] were greater than thy fall. This will not be +reckoned to thee, the other will be lauded. And if thou shouldest be +powerless to sway disobedient spirits, save, save thine own soul.[65] I +pray for thy health and thy steadfast cleaving to peace in the Lord. + +[I have to thank the editors and publishers for leave to reprint the +above translation by Archbishop Benson from his _Cyprian_, p. 142.] + + + To Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, in Reply to a Letter from him about + Novatian (circ. 253) + +Eusebius (_H. E._ vi. 46) quotes only one short sentence from Dionysius's +letter, which refers to the death of Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem, one +of Origen's distinguished pupils and supporters. Alexander twice boldly +confessed Christ in the Governor's Court at Caesarea and died at last in +prison. The sentence is as follows-- + +"The admirable[66] Alexander entered into a blessed rest whilst in +custody." + +According to Eusebius, the letter also mentioned the invitation which +Dionysius had received from the Bishops of Asia Minor to attend a synod +at Antioch at which "they tried to suppress the schism of Novatian." + + + To Stephanus, Bishop of Rome + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 4 and 5) + (_The First of the Epistles about Baptism_) + +(1) Know now, brother, that all the Churches in the East and even further +afield[67] which were divided, have been united: and all their rulers +everywhere are of one mind, rejoicing exceedingly at the unexpected +peace[68] which has come about, Demetrian in Antioch, Theoctistus in +Caesarea, Mazabbanes in AElia,[69] Marinus in Tyre, Alexander having fallen +asleep, Heliodorus in Laodicea, Thelymidrus being at rest, Helenus in +Tarsus and all the Churches of Cilicia, Firmilianus[70] and all +Cappadocia. For I have mentioned only the more prominent of the Bishops, +in order that I may not make my letter too long nor my narrative +wearisome. Nevertheless, the whole of Syria and Arabia, districts whose +needs ye from time to time supply[71] and to whom ye now have sent an +epistle, Mesopotamia also and Pontus and Bithynia, and, in one word, all +men everywhere exult in the harmony and brotherly love displayed and +praise God for it.[72] + +[The two following extracts are translated from Syriac versions, and I am +indebted for them to Mr. N. MacLean of Christ's College, Cambridge. The +first has been put together out of two MSS. in the British Museum, +neither of which contains the whole, and was printed by Pitra, _Analecta +Sacra_, Vol. IV. The Greek original of most of the first sentence is +preserved in a catena on Deuteronomy, _Cod. Vat._ 1521, fol. 591, and was +first printed by Simon de Magistris in his edition of our author, p. 200. +There is much probability that this extract formed part of the same +letter to Stephanus as the extract from Eusebius which precedes it here. +The second extract is found in three other Syriac MSS. in the British +Museum, but is less certainly part of this letter, or indeed authentic at +all.] + +(2) If so be that any man speak a wicked thing of God like those who call +Him unpitying[73] or any man living in the fear of other gods, the Law +has commanded that such a one be stoned:[74] but we would stone these men +with sound words of faith. Or if a man receive not at all the mystery[75] +of Christ or alter and distort it--(saying) that He is not God, or that +he did not become a man, or that He did not die, or that He did not rise, +or that He will not come to judge the quick and the dead--or preach +anything else apart from what we preached, let him be a curse, says +Paul.[76] Or if so be he have wronged the word concerning the +resurrection of the flesh, let him be already reckoned with the dead. For +we speak in carefulness concerning these things--in order that we may be +in agreement one with another, churches with churches, bishops with +bishops, priests with priests. And in regard to causes and affairs about +matters which concern individual men--how it is right to receive him who +approaches from without and how him who comes from within[77]--we counsel +to obey those who stand at the head of every place who by Divine +election[78] are put into this ministration--leaving to our Lord the +judgment of all things which they do. + +(3) Those who were baptized in the name of the three Persons--the Father, +the Son, and the Holy Spirit--though they were baptized by heretics who +confess the three Persons, shall not be re-baptized. But those who are +converted from other heresies shall be perfected by the baptism of the +Holy Church.[79] + + + To Xystus (or Sixtus) II[80] + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 5, 3-6) + (_The second on the same subject_) + +(1) (Stephen) therefore had sent word concerning Helenus and concerning +Firmilianus, and all the bishops of Cilicia and Cappadocia and (be it +noted) of Galatia and all the neighbouring churches likewise--to the +effect that he would not hold communion with them for this same reason, +since, he says, they re-baptize the heretics.[81] And observe the +importance of the matter. For decrees had really been passed about it in +the largest synods of the bishops,[82] as I am informed, so that those +who come over from heretical bodies, after a course of instruction, are +washed and cleansed from the defilement of the old and unclean +leaven.[83] About all this also I have written asking him for +information. + +(2) To our beloved fellow-presbyters also, Dionysius and Philemon, who +had formerly sided with Stephanus and were correspondents of mine on the +same matter, I have written briefly the first time and more fully +now.[84] + +(3) The teaching which is now at work in Ptolemais of Pentapolis,[85] is +impious, full of blasphemy about the Almighty God and Father[86] of our +Lord Jesus Christ and full of unbelief about His only begotten Son,[87] +the First-born of all creation,[88] the Incarnate Word, and displays want +of perception concerning the Holy Spirit. And therefore, when both +official communications from both parties arrived and some of the +brethren sought personal interviews with me, I wrote what I could[89] by +the Divine assistance and gave a somewhat methodical explanation of the +matter, a copy of which I have sent you. + + + To Philemon + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 7) + (_The third on the same subject_) + +(1) I read both the critical researches and the traditional treatises[90] +of the heretics, defiling my soul a little with their abominable opinions +and yet gaining this advantage from them, that I could refute them for +myself and abhor them much more thoroughly. And indeed when a certain +brother among the presbyters tried to restrain me and frighten me from +contaminating myself with the mire of their iniquity (he said I should +ruin my soul, and, as I perceived, there was truth in what he said), a +heaven-sent vision[91] came and strengthened me, and words came to me +which expressly ordered me thus: "Read all that may come to thy hands: +for thou art competent to sift and test everything, and that was the +original reason[92] of thy accepting the Faith." I acknowledged the +vision as in agreement with the apostolic voice which says to the more +able: "Approve yourselves bankers of repute."[93] + +(2) This cause and rule I received from our blessed Father[94] Heraclas. +For those that came over from the heretics, although they had apostatized +from the Church--or rather had not even done that but were informed +against as resorting to some heretical teacher, though still reputed +members of our congregations--these he repelled from the Church, and did +not restore them at their request until they had publicly and fully +stated all that they had heard among those who set themselves against us; +and then he admitted them without requiring them to be re-baptized: for +they had received that holy gift already. + +(3) I have learnt this also, that the brethren in Africa[95] did not +introduce this practice (of re-baptism) now for the first time, but it +was also adopted some time ago among our predecessors as Bishops, in the +most populous churches and well-attended synods of the brethren, viz. in +Iconium and Synnada,[96] and I cannot bring myself to reverse their +decisions and involve them in strife and controversy. For "thou shalt not +remove," it says, "thy neighbour's boundaries, which thy fathers +set."[97] + + + To Dionysius of Rome + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 7, 6 and 8) + (_The fourth letter on Baptism_) + +For with Novatian we are reasonably indignant, seeing that he has cut the +Church in two and dragged certain of the brethren into impieties and +blasphemies and introduced the most unholy teaching about God and accuses +the most gracious Jesus Christ our Lord of being without pity,[98] and +besides all this sets at nought the holy laws and overthrows the +confession of faith before baptism,[99] and altogether banishes the Holy +Spirit from them, even though there were some hope of His remaining or +even of His returning to them.[100] + + + To Xystus (Sixtus) II, Bishop of Rome + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 9) + (_The fifth about Baptism_) + +I truly desire counsel, brother, and ask an opinion from you, being +afraid lest after all I am wrong in my treatment of a case that has come +before me as follows-- + +One who is reckoned faithful among the brethren who meet together, of old +standing, having been a member even before my ordination (as Bishop), and +I fancy even before the appointment of the blessed Heraclas, had been +present at a recent baptism and heard the questions and answers (in that +service). He came to me weeping and bemoaning himself and falling at my +feet, confessing and protesting that the baptism he had received among +the heretics was not this, nor had anything in common with it: for that +was full of impiety and blasphemies:[101] and he said that he was now +sore pricked in the soul and had no courage even to lift up his eyes to +God, because he had started with such unholy words and rites, and so he +begged to obtain this thorough means of purification and acceptance and +grace. But this I did not venture to do, saying that his so long being in +communion with us was sufficient for the purpose. For as he had heard the +Giving of Thanks (Eucharist) and joined in saying the Amen,[102] and +stood[103] at the Table[104] and stretched forth his hands to receive the +holy Food and had taken it and partaken of the Body and Blood of our Lord +Jesus Christ for a considerable period, I should not venture to put him +back to the beginning once more. So I bade him take courage and approach +for the receiving of the Holy Things with sure faith and good hope. But +he ceases not to grieve, and shrinks from approaching the Table and can +with difficulty be persuaded to stand with (the _Consistentes_)[105] for +the Prayers. + + + To Conon[106] + (Pitra, _Spic. Sol._ i. 15, from a Bodl. MS. dated 1062) + +As to those who are nearing the end of life, if they desire and beg to +obtain absolution, having before their eyes the judgment to which they +are departing, considering what is in store for them, if they are handed +over thereto bound and condemned, and believing that they will gain +relief and lightening of punishment there, if they be loosed here--for +these the approval of the Lord is true and assured--these, too, it is +part of the Divine mercy to send on their way free. If, however, they +afterwards continue to live, it does not appear to me consistent to bind +them again and load them with their sins. For when once absolved and +reconciled to God, and pronounced again to be partakers of Divine grace +and dispatched as free to appear before the Lord,[107] so long as nothing +wrong has been done by them in the meantime to bring them back into +bondage for their sins were most unreasonable. Shall we after that[108] +impose on God the limits of our judgment, to be kept by Him while we +observe them not ourselves, making parade of the goodness of the +Lord[109] but withholding our own? Nevertheless if any one, after +recovery, should show himself in need of further treatment, we counsel +him, of his own accord, to humble and abase and lower himself, with a +view to his own improvement and also to what is seemly in the eyes of the +brethren and irreproachable before those without.[110] If he consent to +this, he will be the gainer: but, if he should object and refuse, then no +doubt that will be a sufficient ground for a second exclusion. + + + From the Writings about Repentance + (Mai, _Class. Auct._ x. 484, from a Vat. MS.) + +But now we do the contrary. For him whom Christ in His goodness seeks +when wandering upon the mountains, and calls to Himself when fleeing, and +lays upon His shoulders when found at last,[111] him we resolutely repel +when he approaches. Nay, let us not adopt so evil a counsel for our own +sake, nor drive the sword into our own heart. For they that endeavour to +injure or, on the other hand, to benefit others, may not altogether have +the effect they desired upon them, but they do bring about good or evil +for themselves and replenish their store either of heavenly virtues or of +undisciplined affections. And these taking good angels as their +companions and fellow-travellers,[112] both here and hereafter, in all +peace and freedom from every evil, will be allotted the most blessed +inheritances for eternity and will ever be with God, the greatest good of +all; and those will forfeit at once the peace of God and their own peace, +and both here and after death will be handed over to tormenting demons. +Let us then not repel those who return, but gladly welcome them and +number them with those who have not strayed, and thus supply that which +is wanting[113] in them. + + + To Domitius and Didymus + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 11) + (_Part of an Easter Letter_) + +(1) It is superfluous to mention by name the many members of our body, +who are unknown to you: but you should know that men and women, young and +old, soldiers[114] and civilians, every class and age, some by the +scourge and fire and some by the sword have conquered in the fight and +carried off their crowns, while with some even a very long period did not +prove sufficient to show them acceptable to the Lord (as martyrs), as in +fact seems to be the case even now with me.[115] Wherefore I have been +put off until a time which He Himself knows to be the right one by Him +who saith: "In a time acceptable I heard thee, and in the day of +salvation I succoured thee."[116] For since you inquire and wish to be +informed how we fare, by all means hear our experiences: how that when we +were being led away prisoners by a centurion and duumviri[117] with their +soldiers and servants, viz. myself and Gaius, Faustus, Peter and Paul, +certain of the inhabitants of the Mareotis came upon us, and with +violence dragged us off against our will and in spite of our +protests.