diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-03-03 04:35:44 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-03-03 04:35:44 -0800 |
| commit | 136a9dc909b8681ab3ac92a4910706db5bda42cc (patch) | |
| tree | aba9696b9ff8c6c5a274cfc0db367ffb9f9526de | |
| parent | bcb41a31be4c044abf72641c5d9e758feeef20cc (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-0.txt | 400 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-0.zip | bin | 63611 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-8.txt | 2816 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-8.zip | bin | 63504 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-h.zip | bin | 292209 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-h/35352-h.htm (renamed from 35352-h/35352-h.html) | 359 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst.zip | bin | 286629 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/35352-rst.rst | 2926 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/images/decorativeO.png | bin | 46210 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/images/decorativeT1.png | bin | 47812 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/images/decorativeT2.png | bin | 55604 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/images/image1bird.png | bin | 42864 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352-rst/images/image2tri.png | bin | 29172 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352.txt | 2816 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 35352.zip | bin | 63444 -> 0 bytes |
15 files changed, 4 insertions, 9313 deletions
diff --git a/35352-0.txt b/35352-0.txt index 31e80ad..f1f1b1a 100644 --- a/35352-0.txt +++ b/35352-0.txt @@ -1,28 +1,4 @@ - Papers of the American Negro Academy - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro -Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimké, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. -Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell - -Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 35352 *** Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. @@ -2435,376 +2411,4 @@ Transcriber’s Note Original spelling varieties have been maintained; footnotes were renumbered. - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the Project -Gutenberg™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered -trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you -receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of -this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this -eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, -reports, performances and research. They may be modified and printed and -given away – you may do practically _anything_ with public domain -eBooks. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially -commercial redistribution. - - - -The Full Project Gutenberg License - - -_Please read this before you distribute or use this work._ - -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or -any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works - - -*1.A.* By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the -terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all -copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you -paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this -agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you -paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -*1.B.* “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things -that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even -without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph -1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help -preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See -paragraph 1.E below. - -*1.C.* The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of -Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in -the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you -from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating -derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project -Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the -Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works -by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms -of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated -with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by -keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project -Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others. - -*1.D.* The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the -copyright status of any work in any country outside the United States. - -*1.E.* Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -*1.E.1.* The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on -which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase -“Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, -viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with - almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away - or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License - included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org - -*1.E.2.* If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived -from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is -posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied -and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees -or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with -the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, -you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through -1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -*1.E.3.* If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional -terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked -to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the -permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. - -*1.E.4.* Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. - -*1.E.5.* Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. - -*1.E.6.* You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than -“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ web site -(http://www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or -expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a -means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original -“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include -the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -*1.E.7.* Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless -you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -*1.E.8.* You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided -that - - - You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you - already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to - the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to - donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 - days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally - required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments - should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, - “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary - Archive Foundation.” - - - You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. - You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the - works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and - all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works. - - - You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - - - You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - - -*1.E.9.* If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth -in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from both the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael Hart, the -owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3. below. - -*1.F.* - -*1.F.1.* Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. -Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the -medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but -not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription -errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a -defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer -codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. - -*1.F.2.* LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES – Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability -to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE -THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF -WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. -YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR -UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, -INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE -NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE. - -*1.F.3.* LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND – If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -*1.F.4.* Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS,’ WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -*1.F.5.* Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -*1.F.6.* INDEMNITY – You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ - - -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals -and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely -available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and -permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn -more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how -your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the -Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org . - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state -of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue -Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is -64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf . Contributions to the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the -full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. - -The Foundation’s principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. -S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation’s web site and official page -at http://www.pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - - -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without wide spread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the -number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely -distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest array of -equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to -$5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with -the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where -we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any -statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside -the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways -including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, -please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic -works. - - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. unless -a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks -in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook’s eBook -number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, -compressed (zipped), HTML and others. - -Corrected _editions_ of our eBooks replace the old file and take over -the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. -_Versions_ based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving -new filenames and etext numbers. