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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Diary of Ezra Green, M.D. from November 1,
1777, to September 27, 1778, by Ezra Green

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org


Title: Diary of Ezra Green, M.D. from November 1, 1777, to September 27, 1778

Author: Ezra Green

Editor: Geo. Henry Preble
        Walter C. Green

Release Date: May 23, 2011 [EBook #36204]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIARY OF EZRA GREEN, M.D. ***




Produced by Tor Martin Kristiansen, Joseph Cooper and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net






Eyewitness Accounts of the American Revolution

Diary of
Ezra Green, M.D.
from November 1, 1777,
to September 27, 1778

The New York Times & Arno Press

Reprinted from a copy in
The State Historical Society of Wisconsin Library

Reprint Edition 1971 by Arno Press Inc.

LC# 75-140867
ISBN 0-405-01190-3

Eyewitness Accounts of the American Revolution, Series III
ISBN for complete set: 0-405-01187-3

Manufactured in the United States of America



[Illustration: Ezra Green
               When 100 years old.]



DIARY OF EZRA GREEN, M.D.,

SURGEON ON BOARD THE CONTINENTAL SHIP-OF-WAR "RANGER,"
UNDER JOHN PAUL JONES, FROM NOVEMBER 1, 1777,
TO SEPTEMBER 27, 1778.

BORN IN 1746; DIED IN 1847.



WITH HISTORICAL NOTES AND A BIOGRAPHY, BY

COMMO. GEO. HENRY PREBLE, U.S.N., AND WALTER C. GREEN.


Reprinted, with Additions, from the HISTORICAL AND
GENEALOGICAL REGISTER for January and April, 1875.


BOSTON:
_FOR PRIVATE DISTRIBUTION_.
1875.

DAVID CLAPP & SON, PRINTERS,
334 Washington Street.




Transcriber's Note: Printer's inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation
and hyphenation have been retained. A caret (^) indicates that the
following character is printed as superscript.



PREFATORY NOTE.


A few words may be necessary in respect to the Diary of my father, Dr.
Ezra Green, which I am quite sure he never suspected would appear in
print before the public eye.

When quite a lad I was, out of curiosity, rummaging over an upper
chamber closet, where in promiscuous order were odd volumes,--school
books, speeches, sermons, &c.,--when this unpretentious pamphlet turned
up in marbled paper-cover. All the particulars of it I had heard my
father frequently recount, and hence did not at that early age
appreciate its value, and so I gave it to my cousin James D. Green,
who, after preserving it with scrupulous care for more than sixty
years, has deposited it in the library of the New-England Historic,
Genealogical Society, together with important authentic remarks
relative to his and my father's progenitors. There this Diary came
under the eye of Commodore George Henry Preble, who requested my
permission for its publication in the HISTORICAL AND GENEALOGICAL
REGISTER, together with such facts as he might gather of my father's
public life during five years service as surgeon in the army and navy
during the American revolution. To this request I gave my willing
assent, promising as a sequel thereto a memoir of his private life.

WALTER C. GREEN.

_Boston, Nov. 16, 1874._




BIOGRAPHY OF DR. EZRA GREEN.




I.

HIS PUBLIC CAREER.

By Commodore GEO. HENRY PREBLE, U.S.N.


In June, 1775, the Sunday after the battle of Bunker Hill, Dr. Ezra
Green, in the capacity of surgeon, joined the American army, then under
the command of Gen. Artemas Ward, and was stationed with Reed's
New-Hampshire regiment on Winter Hill in Charlestown. Here he received
the smallpox by inoculation, and was secluded in the hospital at Fresh
Pond, Cambridge, for seventeen days, returning to his regiment in camp
on Winter Hill the 20th of March, 1776.

After the evacuation of Boston by the British, he left with our army
for New-York, going by way of Providence, Norwich and New-London, where
they embarked. Having remained in New-York a few weeks, they proceeded
up the Hudson to Albany, thence by batteaux to Saratoga; landed, and
marched to Lake George; remained about a fortnight; went down Lake
George in batteaux, and stopped at Ticonderoga; thence proceeded by
Lake Champlain to St. John's; thence to Montreal, and joined Arnold.
There the army suffered greatly from sickness. Dr. Green was with the
troops which occupied Mount Independence until December, when, on the
advance of the British under Sir Guy Carleton, the American forces
retreated to Ticonderoga.

The following letter, addressed to his friend Mr. Nath'l Cooper, at
Dover, New-Hampshire, graphically describes the situation of the
American army at that time.

    _Ticonderoga_, Oct. 30, 1776.

    DEAR SIR:

    I must beg your pardon for troubling you with so many of my
    letters, but I am a good deal at leisure, and so lucky an
    opportunity of conveyance offers, that I can't let it pass without
    sending you one line or two. Since my last, our Fleet is destroyed,
    of which I suppose you have heard, but 5 vessels remaining to us
    out of 16 sail. The engagement began on Friday morning, October
    11th, and held out all day. They surrounded our Fleet, but in the
    night succeeding the engagement they very narrowly and fortunately
    made their escape and came up towards Crown Point, but were
    overtaken and attacked again Sunday morning, within about 25 miles
    of this place. Our men fought bravely, but the enemy were of so
    much greater force than we had any suspicion of that our little
    fleet stood no chance; most of the vessels lost were blown up,
    sunk, or burnt by our own people, they escaping by land. We lost,
    killed, about 50; taken prisoners, about 100, which are dismissed
    on parole. The Indians have done us no damage till very lately they
    waylaid three men, kill'd one, took the other two prisoners, who
    are sent back on parole. They were treated very kindly by the
    Indians as well as by the King's troops who were at the time at
    Crown Point within 15 miles of this place, where they have been
    ever since the destruction of our Fleet. We have lately been
    alarm'd several times. On Monday morning last, there was a proper
    alarm, occasioned by a number of the enemies boats which hove in
    sight, and a report from a scouting party that the Enemy were
    moving on; where the Fleet is now, I can't learn, or what is the
    reason they don't come on I can't conceive. 'Tis thought they are
    10 or 12 thousand strong, including Canadians and Indians. We are
    in a much better situation now than we were fourteen days ago, and
    the militia are continually coming in. Our sick are recovering, and
    it is thought we are as ready for them now as ever we shall be.
    There has been a vast deal of work done since the fight, and we
    think ourselves in so good a position that we shall be disappointed
    if they don't attack us. However, I believe they wait for nothing
    but a fair wind. In my next, I'll tell you more about it. In the
    meantime I am yours to command.

    EZRA GREEN.

    My respects to your lady and love to your children.

    P.S. I have some thought of leaving the army and joining the navy,
    provided I can get a berth as surgeon of a good continental ship or
    a privateer. Should be glad if you would enquire, if you don't
    know, and send me word what Incouragement is given; and let me know
    if any ships are fitting out from Portsmouth, and you'll oblige
    your friend,

    E. G.

Dr. Green remained with the troops which occupied Mount Independence
until they left the position in December, when he returned to Albany,
and there left the army and returned to Dover, New-Hampshire. All
through the following summer, he was afflicted with fever and ague, but
in October, 1777, accepted an appointment as surgeon of the continental
ship-of-war Ranger, then fitting out in Portsmouth, N.H., under the
command of Capt. John Paul Jones, and nearly ready for sea. They
sailed, as his diary shows, on the 1st of November, 1777, for France.
The following letter, written to his friend Mr. Cooper, describes the
passage out.

    _On Board the Ranger, Peanbeauf Road_,
    Dec. 4, 1777.

    "SIR:

    By a Gentleman who is writing I have an opportunity just to present
    my respects to yourself and lady, and to inform you of my safe
    arrival at Peanbeauf 27 miles below Nantz on the 2d of December
    current, after a passage of 32 days. Our people all in good health
    and high spirits. We had as good weather as we could wish 'till
    within a week of our arrival. In the Bay of Biscay we had a very
    heavy Gale of Wind, but it continued but about 48 hours. Saw but
    one ship of war, and she was in the chops of the English Channel,
    with a Fleet under convoy. ---- ---- I have the happiness to inform
    you of the Capture of two Brigs, on the 25th and 27th of November,
    both from Malaga laden with wine and fruit, which on my own and
    friends account could wish with all my heart were in Portsmouth,
    New-Hampshire. They were ordered to some part of France, but have
    not yet heard of their arrival. There is nothing new here. The
    French say but little about a war, being very intent on getting
    money. Here are a number of vessels fitting out for America in the
    trading way. The news of Gen. Burgoine affair got here just before
    us, and before this time is in all parts of Europe.

    I don't expect we shall go from this Place these six weeks, as
    there is a great deal wanting to be done to the ship before she
    will go to sea again. It seems probable to me that she will be
    ordered directly back to America, as soon as may be. In the
    meantime I am,

    With the greatest sincerity & respect,

    Your humble servant,

    E. GREEN.

    Please to present my best regards to Susy[1], & love to your little
    children, & salutations to all enquiring Friends.

    Mr. Nathaniel Cooper, of Dover,
    New-Hampshire,
    New-England.

      [1] This was Susannah Hayes, whom he subsequently married.

Dr. Green continued in the Ranger until her return to Portsmouth in
October, 1778, when he left her, and returned to Dover.