[118] And now I with Gaius and Peter only, deprived of the +company of the other brethren,[119] am shut in a desolate and dreary part +of Libya, three days' journey from Paraetonium.[120] + +And further on he says-- + +(2) In the city there have concealed themselves, secretly looking after +the brethren, from among the presbyters Maximus,[121] Dioscorus, +Demetrius and Lucius (for Faustinus and Aquila, who were better known in +the world, are wandering in other parts of Egypt), and of the deacons +Faustus, Eusebius and Chaeremon, who survived those who perished in the +pestilence.[122] Eusebius was he whom from the beginning God strengthened +and inspired to perform many services for the confessors in prison with +all energy, and to carry out at no small risk the last offices for the +perfect[123] and blessed martyrs in decking out their bodies (for +burial). For up till now the Prefect does not cease from cruelly slaying +some of those who are brought before him, as I have already said, and +from tearing others in pieces with instruments of torture, while he +crushes the spirits of others again with chains and imprisonment, +forbidding any to visit them and making search lest any should be found +doing so. Nevertheless, God gives them some respite from their miseries +through the zeal and steadfast efforts of the brethren. + + + To Hermammon + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 1, 10, 23) + (_Part of another Easter Letter_) + +(1) Even Gallus[124] did not know the flaw in Decius's policy, nor did he +foresee what it was that upset him, but stumbled over the same stone that +was right before his eyes. For, though his reign was prospering and +things were going according to his mind, he drove into exile the holy men +who were interceding with God for his peace and health, with the effect +that with them he drove out also their prayers on his behalf. + +So far on that point, and then again he discourses about Valerian in the +same letter-- + +(2) To John also it is revealed in like manner, when he says: "There was +given him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemy, and there was +given him authority and forty-two months."[125] And both these things are +to be wondered at in the case of Valerian,[126] and of them it is +especially to be observed how his prosperity lasted so long as he was +gentle and well-disposed towards the men of God.[127] For none of the +Emperors before him were so kindly and favourably affected towards them, +not even those who were said to have been openly Christians,[128] as he +manifestly was, receiving them at the beginning in a most familiar and +friendly spirit: indeed, his whole house was filled with devout persons +and was a veritable Church of God.[129] But he was persuaded to abandon +this treatment by that tutor and chief ruler of Egyptian magicians,[130] +who instructed him to slay or persecute, as adversaries and hinderers of +his vile and detestable sorcerers, the pure and holy persons, who are and +were able to confound the devices of accursed demons by being present and +seen and merely breathing on them and uttering words,[131] while he also +incited him to perform unholy rites and detestable juggleries and +abominable sacrifices such as the killing of wretched boys and the +slaying of unhappy fathers' children and the dividing of new-born +entrails asunder and the cutting up and mutilating of bodies which are +God's creation,[132] in the hope that such doings would bring them Divine +favour. + +And to this he adds as follows-- + +(3) Fine offerings at all events did Macrianus make to them (sc. the +demons) to propitiate them for the Empire which he hoped for, when, in +his former position as so-called officer in charge of the Emperor's +general ({katholou}) accounts he entertained no reasonable ({eulogon}) +nor catholic ({katholikon}) sentiments,[133] but fell under the prophet's +curse, who says: "Woe to those who prophesy out of their own heart and +see not the general ({to katholou}) view."[134] For he did not understand +the workings of Universal ({katholou}) Providence,[135] nor suspect the +approach of Judgment on the part of Him who is before all things and +through all things and over all things.[136] Wherefore he has become also +the enemy of His universal ({katholikes}) Church and has alienated and +estranged himself from God's mercy and banished himself as far as +possible from his own salvation, verifying in this his personal +name.[137] + +And again further on he says-- + +(4) For Valerian, through being persuaded to this policy by him, exposed +himself to insults and injuries according to that which was said to +Isaiah: "And these men chose their ways and their abominations which +their soul desired, and I will choose their mockings and will recompense +them their sins."[138] + +But this man (Macrianus) in his mad lust after imperial power for which +he had no qualifications, being unable to deck his own crippled body with +the imperial robes, put forward his two sons, who thus became liable for +their father's sins.[139] For the prophecy clearly applies to them which +God spake: "visiting the sins of the fathers upon the children unto the +third and fourth generation of them that hate me."[140] For he brought +upon his sons' heads his own evil desires in which he had succeeded and +involved them in the consequences of his own wickedness and hatred of +God.[141] + +Then there is a section in which he refers to the peaceful times under +Gallienus-- + +(5) So after thus inciting one of the Emperors before him and attacking +the other, he speedily vanished with all his family, root and +branch,[142] whilst Gallienus was proclaimed and acknowledged by all, +being at once the old and the new Emperor, having preceded the usurpers +and remaining after them. For, in accordance with that which was spoken +to the prophet Isaiah, "behold the things predicted from the beginning +have come to pass, and new things which will now arise."[143] For as a +cloud having overcast the sun's rays and screened them for a while shades +it and shows itself in its stead, and then when the cloud has passed off +or been dissipated the sun which was shining before emerges and shines +forth again, so it is with Macrianus; after coming forward and gaining +access for himself to the imperial power which belonged to Gallienus, he +ceases to be, since he was of no account, and the other resumes the +position he had before. And the Empire, having cast off, as it were, its +old age and purged itself of its former badness, now bursts into greater +splendour, is seen and heard from afar and pervades the whole world. + +Then in due order he indicates the date of this letter in these words-- + +(6) And once more it occurs to me to consider the days and years of this +period of the Empire. For I observe that the ungodly persons (I have +mentioned) after a short period of honourable mention have lost their +good name, but (Gallienus) who was more righteous and loved God +better,[144] having completed the seven years' period, is now passing +through his ninth year:[145] therefore let us keep the Feast.[146] + + + To the Brethren in Alexandria + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 22) + (_Part of another Easter Letter_) + +(1) Other men would not think the present a time for "keeping festival: +nor, indeed, is this nor any other such a time to them; I speak not of +times obviously sorrowful, but even of such as they might consider most +joyful. In these days there are lamentations everywhere, and all are +mourning: wailings resound through the city by reason of the number of +the dead and the dying day by day. For, as it is written about the +firstborn of the Egyptians, so now also "a great cry arose: for there is +not a house in which there is not one dead."[147] I would, indeed, there +were but one; for the things that have before now befallen us were truly +many and grievous.[148] First of all they drove us into exile and we kept +the feast then too by ourselves, persecuted and harried to death by all, +and every place where each particular affliction befel us became the +scene of our festal assembly, open country, desert, ship, inn or prison, +and our perfect[149] martyrs spent the brightest of all feasts, being +entertained in heaven above. But after this war and famine seized us, +which we endured in common with the Gentiles, having undergone alone all +the injuries they had inflicted on us and then having to share in the +evils they wrought on one another and suffered: and once more we rejoiced +in the peace of Christ, which He has given to us alone. But now after we +and they had obtained a very brief respite, this pestilence has overtaken +us, which is to them a more fearful thing than all former fears and more +terrible than any calamity whatever, and to quote an expression of an +historian of their own,[150] "a thing which alone has exceeded all men's +expectation," while to us it was not so much that as a discipline and a +testing no less severe than any of the rest: for it did not spare us, +though it attacked the Gentiles in great force. + +To this he adds as follows-- + +(2) At all events most of the brethren through their love and brotherly +affection for us spared not themselves nor abandoned one another, but +without regard to their own peril visited those who fell sick, diligently +looking after and ministering to them and cheerfully shared their fate +with them, being infected with the disease from them and willingly +involving themselves in their troubles. Not a few also, after nursing +others back to recovery, died themselves, taking death over from them and +thus fulfilling in very deed the common saying, which is taken always as +a note of mere good feeling; for in their departure they became their +expiatory substitutes.[151] At all events, the very pick of our brethren +lost their lives in this way, both priests and deacons and some highly +praised ones from among the laity, so that this manner of dying does not +seem far removed from martyrdom, being the outcome of much piety and +stalwart faith. So, too, taking up the bodies of the saints on their arms +and breasts, closing their eyes and shutting their mouths, bearing them +on their shoulders and laying them out for burial, clinging to them, +embracing them, washing them, decking them out, they not long after had +the same services rendered to them; for many of the survivors followed in +their train. But the Gentiles behaved quite differently: those who were +beginning to fall sick they thrust away, and their dearest they fled +from, or cast them half dead into the roads: unburied bodies they treated +as vile refuse;[152] for they tried to avoid the spreading and +communication of the fatal disease, difficult as it was to escape for all +their scheming. + + + To Hierax an Egyptian Bishop + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 21) + (_Part of another Easter Letter_) + +But what is there surprising in its being difficult for me to correspond +even by letter with those who are sojourning at a distance, seeing that +it has proved impossible to talk even with myself and to take counsel +with my own soul? At all events, with my own kith and kin, with the +brethren of my own house and life, citizens of the same Church, I have to +communicate by letters and to get them through seems impracticable. For +it were easier for one to pass, I say not across the frontier, but even +from East to West, than to visit one part of Alexandria from another. For +that vast, pathless desert which it took Israel two generations to +traverse is not so impassable and hard to cross as the central street of +the city, nor is the sea, which they had for a carriage-road when the +waters were parted asunder to make a passage through. And our still and +waveless harbours[153] have become an image of those in the passing of +which the Egyptians were overwhelmed; for they have often appeared like +the Red Sea from the blood which was in them. And the river which flows +past the city at one time appeared drier than the waterless desert and +more parched than that which Israel crossed over when they were so +thirsty that Moses cried out and drink flowed out of the steep rock from +Him that worketh wonders:[154] and at another time it was so full as to +overflow the whole neighbourhood, both roads and fields, and to threaten +a return of the flood which occurred in the days of Noah. But in either +case it runs polluted with blood and slaughter and drowned corpses, as +under Moses it happened to Pharaoh, when the river turned to blood and +stank.[155] And what other water could cleanse all this but the water +which itself cleanseth all things?[156] How could the mighty ocean which +man cannot cross, overspread and sweep away this horrid flood? or how +could the great river that goeth out of Eden wash off the stain, though +it were to divert the four heads into which it is divided into the single +head of the Gihon?[157] or when would the air, reeking everywhere with +the evil exhalation, become pure? For such mist from the ground and +breezes from the sea, airs from the rivers and vapours from the harbours +are given off that for dew we have the impure fluids of corpses rotting +in all their component elements. After all this do men wonder, are they +at a loss, whence come the continual pestilences, whence the dire +diseases, whence the divers ravages, whence the wholesale destruction of +life, why the largest city no longer contains in it its former multitude +of inhabitants, from infant children to the most advanced in years, whom +it used to nourish in other days to a green old age,[158] as the saying +went, whereas these from forty up to seventy years of age were so much +more numerous then that their number is not now reached even when all +from fourteen to eighty are enrolled and put together for the public +distribution of food,[159] and thus those whose looks show them to be +quite young have become as it were of equal age with those who have long +been advanced in years. And though they see the race of man on earth thus +dwindling ever and being exhausted, they do not tremble,[160] as its +total extinction proceeds and draws near. + + + (_From another Easter Letter_) + +[This fragment is given in the _Sacra Parallela Rupefucald._, fol. 70 and +71, where it is ascribed to Dionysius's "Fourth Easter Letter." It is by +no means clear which Letter is meant, but the main thought (of the +cunning devices by which Love wins its way) is quaintly beautiful and +well worthy of our author] + +Love leaps out in utmost eagerness to confer some benefit even on an +unwilling object: yea, often on one who shrinks in shame and tries to +shun kind treatment from dislike of being burdensome to another, and +would fain put up with his annoyances alone, in order not to cause +trouble and inconvenience to any. He that is full of Love craves leave to +suffer and endure: to be in evil case, he thinks, gives opportunity for +being helped, and he will do the greatest favour to another, not himself, +if through that other the evil, which is his own, is made to cease.