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including -how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to -our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 35352 *** diff --git a/35352-0.zip b/35352-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5862e62..0000000 --- a/35352-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-8.txt b/35352-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 634774c..0000000 --- a/35352-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2816 +0,0 @@ - Papers of the American Negro Academy - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro -Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimk, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. -Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell - -Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - -The Sex Question and Race Segregation - -BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMK, President. - -Message of San Domingo to the African Race - -BY THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD, U. S. A. (Retired) - -Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - -BY LAFAYETTE M. HERSHAW. - -Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - -BY ARTHUR A. SCHOMBURG. - -The Status of the Free Negro from 1860 to 1870 - -BY WILLIAM PICKENS. - -American Negro Bibliography of the Year - -BY JOHN W. CROMWELL. - -The above Papers were all read at the Nineteenth Annual Meeting - -of the American Negro Academy, held in the Y.M.C.A. - -Building, 12th Street Branch, Washington, D.C. - -December 28th and 29th, 1915. - -PRICE: 25 CTS. - - - - -Table of Contents - - - - Archibald H. Grimk. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African - Race - - Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to - America - - William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from - 1860-1870 - - John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - - - -Archibald H. Grimk. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - -One wrong produces other wrongs as surely and as naturally as the seed -of the thorn produces other thorns. Men do not in the moral world gather -figs from a thorn-bush any more than they do in the vegetable world. -What they sow in either world, that they reap. Such is the law. The -earth is bound under all circumstances and conditions of time and place -to reproduce life, action, conduct, character, each after its own kind. -Men cannot make what is bad bring forth what is good. Truth does not -come out of error, light out of darkness, love out of hate, justice out -of injustice, liberty out of slavery. No, error produces more error, -darkness more darkness, hate more hate, injustice more injustice, -slavery more slavery. That which we do is that which we are, and that -which we shall be. - -The great law of reproduction which applies without shadow of change to -individual life, applies equally to the life of that aggregation of -individuals called a race or nation. Not any more than an individual can -they do wrong with impunity, can they commit a bad deed without reaping -in return the result in kind. There is nothing more certain than the -wrong done by a people shall reappear to plague them, if not in one -generation, then in another. For the consummation of a bad thought in a -bad act puts what is bad in the act beyond the control of the actor. The -evil thus escapes out of the Pandora-box of the heart, of the mind, to -reproduce and to multiply itself a hundredfold and in a hundred ways in -the complex relationships of men within human society. And then it -returns not as it issued singly, but with its related brood of ill -consequences: - - "But in these cases, - We still have judgment here; that we but teach - Bloody instructions, which being taught return - To plague the inventor: this even-handed justice - Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice - To our own lips." - -The ship which landed at Jamestown in 1619 with a cargo of African -slaves for Virginia plantations, imported at the same time into America -with its slave-cargo certain seed-principles of wrong. As the slaves -reproduced after their kind, so did these seed-principles of wrong -reproduce likewise after their kind. Wherever slavery rooted itself, -they rooted themselves also. The one followed the other with the -regularity of a law of nature, the invariability of the law of cause and -effect. As slavery grew and multiplied and spread itself over the land, -the evils begotten of slavery grew, and multiplied, and spread -themselves over the life of the people, black and white alike. The winds -which blew North carried the seeds, and the winds which blew South, and -wherever they went, wherever they fell, whether East or West, they -sprang up to bear fruit in the characters of men, in the conduct of a -growing people. - -The enslavement of one race by another necessarily produces certain -moral effects upon both races, moral deterioration of the masters, moral -degradation of the slaves. The deeper the degradation of the one, the -greater will be the deterioration of the other, and vice versa. Indeed, -slavery is a breeding-bed, a sort of compost heap, where the best -qualities of both races decay and become food for the worst. The brute -appetites and passions of the two act and react on the moral nature of -each race with demoralizing effects. The subjection of the will of one -race under such circumstances to the will of another begets in the race -that rules cruelty and tyranny, and in the one that is ruled, fear, -cunning and deceit. The lust, the passions of the master-class, act -powerfully on the lust, the passions of the slave-class, and those of -the slave-class react not less powerfully on the master-class. The -greater the cruelty, tyranny and lust of the one, the greater will be -the cunning, deceit and lust of the other. And there is no help for this -so long as the one race rules and the other race is ruled, so long as -there exists between them in the state inequality of rights, of -conditions, based solely on the race-hood of each. - -If two races live together on the same land and under the same -government as master and slave, or as superior and inferior, there will -grow up in time two moral standards in consequence of the two races -living together under such conditions. The master or superior race will -have one standard to regulate the conduct of individuals belonging to it -in respect to one another, and another standard to regulate the conduct -of those self-same individuals in respect to individuals of the slave or -inferior race. Action which would be considered bad if done by an -individual of the former race to another individual of the same race, -would not be regarded as bad at all, or at least in anything like the -same degree, if done to an individual of the latter race. On the other -hand, if the same offense were committed by an individual of the slave -or inferior race against an individual of the master or superior race, -it would not only be deemed bad, but treated as very bad. - -With the evolution of the double moral standard and its application to -the conduct of these two sets of individuals in the state, there grows -up in the life of both classes no little confusion in respect to moral -ideas, no little confusion in respect to ideas of right and wrong. Nor -is this surprising. The results of such a double standard of morals -could not possibly be different so long as human nature is what it is. -The natural man takes instinctively to the double standard, to any -scheme of morals which makes it easy for him to sin, and difficult for a -brother or enemy to do likewise. And this is exactly what our American -double standard does practically in the South for both races, but -especially for the dominant race, for example, in regard to all that -group of actions, which grows out of the relation of the sexes in -Southern society. - -What relations do the Southern males of the white race sustain to the -females of both races? Are these relations confined strictly to the -females of their own race? Or do they extend to the females of the black -race? Speaking frankly, we all know what the instinct of the male animal -is, and man after all, is physically a male animal. He is by nature one -of the most polygamous of male animals. There goes on in some form among -the human males, as among other males, a constant struggle for the -females. In polygamous countries each man obtains as many wives as he -can purchase and support. In monogamous countries he is limited by law -to one wife, whether he is able to maintain a plurality of wives or not. -When he marries this one woman the law defines his relations to her and -also to the children who may issue from such a union. But the man--I am -talking broadly--is at heart a polygamist still. The mere animal -instinct in his blood inclines him to run after, to obtain possession of -other wives. To give way to this inclination in monogamous countries he -knows to be attended with danger, to be fraught with sundry grievous -consequences to himself. He is liable to his wife, for example, to an -action for divorce on the ground of adultery. He is liable to be -prosecuted criminally on the same charge by the state, and to be sent to -prison for a term of years. But this is not the end of his troubles. -Public opinion, society, falls foul of him also in consequence of his -misconduct. He loses social recognition, the respect of his fellows, -becomes in common parlance a disgraced man. The one-wife country is -grounded on the inviolability of the Seventh Commandment. All the -sanctions of law, of morals, and of religion conspire to protect the -wife against the roving propensities of the husband, combine to curb his -male instinct to run after many women, to practice plural marriages. -There thus grows up in the breast of the race, is transmitted to each -man with the accumulated strength of social heredity, a feeling of -personal fear, a sense of moral obligation, which together war against -his male instinct for promiscuous sexual intercourse, and make for male -purity, for male fidelity to the one-wife idea, to the one-wife -institution. The birth of this wholesome fear in society is the -beginning of wisdom in monogamous countries. And unless this sense of -moral obligation is able to maintain its ascendancy in those countries, -the male sexual instinct to practice plural marriages will reassert -itself, will revert, if not openly, then secretly, to a state of nature, -to illicit relations. But every tendency to such reassertion, or -reversion, is effectively checked in a land where national morals are -sound, are pure, by wise laws which a strong, an uncompromising public -sentiment makes and executes impartially against all offenders. - -This is the case in respect to monogamous countries inhabited by a -homogeneous population. In such countries where there