When the Ranger was refitted in the following spring, under the command
of his friend, Capt. T. Simpson, he rejoined her as surgeon, and sailed
in her on a cruise in company with the Warren, 32 guns, Commodore J. B.
Hopkins, and Queen of France, 28, Capt. J. Olney; the latter a French
ship, which had been purchased at Nantes for the American government.

While on this cruise, in March, they captured a privateer schooner of
14 guns, and on the 6th of April the schooner Hibernia, of 8 guns and
45 men, and the next morning, off Cape Henry, six more of a fleet of
nine vessels, viz.: the ship Jason, Capt. Porterfield, 20 guns, 150
men; ship Maria, letter of marque, 16 guns, 80 men, cargo of flour,
&c.; and brigs Prince Frederick, Patriot, Bachelors John, and schooner
Chance, all laden with stores for the British army. Among the prisoners
taken was a Colonel Campbell, and twenty-three army officers of lesser
rank, on their way to join their regiments at the south.[2] All these
vessels were brought into Portsmouth, N.H., three weeks after the
squadron sailed from thence.

      [2] Emmons's History U.S. Navy, 1776-1853.

On another cruise, the Ranger, still commanded by Simpson, in company
with the Providence, 28, Commodore A. Whipple, and Queen of France, 28,
Capt. J. P. Rathburn,[3] on the 17th of July, 1779, when on the Banks
of Newfoundland, fell in with the Jamaica fleet, homeward bound,
consisting of one hundred and fifty sail, convoyed by a ship-of-the-line,
and several cruisers, and succeeded in capturing eleven large ships, of
seven to eight hundred tons, three of which were re-taken; but seven of
them, whose cargoes were estimated to be worth $1,000,000, were brought
safely into Boston. All Boston was alarmed at the sight of the little
continental squadron and its prizes,--ten large ships standing directly
into the harbor,--believing them to be a British fleet. The buildings
were covered with spectators. The cargoes, consisting of rum, sugar,
logwood, pimento, &c, were delivered one half to the government and one
half to the captors.[4]

      [3] The Queen of France, Providence and Ranger, all three under
      the same commanders, were sunk at Charleston, S.C., May 12,
      1780, by the British Squadron, after that city had surrendered to
      the forces under Sir Henry Clinton.

      [4] The Rev. Dr. Lothrop's Centennial Sermon in Dover, N.H., June
      28, 1846 (Appendix).

On his return from this successful cruise, Dr. Green resigned his
position as surgeon of the Hanger in favor of Dr. Parker, of Exeter,
and returned to Dover.

In 1780 he sailed on another cruise in the Alexander, Captain Mitchell,
14 guns, but they accomplished nothing. In 1781, the vessel having been
fitted up as a letter of marque, under Captain Simpson, he went in her
to Fredericksburg, Virginia, and they took thence a load of tobacco to
l'Orient in France. He returned in the Alexander to the United States
in the autumn of that year, which concluded his revolutionary services.




II.

DR. GREEN'S PRIVATE LIFE AND CHARACTER.

By WALTER C. GREEN.


My father, Dr. Ezra Green, was born in Maiden, Mass., June 17, 1746,
and, after he was graduated at Harvard College in 1765, he commenced
the study of medicine and surgery with Dr. Sprague, of Maiden,
finishing his course with Dr. Fisher, of Newburyport. He then went to
Dover, New-Hampshire, to reside, in 1767, where he was in successful
practice up to his appointment as surgeon in the army. Dr. Green's five
years service in the army and navy I need not describe, it having been
already narrated by Commodore Preble.

About the same time that Dr. Green went to reside in Dover, his friend
the Rev. Jeremy Belknap, from Boston, was by unanimous vote invited
there and ordained minister of the Congregational Society on a salary
of L150, payable semi-annually, and there he preached for eighteen
years. This small pittance being inadequate for the support of himself,
his wife, two sons and two daughters, he asked a dismissal, and
returning to Boston, he was soon settled as minister over the Federal
Street Society, and there remained until his greatly lamented death,
June 20, 1798, at the early age of 55 years. Dr. Belknap was my
father's next-door neighbor, and the close intimacy so early commenced
between the two families, never abated during their lives.

When Dr. Green and the Rev. Mr. Belknap went to Dover, my dear mother
was eight years of age, and being of a lively, pleasant disposition and
quick apprehension, with an ardent fondness for books and study, she
early enlisted their kind offices in the direction of her various
studies; and to them she was largely indebted for her excellent
education.

On the 13th of December, 1778, my father was married to my mother,
Susannah Hayes, of Dover, by the Rev. Jeremy Belknap. This fortunate
union remained unbroken, save for his absence during the remainder of
his service in the navy, until it was severed by her death,--a period
of fifty-seven years.

In a letter from on board the Ranger dated March 12, 1779, Dr. Green
wrote to his then young married wife: "I never felt so uneasy on
account of your absence. I pray we may not long be separated from each
other, but as Providence seems to have pointed out this to me as a
duty, I desire to pursue it cheerfully and with good courage, and I
know you would not wish me to turn or look back; and I wish you all the
happiness of this world and that to come." As soon as he had discharged
the duty here mentioned, that is, on the termination of the
revolutionary war, Dr. Green relinquished his medical practice to his
friend and successor, Dr. Jacob Kittredge, to whom he gave his surgical
instruments, books and medicines, and then commenced a mercantile
business.

Early after this he was made post-master in Dover, which office he
voluntarily resigned after several years of faithful duty.

Dr. Green was made deacon of the First Congregational Society in Dover,
and was a most devout, unfailing attendant on all Sunday or week day
religious services, despite the adverse weather of severest cold or
snow of winter, or scorching heat of summer. My father's religious
education gave to his early and middle life a degree of asceticism that
controlled his thoughts and conduct; but from this in his later years,
with a wider range of religious and theological information, and with
greater experience and reflection, he happily emerged into broader
views of the truths of Christianity. These gave him fresh vitality, and
added a more gentle influence and sweetness to his character.

In the year 1827, Dr. Green, with many others of similar religious
belief, withdrew from the First Congregational Church, and formed the
First Unitarian or Second Congregational Society in Dover. In the
affairs of the new society, though nearly 80 years of age, he took an
active and prominent part, and especially in erecting, during the year
1828, a large commodious church, in which the Rev. Samuel Kirkland
Lothrop soon after was called to preach as the first pastor of the
society; presiding in that ministry with satisfactory zeal and fidelity
for five years, until 1834, when he was called away to a wider field of
usefulness, to the pastorship of the Brattle Square Church in Boston,
where he happily officiates to this late day with no diminution of
ardor and faith.

Dr. Green and family were fond of friendly social intercourse, and his
doors were ever open and largely frequented by the refined and
cultivated persons of both sexes, who appreciated their society and
liberal hospitality.

In the various affairs of the town, he took a lively interest, and
under his charge the first school-house was built; and for educational
and religious purposes, the dissemination of the Scriptures at home and
abroad, and support of the ministry, he was always a willing
contributor.

From time to time he served as selectman, or as surveyor of the
highways and by-ways, and now and then as moderator at the
town-meetings, where the clashing parties of Federalists and Democrats
met, with passionate party feelings, which at times raged with scarce
controllable fury.

From active mercantile business in 1811, he sought that domestic
quietude with his devoted wife and family he so fondly cherished, and
there he largely indulged his taste in reading to their ever attentive
ears. He was no hum-drum reader, but with a clear voice and superior
elocutionary powers he rendered his various readings pleasingly
attractive, and this was his fondest daily enjoyment, up to the very
verge of his prolonged years.

My dear mother had but a feeble constitution, yet I never knew her
depressed in spirits. Her well-stored, retentive memory made her
society attractive to the old and young who frequented her house; and
as a wife and mother, she was in all her duties watchfully diligent and
greatly endeared by her family. Her life was that of a liberal
Christian, and she awaited her exit from this world with patient
resignation, and in the happy belief of an immediate entrance into a
future life of endless duration and happiness; and thus she passed
away, on the 3d of April, 1836, in the 77th year of her age.

During those early times it was the prevailing fashion, whatever the
hour of a friendly call, to invite the guest to imbibe as he might
prefer from the several potations before him. The custom was a
pernicious one, and when the temperance societies sprung up, Dr. Green,
though always a most temperate person, was the first to enter his name
on the list of "total abstinents," not from the least necessary
restrictive requirement on his part, but because he hoped it might
prove an efficient example for many of his fellow-townsmen, who were
more or less demoralized by this habitual indulgence.

He had no craving desire for official position or for public notoriety.
He was, however, honored by several governors of the state with a
commission as justice of the peace, and was also chosen one of the
delegates at large, and chairman of the state convention for the
adoption of the constitution of the United States. His vote gave a
majority in its favor, an event of profound importance for
New-Hampshire, to which the other assenting states were looking for
this hoped for result, with no small doubt and distrust of feeling.

He had a fond taste for horticulture, and in his garden it was his
daily enjoyment to spend a few hours in healthful exercise, where he
gloried over his various fruits and delicacies. From his wife's farm of
150 acres, four miles from town, most of the staple necessaries of life
were produced, so that at his table, where there was no needless waste,
there was a sufficiency to satisfy the keenest appetite or most dainty
palate. His garden at one time had more than thirty peach trees, most
of which were killed by an untimely snow-storm in June, when they were
in full blossom. The few which escaped during my boyhood I well
remember for their luscious flavor.