[161] + + + To Basilides, Bishop of the Churches in the Pentapolis (Cyrenaica) + +[This canonical Letter was accepted at the third Council of +Constantinople _in Trullo_ (A.D. 680)] + +Dionysius to Basilides my beloved son and brother and godly +fellow-worker, greeting in the Lord. + +(1) You sent to me, my most faithful and learned son, to inquire at what +hour one ought to end the fast before Easter.[162] For you say that some +of the brethren maintain one should do so at cockcrow:[163] and some at +evening.[164] For the brethren in Rome, so they say, await the cockcrow: +but concerning those in the Pentapolis you said they broke the fast +sooner. And you ask me to set an exact limit and a definite hour, which +is both difficult and risky. For it will be acknowledged by all alike +that one ought to start the feast and the gladness after the time of our +Lord's resurrection, up till then humbling our souls with fastings. But +by what you have written to me, you have quite soundly and with a good +insight into the Divine Gospels established the fact that nothing +definite appears in them about the hour at which He rose. For the +Evangelists described those that came to the tomb diversely--that is, at +different times, and all[165] said that they have found the Lord already +risen: it was "late on the Sabbath day," as S. Matthew puts it:[166] and +"early while it was yet dark," as S. John writes; and "at early dawn," as +S. Luke; and "very early ... when the sun was risen," as S. Mark. And +when He rose, no one has clearly stated; but that "late on the Sabbath +day, as it began to dawn towards the first day of the week," about +sunrise on that day those who arrived at the tomb found Him no longer +lying in it, that is agreed to. And we must not imagine that the +evangelists are at variance and contradict one another: but even if there +seem to be some small dispute upon the matter of your inquiry--that is, +if though all agree that the Light of the world[167] our Lord arose on +that night, they differ about the hour, yet let us be anxious fairly and +faithfully to harmonize what is said. + +What is said, then, by Matthew runs thus: "Late on the Sabbath day, as it +began to dawn towards the first day of the week, came Mary Magdalene and +the other Mary to see the sepulchre. And, behold, there was a great +earthquake: for an angel of the Lord descended from heaven and came and +rolled away the stone and sat upon it. And his appearance was as +lightning, and his raiment white as snow: and for fear of him the +watchers did quake and became as dead men. And the angel answered and +said unto the women, Fear not ye; for I know that ye seek Jesus which +hath been crucified. He is not here; for he is risen, even as he said." +As to this word which he uses for "late," some will think, in accordance +with its common acceptation, that the evening of the Sabbath is +signified; but others, understanding it more scientifically, will say it +is not that, but "the dead of night," the word used signifying an +advanced stage of lateness.[168] And because he means night and not +evening, he adds "as it began to dawn towards the first day of the week" +and (the women) had not yet come, as the rest say, "bringing spices" but +"to see the sepulchre."[169] And they found the earthquake had occurred +and the angel seated on the stone, and heard from him the words: "He is +not here: he is risen." Similarly, John says: "On the first day of the +week came Mary Magdalene early, when it was yet dark, unto the tomb, and +seeth the stone taken away from the tomb." However, by this account, +"when it was still dark" although towards dawn, He had gone forth from +the tomb. But Luke says: "On the Sabbath they rested according to the +commandment. But on the first day of the week at early dawn (the women) +came unto the tomb bringing the spices which they had prepared. And they +found the stone rolled away from the tomb." "Early dawn" indicates, +perchance, the morning light appearing before (the sun itself) on "the +first day of the week." In consequence, it was when the Sabbath had now +completely passed, with the night that followed, and when a new day was +beginning that they came bringing the spices and ointments, by which time +it is clear that He had risen long before. To this, also, corresponds +what Mark says: "(The women) brought spices that they might come and +anoint him. And very early on the first day of the week they come to the +tomb, when the sun was risen." For he, too, says "very early," which is +the same thing as "at early dawn": and he has added, "when the sun was +risen." For their start and their journey began, it is clear, "at early +dawn" and "very early": but they had gone on spending time both on the +road and around the tomb until sunrise. And on this occasion also[170] +the white robed young man says to these women: "He is risen: he is not +here." + +As things stand thus, we pronounce this decision for those who inquire to +a nicety at what hour or what half-hour, or quarter of an hour, they +should begin their rejoicing at the Resurrection of our Lord from the +dead: those who are premature and relax before midnight, though near it, +we censure as remiss and wanting in self-restraint; for they drop out of +the race just before the end, as the wise man says: "that which is within +a little in life is not little."[171] And those who put off and endure to +the furthest and persevere till the fourth watch, when our Saviour +appeared to those who were sailing also, walking on the sea,[172] we +shall approve as generous and painstaking. And those midway who stop as +they were moved or as they were able, let us not treat altogether +severely. For all do not continue during the six days of the fast either +equally or similarly:[173] but some remain without food till +cockcrow[174] on all the days, some on two, or three, or four, and some +on none of them. And for those who strictly persist in these prolonged +fasts and then are distressed and almost faint, there is pardon if they +take something sooner. But if some, so far from prolonging their fast do +not fast at all, but feed luxuriously during the earlier days of the +week, and then, when they come to the last two and prolong their fast on +them alone, viz. on Friday and Saturday, think they are performing some +great feat by continuing till dawn, I do not hold that they have +exercised an equal discipline with those who have practised it for longer +periods. I give you this counsel in accordance with my judgment in +writing on these points. + +[Three rulings follow on points which it is not necessary to set out +here] + +(2) These answers I give you from respect for you, beloved, not because +you were ignorant of the subjects of your inquiry but to render us of one +mind and soul[175] with yourself, as indeed we are. And I have set forth +my opinion for you to share not as a teacher but as it becomes us to +discuss one with another in all simplicity: and when you have considered +it again, my most sagacious son, you should write again and tell me +whatever seems to you better or what you judge to be as I have said. + +I pray that you may prosper, my beloved son, as you minister to the +Lord[176] in peace. + + + + + TREATISES + + + "On the Promises" + (Eus., _H. E._ vii. 24 and 25) + +(1) Seeing that they bring forward a composition of Nepos,[177] on which +they rely too much as showing irrefutably that the Kingdom of Christ will +be on earth, though I accept and love Nepos for many other things, his +faith, his laboriousness, his study of the Scriptures, and the many +psalms he has written,[178] by which already many of the brethren are +encouraged, and though I hold him in all the greater respect because he +has gone to his rest before us, yet the truth is so dear to me and to be +preferred that I can indeed applaud and give my full assent to right +propositions, but must examine and correct whatever appears to be +unsoundly stated. And if he were still with us and propounding his views +merely by word of mouth, a discussion without writing would have sufficed +to persuade and convince our opponents by way of question and answer. But +now that this writing of his is published, which many think most +convincing, and certain teachers hold the law and the prophets of no +account and have relinquished the following of the Gospels and +depreciated the Epistles of the Apostles, while they parade the teaching +of this book as if it were some great and hidden mystery and will not +allow our simpler brethren to hold any high and noble opinion either +about the glorious and truly Divine appearing of our Lord[179] or about +our rising from the dead and our gathering together and being made like +unto Him,[180] but persuade them to hope for mean and passing enjoyments +like the present in the Kingdom of God, it is necessary that we also +should discuss the matter with our brother Nepos as if he were still +alive. + +Further on he adds-- + +(2) So being in the district of Arsenoe, where, as you know,[181] this +teaching prevailed long before, so that both schisms and the defection of +whole churches have occurred, I called together the presbyters and +teachers[182] among the brethren in the villages, such of the brethren as +wished being also present, and invited them publicly to make an +examination of the matter. And when some brought forward against me this +book as an impregnable weapon and bulwark, I sat with them three days in +succession from dawn till evening and tried to correct the statements +made. During which time I was much struck with the steadiness, the desire +for truth, the aptness in following an argument and the intelligence +displayed by the brethren, whilst we put our questions and difficulties +and points of agreement in an orderly and reasonable manner, avoiding the +mistake of holding jealously at any cost to what we had once thought, +even though it should now be shown to be wrong, and yet not suppressing +what we had to say on the other side, but, as far as possible, attempting +to grapple with and master the propositions in hand without being ashamed +to change one's opinion and yield assent if the argument convinced us; +conscientiously and unfeignedly, with hearts spread open before God, +accepting what was established by the exposition and teaching of the holy +Scriptures. + +At last the champion and mouthpiece of this doctrine, the man called +Coracion,[183] in the hearing of all the brethren that were present +agreed and testified to us that he would no longer adhere to it nor +discourse upon it nor yet mention nor teach it, on the ground that he had +been convinced by what had been said against it. And of the rest of the +brethren some rejoiced at the conference and the reconciliation and +harmonious arrangement which was brought about by it between all parties. + +Further on he says this about the Revelation of John-- + +(3) Certain people[184] therefore before now discredited and altogether +repudiated the book, both examining it chapter by chapter and declaring +it unintelligible and inconclusive and that it makes a false statement in +its title.[185] For they say it is not John's, no nor yet a "Revelation," +because of the heavy, thick veil of obscurity which covers it:[186] and +not only is the author of this book not one of the Apostles but he is not +even one of the saints nor a churchman at all;[187] it is Cerinthus,[188] +the founder of the heresy that was called Cerinthian from him, and he +desired to attribute his own composition to a name that would carry +weight. For the substance of his teaching was this, that Christ's Kingdom +will be on earth, and he dreams that it will be concerned with things +after which he himself, being fond of bodily pleasures and very sensual, +hankered, such as the satisfying of his belly and lower lusts, that is +eating and drinking and marrying and such means as he thought would +provide him more decorously with these pleasures, feasts and sacrifices +and the slaying of victims. I should not myself venture to reject the +book, seeing that many brethren hold it in high esteem, but, reckoning +the decision about it to be beyond my powers of mind, I consider the +interpreting of its various contents to be recondite and matter for much +wonder. For without fully understanding, I yet surmise that some deeper +meaning underlies the words, not measuring and judging them by +calculations of my own; but giving the preference to faith,[189] I have +come to the conclusion that they are too high for me to comprehend, and +so I do not reject what I have not taken in, but can only wonder at these +visions which I have not even seen (much less understood). + +Besides this, after examining the book as a whole and showing that it is +impossible to understand it in its literal sense, he proceeds-- + +(4) So having completed practically the whole prophecy, the prophet[190] +pronounces a blessing on those who keep it and indeed on himself also: +for "blessed," saith he, "is he that observeth the words of the prophecy +of this book and I John who saw and heard these things."[191] That he was +called John, therefore, and that the writing is John's I will not +dispute. For I agree that it is the work of some holy and inspired person +but I should not readily assent to his being the Apostle, the son of +Zebedee, the brother of James, whose is the Gospel entitled "According to +John" and the General Epistle.[192] For I conclude that he is not the +same (1) from the character of each, (2) from the style of the language +and (3) from what may be called the arrangement of the book. For the +Evangelist nowhere inserts his name nor yet proclaims himself either in +the Gospel or in the Epistle.... + +(5) But John nowhere speaks either in the first or in the third person +about himself, whereas he that wrote the Revelation straightway at the +beginning puts himself forward: "The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which he +gave him to show to his servants speedily, and he sent and signified (it) +by his angel to his servant John who bare witness of the word of God and +of his testimony, even of all things that he saw."[193] + +Then he also writes an Epistle: "John to the seven churches that are in +Asia, grace to you and peace."[194] Whereas the Evangelist did not put +his name even at the head of the Catholic Epistle but began with the +mystery of the Divine revelation[195] without any superfluous words: +"That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have +seen with our eyes."[196] + +For it is over this revelation that the Lord also pronounced Peter +blessed, saying: "Blessed art thou Simon bar Jona, because flesh and +blood did not reveal it to thee, but my heavenly Father."