exist no -differences of race, where there is no such thing as a dominant and a -subject race, the national standard of morals is single, the sexual -problem is accordingly simple and yields readily, uniformly, to the -single standard regulation or treatment. The "Thou shalt not" of the law -applies equally to all males in their relations to all females in -general, and to the one female in particular. No confusion ensues in law -or in fact in respect to the subject, to the practical application of -the rule to the moral conduct of individuals. Fornication, adultery, -marriage and concubinage are not interpreted by public sentiment to mean -one thing for one class of individuals, and another thing for another -class under the same law. There are no legal double standards, no moral -double standards. The moral eye of society, under these circumstances, -is single, the legal eye of the state is likewise single, and the eye of -the whole people becomes, in consequence, full of moral light. Marriage -is held to be sacred by the state, by society, and adultery or the -breach of the marriage-vow or obligation is held accordingly to be -sacrilege, one of the greatest of crimes. - -The man who seduces another man's wife in such a society, in such a -state, is regarded as an enemy by society, by the state, and is dealt -with as such. Likewise the man who seduces another man's daughter. For -this crime the law has provided penalties which the wrong-doer may not -escape. And it matters not whether the seducer be rich and powerful, or -the girl poor and ignorant, the state, society respects not his wealth -nor his power. His status in respect to her is fixed by law, and hers -also in respect to him. While in the event of issue arising from such a -union, the law establishes certain relations between the child and the -putative father. It enables the mother to procure a writ against him, -and in case of her success he will be thereupon bound to support the -child during a certain number of years. The state, society, does not yet -compel him to give his name to the innocent offspring of his illicit -act, but it does compel him to provide for it proper maintenance. Thus -has the state, society, in monogamous countries restrained within bounds -the sexual activity of the human male, evolving in the process a code of -laws and one of morals for this purpose. These codes are administered -impartially, equally, by the state, by society, over all of the males in -their relation to all of the females. - -In monogamous countries where two races live side by side, one dominant, -the other subject, the single legal standard, the single moral standard, -yields in practice if not in theory to the double standard in law and -morals in respect to the sexual question. In the ensuing confusion of -moral ideas, of moral obligations, the male instinct gains in freedom -from restraints of law, of social conventions, and reverts in -consequence and to that extent to a state of nature, of natural -marriage. The legal and moral codes which regulate the relations of the -males of one race with the females of the same race are not applicable -in regulating the relations of those self-same males with the females of -the other race. Marriage in such a country has regard to the males and -females of the same race, not to those of different races. The crime of -adultery or of fornication undergoes the same gross modification. For in -such a land the one-wife idea, the one-wife institution has reference to -the individuals of the same race only, not to individuals of opposite -races. The "Thou shalt not" of the law, public opinion interprets to -refer to the sexual conduct of the males and females of the same race in -respect to one another, _i. e._, a male member of the dominant race must -limit his roving propensities wherever the females of his own race are -concerned. He need not under this same law, interpreted by this same -public opinion, curb to the same extent those roving propensities where -the females of the other race are concerned. He may live in licit -intercourse with a woman of his own race and at the same time live in -illicit intercourse with a woman of the other race, _i. e._, without -incurring the pains and penalties made by the state, by society, against -such an offense in case the second woman be of his own race. Neither the -law nor public opinion puts an equal value on the chastity of the women -of the two races. Female chastity in the so-called superior race is -rated above that in the so-called inferior race. Hence the greater -protection accorded to the woman of the first class over that accorded -to the woman of the second class. The first class has well-defined legal -and moral rights which the men of that class are bound to respect, -rights which may not be violated with impunity. Here we encounter one of -the greatest dangers attendant upon race segregation, where the two -races are not equal before the law, where public opinion makes and -enforces one law for the upper race, and practically another law for the -under race. - -Under these circumstances a male member of the dominant race may seduce -the wife of a member of the subject race, or a daughter, without -incurring any punishment except at the hands of the man wronged by him. -Such a wrong-doer would not be indicted or tried for adultery or -seduction, nor could the wronged husband or father recover from him -damages in a suit at law, nor yet could a bastardy suit be brought by -the girl against him with any show of success for the support of his -child, were issue to be born to her from such illicit union. The men of -the dominant race find themselves thus in a situation where the law, -public opinion, provides for their exclusive possession the women of -their own race, and permits them at the same time to share with the men -of the subject race possession of the women of that race. The sexual -activity of the men of the first class approaches in these conditions to -a state of nature in respect to the women of the second class. They are -enabled, therefore, to select wives from the stronger race, and -mistresses from the weaker one. The natural law of sexual selection -determines the mating in the one case as truly as in the other, _i. e._, -in the case of concubinage as in that of marriage. The men of the upper -class fall in love with the women whom they have elected to become their -wives, they also fall in love with the women they have elected to become -their concubines. They go through all those erotic attentions to the -women of each class, which are called courtship in the language of -sexual love. Only in the case of women of the first class this courtship -is open, visible to the eye of the upper world of the dominant race, -while in the case of the women of the second class it is secret, -conducted in a corner of the lower world of the subject race. - -These men build homes in the upper world where are installed their -wives, who beget them children in lawful wedlock; they likewise build -homes in the lower world, where are installed their concubines, who -beget them children in unlawful wedlock. The wives move, have their -being in the upper world and sustain to their husbands certain -well-defined rights and relations, social and legal. The children of -this union sustain to those fathers equally clear and definite rights -and relations in the eye of the law, in the eye of society. The law, -society, imposes on them, these husbands and fathers, certain -well-defined duties and obligations in respect to these children, these -wives, which may not be evaded or violated with impunity. These men -cannot therefore disown or desert their wives and children at will. -Whereas, such is not the case, is not the situation, in respect to the -unlawful wives hidden away in a corner of the under-world, or of that of -the children begotten to those men by these unlawful wives, but quite -the contrary. For them the law, society, does not intervene, does not -establish any binding relations, any reciprocal rights between those -women and children and the men, any more than if the men and the women -were living together in a state of nature and having children born to -them in such a state, where the will of the natural man is law, where -his sexual passion measures exactly the extent and the duration of his -duties and obligations in respect to his offspring and the mother of -them. When he grows weary of the mother he goes elsewhere, and forgets -that he ever had children by her. - -This is the case, is the situation, in the under-world of the under -race. For down there, there is no law, no public opinion, to curb the -gratification of the sexual instinct of the men of the upper world, such -as exists and operates so effectively to curb those instincts in that -upper world. In the upper world these men may have but one wife each, -but in the lower one they may have as many concubines as they like, and -a different set of children by each concubine. They may have these women -and children in succession, or they may have them at the same time. For -there is in that under-world no law, no effective power to say to those -men, to their lust of the flesh: "Thus far and no farther." In the upper -world they are members of a civilized society, amenable to its codes of -law and morals; in the lower one, they are merely male animals -struggling with other male animals for the possession of the females. On -the dim stage of the under-world this is the one part that they play. In -this one sensual role they make their entrances and their exits. They -may have in the upper world achieved distinction along other lines of -human endeavor, but in the lower one, they achieve the single -distinction of being successful male animals in pursuit of the females. - -So much for the males of the dominant race. Now for those of the subject -race. How do they conduct themselves at this morally chaotic -meeting-place of the two races? What effect does this sexual freedom, -spawned under such conditions, produce on their life, on their actions? -Like the men of the upper race, they, too, live in a monogamous country. -But unlike their male rivals, these men of the under-world are not free -to seek their mates from the women of both races. The law restricts -them, public opinion restricts them, the men of the dominant race -restrict them in this regard to the women of their own race. Around the -women of the dominant race, law, public opinion, the men of that race, -have erected a high wall which the men of the other race are forbidden -to climb. What do these men see in respect to themselves in view of this -triply-built wall? They see that while they share the women of their own -race with the men of the other race, that these same men enjoy exclusive -possession of their own women, thanks to the high wall, built by law, by -public opinion, and the strong arms of these self-same men. What do the -men of the under world? Do they struggle against this sexual supremacy -of the men of the upper world, or do they succumb to circumstances, -surrender unconditionally to the high wall? We shall presently see. - -This racial inequality generates heat in masculine breasts in the under -world. And with this heat there ensues that fermentation of thought and -feeling which men call passion. Those submerged men begin to think -sullenly on the subject, they try to grasp the equities of the -situation. As thought spreads among them, feeling spreads among them -also. About their own women they see no fence, about the women of the -other race they see that high wall. They cannot think out to any -satisfactory conclusion the justice of that arrangement, cannot -understand why the women of the upper race should belong exclusively to -the men of that race, and why these self-same men should share jointly -with the men of the lower race the women of this race. - -The more they strike their heads against this one-sided arrangement, the -less they like it, the more they rebel against it. And so they come to -grope dimly for some means to oust their rivals from this -joint-ownership of the women of the lower race. And when they fail, -feeling kindles into anger, and anger into resentment. Against this -inequality of conditions a deepening sense of wrong burns hotly within -them. Dark questionings assail their rude understandings. Have the men -of the upper race their exclusive preserves, then ought not the men of -the lower race to have their exclusive preserves also? Is it a crime, -has law, public opinion, the men of the upper race made it a crime for -the men of the lower race to poach on those preserves? Then the law, -public opinion, the men of the lower race ought to make it equally a -crime for the men of the upper race to poach on the preserves of the -other race. But law, public opinion, refuses to make the two acts equal -in criminality and the men of the lower race are powerless to do so -without the help of equal laws and administration, and a just public -sentiment. Baffled of their purpose to establish equality of conditions -between them and their rivals, they thereupon watch the ways of these -rivals. They see them descending into the lower world in pursuit of the -women of that world by means that are crooked and ways that are dark. A -few of the men in that lower world profiting by that villainous -instruction, endeavor to ascend into the upper world by the same crooked -means, by the same dark ways. For they affect to believe that what is -sauce for one race's goose is sauce for the other race's gander. Thus it -is attempted craftily, but, in the main, futilely, to strike a sort of -primitive balance between the men of the two races in respect to the -women of the two races. - -Now no such balance can be struck by the unaided acts of the men of the -lower race. Without the co-operation of the women of the upper race -these men are helpless to scale the high wall, or to make the slightest -breach in it. The law, public opinion, the men of the upper race, render -such co-operation very difficult, well-nigh impossible, did there exist -any disposition on the part of the women of the upper race to give aid -and comfort for such a purpose to the men of the lower race. But as a -matter of fact, and speaking broadly, there exists no such disposition. -The law of sexual selection does not operate under the circumstances to -make the men of the lower race sufficiently attractive to the women of -the upper race. It is possible that in a state of nature, and under -other circumstances, the case might be different. But under present -conditions the sexual gravitation of the women of the upper world toward -the men of the lower world may be set down as infinitesimally small, -practically a negligible quantity. Everything in the state, in society, -in deep-rooted racial prejudices, in the vastly inferior social and -economic standing of the lower race and the ineffaceable dishonor which -attaches to such unions in the public mind, together with the actual -peril to life which attends them, all combine to discourage, to destroy -almost any inclination in that direction on the part of the women of the -upper race. - -Now, while this is true, speaking broadly, it is not altogether so. For -in scattered individual cases, in spite of the difficulties and dangers, -the law of sexual selection has been known to operate between those two -worlds. A few women of the upper world, on the right side of the high -wall have been drawn to a few men in the lower world, on the wrong side -of that wall. By the connivance, or co-operation of such women the men -of their choice have climbed into the upper world, climbed into it over -the high wall by means that were secret and ways that were dark. As one -swallow does not, however, make summer, neither can these scattered -instances, few and far between, be cited to establish any general -affinity between the women of the upper race and the men of the lower -race. On examination they will be seen to be exceptions, which only -prove the rule of a want of sexual affinity between them under existing -conditions at least. Practically a well-nigh impassable gulf, to change -the figure, separates the men of the lower world from the women of the -upper one. The men as a class can not bridge that gulf, and the women as -a class have no desire to do so. This, then, is the actual situation: -the men of the upper world enjoy practically exclusive possession of the -women of that world, while the men of the lower world do not enjoy -exclusive possession of the women of their world, but share this -possession with the men of the upper world. - -The effect that is produced in consequence of this state of things on -the morals of the men of the lower world, is distinctly and decidedly -bad. Such conditions, such a situation, could not possibly produce a -different effect so long as human nature is what it is. And the human -nature of each race is essentially the same. The morals of the men of -the two worlds will be found at any given time to be almost exactly -alike in almost every particular. For the morals of the men of the lower -world are in truth a close imitation of those of the men of the upper -world--closest not where those morals are at their best, but where they -are at their worst. This will be found to be the case every time. So -that it happens that where the morals of the men of the upper world are -bad, those of the men of the lower world will not be merely bad, but -very bad. There follows naturally, inevitably, under these circumstances -and in consequence of these conditions, widespread debauchery of the -morals of the women of the lower race. And for this there is absolutely -no help, no remedy, just so long as the law and public opinion maintain -such a demoralizing state of things. - -If there exists no affinity between the men of the lower world and the -women of the upper world, there does then exist a vital connection -between the masculine morals of the two worlds. These morals are in -constant interaction, one upon the other. When the moral barometer falls -in the upper world, it falls directly in the lower one also. And as the -storm of sensuality passes over both worlds simultaneously, its -devastating effects will always fall heaviest on the lower one where the -women of that world form the center of its greatest activity. Whatever -figure the moral barometer registers in the lower world, it will -register a corresponding one in the upper, and this whether the -barometer be rising or falling. If the moral movement be downward in the -lower world, it will be downward in the upper, and if it be upward in -the upper, it will be upward in the lower and vice versa. - -In view of the vital connection then between the morals of the two races -the moral regeneration of either must of necessity include both. At one -and the same time the work ought to start in each and proceed along -parallel lines in both. The starting-point for each is the abolition of -the double moral standard, and the substitution in law and in public -opinion of a single one, applicable alike to the conduct of both. -Otherwise every reformatory movement is from the beginning doomed to -failure, to come to naught in the end. For the roots of the moral evil -which exists under present conditions and by virtue of them cannot be -extirpated without first changing those conditions. - -The morals of the two races in default of such change of conditions must -sink in consequence from bad to worse. They cannot possibly rise in -spite of such conditions. - -I have now discussed the subject of the contact of two races living -together on the same land and on terms of inequality, in its relations -to the morals of the men of those races. It yet remains to consider the -same subject in its relations to the conduct of the women. What is the -effect of such contact, to be specific, on the women of the two races in -the South? And first, what is it on white women? Do these women know of -the existence of the criminal commerce which goes on between the world -of the white man and that of the colored woman? And if so, are they -cognizant of its extent and magnitude. They do perceive, without doubt, -what it must have been in the past from the multitude of the mixed -bloods who came down to the South from the period before the war, or the -abolition of slavery. Such visible evidence not even a fool could refuse -to accept at its full face value. And the white women of the South are -not fools. Far from it. They have eyes like other women, and ears, and -with them they see and hear what goes on about them. Their intelligence -is not deceived in respect to appearance and underlying causes. -Certainly they are not ignorant of the fact that a Negro can no more -change his skin than a leopard his spots. When therefore they see black -mothers with light-colored children, they need not ask the meaning of -it, the cause of such apparent wonder. For they know to their sorrow its -natural explanation, and whence have come all the mulattoes and -quadroons and octoroons of the South. And to these women this knowledge -has been bitterer than death. The poisoned arrow of it long ago entered -deep into their souls. And the hurt, cruel and immedicable, rankles in -the breasts of those women today, as it rankled in the breasts of their -mothers of a past long vanished. - -What, pray, is engendered by all of this widespread but suppressed -suffering transmitted, as a bitter heritage for generations, by Southern -mothers to Southern daughters? What but bitter hatred of the black woman -of the South by the white woman of the South. How is this hatred -expressed? In a hundred ways and by a hundred means. One cannot keep -down a feeling of pity for a large class of women in the South who -cannot meet in street, or store, or car, a well-dressed and comely -colored girl without experiencing a pang of suspicion, a spasm of fear. -For there arises unbidden, unavoidably, in the minds of such women the -ugly question, whose daughter is she, and whose mistress is she to be? -For in the girl's veins may flow the proudest blood of the South. And -this possibility, aye, probability, so shameful to both races, no one in -the South knows better than the Southern white woman. What happens? The -most natural thing in the world, but not the wisest. The hatred, the -suspicion, the fear of these women find expression in scorn, in