He was no less fond of pomology, and during the fall season he took me
behind him on his horse Whitey to the farm to assist in carrying the
implements for ingrafting his young thrifty apple orchard, and with
eager eyes I watched the sound selected branch from which with fine saw
he lopped off the upper portion. Next with mallet and chisel midway the
stalk was cleft for the wedge-cut scion's insertion where the two barks
met to catch the up flowing sap in spring. Then with trowel the plastic
clay was overlaid to hold firm the scions against the rude blasts of
winter, and then the flaxen tow was wound around, and last of all a
bandage deftly fastened, and all so artistically done, as in a few
years well repaid him with its ample fruitage. Several trees were
grafted with scions cut from an aged tree in Massachusetts, the bark
nearly destroyed by the wood-peckers, and hence its name of
"Pecker-Apple." It attained a large size, resembling the well-known
Baldwin, though firmer and handsomer; and when ripe in mid-winter, it
was with its crisp golden pulp and juicy flavor the most delicious
apple I have ever eaten.

Dr. Green was an ardent patriot and Federalist, a brave and consistent
champion of that independence he had helped to win, and a zealous
advocate for that constitution he had aided to establish. From early
life to the last he was an opponent of the institution of slavery, and
predicted that sooner or later the free and slave states would be
involved in a bitter controversy on that account. That he was spared
the realization of his fears, was a mercy to his sensitive heart.

In his mode of life he aimed at no ostentatious show. Polite and
affable in his deportment, he won the respect due to courteous manners.

In personal appearance and contour of face, he was not unlike Gen.
Washington, for whom he was often taken while in the army. In stature
he was six feet three inches tall and proportionately large in frame;
and whether walking or sitting, he always maintained a very erect
position. The woodcut engraving which accompanies this sketch
represents Dr. Green at the age of fifty-five years, and is a very
perfect outline likeness. The steel engraved portrait is taken from a
rather indistinct daguerreotype likeness when he was one hundred years
of age. He had a sound, vigorous constitution, strengthened and
preserved by uniform temperate habits, daily physical exercise, early
hours for retirement, and rising with the opening day. At the age of 82
years he fell and broke his thigh bone where it entered its socket; and
little did he or his physician believe that at his advanced age it
would ever unite, as it did after several months confinement to his
bed; so that in the course of time, with the aid of crutch or cane, he
was enabled to hobble about his house and garden, and occasionally to
attend church.

Ten years more had nearly elapsed, when another more serious accident
befel him. From an early morning stroll in front of his house, he came
in doors, and standing by the window reading, was suddenly prostrated
backward to the floor, seemingly, to him, by a violent blow on his
cranium, and so wrenching his spinal column, as deprived him ever after
of all power of locomotion. Happily this accident was unattended with
pain, and there in his cosey easy chair, with books, papers, &c. around
him, his days and years flew apace without weariness or complaint, and
with that sweet serenity of mind and calm christian patience which won
the most devotioned care and affectionate love of his two only
surviving daughters.

From his personal friends, he had frequent social visits, and from
strangers not a few, from far and near, attracted by his venerable age,
or a desire to hear him recount his varied experience during our
revolutionary war. Groups too of merry children, for whom he had a
kindly fondness, came often with tasteful flowers to greet him. Such
indeed was his uniform gentleness of disposition, and lively interest
in all public and domestic affairs, that he left questionable evidence
on the minds of not a few strangers, as to the extreme old age
attributed to him.

Here, in conclusion, I will add that, on learning my dear father's
indisposition, I hastened to see him, and found him suffering somewhat,
as it seemed, from the effects of a cold and cough. To gratify me he
took some homoeopathic pellets I recommended, smilingly remarking
that such an infinitesimal potion could neither kill nor cure. Finding
himself the next morning much relieved, he exclaimed that that was not
what he desired, "for it has been my daily prayer the last year to my
Heavenly Father, to take me to himself, and I believe he has kept me
here a year longer, for my ceaseless importunity." Whereat I asked,
have you not enjoyed your usual good health and happy intercourse with
your devoted daughters and friends? O yes! that I have, and every
worldly comfort and enjoyment I desire, but now I long to depart. Like
the late renowned Mrs. Mary Somerville, of England, he dreaded the
possibility of his physical powers outliving his mental faculties; and
then said, "what an incubus I should be to my loving daughters, who
would then wish me in my grave."

Happily was it that he was exempt from all those fretful, fractious
feelings to which aged people are occasionally subject. Such was his
universal cheerful temperament and mental activity, that his death to
his idolizing daughters was no less grievous than that of a darling
child to a fond mother; and so it was, that this eminently good and
venerable man's prayer was soon after my visit indulged, and on July
25, 1847, he expired at the very advanced age of 101 years and 28 days,
retaining to his last hour a clear unclouded mind, and with the full
faith and confiding hope of entering a future world of progressive
improvement and happiness.

On the one hundredth anniversary of Dr. Green's birth-day, the 28th of
June, 1846, his former friend and pastor, the Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop,
of Boston, preached in Dover a commemorative discourse[5] on this
event, and from its appendix I make the following extract:--

      [5] THE CONSOLATIONS OF OLD AGE. | A | Sermon | Preached at the |
      First Unitarian Church, in Dover, N. H | On the 28th of June,
      1846, | Being the One Hundredth Birth-day | of | Ezra Green, M.D.
      | The Oldest Living Graduate of Harvard College. | By S. K.
      Lothrop, | Pastor of the Church in Brattle Square, Boston: |
      1846. | Eastburn's Press. | [8vo. pp. 25.]

    Dr. Green is still able to employ himself with books for several
    hours every day. He reads the papers, and keeps himself well
    informed upon all public affairs, and retains his interest in
    them. As an evidence of the declaration that "the intellect and
    the heart have been slightly touched by time," I am permitted to
    publish the following extracts from a record, made in my journal,
    of an interesting interview had with him after service on the
    Sunday on which the sermon was preached. I had said that he was so
    well and strong that perhaps his life would still be prolonged
    some years; to which he replied--"I know not how long I may live.
    Death was always a very solemn and affecting thing to me. When a
    young man nothing affected or impressed me so much as a funeral.
    It has been so through life and is so now. I contemplate death
    with awe. It is a solemn thing to die, to exchange worlds, to
    enter upon an untried, spiritual, eternal state of being, of which
    we can form no adequate conceptions. To appear before an
    omniscient God, to account for the deeds done in the body, _all_
    of them, through a _long_ life, is a solemn thing; I feel it to be
    so--I have always felt it. But I thank God that I am able to
    contemplate him as my Father in Heaven. Through Jesus Christ, the
    mediator, I have hope in his mercy, and a perfect trust in his
    paternal goodness." * * * *

    These observations, and others in a similar strain, were made
    spontaneously, with pauses in which he seemed to be collecting his
    thoughts, but with only a single question put to him on my part. I
    publish them, not on account of the particular religious opinions
    which they express, but for the evidence they afford of the
    unabated vigor and activity of his intellect at the age of an
    hundred years. I have given very nearly his exact words. He was
    much affected during the utterance of these sentiments, and
    evidently spoke from the bottom of an earnest and sincere heart.
    The interview was exceedingly interesting, and left on those
    present the impression that he was ripe for the Kingdom of Heaven,
    and that an old age surrounded by so many comforts, with the
    intellect and the heart so little impaired, was not so sad and
    gloomy a period as we sometimes imagine.

In June, 1846, he received the following letter from Daniel Webster:

    WASHINGTON, June 17, 1846.

    MY DEAR SIR:--I hope you remember me at that period of my life,
    when I was in the habit of attending the Courts at Dover, and when
    I had the pleasure of enjoying your society and hospitality.

    And I hope that in subsequent life I have made some efforts which
    you have approved, for the maintenance of those political
    principles to which, as a friend and follower of Washington, you
    have ever been attached, and which I have heard you so often and so
    intelligently defend. This is the day[6] on which you complete the
    hundredth year of your age. Will you allow me, therefore, to greet
    you, to-day, with a respectful and friendly letter, congratulating
    you on the degree of strength, mental and bodily, which Providence
    allows you to enjoy, so far beyond the lot of man, and tendering to
    you my cordial and affectionate good wishes for your continued
    health and happiness. I send you a copy of a speech lately made by
    me in the senate, and remain, dear sir,

    Your friend and obedient servant,

    Dr. Ezra Green.

    DANIEL WEBSTER.

      [6] Mr. Webster fixed the date according to the "old style" of
      reckoning, which explains the apparent discrepancy between his
      statement and the date named in Dr. Lothrop's sermon.

                 *       *       *       *       *

To my cousin the Hon. James D. Green, of Cambridge, Mass., I am
indebted for the following authentic annals from his manuscript volume,
in the library of the New-England Historic, Genealogical Society, in
Boston, relative to his and my father's earliest progenitors.

    Dr. Green's earliest ancestor who came from England to this
    country, was:

    1. JAMES^1 GREEN, yeoman, 24 years. He was an inhabitant of
    Charlestown, 1634, and admitted freeman of the colony in 1647,
    purchasing lands and settling in "Mystic Fields," since called
    Maiden. He died March 29, 1687, aged 77 years, leaving a widow and
    two sons, John and James. After a proper provision for his widow
    and son James, he willed his "lands and housing thereon" to his son
    John.