[197] Nay, even +in the second and third extant Epistles of John, short though they are, +John does not appear by name but he writes himself "the elder" +anonymously. Whereas our author did not even consider it sufficient to +mention himself by name once and then proceed with his subject, but he +repeats the name again, "I John, your brother and partaker with you in +the tribulation and kingdom and in the patience of Jesus, was in the isle +that is called Patmos for the word of God and the testimony of +Jesus."[198] In fact, at the end also he says this: "Blessed is he that +observeth the words of the prophecy of this book and I John who saw and +heard these things."[199] That he which wrote these things, therefore, is +John, we must believe as he says so: but which John is not clear. For he +does not say, as in many places in the Gospel, that he is the disciple +beloved of the Lord, nor the one that reclined on His breast, nor yet the +brother of James, nor yet the one that was the eyewitness and hearer of +the Lord. Surely he would have used one of the aforesaid descriptions, +when desirous of clearly identifying himself. And yet he does nothing of +the kind, but calls himself our brother and partaker with us, and witness +of Jesus and blessed for the seeing and hearing of the revelations. I +suppose that many bore the same name as John the Apostle, who by reason +of their love towards him and from their admiration and emulation of him +and desire to be loved by the Lord like him, were glad to bear the same +name with him, even as many a one among the children of the faithful is +called Paul or Peter.[200] There is then another John also in the Acts of +the Apostles, the one called Mark whom Barnabas and Paul took with them +and of whom it says again: "And they had John as their attendant."[201] +But as to whether he is the writer, I should say no. For it is not +written that he arrived in Asia with them, but "Paul and his company," it +says, "set sail from Paphos and came to Perga in Pamphylia; and John +departed from them and returned to Jerusalem."[202] And I think there was +yet another among those who were in Asia, since they say there were two +tombs in Ephesus and each of them are said to be the tomb of John.[203] + +Again, from the thoughts and from the actual words and their arrangement +this John may be reasonably reckoned different from the other.[204] For +the Gospel and the Epistle agree with each other and begin in a similar +way. The one says "In the beginning was the Word:" and the other "That +which was from the beginning." The one says "And the Word became flesh +and tabernacled in us, and we beheld his glory, glory as of the +Only-begotten from the Father:" the other uses the same or almost +equivalent expressions, "That which we have heard, that which we have +seen with our eyes, that which we beheld and our hands handled concerning +the Word of Life, and the Life was manifested."[205] For he starts in +this way because he is dealing, as he shows in what follows, with those +who say that the Lord has not come in the flesh.[206] For which reason he +is careful to add also: "And we have seen and bear witness and announce +unto you the eternal Life which was with the Father and was manifested +unto us. That which we have seen and heard we announce also unto +you."[207] He is consistent with himself and does not diverge from his +own propositions, but treats them throughout under the same heads and in +the same terms, of which we will briefly recall; for instance, the +attentive reader will find in each book frequent mention of the Life, the +Light, the turning from darkness,[208] constant reference to the Truth, +Grace, Joy, the Flesh and the Blood of the Lord, the Judgment, the +Forgiveness of sins, the Love of God towards us, the command to us to +love one another and that we must keep all the commandments: again there +is the conviction of the world, of the devil, of the antichrist, God's +adoption of us as Sons, the Faith, which is everywhere required of us, +the Father and the Son everywhere: and generally throughout in describing +the character of the Gospel and the Epistle one and the same complexion +is to be observed in both. But the Revelation is quite different from +them, foreign, out of touch and affinity with them, not having, one might +almost say, one syllable in common. The Epistle contains no reminiscence +nor subject dealt with in the Revelation nor the Revelation in the +Epistle (to say nothing of the Gospel), whereas Paul in his Epistles did +give some indication even about those revelations which he has not +actually described.[209] + +And yet once more one can estimate the difference between the Gospel and +Epistle and the Revelation[210] from the literary style. For the first +two books are not only written in irreproachable Greek, but are also most +elegant in their phrases, reasonings and arrangements of expression. No +trace can be found in them of barbarous words, faulty construction or +peculiarities in general. For St. John seems to have possessed both +words, the Lord having graciously vouchsafed them to him; viz. both the +word and knowledge of the word of speech.[211] That this John had seen a +Revelation and received knowledge and the gift of prophecy,[212] I do not +deny, but I observe his dialect and inaccurate Greek style, which employs +barbaric idioms and sometimes even faulty constructions, which it is not +now necessary to expose. For I have not mentioned this in order to scoff, +let no one think so, but simply to point out the dissimilarity of the +writings. + + + "On Nature" + (Eus., _Praep. Evang._ xiv. 23-7) + +(1) How shall we bear with them when they say that the wise and, for that +reason, the good productions of Creation are the results of chance +coincidences?[213] Each of which as it came into being by itself appeared +to Him that ordered it to be good and all of them together equally so. + +For God "saw," it says, "all things that he had made, and behold they +were very good."[214] And yet they take no warning from the small, +ordinary instances at their feet, from which they may learn[215] that no +necessary and profitable work is produced without design or haphazard, +but is adapted to its proper purpose by handiwork, whereas when it falls +into a useless and unprofitable state, it then breaks up and comes to +pieces indefinite, and, as it chances, because the wisdom which was +concerned in its construction no longer superintends and directs it. For +a garment is not woven by the woof standing up without a weaver, nor yet +by the warp weaving itself of its own accord: but when it is becoming +worn out, the torn rags fall asunder. And a house or a city is built not +by receiving certain stones which volunteer for the foundations and +others which jump into the courses of the walls, but because the builder +brings the stones that fit in the proper order: but when the building is +thrown down, each stone falls to the ground just as it may. So, too, when +a ship is being built, the keel does not set itself below, while the mast +raises itself in the middle and each of the other timbers takes the place +which it chances to of itself. Nor, again, do the planks of a wagon--said +to be 100[216] in number--become fixed in the position which each found +empty; but the builder in each case puts the timber together suitably. +But if the ship, when it went upon the sea, or the wagon, when it was +driven along on land, comes to pieces, the timbers are scattered wherever +it may happen--in the one case by the waves, in the other by the violent +rush. + +In the same way it would befit them to say that the atoms also which are +inoperative when they are at rest and not worked by hands, are also +useless when they move at random.[217] For let these opponents of ours +look to these viewless atoms of theirs and apply their minds to these +mindless ones, not like the Psalmist who confesses that this was revealed +to him by God alone: "Mine eyes beheld thy unfinished work."[218] So, +too, when they say that those fine webs which they speak of as being +produced from atoms, are self-wrought by them without skill or sensation, +who can bear to hear of these weaver atoms whom even the spider excels in +skill when he spins his web out of himself.[219] + +(2) Who, then, is it that discriminates between the atoms, gathering or +scattering them, and arranging some in this way to make the sun and +others in that way for the moon, and putting each of them together +according to the light-giving power of each star? For the particular +number and kind that made the sun by being united in a particular way +would never have condescended to produce the moon, nor would the +intertwinings of the moon atoms have ever become the sun. Moreover, even +Arcturus, bright as he is, would never plume himself on having the atoms +of Lucifer, nor the Pleiads those of Orion. For Paul has well +distinguished when he says: "There is one glory of the sun, and another +glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars: for star differeth +from star in glory."[220] And if the combination of the atoms, as being +soulless, was unintelligent, they needed an intelligent artist to put +them together: and if their junction was without purpose and the result +of necessity, they being void of reason, some wise herdsman drove them +together and presided over them: and if they have been linked together +voluntarily to do willing service, some wonderful master-craftsman +assigned them their parts and took the lead; or, like an expert general, +he did not leave his army disordered and all in a muddle, but disposed +the cavalry in one part and the heavy armed troops apart, and the javelin +men by themselves and the slingers where they ought to be, in order that +those who carried the same weapon might help one another. And if they +think this illustration ridiculous because in it I make a comparison of +great bodies with small, we will come down to the very smallest. + +[Eusebius's extract breaks off here.] + +(3) If the atoms have no ruler over them, to speak to them or to choose +or to arrange them, but they move, settling themselves of their own +accord out of the big rushing tumult and producing a big uproar as they +clash together, like coming to like without the Divine intervention of +which the poet speaks,[221] and if they run and herd together, +recognizing their kinsfolk, truly the republic of the atoms is a +marvellous one, friends greeting and embracing one another and hasting to +take up their abode in one habitation: some have rounded themselves off +spontaneously into the sun, that mighty orb, that they may produce the +day, and some perchance have flared up into the many pyramids[222] of +stars that they may encircle the whole expanse of sky, while others are +ranged around it, in order that they may--albeit undesignedly--form the +firmament[223] and arch the atmosphere over for the graduated ascent of +the stars, and that the confederation of these helter-skelter atoms may +choose their abodes and apportion the sky as homes and stations for +themselves. + + +(4) So far are these deniers of Divine Providence from comprehending the +invisible parts of the universe that they do not even see what is +visible. For they appear not even to consider the ordered risings and +settings of the sun, conspicuous though they be, let alone those of the +other heavenly bodies; nor yet to appreciate the assistance thus given to +mankind through them, the day being lighted up for work and the night +being darkened for rest. For man shall go forth, it says, to his work and +his labour until the evening.[224] But they do not even take note of its +other[225] revolution, by which it brings about the fixed times and fair +seasons and the regular winter and summer solstices, under guidance of +its component atoms. Yet however much these poor creatures dislike it, it +is as the righteous[226] believe: Great is the Lord that made him: and at +His word he hasteneth his course.[227] Do atoms, ye blind, bring you +winter and rains, in order that the earth may produce food for you and +all the animals upon it? do they introduce summer that ye may receive for +your enjoyment the fruits of the trees also? then why do you not bow down +and sacrifice to the atoms that are the guardians of earth's fruits? +ungrateful truly ye are, never offering them the smallest firstfruits of +the many gifts ye have from them. + +(5) The many-tribed and much-mixed populace of the stars which the +much-roving and ever-scattered atoms composed have (they say) apportioned +among themselves their places according to agreement, setting up, as it +were, a colony or a community,[228] without any founder or controller +taking the lead over them: and they observe the duties of +_neighbourliness_ to one another by compact and peacably, not +transgressing the original bounds which they accepted, as if they were +under the jurisdiction of such atoms as had regal power. But the atoms do +not rule; how could they, being of no account? Nay, listen to the Divine +announcement ({logia}): "In the judgment of the Lord are his works from +the beginning; and from the making of them he disposed the parts thereof. +He garnished his works for ever and the beginnings of them unto their +generation."[229] + + +(6) What well-ordered phalanx ever traversed an earthly plain, no one +stepping in front of others, nor falling out of the ranks, nor +obstructing his comrades, nor falling behind them, in the way that the +stars advance ever in regular order, shield locked in shield--that +continuous, unwavering, unencumbered and unembarrassed host? Yet certain +obscure deviations (we are told) arise among them through clashings and +sideward motions:[230] and that they who devote themselves to their study +can always tell the seasons and foresee the positions at which they will +rise. Let, then, these cutters[231] of the uncuttable and dividers of the +indivisible and combiners of the uncombined and discerners of the +infinite tell us by what means occurs the encompassing journey round the +heavens in company? it cannot be because a single combination of atoms +has been without purpose hurled as from a sling in this way, seeing that +the whole encircling band goes on its regular rhythmic way and whirls +around together; by what means those multitudinous fellow-voyagers +proceed in company albeit they are without arrangement or purpose and +unknown to one another? Well did the prophet include amongst things +impossible and undemonstrable that two strangers should run in company: +Shall two walk at all together, he says, unless they are acquainted?