active -ill-will, not only toward that particular girl, but toward her whole -class as well. They are all put under the ban of this accumulated -hatred, suspicion and fear. - -A hostility, deep-seated and passionate as that which proceeds from -white women as a class toward black women as a class, shoots beyond the -mark and attacks indiscriminately all colored women without regard to -character, without regard to standing or respectability. It is enough -that they belong to the black race; ergo, they are bad, ergo, they are -dangerous. All this bitter hatred of the women of one race by the women -of the other race has borne bitter fruit in the South in merciless class -distinctions, in hard and fast caste-lines, designed to limit contact of -the races there to the single point where they come together as superior -and inferior. Hence the South has its laws against intermarriage, and -for separating the races in schools, in public libraries, in churches, -in hotels, in cars, in waiting rooms, on steamboats, in hospitals, in -poorhouses, in prisons, in graveyards. Thus it is intended to reduce the -contact of the races to a minimum, to glut at the same time the hatred -of the white women of the South toward the black women of the South, and -to shut the men of each race from the women of the other race. But how -foolish are all these laws, how futile are all these class distinctions! -Do they really effect the separation of the races? They do not, they -cannot under existing conditions. What then do they? They do indeed -separate the world of the white man and woman from the colored man and -woman, but they fail utterly to separate the world of the colored woman -from the white man. - -The joint fear of the white woman and the white man is incorporated -today in every State of the South in laws interdicting marriage between -the races. But do these laws put an end to the sexual commerce which -goes on between the world of the white man and that of the colored -woman? Have they checked perceptibly this vile traffic between these two -worlds? They have not nor can they diminish or extinguish this evil. On -the contrary, because they divide the two worlds, because they uphold -this legal separation of the races, they provide a secret door, a dark -way between the two worlds, between the two races, which the men of the -upper world open at will and travel at pleasure. For they hold the key -to this secret door, the clue to this dark way. Such preventive measures -are in truth but a repetition of the fatal folly of the ostrich when it -is afraid. For then while this powerful bird takes infinite pains to -cover its insignificant front lines, it leaves unprotected its widely -extended rear ones, and falls accordingly an easy victim to the enemy -which pursues it. The real peril of an admixture of the races in the -South lies not in intermarriage, but in concubinage, lies through that -secret door which connects the races, the key to which is in the hands -of the white men of the South. It is they who first opened it, and it is -they who continue to keep it open. Were it not for the folly of the -white women of the South, it might yet be closed and sealed. The folly -of the white women of the South is their hatred, their fear of the -colored women of the South. They first think to rid themselves of the -rivalry of the second class by excluding them from the upper world, by -shutting them securely within the limits of the lower one. But these -women forget the existence of that secret door, of the hidden way. They -forget also the hand that holds the key to the one and the clue to the -other. That hand is the hand of the white man; it is certainly not the -hand of the colored woman. - -Is it not the white woman of the South more than any other agency, or -than all other agencies put together, who are responsible for the -existence of a public sentiment in the South which makes it legally -impossible for a colored girl to obtain redress from the white man who -betrayed her, or support from him for his bastard child? The white woman -of the South thus outlaws, thus punishes her black rival. But what does -such outlawry accomplish, what such punishment? What do they but add -immensely to the strength of the white man's temptation by making such -illicit intercourse safe for him to indulge in? Thanks to the white -woman's mad hatred of the colored woman, to her insane fear of her -colored rival, the white man of the South is enabled to practice with -singular impunity this species of polygamy. For the penalties against -the adulterer, against the fornicator, which the law provides, which -public opinion provides, for him in the upper world, he well knows will -not be called down on his head were the acts of adultery or fornication -committed by him in the lower world. It is a sad fact and a terrible -one, sad for both races and terrible for the women of both races in the -actual and potential wickedness of it. No colored girl, however, cruelly -wronged by a white man in the South will be able to obtain an iota of -justice at the hands of that man in any court of law in any Southern -State, or to get the slightest hearing or sympathy for her cause at the -bar of Southern public opinion. Were she to enter the upper world of the -white woman with such a case against some white man, who but the -Southern white woman would be the first to drive her back into her -world? But unless she is not only allowed but encouraged to emerge out -of her world with the shameful fruit of her guilty life and love, and so -to confront her white paramour or betrayer in his world, how is the -lower world ever to rid itself of such as she, or the upper one of such -as he? In the segregation and outlawry of the black woman under such -conditions lie the white woman's greatest danger, lie the white race's -greatest danger from admixture of the races, lies the South's greatest -danger to its morals. For through such segregation and outlawry run the -white man's way to the black woman's world, and therefore to -miscegenation of the races, to their widespread moral degradation and -corruption. Amalgamation is not therefore made hard, but appallingly -easy. - -But there is another aspect to this side of the subject which must not -be entirely ignored, and that is the existence in a few instances of -illicit relations between some white women and some colored men in the -South. That such relations have existed in the past and do actually -exist there at the present time, there is absolutely no doubt whatever. -In certain localities these relations, although known or suspected, have -been tolerated, while in general as soon as they are discovered or -suspected they have been broken up by mobs who murder the black -participants when they are caught, sometimes on trumped-up charges of -having committed the "usual crime." The existence of such relations is -not so strange or incredible as may be supposed at first hearing of -them. For it is a fact hardly less curious, if not so strange, that -there are men who while they would not think of marrying into a class -beneath them would nevertheless live readily enough in a state of -concubinage with women of that class. And in this upper class there are -women, not many, it is true, who would do the same thing. They care -enough for the men in the class beneath them to enter into illicit -relations in secret with them, but not enough to enter into licit -relations with these same men in the open, in the gaze of a scornful and -horrified world. Has it ever been seriously considered that like father -may occasionally produce like daughter in the South? And that such moral -lapses by a few white women of that section may be accounted for in part -at least by that mysterious law of atavism? The sons are like their -fathers in respect to their fondness for colored women, why may not one -daughter in, say, ten thousand, resemble those fathers in that same -shameful, though not altogether unnatural respect? Do not such -instances, few and far between at present though they be, furnish matter -for thoughtful people of the South regardless of sex, race or color? - -Have the white women of the South considered that under existing -conditions they are deprived of effective influence, of effective power, -to reform the morals of the men of their race? And that unless the -morals of the men are reformed the morals of the whole white race will -eventually decline? If the women fail to lift the level of the moral -life of their men to their own higher plane, the lower morals of the men -will drag downward ultimately to their level that of the women. From -this inevitable conclusion and consequence there is no possible escape. -But the white women of the South are powerless to lift the morals of -their men without lifting at the same time the morals of the women of -the black race. If, however, they steadily refuse to do so in the -future, as they have refused to do so in the past, and as they refuse to -do so today by the only sure means which can and will contribute -mightily to effect such a purpose, viz., by making the black women their -equals before the law, and at the bar of an enlightened public -sentiment, and these women remain in consequence where they are today, a -snare to the feet of white men, when these men trip over this snare into -the hell of the senses, they will drag downward slowly but surely with -them toward the level of these self-same black women the moral ideals if -not the moral life of the white women of the South. - -And now a final word about the black woman of the South: She holds in -her keeping the moral weal or woe, not only of her own race, but of the -white race also. As she stands today in respect to the white man of the -South, her situation is full of peril to both races. For she lives in a -world where the white man may work his will on her without let or -hindrance, outside of law, outside of the social code and moral -restraints which protect the white woman. This black woman's extra-legal -position in the South, and her extra-social status there, render her a -safe quarry for the white man's lust. And she is pursued by him for -immoral ends without dread of ill consequences to himself, either legal -or social. If she resists his advances, and in many cases she does -resist them, he does not abate his pursuit, but redoubles it. Her -respectability, her very virtue, makes her all the more attractive to -him, spurs the more his sensual desire to get possession of her person. -He tracks her, endeavors to snare her in a hundred dark ways and by a -hundred crooked means. On the street, in stores, in cars, going to and -from church, she encounters this man, bent on her ruin. Into her very -home his secret emissaries may attack her with their temptation, with -their vile solicitation. Nowhere is she safe, free from his pursuit, -because no law protects her, no moral sentiment casts about her person -the aegis of its power. And when haply dazed by the insignia of his -superior class, or his wealth, or the magic of his skin, or the creature -comforts which he is able to offer her, she succumbs to his embrace and -enters the home to which he invites her, she becomes from that time -outlawed in both worlds, a moral plague-spot in the midst of both races. -For she begins then to reproduce herself, her wretched history, her sad -fate, in the more wretched history, in the sadder fate of her daughters. -And so in her world of the senses, of the passions, she enacts in a sort -of vicious circle the moral tragedy of two races. If the white man works -the moral ruin of her and hers, she and they in turn work upon him and -his a moral ruin no less sure and terrible. - -What is the remedy? It is certainly not the segregation of the races in -a state of inequality before the law. For such segregation exists today. -It has existed to the hurt of both races in the past. It is the fruitful -parent of fearful woes at the present time, and will be the breeder of -incalculable mischief for both races, for the South, and for the nation -itself, in the future. The remedy lies not then in racial segregation -and inequality, for that is the disease, but in interracial comity and -equality. The double moral standard has to be got rid of as quickly as -possible, and a single one erected in its stead, applicable alike to the -men and women of both races. The moral world of the white man and that -of the black woman must be merged into one by the ministers of law and -religion, by an awakened public conscience, and by an enlightened and -impartial public sentiment, which is the great promoter and upholder of -individual and national righteousness. The black woman of the South must -be as sacredly guarded as a woman by Southern law and public opinion -against the sexual passion and pursuit of the Southern white man as is -the Southern white woman. Such equality of condition, of protection, in -the South is indispensable to any lasting improvement in the morals of -its people, white or black. If that section persists in sowing -inequality instead of equality between the races, it must continue to -gather the bitter fruits of it in the darkened moral life, in the low -moral standard of both races. For what the South sows, whether it be -cotton or character, that it will surely reap. - - - - -Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African Race - - - "The mention of that name, San Domingo," says McMaster, "calls - up the recollection of one of the finest colonies, of one of the - noblest struggles for liberty, of one of the grandest men, and - of one of the foulest deeds in the history of revolutionary - France."[1] - - - [1] History of the American People, John Bach McMaster Vol. III, p. - 215. - -The part that the inhabitants of that island took in our war of -independence, I have related previously in a paper read before this -body. (No. 5.) I may quote in substance from that paper the following -facts. - -The record given by Minister Rush secured in Paris in 1849, and -preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society states that a legion of -colored troops from San Domingo saved the American army from -annihilation by bravely covering its retreat in the disastrous repulse -which it met in Savannah in 1779. This legion was composed of about 800 -freedmen, black and mulatto, and was known as Fontages' Legion. They had -freely volunteered, and had accompanied D'Estaing from Port-au-Prince, -and as the Haitian historians say, they came to our shores and covered -themselves with glory in the cause of freedom. Among the men named as -winning distinction in that critical action were: Andr Rigaud, -Beauvais, Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert and Christophe. How many of the -brave men of that legion gave up their lives in the cause of American -independence is not known; but we do know that some colored martyrs from -San Domingo, poured out their blood along with that of the colored -patriots of our own country as a libation to American freedom. The -meagre record states that Christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound; -how many others were wounded or even slain we do not know. - -A few years later, and after the revolution in their own island, a -strong contingent went forth from there to the aid of Bolivar in -Venezuela, and by their timely and effective co-operation converted -Bolivar's overwhelming defeat into victory. But for the modesty and -state policy of Petion, his own name would have been associated with -that of Bolivar in the liberation of South America.[2] During Cuba's -recent struggles the Haitian people manifested the liveliest interest -and sympathy in the efforts of the Cuban patriots. - - [2] A monument to Petion has been set up in the public square of - Caracas. - -These glimpses are sufficient to show that from some cause and by some -means, the colored people of San Domingo had acquired an appreciation of -freedom including more than the mere desire to be free from slavery. The -revolt against slavery, however, was their most notable manifestation of -their love of liberty. Petion in his consultation with Bolivar after the -latter's defeat before mentioned, insisted that on renewing his efforts -he should proclaim the freedom of all the slaves as a first step. -Bolivar in his letter to Petion replying to this suggestion said: "In my -proclamation to the inhabitants of Venezuela, and in the decree that I -shall issue announcing liberty to the slaves, I do not know that it will -be permitted to me to demonstrate the real sentiment of my heart toward -Your Excellency, and to leave to posterity an undying monument to your -philanthropy." He then asked if he might make known the fact that wise -counsel and material aid had been furnished him by the infant black -Republic. - -Petion's reply was as follows: "You know, general, my sentiments toward -the cause that you have the valor to defend and also toward yourself -personally. You surely must feel how ardently I desire to see the -oppressed delivered from the yoke of bondage; but because of certain -diplomatic obligations which I am under toward a nation that has not as -yet taken an offensive attitude toward the republic, I am obliged to ask -you not to make public the aid I have given you, nor to mention my name -in any of your official documents." - -Toussaint L'Ouverture in his first proclamation to the self-emancipated -slaves of his country, and to those still in bondage, says: "It is my -desire that liberty and equality shall reign in Saint Domingo. I am -striving to this end. Come and unite with us, Brothers, and combat with -us for the same cause." - -Liberty and equality then reigned in the French mind and however vague -the idea which had found lodgment in the brain of the San Domingo blacks -and mulattos, it was nevertheless sufficiently entrancing to call them -from the depths of the inferno in which they were cast and to tempt them -to essay the dizziest heights. At a later period this most remarkable -man in explaining the object for which he was contending, defined his -idea of liberty in words worthy of that greatest statesman, soldier and -patriot that has adorned the Negro Race in modern times.[3] He said: "It -is not a liberty of circumstance, conceded to us alone, that we wish; it -is the adoption of the principle absolute that no man, born red, black -or white, can be the property of his fellow man." - - [3] "But Bonaparte's plans were doomed to encounter an obstacle in the - most remarkable man of negro blood known to modern history. - Toussaint L'Ouverture was the descendant, he claimed, of an African - chieftain. Highly endowed by nature, he had obtained an excellent - education, and had gradually, though born a slave, cultivated his - innate power of leadership until all the blacks of San Domingo - regarded him with affection and awe."--Sloan's Napoleon, Vol. II, - pages 236-237. - -Thus spoke Toussaint L'Ouverture, the man of whom Lamartine says: "After -God, this man was a nation;" thus he spoke in 1799, a time when all the -nations of the earth were themselves slaves to slavery. To this black -man was given to see the truth; to them it was not given. - -We are now, I trust, prepared to estimate that thirteen years' struggle -which went on in that island, during which the tidal wave of -destruction, torture, and death, swept the land from side to side, and -from end to end, inundating everything except the indomitable spirit of -the humble people to whom the heavens of freedom had been opened. Truly -does MacMaster class it among the noblest struggles for liberty. I -cannot detail that mighty struggle here. For the history of those -thirteen eventful years, for the instructive and thrilling story of -those heroic black men who garlanded our race, I must refer you to my -book on the Haitian Revolution from 1791 to 1804. - -We may pause here at the close of this awful period and stand in the -proud presence of these triumphant black heroes, as the last of their -enemies sail slowly away as prisoners of war. With the new flag floating -over the fortresses of the Cape, and the victorious army well-equipped -and intact, it is Dessalines, the intrepid Dessalines, never beaten in -battle, never surprised in camp, who in the name of the black people and -Men of Color of Saint Domingo announces: - -"The Independence of Saint Domingo is Proclaimed. - "Restored to our primitive dignity, we have asserted[4] our - rights; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth." - -These were the words of war-worn veterans with swords still unsheathed. - - [4] "Asserting their liberties as men, he (Toussaint L'Ouverture) and - his fellow slaves rose against their masters and a servile War - insued." Sloan, ibid. - -They have proclaimed independence, they must now take up the task of -government. For this work their training hitherto had been the worst -possible, while their anthropological and sociological condition was -most unfavorable. Among them were represented fourteen different African -tribes,--coming from widely separated territory in their native land and -differing in customs and language.[5] Besides these diversities there -was also a positive and assertive element of mulattos, some of whom had -been slaveholders, and, what was worse still, the country had but -recently emerged from a war of caste, a war between blacks and mulattos, -more cruel than the war between the Lancastrians and Yorkists in -England, and much more pernicious in the hates it bequeathed. - - [5] "C'taient des hommes tirs de rgiones fort diffrentes de - l'Afrique quatoriale ou quinoxiale. En partant du nord du - continent noir, des Sngalais, des Yolofs, des Foulahs, des - Bambaras, des Mandingoes, des Bissagots, des Sofas se - rencontraient, ple mle, dans les marchs esclaves de la - colonie. Au sud de Sierra-Leone, on embarquait pour Saint-Domingue - des ngres de la Cte d'Or, dont les Aradas, les Socos, les - Fantins, les Caplaous, les Mines et les Agos. De la Cte des - Esclaves on a tir les Cotocolis, les Popos, les Fidas ou Foedas. - Viennet ensuite les Haousas, les Ibos, les Nagos; les Congos tirs - de la cte du Congo ou d'Angola, partags en sous-divisions de - Congos-May youmbs, Congos-Moussombs et Mondongues. De l'Afrique - orientale ont t tirs les ngres de la cte de Mosambique, dont - les Mosambiques proprement dits, les Quiriams et les Quilos, Quilos - et les Montifiats." - - "M. Roosevelt, prsident des tats-Unis et la Rpublique d'Hati," - par A. Firmin, published 1905, p. 232-233. - - "Here in Haiti, there are recognizable traces of fourteen different - African tribes." Bishop Holly. "Haitian Revolution," T. A. Steward, - p. 282. - -The government set up could but be a military oligarchy. It is well -known that there can be no such thing as personal liberty unless there -is what may be termed a sovereignty apart from, behind and above the -government.