    2. JOHN^2 (_James^1_), the eldest son of James, was born about 1650
    and died at the age of 59, leaving a widow, three daughters and one
    son, Samuel, to whom, after providing for his widow and daughters,
    he by will gave all his lands in Maiden and Charlestown "to him and
    his heirs forever."

    3. SAMUEL^3 (_John,^2_ _James^1_), who was born in 1679, was a
    representative of the town in the general court in 1742. His wife
    died at the age of 72, and he died February 21, 1761, at the age of
    82, leaving four sons: James, John, Timothy and Ezra, and one
    daughter, Mary Daua. To his beloved son Ezra, he by will gave all
    the remainder and residue of his real and personal estate, he
    paying his debts, funeral expenses and the various bequests to his
    other children and granddaughters.

    4. EZRA^4 (_Samuel,^3_ _John,^2_ _James^1_), was born in 1714, and
    married Sarah Hutchinson, who died July 7, 1741, at the age of 26
    years. His second wife, Eunice Burrell, of Lynn, died October 20,
    1760, aged 47, leaving two sons, Ezra and Bernard. For his third
    wife, he married Mary Vinton, by whom he had one son, Aaron. Said
    Ezra Green was deacon of the church in Maiden, selectman and
    representative in the general court during the years of 1760, '61
    and '62. He died April 28, 1768, at the age of 54 years. By his
    will, after providing for his beloved widow Mary, he gave to his
    son Ezra twenty acres of land in Chelsea, and about five acres near
    "Penny Ferry," apart from what he had paid for his collegiate and
    medical education, and the gift of a horse, which he deemed
    equivalent to the homestead, real and personal (except what he had
    disposed of to his son Aaron, besides his collegiate educational
    expenses), which he bequeathed to his son Bernard, making as it did
    the fifth generation, and embracing more than two hundred years
    since its first purchase by James Green in 1610.

    Dr. Green was in his second year's naval service, when, by the Rev.
    Jeremy Belknap, he was married to Susanna Hayes in the twentieth
    year of her age. She was then reputed to have been quite handsome
    and a great favorite with all her acquaintance. She had a delicate
    and petite figure, nut-brown hair, shading bright hazel eyes that
    lit up her regular cut features with a winning expression, which
    played over a soft transparent complexion, lovely as a fresh-blown
    rose.

    Her father's will, making his estate reversionary in the event of
    his daughter's decease without issue, happily placed her and her
    husband in no such unpleasant dilemma; for in the brief time of
    nineteen years, thirteen children were born to them, viz.:

           i. EUNICE, b. July 1, 1780; d. Oct. 7, 1782.
          ii. REUBEN HAYES, b. Aug. 20, 1783.
         iii. CHARLES, b. March 26, 1785; d. April 5, 1854.
          iv. DEBORAH SHACKFORD, b. March 20, 1787; d. May 7, 1860.
           v. SARAH, b. Oct. 19, 1788; d. Nov. 2, 1874.
          vi. SAMUEL, b. Jan. 4, 1790; d. Jan. 23, 1791.
         vii. MARTHA, b. July 13, 1791; d. Nov. 25, 1792.
        viii. EUNICE, b. Oct. 8, 1792; d. May 25, 1839.
          ix. A DAUGHTER, b. July 15, 1794; still-born.
           x. MARTHA, b. June 9, 1795; d. Aug. 3, 1795.
          xi. A SON, b. April 27, 1796; still-born.
         xii. SAMUEL, b. Oct. 5, 1797; d. Nov. 3, 1823.
        xiii. WALTER COOPER, b. July 1, 1799.

    My mother's earliest paternal ancestor[7] in America,

    1. JOHN^1 HAYES, is said to have emigrated from Scotland
    about 1680, and settled in Dover, New-Hampshire. He had a grant of
    land in 1693. By his wife Mary Horn, he had seven sons and three
    daughters, viz.:

       2. i. JOHN, b. 1686.
         ii. PETER.
        iii. REUBEN.
         iv. ICHABOD, b. March 13, 1691-2.
          v. SAMUEL, b. March 16, 1694-5.
         vi. WILLIAM, b. Sept. 6, 1698.
        vii. BENJAMIN, b. ----, 1700.
       viii. A DAUGHTER, m. Phipps.
         ix. A DAUGHTER, m. Ambrose.
          x. A DAUGHTER.

    2. JOHN^2 (_John^1_), married Mrs. Tomson, and lived at Tole-End,
    four miles from Dover corner. He was a deacon of the First
    Congregational Society in Dover. They had eight children, viz.:

          i. ANN, b. June 3, 1718.
      3. ii. REUBEN, b. May 8, 1720; d. 1762.
        iii. JOSEPH, b. March 15, 1722.
         iv. BENJAMIN, b. March 6, 1723.
          v. MEHITABEL, b. Dec. 11, 1725.
         vi. JOHN, went to North Yarmouth, Maine, to reside.
        vii. ELIJAH, went to Berwick, Maine.
       viii. ICHABOD, went to Berwick, Maine.

    3. REUBEN^3 (_John^2_, _John^1_), was born May 8, 1720. He lived at
    Tole-End and married Abigail Shackford, by whom he had only one
    child, viz.:

          i. SUSANNA, b. March 23, 1759.

    Reuben Hayes died in 1762, at the early age of 42 years, and by his
    will, after a liberal provision for his wife Abigail, he gave all
    the residue of his estate, real and personal, to his only child
    Susanna Hayes, consisting of his farm of 150 acres at Tole-End,
    with this reservation that, in case "his said daughter Susanna, at
    her decease, should leave no issue of her body lawfully begotten
    surviving, then my will is that, my whole estate that shall then be
    remaining, both real and personal, shall revert and be divided
    among my four Brethren, namely, Benjamin, John, Ichabod and Elijah
    Hayes."

      [7] I am mainly indebted for the annals of my mother's paternal
      ancestry to John R. Ham, M.D., of Dover, N.H.




DIARY OF DR. EZRA GREEN.


_Portsmouth Road, Nov. 1st, 1777. Saturday._--Between the hours of 8 &
9 this morning weigh'd anchor and proceeded to Sea with a moderate
breeze, before night lost sight of the American shore.[8]

      [8] The Ranger 18, was built 1777, on Langdon's Island,
      Portsmouth Harbor, by order of Congress, under the direction of
      Colonel James Hackett.

      On the 14th of June, 1777, Congress _Resolved_, That Capt. John
      Paul Jones be appointed to command the ship Ranger, and under
      date Philadelphia, June 18, 1777, the marine committee write to
      him, "You are appointed to the command of the Ranger, lately
      built at Portsmouth. Col. Whipple, the bearer of this, carries
      with him the resolves of Congress appointing you to this command,
      and authorizing him, Col. Langdon, and you to appoint the other
      commissioned as well as warrant officers necessary for this ship,
      and he has with him blank commissions and warrants for this
      purpose."

      Though great diligence was used by Jones in equipping the Ranger,
      she was not ready to proceed on her destination until the middle
      of October. Twenty-six guns had been provided for the ship, but
      Jones exercised great judgment in mounting only eighteen on her,
      as he considered from her size and slight construction, that she
      would be more serviceable with eighteen than with a greater
      number. The following extracts from his letter to the marine
      committee, dated Oct. 29, 1777, two days before sailing, gives a
      lively idea of the difficulties he had to contend with, and the
      poverty of our resources. "With all my industry I could not get a
      single suit of sails completed until the 20th current. Since that
      time winds and weather have laid me under the necessity of
      continuing in port. At this time it blows a very heavy gale from
      the northeast. The ship with difficulty rides it out, with yards
      and topmasts struck and whole cables ahead. When it clears up I
      expect the wind from the northwest, and shall not fail to embrace
      it, although I have not now a spare sail nor materials to make
      one. Some of those I have are made of hissings. I never before
      had such disagreeable service to perform, as that which I have
      now accomplished and of which another will claim the credit as
      well as the profit. However, in doing my utmost I am sensible
      that I have done no more than my duty."

      Thus imperfectly equipped, having a very good crew, but "only
      thirty gallons of rum," as Jones laments, for them to drink on
      the passage, the Ranger sailed from Portsmouth on the 1st of
      November, 1777.--_Mackenzie's Life of Paul Jones._

_Sunday, Nov. 2nd._--A very fine morning and a favorable wind, all well
on board--except some few who are a little Seasick.

_Friday, Nov. 7th._--A strong gale at Northwest which carrys us 10
knots.

_Thursday, Nov. 13th._--About seven this morning saw a sail on our lee
Bow distant about 2 Leagues, gave chase and spoke her about 12 o'clock,
a Brig from Carolina bound for Bordeaux with several Tory Passengers on
Board, among whom were Hartley the Organist & his wife.

_Friday, Nov. 14th._--This Morning at 5 o'clock came up a severe
Thunder Storm from the southwest.

_Saturday, 15th._--Last evening came on a gale of wind which increas'd
till about 3 this morning when it began to abate, in the hight of the
gale a sail was seen under our lee Quarter, hove too till she came up,
a Schooner from St. Peters bound to Bordeaux.