[232] + + +(7) (That to work is not toilsome to God.) + +To work and to administer and to benefit and to provide and the like are +perchance vexatious to the idle and thoughtless and feeble and +iniquitous, amongst whom Epicurus enrolled himself, when he conceived +such ideas about the gods. But to the earnest and capable and intelligent +and sober-minded, such as those who love wisdom (or philosophers) ought +to be (and how much more the gods?), they are not only not unpleasing and +irksome but rather most delightful and of all things most agreeable; for +negligence and delay in doing something useful is a reproach to them, as +the poet[233] warns them,[234] when he counsels: "Put not off till the +morrow," and further threatens them: "He that procrastinates hath ever to +struggle against disasters," while the prophet[235] instructs us still +more solemnly when he says that virtuous deeds are truly godlike, but he +that despises them is detestable: "for," saith he, "cursed be he that +doeth the works of the Lord negligently." Consequently, while those who +are untaught in any craft and are imperfect from want of practice and +familiarity with the processes do find toil involved in their endeavours, +those who make progress in it, and still more those who have reached +perfection, are cheered by their easy success in what they aim at, and +would rather accomplish and bring to completion the tasks they are +accustomed to than have all the good things of mankind. At all events, +Democritus himself, so they say, used to maintain that he would rather +discover a single reason for a fact than gain the Persian kingdom;[236] +and that though he seeks his reasons so vainly and unreasonably, starting +as it were from a void beginning and a roving hypothesis and not +observing that fundamental Necessity[237] which is common to the nature +of things existent, but considering his conception of senseless and +mindless contingencies to be the highest wisdom of setting up Chance as +the mistress and queen of things universal and even of things divine, and +maintaining that all things occur through her, and yet warning her off +from matters of human life and conduct and accusing those who give her +precedence there to be devoid of judgment. At all events, at the +beginning of the "Precepts,"[238] he says: "Men have fashioned the figure +of Chance, as a cloke for their own folly: for by nature chance fights +against judgement." Thus they (the Epicureans) have said that this very +Chance, the great enemy of intelligence, yet has the mastery over it; or, +rather, by utterly uprooting and abolishing the one, they set up the +other in its place: for they sing not of intelligence as happy, but of +chance as the equivalent of intelligence.[239] So, then, those who +superintend works of beneficence pride themselves in measures which +advance the interests of their kind, some as rearers of families, some as +directors of institutions, some as healers of men's bodies, some as +ministers of state, yes, and those who love wisdom (philosophers) and try +hard to instruct their fellows, likewise give themselves great +airs--unless Epicurus or Democritus will venture to maintain that +philosophizing is mere vexation of spirit: but surely there is no +pleasure they would prefer to it. For even though they reckon pleasure to +be the absolute good, yet they will be ashamed to say that to +philosophize (seek wisdom) is not one of the higher forms of +pleasure.[240] And as to the gods, about whom the poets among them sing +as "givers of good gifts"[241] and these philosophers combine respect +with banter,--the gods neither give nor partake of any good things. And +in what manner do they find evidence that gods exist? for they do not see +them before their eyes doing anything (even as those who admired the sun +and the moon and the stars said they were called gods ({theoi}) because +they run ({theein}) their course); nor do they attribute to them any +creative or constructive powers, in order that they make them gods from +the word {theinai} (set, _i. e._ make):[242] and on that ground the Maker +and Creator of all things is truly the only God; nor do they put forward +their management or jurisdiction or favours towards men, in order that we +may be induced to worship them from motives of fear or reverence. + + + "Refutation and Defence" + (Eus., _Praep. Evang._ vii. 19) + +(1) They are not pious, who hand over matter to God as a thing without +beginning for His orderly disposition,[243] maintaining that, being +subject to treatment and change, it yields to the modifications imposed +by God. For they should explain how both the like and the unlike belong +both to God and to matter. For some one must be imagined superior to +either,[244] and that may not be entertained about God. For whence came +it that there is in them both the being without beginning, which is what +is said to be "like" in both and which is also conceived of as different +from both?[245] For if God is of Himself without beginning and the being +without beginning is, as some would say, His very essence, matter will +not be without beginning, too: for matter and God are not identical. But, +if each is what it is independently, and to both belongs in addition the +property of being without beginning, it is clear that the being without +beginning is different from either and older and higher than both. And +thus the difference between their opposing states is entirely subversive +of their co-existence, or rather of the one, viz. matter existing of +itself. Otherwise let them state the reason why, both being without +beginning, God is not subject to treatment, unchangeable, immovable, +productive, and matter is the opposite, subject to treatment, changeable, +mobile, varying. + +Again, how is it that God and matter came in contact and combined? Was it +that God adapted Himself to match the nature of matter and exercised His +craft upon it? Nay, that is absurd that God, like men, should work in +gold and stone and busy Himself in the other handicrafts which the +various materials can give shape and form to.[246] + +But if God endowed matter with the qualities which He in His own wisdom +determined, impressing on it as with a seal the multiform and diverse +shape and fashion of His own workmanship, this account of it is both +proper and true, and yet further proves that God, who is the fundamental +principle on which the universe exists, is without beginning. For to its +being (according to them) without beginning God add its bearing certain +qualities. So, then, there is still much to be said in answer to these +views, but we do not propose to say it now. Nevertheless they are +expressed with more propriety than those who are absolutely atheistical +polytheists.[247] + + +(2) (Athan., _de sent. Dion._, 18). However, when I spoke of certain +things that had an origin ({geneta}) and certain things that were made +({poieta}), I did indeed casually mention examples of such things, +recognizing that they were not altogether useful for my purpose: for +instance, I said that neither was the plant the same as the husbandman, +nor the boat as the shipwright. But afterwards I dwelt at length on those +which were more to the point and cognate to the subject, and went more +into detail about these truer examples, seeking out various additional +evidences which I set out for you[248] also in another letter: and in +them I refuted as false the accusation also which they bring against me, +as not stating that Christ is of one substance ({homoousios})[249] with +the Father. For even if I say[250] that this word is not found nor read +anywhere in Holy Writ, yet these later attempts of mine to explain which +they have ignored are not inconsistent with this conception. For I +compared human generation, which is clearly a transmission of the +parents' own nature ({homogenes}), saying that the parents were different +from their children in this single point, that they were not themselves +the children: or else it must needs be that neither parents nor children +should exist. The letter itself I cannot, as I have said before, owing to +circumstances,[251] lay my hand on: otherwise I would have sent you my +exact words, or rather a copy of the whole letter: and I will do so, if I +have the opportunity. But I know from memory that I added several +illustrations from things kindred to one another: for instance, I said +that a plant coming up from a seed or a root was different from that +whence it sprang and yet was absolutely of one nature ({homophyes}) with +it: and a river flowing from a source partakes of a different shape and +name; for neither is the source called river nor the river source, and +both these things exist,[252] and the source is, in a sense, the father +and the river is the water from the source. But these and similar remarks +they pretend never to have seen written, but act as if they were blind. +They only try to pelt me from afar[253] with those poor ill-fitting +phrases of mine[254] as with stones, failing to recognize that where a +subject is obscure and requires to be brought within our understanding, +not only do diverse but even quite contradictory illustrations convey the +meaning sought for. + +(3) (_Ibid._, 17.) It has been already said that God is the Fountain of +all good things: and the Son is described[255] as the stream flowing +forth from Him. For the Word is "the effluence" of mind, and, to use +human phraseology, is conveyed from the heart through the mouth, _i. e._ +the mind that finds expression by means of the tongue, being +differentiated from the word in the heart. For the one having sent it +forth remains and is still what it was; but the other being sent forth +issues and is carried in all directions: and thus each is in each, being +different one from the other: and they are one, being two. And it was in +this way that the Father and the Son also were said to be one and in one +another.[256] + +Each of the titles employed by me is indivisible and inseparable from its +neighbour. I spoke of the Father, and before introducing the Son I +implied Him, too, in the Father. I introduced the Son: even if I had not +already mentioned the Father He would, of course, have been presupposed +in the Son. I added the Holy Spirit: but at the same time I intimated +both from Whom and through Whom[257] He came. But they are not aware that +the Father is not separated from the Son _qua_ Father--for the title +(Father) is suggestive of such connexion (as Son with Father)--nor is the +Son cut off from the Father; for the appellation "Father" denotes their +common bond. And the Spirit is the object of their dealings,[258] being +incapable of desertion by either Him that sends, or Him that conveys. How +then can I, who use these titles, hold that They are wholly divided and +separated?[259] + + +(4) (_Ibid._, 23). For, as our mind overflows with speech[260] of itself, +as says the prophet: "My heart overfloweth with good speech,"[261] and +each is diverse from the other, each occupying its proper place distinct +from the other, the one dwelling and moving in the heart and the other on +the tongue and in the mouth, and yet they are not entirely unconnected +nor deprived of one another; the mind is not speechless, nor the speech +mindless, but the mind produces the speech, revealing itself thereby; and +the speech shows the mind, having been gendered therein; the mind is, as +it were, the inlying speech and the speech is the issuing mind; the mind +is transferred into the speech and the speech displays[262] the mind to +the hearers; and thus the mind through the speech gains a lodgment in the +souls of those that hear, entering together with the speech, and the mind +is, as it were, the father of the speech, having an independent existence +withal; and the speech is, as it were, the son of the mind, being an +impossibility prior to the mind, yet brought into association with it +from any outside source, but springing from the mind; even so the Father, +who is the Almighty and Universal Mind, has the Son, the Word as the +Interpreter and Messenger of Himself. + + + + + Additional Note to p. 12. + + +Jerome (in his letter _ad Evangelum_) is responsible for the assertion +that Dionysius was the last who, in accordance with the original custom +of the Church of Alexandria, was nominated as Bishop by his +fellow-presbyters there. Subsequently the Bishop was chosen (at least in +theory) by the whole body of the faithful in the diocese, as in other +parts of Christendom. Jerome's words do not seem to include consecration +also by a fresh laying of hands by the presbytery, though Bishop +Lightfoot (_Philippians_, p. 231) inferred from certain other evidence of +a not very decisive kind that this was the case and that it was rendered +necessary at first by the Bishop of Alexandria having had no other +Bishops with him in Egypt until 190. Others hold that no fresh laying on +of hands at all had been considered necessary, which is hardly probable. +Mr. C. H. Turner (_Cambridge Medieval History_, vol. i.) has suggested +that Jerome was misled by Arians who had their own interests to serve in +making the assertion, while he himself was too ready to credit it in his +zeal to uphold the presbyterate against the arrogant claims of the Roman +deacons at that time. The present writer ventures to think that Jerome's +statement, if correct, refers only to nomination and that an episcopal +consecrator had been found elsewhere (_e. g._ in Africa or Palestine or +Syria) for the laying on of hands as usual. + + + + + FOOTNOTES + + +[1]In one of Eusebius's works (the _Praeparatio Evangelica_) he is quoted + side by side with great authors like Plato and Aristotle. + +[2]Most of those who read this will be aware that {pais} (Lat. _puer_) + can be used in various senses, like our "boy" and French _garcon_. + +[3]Not the Prefect of Egypt of that name mentioned by Dionysius on p. 46, + though he did afterwards try to usurp the throne (see p. 16). + +[4]For Dionysius's share in this dispute see his letter on p. 50. + +[5]Dionysius's phrase about him on p. 66 is "tutor and chief ruler of + Egyptian magicians"; see note 3 _in loco_. + +[6]This AEmilianus was one of several who afterwards attempted to seize + the throne; see above, p. 14. Macrianus was another of them in Egypt + (p. 68, _n._). + +[7]The office indicated seems to be the same as that of _Rationalis_ + mentioned above on p. 16. + +[8]I was much assisted in drawing up this summary of {peri Physeos} and + also in writing the notes upon the extracts from the text by Professor + H. Jackson, of Cambridge fame. + +[9]The particular passage, however, adduced by Procopius above is Gen. + iii. 21. + +[10]On this point C. H. Turner's article in Hastings's _Dictionary of the + Bible_, Vol. V, pp. 496 f. (on Patristic Commentaries), may be + consulted. + +[11]The passage on Luke xxii, quoted by Dr. Sanday (_Inspiration_, p. + 36), is of very doubtful authenticity. + +[12]"Martyr" in this case need not necessarily be taken strictly as + meaning "one put to death for the Faith," though no doubt the mediaeval + tradition was in favour of his martyrdom in that sense. + +[13]It looks as if Dionysius was afraid to mention his name. Perhaps it + was Sabinus the Prefect. The word "poet" in Greek means properly + "maker," and there is evidently a _double entendre_ in its use here. + +[14]_i. e._ against Christ (1 Cor. xii. 3). + +[15]The reference is to Heb. x. 34. It will be noticed that Dionysius + attributes this Epistle to S. Paul, either inadvertently or in + accordance with the Alexandrine tradition, which Origen also accepts + (Eus., _H. E._, vi. 25). + +[16]Viz. the revolt of Decius in Oct. 249. + +[17]_i. e._ Philip the Arabian, who was popularly supposed to be half a + Christian. + +[18]The reference is obviously to Matt. xxiv. 24 (Mark xiii. 22) though + Dionysius has substituted "cause to stumble" ({skandalisai}) for + "cause to go astray" ({planesai} or {apoplanan}). + +[19]The reference is very loosely to Matt. xix. 23 and 25. + +[20]Viz. those who held no prominent position; the ordinary folk. + +[21]Cp. Gal. ii. 9. + +[22]Cp. Acts xxviii. 