[6] With us that power behind the government, that -sovereignty, is the people; but in Haiti in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing as people in a political sense. There -were population, army, government, but not people. Their condition was -like that of the Europeans generally during the Middle ages. In Europe -there were populations, subjects, governments, vassals, tenants, serfs, -slaves, soldiers, knights and lords, but not people. By people -politically, we mean a body held together by some internal bond, by a -spiritual consensus. Perhaps to this extent the Haitian population of -1804 might be vaguely called a people. But the idea of people -politically includes also that this body must have a common -consciousness of fundamental right, and a common sense of necessary -duty; and then possess force of character adequate to the attainment of -these rights and the fulfilment of this duty. Rights precede duty; and -not vice versa. When complete the idea of people is that body which -holds in its hands the sovereignty. Governments are divine, but are -created by evolution, coming to us as comes our daily bread, through -divinely appointed processes. Rights like the ground, are a natural -endowment; government like bread is a production. It is no reflection -upon Haiti to state the historic fact that in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing on her soil as people, in a political -sense. The idea and the love of liberty were there and the frequent -revolutions that have beset her pathway during the century of her -existence attest the continued presence of that spirit. The problem of -reconciling government with liberty is still unsolved. Even our own -country which in this respect is in advance of all others is at this -moment, according to Professor Burgess, stumbling in this process. - - [6] "The Reconciliation of Government with Liberty" by John Burgess, - 1915. The whole volume, Especially pp. 148-149. - -The Haitian "people," then, employing the word in the popular sense were -but recently from barbarism, and the little education they had received -politically had been obtained through war; an excellent school perhaps -for the training of leaders in the mere matters of preservation and -order, but of almost no benefit in the development of the common people; -although it is related by St. Remy, that Rigaud established schools in -his army to have his soldiers taught to read and write. This ex-slave -population of half a million souls, had been replaced during the later -period of its existence as slaves, about every twenty years with fresh -arrivals from Africa.[7] - - [7] "Roosevelt et Haiti." A. Firmin p. 245. - -No one expected the self-liberated people of Haiti to set up and -maintain a stable government. All history was against such a phenomenon. -If it required for England, the most fortunately situated of all the -modern nations a period of nearly ten centuries to reach stable -government, how could Haiti with its population of ex-barbarians and -ex-slaves be expected to perform at once so brilliant a feat? Is Haiti, -because it is black, expected to do the impossible? Firmin says at the -time of which we speak, there was scarcely a person who did not ridicule -the idea that Dessalines and his associates should even think they could -create a country and govern it independent of foreign control. The -statesmen of France were so sure that these people would fail, simply -because of racial weakness, that they confidently expected the colony to -return to France. They had not given up this hope ten years later; for -in 1814 when the island was divided in government, these statesmen -proposed to both Christophe who governed in the North, and to Petion who -governed in the West that they should return the island to the mother -country. They offered to these two colored rulers the highest grades in -the French army and large sums of money; but neither Christophe nor -Petion could be bought.[8] In this connection, I may remark on the -authority of Professor Sloan (his standard work--Life of Napoleon) that -it was the heroic resistance of Toussaint L'Ouverture and his -compatriots that defeated Bonaparte's plan for the Western Hemisphere -and gave us Louisiana. In a letter written by Robert G. Harper in March -1799,[9] which has just reached my hands through the American Historical -Society, I find the following: "Last summer, while Mr. Gerry was still -in Paris, and the Directory was employing every artifice to keep him -there, Hedouville was preparing to invade the southern states from St. -Domingo, with an army of blacks; which was to be landed with a large -supply of officers, arms and ammunition, to excite an insurrection among -the Negroes by means of missionaries previously sent, and first to -subjugate the country by their assistance, then plunder and lay it -waste. For the execution of this scheme, he waited only till the English -should evacuate a certain port in the island which lay most convenient -for the expedition; but he was interrupted by a black general of the -name of Toussaint, who drove him from the island, compelled him to -embark for France and took the whole authority into his own hands." - - [8] "The West Indies and Louisiana in one hemisphere, in the other the - Cape of Good Hope, Egypt and a portion of India, with St. Helena - and Malta as ports of call--of this he dreamed, but the failure to - secure San Domingo and England's evident intention to keep Malta, - combined to topple the whole cloud castle into ruins?" - - "The magnificent French plan of American colonization having lost - the supports of both San Domingo and Louisiana, collapsed leaving - no trace." - - --Page 289 et seq. - - [9] American Historical Magazine. December, 1915. - -The independence of Haiti has been maintained as we have seen for one -hundred and eleven years. In 1873 while visiting that country and -looking upon her lofty hills, and upon the toiling people at their base, -I fancied an appealing cry coming from these masses and I interpreted -that cry in the following lines: - - "The cry of souls for bread; - The cry of men and woman who - Have done great deeds and - Whose guiding star is liberty. - Who strong in their right arms, - Have won a name, a place, - And who with valor true will dare defend - That place and sooner die - Than wear the badge of slave." - -On Sunday, June 15, 1873, I witnessed, in Port-au-Prince a great -religious procession to pray against a return of fire upon their city. -This is no unusual thing in a Roman Catholic city, although to an -American it seems a waste of piety. Mr. Douglass in his graphic way in a -private letter to me thus describes one of their outpourings of -religious enthusiasm which occurred while he served in Port-au-Prince as -United States Minister: "Yesterday," he says, "all over town, a great -racket was heard of people driving the devil out of their houses by -beating on their doors. On one account I was glad of their efforts to -get rid of the devil although I was aware that the devil would laugh at -this method of ridding the city of his presence. This is Holy week here -and I must say that on account of the stillness, the absence of the tom -tom and the apparent serenity of the people, I could wish holy week -continued indefinitely." - -With the impression of that religious procession upon my young and -inexperienced mind I wrote then in my journal: "Poor, poor Haiti! As a -nation it is the veriest humbug; and yet there is something splendid -about it." Fourteen days later I was able to write differently. I was -riding on the road leading from L'Arcahai to St. Mark in company with -some young friends. "On both sides of the road were luxuriant fields of -sweet potatoes, bananas and sugar cane. Mountain streams were sending -down their pure waters by which the plains below were irrigated. It was -the fte of St. Pierre at the bourg, and on the road we met hundreds of -people, some on foot, some on donkeys, and many on beautiful horses with -most magnificent saddles and trappings, all going to the bourg. Fine -country gentlemen, mounted on these steeds and riding as though born on -horseback, pass us very frequently, every one of whom lifts his hat -entirely off his head and gives the Bon jour, monsieur. Ladies dressed -in snowy white dash by us at full galop, but never so fast, but they -have time to say in the sweetest voice: Bon jour, monsieur." - -The constitution of Haiti contains a very complete Bill of Rights -bearing testimony to the idea of liberty, but unfortunately there is -nowhere any adequate defense of these rights against the encroachment of -government. There is no check and balance system between executive and -legislative departments; nor can the courts guarantee the rights of -individuals. Governments we know are ever ready to encroach; typo -demagogues ever ready to arise in professed defense of constitutional -rights; hence revolutions. The soul of Haiti is military. General -Legitime speaking before the Universal Races Congress in London in 1911 -said: "Born in troublous time, Haiti is essentially a military state; -and though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must -nevertheless retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian of -its institutions." Still there is another side. The great statesman -Firmin was not a devotee of militarism. He deplored the existence of so -much of it which he described as a burden falling heavily upon the rural -classes. He says the "only thing the soldier learns by his long military -apprenticeship is passive obedience, the absence of all moral -initiative, of all exercise of personal volition, with the complete -annullment of the view of human liberty struggling against injustice and -wrong. When a Haitian wearing epaulettes says to you, I am a soldier, -that means that he is ready to commit the most horrible crimes, to rob, -to burn, to kill, just so he has the order to do so from his immediate -chief." There is in fact a decidedly brilliant literary element in -Haiti, including editors, authors and lawyers who are not so thoroughly -military as the general trend of her history would lead us to believe. -It is now time to inquire in what light Haiti regards herself in -relation to the whole Negro Race. What is her mission as she understands -it? - -The first man I shall call upon in this respect will be our author -Antenor Firmin. The following facts will show that he is entitled to a -hearing. He was born in Haiti in 1851. Received all of his education -there; a lawyer by profession, in 1889 he was a member of their -Constitutional Convention, was Minister of Finance and of Foreign -relations 1889-1891, as Mr. Blaine had good