_Sunday, 16th._--A fresh Breeze, and high Sea from the late Gale, about
10 o'clock our tiller Rope broke by which we were in great Danger of
the Consequences of the Ship's broaching to.

_Wednesday, 19th._--About six this morning saw a Sail under our lee
Quarter, gave Chase or rather bore away till we came within about a
mile of Her found Her to be a large Ship standing Our course clued up
Our Courses and hawl'd Our wind--got ready for Action she standing on
her course close to the wind, wore Ship when it was too late, continued
the chase till night and lost Her.

_Saturday, Nov. 22nd._--At nine o'clock this morning saw a Sail on our
weather Beam--little wind; One of Our People fell from the Chains but
was saved by a Rope's End handed Him.

_Sunday, Nov. 23rd._--Early in the morning saw a Sail supposed to be
the same we saw yesterday, came up with and made a Prize of--about 8
o'clock, a Brig laden with fruit and wine from Malaga bound to
Yarmouth, Riches Comm^r.--She is called the Mary--there are no less
than six sail in sight at this Time.

_Monday, Nov. 24th._--Spoke a Schooner from Malaga bound to Liverpool
vessel and Cargo owned by a Portugal Merch^t.

_Tuesday, 25th._--Last night spoke a Ship & Snow bound to France,--and
are now chasing a vessel under Our lee Bow, at 11 at night came up with
& made a Prize of the Brig George from Malaga bound to London laden
with fruit and wine, she was commanded by Bulfinch.

_Wednesday, 26th._--Early in the morning gave chase to a Brig under our
lee Bow, but were obliged to give over Chase on seeing a very large
Ship to windward with several other Sail in Company she appeared to be
standing athwart us, about 2 she hove too with a Fleet of 13 Sail of
Ships & Brigs at 2 Leagues Distance, clewed up Our Courses & stopp'd
our Ship's way expecting every minute when she would come down upon us
about 4 she stood on her Course, we made sail close to the wind with a
design to cut off a Brig which could not keep up with the Convoy, lost
her in the night.

_Thursday, 27._--A fresh gale from the S.W. in the afternoon vear'd a
Barrel of Beef astern for the Brig, Sea running High she carelessly ran
upon our Larboard Quarter but did no other Damage than breaking our
Driver Boom--at 10 at Night saw several Sail spoke one of them found
them all to be Dutch Daugers.

_Saturday, 29th._--A very heavy gale, hove too at night in the Bay of
Biscay 60 Leagues distant from Land.

_Sunday, 30th._--Fine weather and a strong wind in the night hove too
and sounded in 80 Fathom water.

_Monday, Dec. 1._--Saw Land from mast Head at 10 in the morning, with
fine weather.

_Tuesday, Dec. 2nd._--Ran in for the Land with a fine moderate Breeze,
narrowly escap'd running on a Sand through want of a Pilot and arrived
all in good spirits at Peanbeauf on the River Loire and came to anchor
in the evening.

_Wednesday, 3rd._--Wrote a Letter to Capt. Shackford at L'Orient and
inclos'd one to my very good friend Cooper--favour'd by Cap^t.
Mutchemore.[9]

      [9] The letter to his friend Cooper is given in the Memoir.

_Friday, Dec. 5th._--The Prize Brig Mary arrived here safe--went to
Nantez with Capt. Simpson arriv'd at 9 in the Evening this is a very
considerable City distant 10 Leagues from Peanbeauf am told there are
12 Parishes in Nantes in one of which are 30,000 Souls.

_Saturday, Dec. 6._--Went to the Tragedy but it was to me in an unknown
Tongue, was not much pleased or entertained, however the Musick was
good.

_Sunday, Dec. 7._--Returned to Peanbeauf, and on board the Ranger.

_Friday, 13 Feb._--Set sail for Quiberon Bay M^r. Williams & Brother on
board, in company with us Brig Independence, anchored in the Bay about
six in the Evening, 4 Ships of the Line besides Frigates in the Bay.

_Saturday, 14th Feby._--Very Squaly weather, came to Sail at 4 o'clock
P.M. saluted the french Admiral & rec'd nine guns in return this is the
first salute ever pay'd the American flagg.

_Sunday, 15th Feb'y._--Brig Independence saluted the french Flagg which
was return'd.[10]

      [10] Jones, in his letter to the naval committee, dated Feb. 22,
      1778, reporting this important recognition of our flag, says:--

      "I am happy to have it in my power to congratulate you on my
      having seen the American flag, for the first time, recognized in
      the fullest and completest manner by the flag of France. I was
      off this bay [Quiberon Bay] on the 13th inst., and sent my boat
      in the next day to know if the Admiral would return my salute. He
      answered that he would return to me as the senior continental
      officer in Europe, the same salute as he was authorized to return
      to an Admiral of Holland, or any other republic, which was four
      guns less than the salute given. I hesitated at this, _for I had
      demanded gun for gun_.

      "Therefore I anchored in the entrance of the Bay at a distance
      from the French fleet; but after a very particular inquiry, on
      the 14th, finding that he really told the truth, I was induced to
      accept his offer, the more _as it was an acknowledgment of
      American Independence_.

      "The wind being contrary and blowing hard, it was after sunset
      before the Ranger was near enough to salute La Motte Piquet with
      thirteen guns, which he returned with nine. However, to put the
      matter beyond a doubt, I did not suffer the Independence to
      salute until the next morning, when I sent word to the Admiral
      that I would sail through his fleet in the Brig and would salute
      him in open day. He was exceedingly pleasant, and returned the
      compliment also with nine guns."

_Wednesday, 25th Feb'y._--Fleet got underway and left us at anchor
contrary to Expectations, about 12 o'clock it being very windy we came
to sail, ran out of the Bay without a Pilot, attempted to the Northward
of Belisle, but did not succeed, put back hoping to run into the Bay
again, but could not weather the Rocks, in the midst of our Trouble
having narrowly escap'd over setting the Ship, were alarm'd with the
cry of Fire--after all our endeavours to procure a Pilot were in vain,
& night coming on, bore away and ran out to the Leward of the Island,
very squaly still.

_Thursday, 26._--Arrived in Quiberon-Bay again the Evening after a
short but very tedious & unprofitable Cruize.

_Tuesday, March 3rd._--Weigh'd anchor and came to Sail in fine weather
& smooth water, sail'd along the Coast about 25 Leagues and came to
anchor in a small Bay near a small village called Benodett, had a
curious Adventure with a french Pilot who came on Board to pilot the
Ship but would not be compell'd to take charge of her.

_Thursday, March 5th._--Went with Joseph Ratcliff to Pontlably and
procured good lodgings for Him supposing the Eruption (which came out
last night) to be Small Pox--we were treated with great respect as we
were Americans, were waited on near half a mile to the Boat and on
parting gave them 3 Cheers which was answered with vive Le Congres.

_Friday, March 6th._--This morning (being fine weather) came to sail,
in the morning went through of Passage Duroi; saw a large Ship to the
leeward which we thought was a Frigate & the same we saw yesterday: She
fail'd in attempting to get through the Passage and stood off.

_Saturday, March 7th._--Came to anchor in Baldavids Bay not far from
the River of Brest.

_Sunday, March 8th._--Weigh'd and beat up towards Brest came too in
Camaritt's Bay 4 Leagues from Brest.

[At Brest] _Tuesday, March 10th._--Last night eight of our People took
the Cutter and went on shore and ran off leaving the Boat on the Rocks.

_Friday, March 13th._--Seven of eight Deserters were bro't back under
guard & confined in Irons.

_Saturday, 14th March._--Went to Brest with Capt. Jones & Lt.
Simpson; had a slight view of the Fortifications, Shipping, and
Dock-Yards--return'd in the Evening.

_Sunday, 15th._--I had the pleasure of entertaining the Commissaries
Lady & two Sisters on Board the Ranger.

_Wednesday, 18th._--Last night died after a lingering Illness for more
than three weeks Will^m. Reading--His remains were decently interr'd
about 11 o'clock A.M.--P.M. the Ladies came to pay Capt. Jones a visit
as he was absent when they pay'd us the first Visit.

_Monday, 23rd March._--Got under way and ran up to Brest; saluted the
Admiral, rec'd the news of L^d. Stormont's having left Paris on
receiving a copy of the Treaty with America.

_Thursday, 2nd April._--Got up anchor pay'd the french flagg another
Salute rec'd. 11 for 13--One of our Seamen narrowly escap'd drowning;
when the Ship was coming to sail was turned off from the Spritsail Yard
the Ship went over Him, but He was luckily taken up by the Man who was
in the Cutter which was vear'd astern arriv'd at Camaritt about 5
o'clock P.M. and came to anchor.

_Friday, 3rd April._--Our Ship being laid on Shore for cleaning I went
with our Pilot & L^t. Wallingsford to take a view of the New Fort which
is building on an Eminence at the distance of three miles from
Camaritt.

_Sunday, 5 April._--Attempted to get out to sea with the Fortuna of 36
guns but were oblig'd to return to Brest.

_Wednesday, 8th._--Made a second Attempt to get out & fail'd.