23 and Rev. i. 9. + +[23]There is evidently an allusion here to Matt. v. 11 and Luke vi. 22. + +[24]Viz. the _ungulae_, with which the flesh was torn from the bones. + +[25]Only three are mentioned in the text. + +[26]_i. e._ some time between 251, when persecution ended with the death + of Decius, and 257, when Valerian revived it. + +[27]The first was a martial offence, the second a civil. + +[28]_i. e._ by being allowed to follow Christ's example. + +[29]This was the _catasta_, or platform, which corresponded to our + prisoner's dock. + +[30]Dionysius's language recalls 2 Cor. ii. 14; Col. ii. 15 is different. + +[31]Cf. Heb. xi. 38. + +[32]_i. e._ they showed themselves worthy of being among the elect. + +[33]A range of hills to the east of the Nile seems to have been so + called. + +[34]On the marriage of the clergy at this time, see Bingham, _Antiq._, + IV, v. [S] 5. + +[35]This is probably the earliest extant mention of the Saracens--at + least by that name. + +[36]The opinion that the martyrs passed at once to heaven and shared His + throne was general among the early Fathers (see Matt. xix. 28 and 1 + Cor. vi. 2, 3). + +[37]Cp. Ezek. xviii. 23, xxxiii. 11, 2 Pet. iii. 9. + +[38]These expressions are not to be pressed as if they assumed episcopal + authority. + +[39]Cp. Gal. i. 20. + +[40]_i. e._ in October 249. + +[41]The Prefect of Egypt. + +[42]This was a kind of soldier employed on secret service by the emperors + and their provincial governors. + +[43]Probably his sons, though they might be his pupils or his servants. + +[44]One of "the boys." + +[45]Whether Timotheus was making off to join Dionysius or was fleeing in + another direction is not clear. + +[46]Cp. Mark xiv. 52. + +[47]Dionysius's language here recalls 2 Cor. xi. 1, 17, 21 and xii. 6, + 11. + +[48]Viz. Tobit xii. 7, where the best attested reading is "to reveal + gloriously," instead of "(it is) glorious to reveal." + +[49]The Prefect of Egypt at that time. + +[50]Though Dionysius was Bishop, it is noticeable that he still + associates himself with the presbyterate here and elsewhere; cp. 1 + Pet. v. 1, etc. + +[51]Acts v. 29. + +[52]Marcellus seems to be the "brother from Rome" mentioned above, and + Eusebius is not now mentioned. + +[53]The word "also" either refers to the imperial edict or suggests that + some written communication had been sent. + +[54]Viz. Valerian and his son Gallienus. + +[55]Cp. 1 Tim. ii. 2; this laudable custom is often referred to in early + Christian writings. + +[56]This restriction was constantly enforced by persecuting emperors, + because the graves of martyrs were a favourite resort for prayer and + worship. The word cemetery (=sleeping-place) was introduced by + Christians for graveyards. + +[57]This is an indignant protest against Germanus's charges. + +[58]1 Cor. xv. 3. + +[59]Col. iv. 3. + +[60]Cp. Acts xii. 25. + +[61]The brethren who lived on the outskirts of a city like Alexandria + were not bound to attend the mother church, but had as it were chapels + of ease in their own vicinities. + +[62]Or perhaps "carried on" (to act as thou didst). + +[63]Strictly speaking, Novatian's withdrawal was not very likely to + involve actual martyrdom. + +[64]The word is {katorthoma} (success); perhaps "recovery" would bring + out the antithesis to "fall" ({sphalma}) better. + +[65]Gen. xix. 17 (LXX). + +[66]Another reading gives "blessed" ({makarios}), which, though less well + supported by the MSS., makes the phrase {makarios anepausato} more + pointed. + +[67]This expression probably means to include the Churches of Mesopotamia + and Osroene, besides those which he proceeds to mention below. + +[68]Eusebius is mistaken in identifying this peace with the cessation of + persecution: the reference is to the subsiding of the Novatianist + schism in 254 which restored peace to Christendom. The surprise and + joy were due to the violence of the language and other measures which + the chief combatants (Stephen and Cyprian) had employed. + +[69]Hadrian's colony in Mount Sion was so named (A.D. 132). Later on the + older and more glorious name of Jerusalem was restored to the see. + +[70]Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia (+ A.D. 260), and one of Origen's + distinguished pupils. On the baptismal controversy he sided with + Cyprian of Carthage. + +[71]The adroit reference to the wonted liberality of the Roman Church is + to be noted: other instances are given by Salmon, _Infallibility_, p. + 375. + +[72]Here again Dionysius shows his adroitness, if Benson (_Cyprian_, p. + 357) is right in thinking that the list of churches he gives suggests + a repetition of the Pentecostal outpouring of the Holy Ghost (Acts ii. + 9 f.). + +[73]Cp. the letter to Dionysius, p. 58. + +[74]Lev. xxiv. 13-16. + +[75]The word here used represents {mysterion}, denoting the Christian + revelation as {mysterion} often does. + +[76]Cf. 1 Cor. xvi. 22 and Gal. i. 8, 9. + +[77]The former are converts from heathenism, or perhaps from heresy; the + latter Christians who have lapsed. + +[78]The word here is the Greek {cheirotonia} in Syriac letters, and so + might also be rendered "ordination." + +[79]The MSS. from which this extract comes state that it is from a letter + to Dionysius and Stephanus of Rome. No such letter is otherwise known, + and it is not likely that Stephen's name would come second, as he was + then bishop and Dionysius only a presbyter, though later on he became + bishop. Possibly it is from the letter which our Dionysius tells us he + wrote to his Roman namesake and Philemon when they were of the same + opinion as Stephen: see p. 55. As far as the contents of the extract + go, it is not at all incredible that Dionysius was willing to admit + the validity of such baptisms as are specified: it was only heresies + of a very fundamental kind which he considered to invalidate baptism. + +[80]The successor to Stephanus in 257 as Bishop of Rome: he was martyred + after one year's reign. + +[81]This was, according to Benson (_Cyprian_, p. 354), a threat which he + did not actually carry into effect, and was only meant to restrain + them from adopting Cyprian's attitude on the matter. + +[82]_i. e._ those of Iconium and Synnada (_circ._ 230): Dionysius may + also be referring to the three much more recent councils which Cyprian + had held at Carthage between 254 and 256 (_i. e._ since his letter to + Stephen above). By this time he had by patient inquiry found out much + more than he had known at first of what was necessary to be known + before coming to a decision. + +[83]_Cf._ 1 Cor. vi. 11 and v. 7, 8. + +[84]See note on p. 54. Dionysius became afterwards Bishop of Rome in 259: + a fragment of a letter from our Dionysius to him is printed on p. 58. + His famous letter to our Dionysius on the Sabellian controversy is not + included in this volume. Part of a letter to Philemon is given on p. + 56. He was a Roman Presbyter. + +[85]On the north-west coast of Cyrenaica, one of the five chief cities + which gave its name to the Libyan Pentapolis. Sabellius denied the + three Persons in the Trinity, and held that the Person of the Father + who is One with the Son was incarnate in Christ: see further p. 19. + +[86]There seems no doubt that this is the right reading here, though most + of the MSS. read "God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ"; but + clearly Dionysius is only speaking of God the Father in this clause + and of Jesus Christ in the next. See 2 Cor. i. 2, Eph. i. 3, etc. + +[87]It was Dionysius's treatment of this subject which afterwards gave + Arius the heresiarch of Alexandria an opening for claiming his + teaching in support of his own tenets, though there is no Arian + suggestion, of course, in this phrase: see p. 20. + +[88]Col. i. 15. + +[89]Eus., _H. E._ vii. 26, mentions letters to Ammonius, Bishop of + Bernice, Telesphorus Euphranor and Euporus in this connexion. + Athanasius appears only to have known one joint letter to Ammonius and + Euphranor. + +[90]Dionysius seems to distinguish here two kinds of writings: (1) those + that were based on systematic research and criticism, and (2) those + that handed on the more traditional and less critical views and + statements of the past. + +[91]Divine interposition is more vaguely suggested above on p. 44. S. + Augustine's statement should also be compared, that at a critical + moment of his conversion he heard a voice saying, "Take and read" + (_Conf._ vii. 12, [S] 29); S. Polycarp likewise heard a voice from + heaven saying, "Be strong and play the man," as he was led into the + arena. + +[92]See Introduction, p. 11. + +[93]This is one of the more common apocryphal sayings usually attributed + to our Lord: hence the epithet "apostolic" is somewhat strange. + +[94]The word for "Father" here is {papas} (pope), a colloquial form of + {pater} applied to any bishop (or even to one of the inferior clergy + sometimes) in the first ages. For Heraclas see p. 11. It is to be + noticed, however, that this canon of his dealt not with heretical + baptism (such as Dionysius is dealing with), but with actual or + reputed perverts, and stated the terms on which they were to be + restored to the Church of their baptism. + +[95]_i. e._ the Church in Africa Proconsularis, of which Carthage was the + metropolis and Cyprian the metropolitan. + +[96]Iconium was the chief city of Lycaonia (see Acts xiii. and xiv.), and + Synnada was an important town in Phrygia Salutaris. These synods had + been held some twenty-five years before (in A.D. 230). + +[97]Deut. xix. 14. + +[98]See above, p. 53. + +[99]A confession of faith has always been required before baptism: this + Novatian virtually ignored by his action. + +[100]Here as elsewhere Dionysius shows his breadth of view about God in + recognizing that the Holy Spirit might in some measure remain even + with the lapsed. + +[101]It is strange that so old a believer should never have noticed the + difference before, but baptism was almost entirely confined at that + time to Easter and Whitsuntide, and he may have always been absent. + +[102]Cp. 1 Cor. xiv. 16. The Amen is either that after the Consecration + of the Elements or at the Reception of them. + +[103]"Standing" was, and is still, the posture in the East: Scudamore, + _Not. Euch._, p. 637. + +[104]A somewhat rare word for "Altar" without some descriptive epithet + like "holy" or "mystic." + +[105]The _Consistentes_ were the last order of penitents, who were + allowed to remain after the dismissal of the catechumens and other + penitents, but did not join in the oblation or communion itself: cf. + Canons of Nicaea, No. xi. + +[106]The letter from which this is supposed to be an extract is said by + Eusebius (_H. E._ vi. 46, 2) to have been on the subject of + Repentance, and may possibly be "the instruction" which Dionysius says + he had given on p. 42 above. + +[107]Viz. under the impression that they were going to die. + +[108]_i. e._ after thus pledging ourselves to them. + +[109]Cf. 1 Pet. ii. 3, where Ps. xxxiii. (xxxiv.) 9 is quoted. + +[110]Cf. 1 Tim. iii. 7, etc. + +[111]The reference is to Luke xv. 4 ff. and Ezek. xxxiv. 6, etc. + +[112]Dionysius is thinking perhaps of the story in Tobit v. 6, where + Raphael becomes the companion of Tobit's son Tobias on his journey. + +[113]On the principle that "charity thinketh no evil ... but hopeth all + things" (1 Cor. xiii.): similar but not identical phrases (in words or + sense) are found 1 Cor. xvi. 17, 2 Cor. ix. 12, xi. 9, Phil. ii. 30, + and Col. i. 24. + +[114]The difficulties of soldiers becoming and remaining Christians were + peculiarly great under the early Emperors. + +[115]That is, some had not yet been called upon to be actual martyrs, + Dionysius among them who was still in exile. + +[116]Is. xlix. 8. + +[117]These were the same civil officials as those mentioned in Acts vi. + 20 at Philippi, with their servants, there called lictors + ({rhabdouchoi}): the soldiers belonged to the centurion, of course. + +[118]This has already been described on p. 44. + +[119]Including Timotheus who had been the means of his escape. + +[120]A town on the coast 150 miles west of Alexandria. + +[121]He and the three deacons have already been mentioned on p. 46. They + must have left Dionysius when he went into exile and returned to + Alexandria. + +[122]"In the island," according to Rufinus's version, but it is not clear + what island he means: the pestilence is probably one of those frequent + epidemics which devastated North Africa and other districts of the + empire. + +[123]The epithet "perfect," though applied to believers generally in the + New Testament (Matt. v. 28, etc.), was later specially used of + martyrs. + +[124]Gallus succeeded to the empire on the death of Decius and his sons + in 251, and reigned till 253, when it was wrested from him by AEmilian, + who was in turn ousted by Valerian after four months' rule. Dionysius + makes no mention of this episode, though he does of Macrian's attempt + later. + +[125]The quotation is from Rev. xiii. 5, but the last words follow a + reading which has no support in the MSS. It should also be noticed + that Dionysius does not think it at all certain that the author of the + Revelation is the Evangelist: see p. 86. + +[126]Valerian reigned from 253 till his disappearance in 260. The + duration of the persecution was forty-two months, from before + midsummer 257 till late in 260. + +[127]Here the expression means Christians generally, not prophets or + clergy as often. + +[128]Alexander Severus and Philip the Arabian are no doubt meant. + +[129]Compare such expressions in S. Paul's letters as Rom. xvi. 5, 1 Cor. + xvi. 11, etc. + +[130]No doubt Macrianus is meant, who is mentioned further on, but it is + difficult to account for the exact epithets which Dionysius here + applies to him. Apparently he had been Valerian's tutor in some kind + of magic, and had allied himself somehow with the Jewish colony in + Alexandria (hence {archisynagogos}), who would, of course, be hostile + to the Christians. + +[131]Christian exorcists must be meant, though the claim to supernatural + powers which Dionysius makes for them is sufficiently remarkable. + +[132]This was a frequent charge against the Christians themselves. Here + Dionysius turns it against their persecutors in Egypt. + +[133]It is very difficult, without a knowledge of Latin and Greek, to + understand Dionysius's play on words throughout this section. The + office which Macrianus held was that of, in Latin, _Rationalis or + Procurator summae rei_, in Greek {ho epi ton katholou logon} (something + like our Chancellor of the Exchequer): hence Dionysius says he was not + _rational_ (or reasonable) in his treatment of the Christians and + showed no _catholic_ spirit towards them. + +[134]Ezek. xiii. 3. Dionysius takes the last phrase ({to katholou}), as + if it was the object of the verb, not an adverb, in order to suit his + argument. + +[135]This may perhaps mean that besides his other faults Macrianus was + tainted with the atheistic views of the Epicureans, while Dionysius + also alludes in this sentence to the accounts which Macrianus would + have to present to the Emperor of his own administration. + +[136]Cf. Eph. iv. 6 and Col. i. 17. + +[137]Another play on words, as if Macrianus was derived from the Greek + {makros} (far off), which is somewhat doubtful. + +[138]Is. lxvi. 3, 4 (LXX). Here the reference is to Valerian falling into + the hands of Sapor, the Persian King, who inflicted grievous insults + upon him, and kept him in captivity till his death. + +[139]Macrianus was lame of one leg. After Valerian's defeat and + disappearance (in 260), for which he was himself largely responsible, + Macrianus and his two sons, Macrianus junior and Quietus, made an + abortive attempt to seize the throne, which was soon defeated. + +[140]Ex. xx. 5. + +[141]The two Macriani were defeated and slain by Aureolus, another + usurper, in Illyricum, and Quietus was put to death in the East. + +[142]Dionysius is still speaking of Macrianus, who had incited Valerian + to attack the Persians, and then had himself attacked Gallienus and + tried to usurp the throne. + +[143]Is. xlii. 9, but Dionysius has substituted, for the last phrase, a + phrase from xliii. 