_Friday, 10th._--About 5 o'clock P.M. came to Sail in Company with the
Frigate [Fortuna]--were detained by the Cutter which was sent after
Sand to Camaritt.

_Saturday, 12th._[11]--Fine weather but no Convoy to be seen, about 10
in the morning saw a sail to windward which prov'd quite contrary to
our fears to be the Fortuna--we were all ready for action when she came
alongside of us.

      [11] Saturday was the 11th April, 1778. From this entry to that
      on Friday the 24th, there is a discrepancy of one day between the
      day of the week and the month.

_Monday, 14th._--Our Convoy left us, sooner than Capt. Jones Expected
which He resented but could not prevent.

_Tuesday, 15 April._--Early in the morning saw a Brig under our Lee
Bow, about 8 o'clock spoke her: from Ostend to Galway laden with
Flaxseed took the People their Baggage &c. on board scuttled and left
Her.[12]

      [12] Jones, in his report to the American commissioners, written
      on the 27th of May, from Brest, says: "On the 14th I took a
      Brigantine between Scilly and Cape Clear, bound for Ostend, with
      a cargo of flaxseed for Ireland, sunk her, and proceeded into St.
      George's Channel."

_Wednesday, 16th._--Made some part of Ireland in the morning suppos'd
to be the high Land of Dungarvin.

_Thursday 17th._--Saw a Ship in the afternoon under our lee Bow, at
Sun's setting spoke Her--a Ship of about 350 Tons from London for
Dublin laden with Hemp Iron Porter &c &c. ordered her to Brest.[13]

      [13] Jones calls this ship the Lord Chatham, and says that she
      was captured almost within sight of her port.

_Saturday, 19th._--Made a warm attempt to take a Cutter mounting 8
Guns, she slipped through Our Fingers, had the Captain have permitted
the Marines to fire on them when they first came under our lee Quarter
might have taken Her with great Ease.

_Sunday, 20th._--In the morning near the Isle of Man sunk a schooner
laden with Barley & Oats about 60 Tons burthen from some part of
Scotland, in the Evening sunk a Sloop in ballast from Ireland.[14]

_Monday, 21st._--Bore down for Belfast Loch, took a fishing Boat with 4
Men in sight of a Ship at anchor they informed Us that she was a Man of
war of 20 guns; we made sail and stood off about an Hour, when the
Capt. ordered the ship to be put about in order to go in and cut her
out, but the wind blowing fresh and the people unwilling to undertake
it we stood off and on till midnight when the People consenting and the
wind having lulled a little we stood into the River but it being
somewhat Dark did not drop our Anchor so as to lay her along side,
therefore were oblig'd to cut and run out, which we were very lucky in
effecting.[14]

      [14] Jones says with regard to these affairs: "On the 18th, in
      Glentine bay, on the south coast of Scotland, I met with a
      revenue wherry; it being the common practice of these vessels to
      board merchant ships, the Ranger then having no external
      appearance of war, it was expected that this rover would come
      alongside. I was, however, mistaken; for though the men were at
      their quarters, yet this vessel outsailed the Ranger, and got
      clear in spite of a severe cannonade.

      "The next morning (19th) off the Mull of Galloway, I found myself
      so near a Scotch Coasting Schooner, loaded with barley, that I
      could not avoid sinking her. Understanding that there were ten or
      twelve sail of merchant ships, besides a Tender brigantine with a
      number of impressed men on board, at anchor in Lochran in
      Scotland, I thought this enterprise worthy my attention; but the
      wind, which at the first would have served equally well to sail
      in or out of the Loch, shifted in a hard squall, so as to blow
      almost directly in, with an appearance of bad weather. I was
      therefore obliged to abandon my project.

      "Seeing a cutter off the lee bow steering for the Clyde, I gave
      chase, in hopes of cutting her off; but finding my endeavors
      ineffectual, I pursued no further than the Rock of Ailson. In the
      evening I fell in with a sloop from Dublin, which I sunk."

_Tuesday, 22nd._--Stood off and on all Day with a design to make
another Trial if the wind lull'd at night there being no signs of more
moderate weather wore ship and stood back towards Galway Mull--Our
people very much fatigued.

_Wednesday, 23rd._[15]--Weather somewhat more moderate & our people a
little recruited, Our enterprising Capt. with about 30 men went on
shore about 11 P.M. with a Design to fire the Town of Whitehaven.[16]

      [15] Jones in his report says: "The 21st, being near
      Carrickfergus, a fishing boat came off which I detained. I saw a
      ship at anchor in the road, which I was informed by the fishermen
      was the British ship of war Drake, of twenty guns. I determined
      to attack her in the night; my plan was to overlay her cable, and
      to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks open and
      exposed to our musquetry, &c.; at the same time, it was my
      intention to have secured the enemy by grapplings, so that, had
      they cut their cables, they would not have attained any
      advantage. The wind was high, and unfortunately the anchor was
      not let go as soon as the order was given, so that the Hanger was
      brought to upon the enemy's quarters at the distance of half a
      cable's length. We had made no warlike appearance, of course had
      given no alarm; this determined me to cut immediately, which
      might appear as if the cable had parted, and at the same time
      enable me, after making a tack out of the Loch, to return with
      the same prospect of advantage which I had at first. I was
      however prevented from returning, as I with difficulty weathered
      the light-house on the lee-side of the Loch, and as the gale
      increased. The weather now became so very stormy and severe, and
      the sea ran so high, that I was obliged to take shelter under the
      south shore of Scotland."

      [16] Jones's account of this important affair is as follows:--

      "The 22d introduced fair weather, though the three kingdoms were,
      as far as the eye could reach, covered with snow. I now resolved
      once more to attempt Whitehaven; but the wind became very light,
      so that the ship would not in proper time approach so near as I
      had intended. At midnight I left the ship with two boats and
      thirty-one volunteers; when we reached the outer pier the day
      began to dawn; I would not, however, abandon my enterprise, but
      despatched one boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Lieut.
      Wallingford, with the necessary combustibles to set fire to the
      shipping on the north side of the harbor, while I went with the
      other party to attempt the south side. I was successful in
      scaling the walls and spiking up all the cannon in the first
      fort; finding the sentinels shut up in the guard house, they were
      secured without being hurt. Having fixed sentinels, I now took
      with me one man only (Mr. Green), and spiked up all the cannon in
      the southern fort, distant from the others a quarter of a mile.

      "On my return from this business, I naturally expected to see the
      fire of the ships on the north side, as well as to find my own
      party with every thing in readiness to set fire to the shipping
      on the south; instead of this, I found the boat under the
      direction of Mr. Hill and Mr. Wallingford returned, and the party
      in some confusion, their light having burnt out at the instant
      when it became necessary. By the strangest fatality, my own party
      were in the same situation, the candles being ail burnt out. The
      day too came on apace, yet I would by no means retract while any
      hopes of success remained. Having again placed sentinels, a light
      was obtained at a house disjoined from the town, and a fire was
      kindled in the steerage of a large ship, which was surrounded by
      at least one hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to four
      hundred tons burden, and lying side by side, aground unsurrounded
      by the water. There were, besides, from seventy to a hundred
      large ships on the north arm of the harbor, aground clear of the
      water, and divided from the rest only by a stone pier of a ship's
      height. I should (would) have kindled fires in other places if
      the time had permitted; as it did not, our care was to prevent
      the one kindled from being easily extinguished. After some
      search, a barrel of tar was found, and poured into the flames,
      which now ascended from all the hatchways. The inhabitants began
      to appear in thousands, and individuals ran hastily towards us. I
      stood between them and the ship on fire, with a pistol in my
      hand, and ordered them to retire, which they did with
      precipitation. The flames had already caught in the rigging, and
      began to ascend the mainmast; the sun was a full hour's march
      above the horizon, and as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was
      time to retire. We re-embarked without opposition, having
      released a number of prisoners, as our boats could not carry
      them. After all my people had embarked, I stood upon the pier for
      a considerable space, yet no person advanced; I saw all the
      eminences around the town covered with the amazed inhabitants.

      "When we had rowed to a considerable distance from the shore, the
      English began to run in vast numbers to their forts; their
      disappointments may easily be imagined when they found, I
      suppose, at least thirty heavy cannon rendered useless. At
      length, however, they began to fire, having, as I apprehend,
      either brought down ship's guns, or used one or two cannon which
      lay on the beach at the foot of the walls, dismounted, and which
      had not been spiked. They fired with no direction, and the shot
      falling short of the boats, instead of doing us any damage
      afforded some diversion; which my people could not help showing,
      by discharging their pistols, &c. in return of the salute. Had it
      been possible to have landed a few hours sooner, my success would
      have been complete. Not a single ship, out of more than two
      hundred, could possibly have escaped, and all the world would not
      have been able to save the town. What was done, however, is
      sufficient to show, that not all their boasted navy can protect
      their own coasts; and that the scenes of distress, which they
      have occasioned in America, may soon be brought home to their own
      door. One of my people was missing; and must, I fear, have fallen
      into the enemy's hands after our departure. I was pleased that in
      this business we neither killed or wounded any person. I brought
      off three prisoners as a _sample_."

      In a memorial to congress Jones says, "His first object was to
      secure an exchange of prisoners in Europe, and his second to put
      an end, by one good fire in England, of shipping, to all the
      burnings in America," and he expresses the opinion, that had his
      officers in the Providence and Alfred been with him in the
      Ranger, two hundred and fifty to three hundred large ships at
      Whitehaven would have been laid in ashes. In the Ranger's logbook
      the man left on shore is named David Smith, and it was thought he
      remained on shore voluntarily, and that under the name of
      Freeman, he gave information at several houses that fire had been
      set to the ships.

_Thursday, 24th._--After watching the night and all the morning till
broad day light in expectation of seeing the smoke of the Town and
Shipping (ascend as the smoke of a Furnace) began to fear that Our
People had fallen into the Enemies Hands; however about half an hour
after sun rise we discovered two small Boats at a great Distance coming
out of the Rivers mouth, and clouds of smoke arising from the Shipping,
soon after we saw them fire on the Boats from the Shore, but most of
the Cannon being spiked up by our People they could do but very little
the Boats were soon out of their Reach and came along-side with 3
prisoners for one left behind.

The same Day crossed over to the other side of the Bay to the Mull of
Galway Capt. Jones with Lt. Wallingsford and about 12 Men went on shore
[at St. Mary's Isle] with design to take L^d. Selkirk, Prisoner. As he
was not at Home and no man in the House, for the sake of his Lady & her
Company they came off without doing any further Damage than plundering
Him of Plate to the amount of (as near as I can judge) 160lb. weight of
Silver.[17]

      [17] _The attempted Seizure of the Earl of Selkirk_, &c.--On the
      8th of May following, Jones wrote from Brest to the Countess of
      Selkirk, with regard to the taking of this plate, that he was
      obliged to command while he did not approve of the act, and thus
      expresses the object of the expedition.

      "Knowing Lord Selkirk's interest with the King, and esteeming as
      I do his private character, I wished to make him the happy
      instrument of alleviating the horrors of a hopeless captivity,
      when the brave are overpowered and made prisoners of war," and
      "it was my intention to have taken him on board the Ranger, and
      to have detained him until, through this means, a general and
      fair exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in America, had
      been effected. When I was informed, by some men whom I met at the
      landing, that his Lordship was absent, I walked back to my boat,
      determined to leave the Island. By the way, however, some
      officers who were with me, could not forbear expressing their
      discontent, observing that, in America, no delicacy was shown by
      the English, who took away all sorts of moveable
      property--setting fire not only to towns, and to the houses of
      the rich, without distinction, but not even sparing the wretched
      hamlets and milch cows of the poor and helpless, at the approach
      of an inclement winter. That party had been with me the same
      morning at Whitehaven; some complaisance, therefore, was their
      due. I had but a moment to think how I might gratify them, and at
      the same time do your ladyship the least injury. I charged two
      officers to permit none of the seamen to enter the house, or to
      hurt anything about it,--to treat you, Madam, with the utmost
      respect, to accept of the plate which was offered, and to come
      away without making a search, or demanding any thing else.

      "I am induced to believe I was punctually obeyed; since I am
      informed, that the plate which they brought away is far short of
      the quantity expressed in the inventory which accompanied it. I
      have gratified my men; and when the plate is sold I shall become
      the purchaser, and will gratify my own feelings by restoring it
      to you, by such conveyance as you shall please to direct."

      Lord Selkirk wrote a letter in reply, intimating that he would
      accept the return of the plate, if made by order of congress, but
      not if redeemed by individual generosity. The letter, however,
      was detained in the general post office, London, and returned to
      the earl, who requested a gentleman to communicate the cause of
      its miscarriage and its tenor orally to Dr. Franklin, who at once
      informed Jones of the substances of the communication. Meanwhile
      the plate had fallen into the hands of the prize agents, and it
      was not until the beginning of 1780, and by the purchase of
      seventeen twentieths of it, that Jones obtained possession of it.
      When he had succeeded in effecting this object, he wrote again to
      the Countess of Selkirk; but his voyage to America retarded its
      delivery until 1784. It was eventually returned in the same
      condition in which it had been removed, and Lord Selkirk
      subsequently acknowledged, as the following extracts from his
      letter to Paul Jones, dated _London, August 4, 1789_, the
      unwearied pains Jones had taken to secure its restoration.

      "I received the letter you wrote to me at the time you sent off
      my plate, in order for restoring it. Had I known where to direct
      a letter to you, at the time it arrived in Scotland, I would then
      have wrote you. * * * Notwithstanding all the precaution you took
      for the easy and uninterrupted conveyance of the plate, yet it
      met with considerable delays; first at Calais, next at Dover,
      then at London; however, it at last arrived at Dumfries, and I
      dare say quite safe, though as yet I have not seen it, being then
      in Edinburgh." "I intended to have put an article in the
      newspapers about your having returned it * * and on all occasions
      both now and formerly, I have done you the justice to tell, that
      you made an offer of returning the plate very soon after your
      return to Brest; and although you yourself was not at my house,
      but remained at the shore with your boat, that yet you had your
      officers and men in such extraordinary good discipline, that your
      having given them the strictest orders to behave well, to do no
      injury of any kind, to make no search, but only to bring off what
      plate was given them; that in reality they did exactly as
      ordered, and that not one man offered to stir from his post on
      the outside of the house, nor entered the doors, nor said an
      uncivil word; that the two officers staid not a quarter of an
      hour in the parlor and the butler's pantry, while the butler got
      the plate together, behaved politely, and asked for nothing but
      the plate, and instantly marched their men oft' in regular order,
      and that both officers and men behaved in all respects so well,
      that it would have done credit to the best disciplined troops
      whatever."

_Friday, 24th._--Early in the morning our Capt. proposed making a
second attempt to cut out the Ship in Caraefergus, which was now within
a small Distance, the People both officers & men discovr'd great
unwillingness to make the attempt. Capt. Jones notwithstanding declar'd
publickly his determination to go in, in short it seem'd impossible to
avoid it for the Tide & what little wind there was, had imperceptably
carry'd us in so far that there was very little chance for an Escape,
and now which was about sun-rise we saw the Ship with Her Sails loos'd
and had nothing to do but to get ready for Action Our People at the
same Time discovering the greatest readiness to engage Her. When she
[the Sloop of war Drake] came out at 11 almost Calm about 12 Saw a Boat
coming from the Ship which we Decoy'd and took on board a Midshipman &
5 Men; there being a light Breeze of Wind & understanding by the People
from the Ship that she was coming Out to us; clung our wind and stood
out under easy sail till 4 o'clock, P.M. & hove too for Her, she came
up about 6 and hailed after the usual Compliments were pass'd we wore
Ship and gave her a whole broad side, without receiving a Shot: the
Action continued till 5 minutes after seven very warm when her 2
Commanding Officers being the one Capt. Brurdon killed & the other Lt.
Dobbs mortally wounded and about 20 of Her Men disabled and the Ships
Rigging Sails &c. very much damaged they were oblig'd to give her up by
the wave of the Hat; & a call for Quarters for having the Second Time
cut away their Ensign staff they had no Colours to Strike.

Lost on our side,--Lt. Wallingsford[18] killed by a musket shot in the
head. John W. Dangle by a double H^d. shot cut in two in the Fore Top.

      [18] Lieut. Wallingford's christian name was Samuel. Doct. Green
      told his son he was a lieutenant of marines. His son George
      Washington Wallingford, born in Somersworth, N.H.; and an infant
      two months old at the time of his father's death, was a
      distinguished lawyer of Maine. (See Willis's _Law and Lawyers of
      Maine_, pp. 252,256.)

Wounded,--Pierce Powers lost his right Hand, & his left badly wounded.
James Falls by a musket shot through the Shoulder. Tho^s. Taylor lost
his little Finger by a musket shot at the wheel.

_Saturday, 25th._--Very pleasant and almost Calm a fine Opportunity for
repairing and fitting for Sea from on board the Drake buried the
Remains of Capt. Burdon with the Honors of war--spoke a Brigg from
white Haven of about 300 Tons commanded by Capt. More, put a Prize
Master and Hands on Board Her: at 12 we were not far from the place of
action about 2 o'clock P.M. having a light Breeze sent away the Fishing
Boat's crew with a present of Money 17 Guineas and the Drakes Main Sail
& M^n. Top Sail; in the Evening committed the Body of Lt. Wallingsford
to the deep with the Honours due to so brave an Officer.

_Monday, 4th May._--Died of his wounds and the same day were decently
buried the Remains of Nath^1. Wells of Portsmouth, America.

_Thursday, May 7th._--Arrived at Brest with the Ship Drake in Company.

_May 9th, Saturday._--Sent on Shore to the Hospital Pierce Powers,
James Falls & Tho^s. Taylor from the Ranger at the same Time sent from
the Drake 13 Prisoners.

_Sunday, 10th May._--Arrived here the Prize Brig Patience.

_Wednesday, 13th._--Sent to the Hospital John Mott a Prisoner taken in
the Drake.

_Friday, 29 May._--Drew a petition in behalf of my good Friend Simpson
now in gaol in Brest which was sign'd by Lt. Hall M^r. Cullam and
myself & sent on shore to the Office in order to go to the
Commissioners at Paris.