19. The original prophecy applies to the triumph of + Cyrus and the conversion of the world to the worship of Jehovah. Its + application in the text strikes us to-day as too fanciful. + +[144]Whether Gallienus himself was really a Christian is very doubtful, + but his wife, Cornelia Salonina, seems to have been. + +[145]This is a very obscure calculation, but the upshot of it may be as + follows: Gallienus was associated with his father Valerian as Emperor + seven years (253-60), then Macrianus usurped the power (in Egypt) for + one year, or rather more; thus Gallienus regained the power in his + ninth year (_i. e._ after midsummer 261). Gallienus's original Edict + of Peace was issued in Oct. 260, but the Rescript applying it to Egypt + was delayed for some time. The Easter festival for which this letter + was written, therefore, must have been that of 262. + +[146]Cf. 1 Cor. v. 8. + +[147]Exod. xii. 30. + +[148]I have translated the Berlin editor's reading here, as being the + least unsatisfactory of those proposed. Others give a text which may + be rendered: "I would this were all: for the things that befell us + before drove us into many grievous troubles." But the exact meaning is + doubtful, however we take it. + +[149]This epithet for martyrs has already occurred on p. 64. + +[150]This is none other than a quotation from Pericles's speech about the + plague at Athens in Thucyd. ii. 64, though in Dionysius's original + phrase it sounds as if he meant some local minor historian. + +[151]The word Dionysius uses here is the same as S. Paul, uses (1 Cor. + iv. 13: {peripsema}, offscouring). It is said to have been used at + Athens of the human scapegoats thrown into the river in time of + famine: "Be thou my expiation ({peripsema})." Elsewhere it seems to + have degenerated into a sort of extravagant compliment: "I am your + humble servant ({peripsema})." Dionysius suggests it might regain its + more serious meaning in the present case. + +[152]Here again Dionysius uses an expression suggested by S. Paul in + Phil. iii. 8. + +[153]It is not clear whether Dionysius actually alludes here to the + well-protected harbours of Alexandria or (more loosely) to the Lake + Mareotis: probably to the former, because the canal he refers to in + the next sentence (though he calls it a river) was cut from the Nile + into one of the harbours and passed at the back of the city between it + and the Lake Mareotis. + +[154]Cf. Ps. lxxvii. 13, cxxxvi. 4, and Wisd. xi. 4. The whole passage, + of course, refers to Exod. xiv. and xvii. + +[155]Cf. Exod. vii. 20, 21. + +[156]_i. e._ if the biggest river and the ocean itself, as he proceeds + exaggeratedly to claim, cannot do so, what other cleansing can there + be? + +[157]Cf. Gen. ii. 10 ff. Dionysius evidently adopts the later Jewish view + that the Gihon was the Nile, AEthiopia (or Cush) being identified with + Egypt. + +[158]The meaning of the phrase employed by Dionysius here ("hale old + men") comes from Homer, _Il._ xxiii. 791 (cf. Virg., _AEn._ vi. 304); + but elsewhere a very similar phrase seems to suggest "a cruel, + untimely old age." + +[159]Evidently at Alexandria (the capital of that country which was the + chief granary of Rome) either the necessitous citizens or perhaps all + between forty and seventy were entitled to receive doles of corn; but + now the relief was extended to all ages between fourteen and eighty. + +[160]Either the heathen are meant, who ought to tremble and be convinced, + or the Christians, who were too courageous through trust in God to + tremble. + +[161]The last sentence is involved and obscure. I am not sure that my + paraphrase rightly expresses the thought. + +[162]I have adopted our modern mode of expression, but in the early + Church Pascha was often used for the fast which receded Easter as well + as for the feast itself, and that is how Dionysius uses it here. + +[163]_i. e._ at 3 a.m. on Easter Day, the traditional hour of our Lord's + Resurrection, especially in the West. + +[164]_i. e._ at 6 p.m. on Easter Eve. + +[165]"All," _i. e._ "who came," or perhaps "all the four evangelists." + The "difference" is not really confined to the time, but to the + parties which came, the other devout women coming later than the two + Marys. + +[166]The four references are to Matt. xxviii. 1, John xx. 1, Luke xxiv. + 1, and Mark xvi. 2. + +[167]Cf. John ix. 5, etc. + +[168]The Council _in Trullo_ (A.D. 680) accepted this second meaning and + consented to Dionysius's ruling on the point raised without reserve. + +[169]Dionysius thinks that S. Matthew's account, with which S. John's + tallies, speaks of the two Marys coming to look at the tomb about + midnight on Easter eve or morning, while S. Luke and S. Mark mentioned + certain women who arrived at the tomb somewhat later, when the sun had + just risen, but one at least of the Marys mentioned by S. Matthew is + identical with one of those mentioned by S. Mark and apparently by S. + Luke. Possibly, however, Dionysius means that the two Marys took part + in both visits to the tomb. Dr. Swete on S. Mark and Dr. Westcott on + S. John should be consulted by any one who wishes to pursue the + question further. + +[170]_i. e._ as on the former occasion mentioned by S. Matthew and S. + Mark. + +[171]The author of this saying (which is equivalent to our proverb, "A + miss is as good as a mile") is not known. Basil (_de Baptism._ ii. i) + quotes something like it, but with a different turn, and he, too, + attributes it to "one of our wise men," but perhaps he is only + referring to Dionysius in this passage. + +[172]Cf. Matt. xiv. 26. + +[173]He means the six days of what we call Holy Week, but he gives no + indication whether the Lenten fast was then confined to those days in + Alexandria and the Pentapolis or lasted longer. By "equally" he + proceeds to explain is meant the length of the fasting (six days or + two, and so on), and by "similarly" the manner or degree of it (till + cockcrow or till evening). + +[174]The verb used ({hypertithenai}, Lat. _superponere_, to exceed) is + the technical one for this prolonged fast: the ordinary fast ended at + 6 p.m. and that of the station days (Wednesday and Friday) at 3 p.m. + +[175]Cf. 1 Pet. iii. 8 and Phil. ii. 20. + +[176]The expression comes from Acts xiii. 2, where, however, it describes + a special act of worship rather than "ministering" in general. + +[177]Nepos had apparently been Bishop of Arsenoe in Egypt, and was the + author of a work ({Elenchos Allegoriston}) putting forward grossly + material views of the Millennium. Dionysius refuted it in a carefully + prepared treatise in two books. This extract is from the second book, + and deals chiefly with the authorship of the Revelation of St. John + the Divine in a way very characteristic of his large-hearted and + broad-minded spirit. + +[178]Or Dionysius may mean that he had encouraged the singing of the + Psalms in service. + +[179]Cf. Tit. ii. 13, 2 Thess. ii. 8, etc. + +[180]The reference is to 2 Thess. ii. 1 and 1 John iii. 2. + +[181]It does not appear to whom Dionysius addressed this treatise, but he + usually did address what he wrote to some particular person. + +[182]Here the two offices are conjoined as in 1 Tim. v. 17. The "teacher" + as an officer of the Church is mentioned in several of the early + Church Orders. + +[183]Nothing more is known of him: either he had succeeded to the + leadership since the death of Nepos, or on this particular occasion + took the lead. + +[184]The allusion is probably to Gaius of Rome and his school rather than + to the Alogi, as they were called, of the East; but both these bodies + were strongly opposed to Millenarian views. + +[185]If this refers to a formal division into chapters, it disappeared + afterwards, for a new division was devised in the sixth century, on + which our present system is partly based. + +[186]Dionysius plays here on the meaning of the Greek word for + Revelation, {apokalypsis}, "unveiling." He is fond of such a device. + +[187]If that is the meaning of the words employed, then "saints" + ({hagioi}) is not used in its New Testament sense for the "faithful" + generally, but a distinction is made more like the later use of the + word for those who attained higher saintliness than the rest; but + perhaps the phrase for "churchmen" implies "clerical or ecclesiastical + persons," and "saints" has its earlier sense. + +[188]Cerinthus was the earliest exponent of Gnostic views, and as such + much abhorred by St. John the Apostle. + +[189]_i. e._ reckoning that it is a matter where faith rather than reason + should act; or perhaps the translation should be "giving more weight + to (the author's) trustworthiness." + +[190]This title is to be noticed, as the author himself never actually + describes himself by it. Dionysius is much more cautious as to the + authorship than Origen, his former master, who attributed the book to + St. John the Evangelist without hesitation, according to Eusebius, _H. + E._ vi. 25, 9. + +[191]Rev. xxii. 7, 8: but Dionysius has no authority for joining the + latter clause on to the former, its construction being "it is I John + who saw and heard." + +[192]_i. e._ the First Epistle of St. John; the second and third were not + so described at first and rightly so. + +[193]Rev. i. 1, 2. One might almost think Dionysius was quoting from + memory, for he follows no extant text in omitting "God" before "gave" + (thus making Jesus Christ the subject and "him" = "to John") and "the + things which must come to pass" before "speedily": also he substitutes + "his testimony" for "the testimony of Jesus Christ," though "his" + still = "Jesus Christ." + +[194]Rev. i. 4. + +[195]Dionysius seems to contrast the "Divine revelation" of the Epistle + which we can trust with that of the Book so-called about which he felt + less sure. + +[196]1 John i. 1. + +[197]Matt. xvi. 17. Dionysius substitutes the adjective "heavenly" for + "which is in heaven." + +[198]Rev. i. 9. Here again the text is somewhat inaccurate "in the + patience of Jesus" having no support elsewhere. + +[199]Rev. xxii. 7. See note on p. 86, above. + +[200]It would seem likely, but by no means certain, that Dionysius is + speaking of strictly baptismal names here. We have very slight grounds + for being sure that the custom of connecting the giving of a name at + baptism was universal as early as this. + +[201]See Acts xii. 25 and xiii. 5. + +[202]_Ibid._, xiii. 13. + +[203]This assertion is taken almost verbatim from Eus., _H. E._ iii. 39, + where a passage is also quoted from Papias in which John the Elder is + mentioned as well as John the Apostle among the Lord's disciples. + +[204]This is the second argument which Dionysius adduces, but he seems as + if he now includes the third with it. See above. + +[205]John i. 1, and 1 John i. 1, 2. + +[206]Cf. 1 John iv. 2. + +[207]_Ibid._, i. 2, 3. + +[208]It looks as if this phrase may be a marginal gloss on the Light, + which has crept into the text, as it occurs nowhere in the writings of + St. John nor elsewhere in the New Testament; but the same might be + said of the "adoption" below, and one or two others of the other + phrases are quite rare in St. John's writings, so that they may be all + instances of the thoughts, not the words being identical in the two + books. + +[209]The reference is to such passages as 2 Cor. xii. 1 ff., Gal. i. 12, + ii. 2, etc. + +[210]This is the third argument. + +[211]A rather forced and fanciful statement. Dionysius appears loosely to + refer to 1 Cor. xii. 8, somewhat boldly substituting "of speech" ({tes + phraseos}) for St. Paul's "of wisdom." + +[212]Cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 6 and 8. + +[213]_i. e._ the results not of design but of the fortuitous intersection + of lines of causation. + +[214]Gen. i. 31. + +[215]The argument appears to be that, as on a small scale design is + "evident in the construction or repairing of a thing but is absent in + its decay," so the orderly creation and maintenance of the Universe on + the large scale implies intelligent direction. + +[216]Hesiod (_Works and Days_, 554) is meant, but of course 100 stands + here, as elsewhere, for an indefinitely large number. + +[217]The point is that movement which is useful suggests design: but as + the movement of the atoms is without design, it cannot be useful. + +[218]Ps. cxxxviii. (cxxxix.) 16. Dionysius quotes the best text here of + LXX, but his application is rather obscure. Apparently he means that + the Epicureans claimed to know without either revelation or research + what the Psalmist knew only by revelation from God. + +[219]Dionysius says that even the spider has more notion of design than + the atoms, but the sarcasm is not quite to the point. + +[220]1 Cor. xv. 41. + +[221]"God ever brings like to like."--Homer, _Od._ xvii. 218, a proverb + quoted both by Plato and Aristotle. + +[222]Dionysius is probably thinking of Plato's _Timaeus_ 56B, where the + pyramid is said to be the geometrical shape of fire which is the + principal constituent of the bodies of the stars (Professor H. + Jackson). + +[223]Dionysius is here referring to such a passage as Gen. i. 6 ff. No + doubt the ancients thought the vault of heaven was solid, enclosing + the atmosphere which covers the earth, and that the stars were either + fixed upon it or moved in their courses on its surface. + +[224]Ps. civ. 23. + +[225]_i. e._ the sun's yearly (as opposed to its daily) course. + +[226]"The righteous" here is a very unusual equivalent for "the + Christians": it is possible, however, that the translation is: + "however much these men disagree, being but poor creatures, though + righteous enough in their own estimate." + +[227]Ecclus. xliii. 