_Thursday, 18th June._--Rec'd the news of an Engagement between a
French & English Frigate not far from Morleaux, the French Frig. was
ordered out to Adm^l. Byron to speak, she refus'd to Obey therefore
were fired on by the Eng--the action began about half past 4 on the
afternoon of yesterday and continued 5 hours, though the Eng^h. struck
they were prevented bringing her off by Adm^l. Byron's Squadron 12 sail
of the Line besides Frigates--the French Frigate lost 1 Lt. 1 officer
of Marines and 38 men killed, and about 60 wounded.

_Thursday, 2nd July._--Had the company of Col. Frazier & M^r. Pringle
to Dine, afternoon went with them & Lieut^s. Simpson & Hall on board
the Britaigne of 110 Guns & 1400 Men were treated with the greatest
civility & Respect from all on Board.

_Friday, 3rd July._--This day arrived a Schooner called the Spy from
New London with Dispatches from Congress.

_Saturday, July 4th._--This being the Anniversary of American
Independence, was observed as such Our Ship was dressed 13 guns
discharg'd at 10 o'clock; At undressing 13 more; on drinking the Duke
de Chartre's Health 9 guns were fired; a number of Patriotic Toast were
drank; and universal Joy was diffused throughout the whole Ship's
company.

_Wednesday, July 8th._--This day the Fleet sail'd from this Place about
33 sail of the Line besides Frigates.

_Thursday, 9th._--This Day arrived here a Brig from Carolina with
Rice--no news C. Ray.

_Friday, July 10th._--This Day the Lively Ship of war was brought into
this harbour. On her refusing to comply with the commands of Capt. of
the Frigate by which she was taken, she receiv'd a broadside from the
Cannon & the fire from the Swivels & musketry both from below and
aloft, which was returned by 3 guns when she struck. Her loss was about
20 kill'd & 40 wounded most of whom are since dead.

_Friday, July 17th._--This day was brought in here the prize Cutter
Alert of 12 guns the same which took the Lexington Brig of 14 guns
Johnson Comm^r. She was taken by a Frigate.

_Sunday, 28 June_ last were brought in here Two Cutters from Guernsey
taken by Frigate Snow.

_Wednesday, 22 July._--Rec'd the news of C. De Astangs arrival in
Boston.

_Monday, July 27th._--This day Thomas Simpson Esq^r.[19] came on board
with orders to take command of the Ranger; to the joy and Satisfaction
of the whole Ships company.

[19] This change of commanders was at Jones's request on the 4th of
July. He wrote to the commissioners at Paris,--"When Congress thought
proper to order me to France it was proposed that the Ranger should
remain under my direction, not be commanded by a Lieutenant. And as the
French ministry have now in contemplation plans which promise honor to
the American flag, the Ranger might be very useful in carrying them
into execution. Lieut. Simpson has certainly behaved amiss; yet I can
forgive, as well as resent; and upon his making a proper concession, I
will with your approbation not only forgive the past, but leave him the
command of the Ranger. By this means, and by some little promotions and
attentions, I hope to be able to satisfy the Ranger's crew, so that
they will postpone their return as long as the service may require."

On the 13th of August, he wrote the commissioners from Brest, "I have
been five days in this place since my return from Passy, during which
time I have neither seen nor heard from Lieut. Simpson; but Mr. Hill,
who was last winter at Passy, and who sailed with me from Nantes,
informs me truly, that it is generally reported in the Ranger, and of
course throughout the French fleet and on shore, that I am turned out
of the service; that you gentlemen have given Mr. Simpson my place,
with a Captain's commission, and that my letter to you of the 16th of
July, was involuntary on my part, and in obedience only to your
orders. That these reports prevail, is not an idle conjecture, but a
melancholy tact. Therefore, I beseech you; I demand of you to afford me
redress--redress by a court martial," &c. On the 15th of August, he
wrote Capt. Abraham Whipple, then at Brest, requesting that a court
martial might be summoned for the trial of Simpson, but Capt. Whipple
writes him, explaining the impossibility of forming a court, and
expressing it as his opinion, that as he had given up the parole of
Simpson, in the most ample manner without asking for concessions,
nothing could be done.

Lieut. Simpson sailed in the Ranger for America. On the 30th of August,
Jones's friend Mr. Williams, writing to him from Nantes, in relation to
the pending sale of the Drake, said, "I am sorry your affair with
Lieut. Simpson was not settled with mutual satisfaction. If he was not
gone, I should answer his charge of falsehood with the following
paragraph of his own letter to me, of the 1st of August, to mine, which
you say he calls false, viz: 'I recollect my telling you when at Brest,
that if Capt. Jones had condescended to have made any inquiry, or
permitted him to speak to me on the matter of my confinement, I was
ready to give him any satisfaction consonant with truth.' It is strange
he should recollect this when he wrote me the letter, and forget it
again when he told Mr. Hill it was false. Lieut. Simpson's letter to me
is in very respectful terms, and I wrote him a letter of thanks in
return. He desired me to present his respects to you, and tell you that
'your recommendation to the commissioners, which I mentioned, would,
with any services you had done him, be ever remembered with
gratitude.'"

The Ranger arrived safe in America, and Lieut. Simpson was continued in
command of her until she was destroyed at Charleston, after which we
hear no more of him in the naval service.

In February following, the commissioners addressed a letter to Jones,
stating, that as his separation from the Ranger, and the appointment of
Lieut. Simpson to the command of her would be liable to
misrepresentation, they certified that his leaving her was by their
consent, at the express request of M. de Sartine, who informed them
that he had occasion to employ Jones in some public service; that
Simpson was appointed to the command by the consent of Jones, who had
released him from the arrest he had placed him under; that Jones's rank
in the navy was not prejudiced by his leaving the Ranger; and that his
commission remained in full force.

In a letter addressed to Robert Morris, dated Oct. 10, 1783, Jones
says, he "received orders to proceed to Europe, to command the great
frigate building at Amsterdam, for the U.S.; then called the Indien,
and since the South Carolina,"--and "it was proposed that he should
proceed to France in a ship belonging to that kingdom; but, some
difficulties arising, the sloop of war Ranger of 18 guns was put under
his command for that service, and to serve afterwards as a tender to
the Indien, but political reasons defeated the plan, and after seeing
the commissioners in Paris, agreeably to their order to consult on the
means of carrying it into execution, he returned to Nantes and resumed
the command of the Ranger."

_Tuesday, July 28th._--This Day arrived from the Lamp [illegible] of 60
guns, with news of an Engagement between the Fleets.

_Wednesday, July 29th._--Last night arrived a 74 This Day arrived the
Fleet, excepting 1 of 80 1 of 60 and 1 Frigate, which they say parted
from them in the Fog--they appear to have sustained no very
considerable Damage in the late Fight.

_Saturday, Augt. 8th._--Sent to the Hospital three of the Drake's
People viz: Jn^o. Wilkinson Pilot John Colbert & John Rickets Seamen.

_Sunday, Augt. 9th._--Sent to the Hospital Joseph Larcher a Prisoner
from y^e Drake.

_Saturday 15._--Last night arrived Here the Barton & Providence,
Whipple & Tucker from Nantes.

_Thursday, 20th Augt._--Moved down in Company with the Providence &
Boston Frigates, about four Leagues & came too, to give the People an
Opportunity of expending their Prize Money. I had a very Fatiguing Time
up to Brest on Business for Capt. Simpson and the widow of my deceas'd
Friend Lt. Wallingford for whom I bought 32 Crowns worth.

_Friday, 21st._--Very little wind this morning came to Sail & got down
about 2 Leagues & anchored. At 3 P.M. came to Sail again and ran out
with a fine Breeze.

_Saturday, 22._--Very fine weather in the morning saw a Sail ahead were
order'd by our Commodore to give chase came up with Her about 5 P.M. a
Spanish Snow bound to Haver du Grace.

_Sunday, 23rd Aug._--Chased a Dutchman all Day.

_Monday, 24._--Spoke Brig call'd the Sally from London laden with
Provisions, Beef Flour & Butter, 150 Tons Burthen. Sent her to America.
Lat. 45.32 Long. 10.22.

_Wednesday, September 2nd._--Being in chase in Latt. 47.21 Long. 27.24
at 3 P.M. carry'd away Our fore Top Mast and Main Top gall. Mast.

_Wednesday, Sept. 9th._--Latt. 46.7 Long. 36.29. Took a Brig called the
Friends from Granada bound to Glasco with Rum & Cotton about 100 Tons
Burden. 10 Bags Cotton 134 Puncheons Rum.

_Wednesday, 16th Sept^r._ in Latt. 45.45 Long. 41.47 Took a Snow from
Newfoundland Laden with Fish 150 Tons Burthen.

_Thursday 17th._--7 Morn gave chase to a large Ship to windward as far
as we could see them from Top of mast head 7 in the Evening, came very
near them but night coming on lost sight of them.

_Friday, 25th September._--In Latt. 44.45 had soundings on the Banks of
Newfoundland in 82 Fathoms, Foggy.

_Sunday, 27th Sept._--Spoke a Brig from Amsterdam called the William
Robert Stonehouse Comm^r. bound to Boston the same Day saw an Island of
Ice at a Distance which had the appearance of a Lofty Sail we pass'd
within a League of it to windward. The Brig is Laden with Tea and
Cordage.






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