5. + +[228]The idea is of some stars being solitary, like a Greek or Roman + colony ({apoikia}) with a constitution of its own, and of others + grouping themselves into constellations or communities ({synoikia}). + The colony had a founder ({oikistes}), the community or household + would have some sort of controller ({oikodespotes}). + +[229]Ecclus. xvi. 26 f. + +[230]The natural motion of atoms was downwards, but there was also a + slight sideward motion, and when they impinged a motion upwards by + blows and tossings, and this produced the shape of things. But + Dionysius here says, how is that theory consistent with the orderly + march of the stars? + +[231]Dionysius here plays on the derivation of {atomoi}, from {temnein} + (= to cut). + +[232]Amos iii. 3 (LXX). The A.V. and R.V. give the more exact meaning + "agreed" to the last word. + +[233]Hesiod, _Works and Days_, iv. 408 and 411. + +[234]Viz. the heathen, to whom the poets were to some extent what the + prophets are to us Christians. + +[235]Jer. xlviii. 10. + +[236]The happiness of the King of Persia was proverbial: see Hor., _Od._ + ii. 12, 21, iii. 9, 4. + +[237]By "Necessity" here Dionysius means not "Fate" in the fatalist's + sense, but that supreme Will and Purpose of God, which is opposed to + the Epicurean doctrine of chance. + +[238]The title here given ({hypothekai}) is not given in the list of + Democritus's works, but the {hypomnemata ethika} may be meant. + +[239]It is impossible to reproduce the play upon words here, {eutyche ten + phronesin, emphronestaten ten tychen}. The reference seems to be to + such poetical passages as Soph., _O. T._ 977 ff., and Eur., _Alc._ 785 + ff., where the practical wisdom of leaving the future to take care of + itself is extolled. + +[240]Epicurus himself contended that by {hedone} (pleasure) he meant not + sensual enjoyments so much as freedom from pain of body and from + disturbance of soul ({ataraxia}), the source of which was largely in + the exercise of the mind and will: see Zeller, _Stoics, Epicureans and + Sceptics_, pp. 473 ff. + +[241]The words quoted ({doteras eaon}) are a Homeric phrase, e. g. _Od._ + viii. 325 and 335. + +[242]The derivation from {theein} is proposed by Plato, _Cratyl._ 397 C: + that from {theinai} by Herod, ii. 52, and of the two the latter is the + more likely ({root}{the}) though Curtius suggests a root {thes} = to + pray: see Peile, _Introd. to Philology_, p. 37 (3rd ed., 1875). + +[243]These are probably some sort of Gnostics who took over Manichean + views of God and Matter, but not of the worst kind, for they + recognized that God had the control and disposition of matter. + +[244]Some one, _i. e._ who could give them the property of being without + beginning. + +[245]"Different from both," because the being without beginning is not of + the very essence of both. See further on. + +[246]A curious expression, for which one would have expected the opposite + statement, viz. that the handicrafts can shape and form the materials + they deal with rather than that the materials give the necessary + methods and designs to the handicrafts which deal with them. Up to + this point Dionysius has been combating the view with which the + extract begins. The rest of the extract proceeds to show what amount + of truth there is in it. + +[247]The reference here is to Manichean views of the worst kind, _i. e._ + that matter is not only without beginning, but the source of evil and + altogether independent of God. + +[248]_i. e._ Dionysius of Rome, to whom this treatise was addressed. This + particular "other letter" does not seem to have been known to + Eusebius, and when Athanasius quotes this extract in another of his + treatises he omits the words "to thee." + +[249]Athanasius himself was sparing in his use of the term, and the Synod + of Antioch (A.D. 264) refused to accept it, as liable to + misconstruction. + +[250]_i. e._ in the letter to Euphranor (about Sabellianism in Libya) + which had given rise to the Bishop of Rome's intervention. + +[251]It looks as if Dionysius was in exile when he wrote this. See above, + p. 19. + +[252]_i. e._ each of the two is itself and not the other, as was said + above in the case of parents and children. + +[253]i. e. they had gone or sent to Rome, in order to attack him. + +[254]Viz. about the plant and the ship, which he has already apologized + for as not quite appropriate. + +[255]_i. e._ in Scripture, _e. g._ in such passage as Wisd. vii. 25, to + which he refers in the next sentence. + +[256]Sc. in Dionysius's letter to Euphranor: cf. John x. 30, xvii. 11, + 21, 22. The extract on p. 106 below deals with the same thought more + fully. In both places Dionysius's language is based on Philo's + discussion of the {logos endiathetos} and the {logos prophorikos} (the + conceived and the expressed word), _de vita Mosis_, p. 230, Cohn. + +[257]i. e. _from_ the Father and _through_ the Son: Dionysius seems to + have derived this view of the Holy Spirit's Procession from his + master, Origen, though he is thinking here rather of the Mission of + the Spirit into the Church and its members than of the eternal and + necessary relations of the three Persons in the Holy Trinity to one + another, as the sentences that follow indicate. + +[258]_Lit._ in their hands: a striking expression which Athanasius + borrows from Dionysius in his _Exposition of the Faith_. + +[259]This is what Dionysius of Rome had imputed to our Dionysius, though + without the word "wholly" he would not have altogether discarded the + position. + +[260]{Logos} is translated throughout this passage by "speech" (_i. e._ + uttered words), except in the last clause, where it refers to the Son + Himself and where it must be rendered by "Word" as usual: but + obviously "speech" is only part of the full meaning of {logos}. The + whole passage should be compared with the preceding extract. + +[261]Ps. xliv. (xlv.) 1: here R.V. translates {logon agathon}, "a goodly + matter," in accordance with A.V. + +[262]The word used ({enkyklein}) suggests the scenic device of the + {enkyklema}, by which some kind of change of scene was brought on to + the stage in the Greek theatre: see _Classical Dict._, s.v. + + + + + INDEX + + + Absolution, 43, 60 f. + AElia (Jerusalem), 52 + AEmilianus, Governor of Pannonia, 14, 65 + Prefect of Egypt, 16, 27, 46 f. + Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem, 51 + Bishop of Tyre, 52 + a martyr, 38 + Alexander Severus, Emperor, 12, 66 + Alexandrians, letter to, 28, 70 ff. + Alogi referred to, 84 + Ammon, a martyr, 40 + Ammonarion, a martyr, 39 + Antioch, Council of, 10, 51, 103 + Apollonia, a martyr, 36 + Arabia, 10, 41, 52 + Aristotle referred to, 28, 95 + Arius, heresy of, 20, 56, 108 + Ater, a martyr, 39 + Athanasius, 9, 19 ff., 103 ff. + + Baptism of heretics, 15, 26, 51 ff., 59 + Basil, Bishop of Caesarea, 9, 22, 80 + Basilides, letter to, 26, 29, 76 ff. + Benson, Archbishop, 14, 34, 51, 52, 55 + Besas, a martyr, 38 + Bethune-Baker, Dr., 22 + Bithynia, Churches of, 52 + + Cappadocia, Churches of, 52, 54 + Catechetical School of Alexandria, 9, 10, 11, 12, 32 + Cemeteries, Christian, 17, 47 + Cephro, 17, 46, 48 f. + Cerinthus, heresy of, 85 + Chaeremon, Bishop of Nilopolis, 41 + a deacon, 46, 64 + _Chronicon Orientale_, 9 ff. + Cilicia, Churches of, 52, 54 + Colluthion, 17, 49 + Communion, ritual of, 26, 60 + reservation of species, 42 f. + Conon, letter to, 60 f. + _Consistentes_, 60 + Copts (Egyptians), 10, 39, 66, 70, 73 + Coracion, converted from heresy, 84 + Cornelia Salonina, 14, 69 + Cornelius, Bishop of Rome, 15, 51 + Cronion Eunous, a martyr, 38 + Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, 9, 11, 15, 55, 58 + + Damascus, John of, 9, 75 + Decius, Persecution of, 13 f., 39, 43, 65 + Demetrianus, Bishop of Antioch, 52 + Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria, 11 + Democritus quoted, 25, 28, 99 + Dionysia, a martyr, 39 + Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, 19 f., 58 f., 103 + Dionysius, church dedicated to St., 31 + Dioscorus, a presbyter, 64 + a boy confessor, 39 + Domitius and Didymus, letter to, 63 f. + _Duumviri_, 63 + + Easter Letters, 28, 63 ff. + Ecclesiastes, Beginning of, 30 + Ephesus and the two Johns, 89 + Epicurus, 12, 23 ff., 91 ff. + Epimachus, a martyr, 38 + Euphranor, letter to, 56, 104, 105 + Euripides referred to, 100 + Eusebius, _Eccl. Hist_. of, 9, 22, 35 ff., 82 ff. + _Praepar. Evangelica_ of, 9, 34, 91 ff., 101 f. + Exorcists, 66 + + Fabius, Bishop of Antioch, 12, 35 + Fast before Easter, 76 ff. + Firmilianus, Bishop of Caesarea, 52, 54 + _Frumentarius_, 13, 43 + + Gaius of Rome referred to, 84 + Galatia, Churches of, 55 + Gallienus, Emperor, 14, 17, 46, 68 + Gallus, Emperor, 14, 65 + Germanus, letter to, 10, 14, 27, 43 ff. + + Helenus, Bishop of Tarsus, 52 + Heliodorus, Bishop of Laodicea, 52 + Heracles, Bishop of Alexandria, 11, 12, 57, 59 + Hermammon, letter to, 28, 65 ff. + Herodotus referred to, 101 + Heron, a martyr, 39 + Hesiod quoted, 28, 93, 98 + Hierax, letter to, 73 ff. + Hippolytus, Canons of, 33 + Homer quoted, 28, 75, 95, 100 + + Iconium, Synod of, 15, 55, 58 + Ingenuus, a martyr, 40 + Ischyrion, a martyr, 40 f. + Isidore, a martyr, 39 + + Jerome, 22, 30, 33, 108 + Julian, a martyr, 38 + + Libya, 13, 19, 38, 46, 64 + + Macar, a martyr, 38 + Macrianus, 16, 18, 27, 60, 64, 67, 68 + Mareotis, Lake, 48, 63, 73 + Marinus, Bishop of Tyre, 52 + Marriage of clergy, 11, 41, 44 + Mazabbanes, Bishop of AElia, 52 + Mercuria, a martyr, 39 + Mesopotamia, Churches of, 52 + Metras, a martyr, 35 + Millenarian views, 82 ff. + + Nature, treatise on, 12, 23 ff., 91 ff. + Nemesion, a martyr, 39 + Nepos of Arsenoe, 27, 29, 82 ff. + Nilopolis, 41 + Novatian, schism of, 15 f., 26, 27, 34, 50, 59 + + Origen and his pupils, 11, 12, 13, 28 ff., 36, 51, 52, 86 + + Paraetonium, 64 + Paul of Samosata, heresy of, 23 + Pentapolis, 18, 55, 76 + "Perfect," applied to Christians, 64, 71 + Philemon, letter to, 11, 55, 56 ff. + Philip the Arabian, Emperor, 12, 13, 37, 66 + Philo Judaeus, 105 + Plato referred to, 95, 101 + Pontus, Churches of, 52 + Pope, title of, 57 + Prayers for Emperor, 47 + Procopius of Gaza, 30 + Promises, treatise on the, 23, 28, 29, 82 ff. + Ptolemais, 55 + Ptolemy, a martyr, 40 + + Quinta, a martyr, 35 + + Rationalis, office of, 16, 17, 67 + Refutation and Defence, 21 f., 101 ff. + Refutation of Allegorists, 29, 82 + Repentance, 59, 62 + Rufinus, 22, 64 + + _Sabaita_, 10 + Sabellius, heresy of, 18 ff., 27, 55, 101 ff. + Sabinus, Prefect of Egypt, 13, 35, 43, 50 + Saracens, 41 + Sarapion, case of, 26, 42 f. + Soldiers as Christians, 40, 63 + Sophocles referred to, 100 + Stephen, Bishop of Rome, 15, 34, 53, 54 + Swete, Dr., 23, 78 + Synnada, Synod of, 15, 55, 58 + Syria, Churches of, 52 + + Taposiris, 13, 16, 44 + Thelymidrus, Bishop of Laodicea, 52 + Theoctistus, Bishop of Caesarea, 52 + Theophilus, a martyr, 40 + Theotecnus, Bishop of Caesarea, 29 + Thucydides quoted, 28, 71 + Timotheus, a boy, 11, 44, 64 + _Trullo_, Council _in_, 76, 78 + + Valerian, Emperor, 14, 16, 17, 47, 65 + + Westcott, Bishop, 23, 24, 78 + + Xystus II, Bishop of Rome, 19, 54 ff., 59 ff. + + Zenon, a martyr, 40 + + + Printed in Great Britain by Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, + BRUNSWICK ST., STAMFORD ST., S.E. 1, AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. + + + + + TRANSLATIONS OF + CHRISTIAN LITERATURE + + +A number of translations from the Fathers have already been published by +the S.P.C.K. under the title "Early Church Classics." It is now proposed +to enlarge this series to include texts which are neither "early" nor +necessarily "classics." The divisions at present proposed are given +below. Volumes belonging to the original series are marked with an +asterisk. + + + SERIES I.--GREEK TEXTS. + +*The Epistle of St. Clement, Bishop of Rome. By the Rt. Rev. J. A. F. + Gregg, D.D. 1_s._ 3_d._ + +*Clement of Alexandria: Who is the Rich Man that is being saved? By P. M. + Barnard, B.D. 1_s._ 3_d._ + +*St. Chrysostom: On the Priesthood. By T. A. Moxon. 2_s._ + +*The Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles. By C. Bigg, D.D. 1_s._ 3_d._ + +*The Epistle to Diognetus. By the Rt. Rev. L. B. Radford, D.D. 1_s._ + 6_d._ + +St. Dionysius of Alexandria. By C. L. Feltoe, D.D. + +*The Epistle of the Gallican Churches: Lugdunum and Vienna. With an + Appendix containing Tertullian's Address to Martyrs and the + Passion of St. Perpetua. By T. H. Bindley, D.D. 1_s._ 3_d._ + +*St. Gregory of Nyssa: The Catechetical Oration. By the Ven. J. H. + Srawley, D.D. 2_s._ + +*St. Gregory of Nyssa: The Life of St. Macrina. By W. K. Lowther Clarke, + B.D. 1_s._ 3_d._ + +*Gregory Thaumaturgus (Origen the Teacher): the Address of Gregory to + Origen, with Origen's Letter to Gregory. By W. Metcalfe, B.D. + 1_s._ 6_d._ + +*The Shepherd of Hermas. By C. Taylor, D.D. 2 vols. 2_s._ each. + +*The Epistles of St. Ignatius. By the Ven. J. H. Srawley, D.D. 2 vols. + 1_s._ 3_d._ each. + +*St. Irenaeus: Against the Heresies. By F. R. M. Hitchcock, D.D. 2 vols. + 2_s._ each. + +Palladius: The Lausiac History. By W. K. Lowther Clarke, B.D. + +*St. Polycarp. By B. Jackson. 1_s._ 3_d._ + + + SERIES II.--LATIN TEXTS. + +*St. Augustine: The City of God. By F. R. M. Hitchcock, D.D. 1_s._ 6_d._ + +*St. Cyprian: The Lord's Prayer. By T. H. Bindley, D.D. 1_s._ 6_d._ + +Minucius Felix: The Octavius. By J. H. Freese. + +*Tertullian: On the Testimony of the Soul and On the Prescription of + Heretics. By T. H. Bindley, D.D. 2_s._ + +*St. Vincent of Lerins: The Commonitory. By T. H. Bindley, D.D. 2_s._ + + + SERIES III.--LITURGICAL TEXTS. + Edited by C. L. FELTOE, D.D. + +St. Ambrose: On the Mysteries and on the Sacraments. By T. Thompson, B.D. + +*The Apostolic Constitution and Cognate Documents, with special reference + to their Liturgical elements. By De Lacy O'Leary, D.D. 1_s._ + 3_d._ + +*The Liturgy of the Eighth Book of the Apostolic Constitution, commonly + called the Clementine Liturgy. By R. H. Cresswell. 1_s._ 6_d._ + +The Pilgrimage of Etheria. By M. L. McClure. + +*Bishop Sarapion's Prayer-Book. By the Rt. Rev. J. Wordsworth, D.D. 1_s._ + 6_d._ + + + (_Other series in contemplation_) + + + + + Transcriber's Notes + + +--Moved footnotes from page footers to end of text + +--Page 105: corrected reference to Athanasius based on errata published + elsewhere: par. 17 was par. 23. + +--Latin-1 text transliterates Greek words in {curly brackets} (HTML + displays full UTF; full UTF text version also created.) + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of St. Dionysius of Alexandria, by +Bishop of Alexandria, Saint Dionysius + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ST. 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