reason to know; was Minister -to Paris 1900-1902; a profound scholar and a very respectable writer, -possessed of a large share of common sense philosophy. He says in the -preface of his book on Roosevelt and Haiti, written while in exile at -Saint Thomas: "No people any more than the individual can live, make -progress, and advance with sustained ardor in the walks of civilization, -without an end, an ideal, which leads them onward in all the wanderings -of their existence. The end is ordinarily more evident, more clear, -before the will of the individual; for nations, it is some times veiled -in indefinite form; but it exists always, and acts imperiously, like -magnetism terrestrial impressing an irresistible direction upon the -magnetic needle in spite of the fog which conceals on the horizon the -point of orientation. This ideal for Haiti is the sublime effort of a -little people striving for the rehabilitation of whole race of men, an -effort so noble and so worthy that each one of those who participates in -it may justly regard himself as an apostle." Edmund Paul, another -brilliant Haitian whose life went out too soon, wrote that the end or -goal of this young nation is to prove the aptitude of the whole African -race to the present civilization, "An end he says, powerful, -gigantesque, capable of devouring generations, ever worthy to demand and -to employ all of our activity." - -"In Haiti," says the late Minister Price, "the black man is in -possession of national responsibility. In Haiti he is called upon to -form his character, and to conduct his movements at his own risk; he -receives directly the consequences, and suffers the deplorable results, -of his own errors and passions. He is not being _led along_ in -civilization; he moves on the road by his own efforts. He is marching -without any support on which to lean; without any other force than his -own. And when he shall become sufficiently advanced to remove all doubt; -when he shall become sufficiently free from his errors, and shall have -sufficiently conquered his passions which now retard his steps, it will -be evident that he has accomplished this result because he willed it, -and because he had within his being the necessary force for its -accomplishment." According to Mr. Price there will be no one who can say -of the Haitians: "We civilized and educated you; none who can say: -without us you would soon have relapsed into African barbarism." Haiti's -mission as he understood it is to rehabilitate the Negro race. His dying -gift to mankind was his splendid work on the Rehabilitation of the Black -Race by the Republic of Haiti. - -It is Price who says: "The Negro who shows his dainty hands and his -little feet, and is piqued because, with adornments the aristocrats, who -are also adorned with little hands little feet do not open their doors -to him is an ignoramus and a poltroon, and is still a slave." - -I shall close this paper with the counsel of Haiti to the African Race -as voiced by the same author. - -"As to the children of the African race, I could wish to see them -everywhere, disdain public offices, in order that they might enter into -civilization not by the door that the slaveocrats and politicians point -out, but by that door through which has passed the real white -democracy--knowledge and industry. When one is the son of a serf, who -but yesterday was beaten and cuffed without mercy, and aspires to -manhood, it is the workman's blouse that he must put on. The blouse -leads to the conventional black and white gloves. But he who wishes to -commence by a black suit, ought to put a napkin on his arm, and place -himself as a servant, behind the man who wears a blouse. - -"Haitians, all, and Negro of the continent of America and of all the -adjacent islands; My Brethren! Learn it at once, and never forget it. -The free man is the one who takes the responsibility? of his own proper -well-being. He has nothing to ask, nothing to solicit, neither from the -pity nor the generosity of his fellows. He is bound to count upon -himself, and upon himself alone, to turn aside or to overcome, whatever -obstacles that lie in the way of his happiness. Strength and skill are -for the free man absolute necessities." - -Thus has Haiti spoken by her actions and in the words of her eminent -statesmen given to us a message of lofty purpose, of sorrowful struggle, -of hardy endurance, and we trust of willingness to learn from events. - - - - -Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - -The difficulty surrounding a proper understanding of any question -consists in the fact that self-interest is more than likely to enter to -darken the vision. It is seldom that men differ about matters or have a -difficulty in understanding matters which do not affect their vanity, -their pride, their ambition or their material belongings. The truth -concerning any matter which is the subject of controversy can be reached -with accuracy in proportion as it is free from these matters. A question -of justice, opportunity and humane consideration for persons wholly or -partly of African origin is influenced entirely by considerations of the -kind just mentioned. If men were not obsessed by the phantom of race -superiority and of local vanity and group consciousness, and more than -all by the propensity to make gain out of the misfortunes and injustices -of conditions, what is known as the Negro question would vanish into -thin air. All forms of oppression, caste, proscription and distinction -have their origin in the desire and purpose of a man or set of men to -improve their condition at the expense of others. If it had not been -believed and indeed demonstrated that the subjection of the black man -would prove economically profitable to the white man or that he would -gain some other fancied advantage from the degradation of the black man -we should never have had African slavery together with its attendant -chain of ills which afflict the body politic even unto this hour. - -That oppression and tyranny wrong both those who practice them and those -upon whom they are inflicted is proved by illustrations taken both from -the field of economics and the field of intellectual and moral -consciousness. In all those parts of the world where all the people -approach most nearly a common standard of economic, intellectual and -moral excellence there we find the greatest advance in that which we -call civilization, for the want of a better term to describe human -progress and advance. Wherever we find any considerable group of people -residing in the same or contiguous territory who do not enjoy equality -of right and opportunity in those things which governments are -instituted to conserve, we find that the greater group which denies them -these inalienable rights paralyzed in its economic, intellectual and -moral growth. On no other ground can we account for the emphatic -differences in achievement, in literature, art, science, invention, and -economic progress between the white people of the North and the white -people of the South. Reasoning from analogy and from the examples which -history gives of the achievement of the white race in the world it would -be the most reasonable thing to expect that due to variety of soil, -favorableness of climate, and the general beneficence of nature, that -the white people living in the zone comprising what is commonly -designated as the Southern States would excel their Northern brethren in -all the arts and achievements of civilization. We should naturally -expect to find there the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the -inventors and the great organizers of enterprise. Elsewhere in the world -in the midst of similar conditions of soil and climate, we find the -white race excelling and leading the world in these particulars. The -white people inhabiting the South are of the same ethnic type, and have -in general the same group consciousness and aspiration. How else can we -account for the fact that they have contributed less than their kinsmen -in proportion to numbers to the sum of human knowledge, happiness and -liberty, if not by the fact that they have suffered the inevitable -handicap incident to an environment in which large numbers of human -beings suffer inequality and subordination? - -But for the difference which has been historically accentuated in North -America between white and black which difference has inflicted much of -suffering upon both races, it would not be necessary to consider such a -subject as the citizenship status of the free Negro prior to 1860. -Before the Constitution of the United States was amended by the addition -thereto of the Fourteenth Amendment the statement that "The citizens of -each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of -citizens in the several States" was the only definite deliverance to be -found in that instrument in relation to the subject of citizenship. In -other words there was no national definition of citizenship, and up to -the time of the deliverance of the Dred Scott Decision in 1857, there -had been no comprehensive treatment of the subject in adjudications by -the Supreme Court of the United States. The mention of the term -"citizens" in the Constitution in the quotation just given indicates -that it had a meaning of such generally accepted significance that -definition was not necessary. Presumably citizenship conveyed then, as -it conveys now, an idea exactly the opposite of that conveyed by the -term slavery. A slave everywhere in the world was understood to be a -person who was absolved from allegiance, and was not due protection as -that term is ordinarily understood, and who could not invoke ordinary -legal process nor own property; a citizen was a person who owed -allegiance, was entitled to protection, had the right to invoke all the -processes of the law, could become the owner of property, and possibly, -if not a woman or a child, exercise the right of the elective franchise. -Such was the common understanding of the term citizen at the adoption of -the Constitution, and such is substantially the understanding of that -term at the present date. However, due to the presence of the Negro in -the body politic, the exigencies of the situation suggested an -interpretation of the term citizen which might not otherwise have -existed, but for the presence of the Negro. The exigency grew out of the -fact that toward the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of -the nineteenth there - -grew into the minds of men the conception that slavery was a condition -appertaining to black men alone, that color was an unmistakable proof of -the condition of a slave, and that the fact that one was of African -descent carried with it this inevitable social degradation. In the -decisions of the courts of a number of the States we find this principle -enunciated. In North Carolina the Supreme Court of that State, in 1828, -decided that "The presumption of slavery arises from a black African -complexion." In 1839, the Supreme Court of Indiana, in passing upon the -constitutionality of the law entitled: "An act concerning free Negroes -and Mulattoes and slaves," held that where a Negro laid claim to freedom -the burden of proof was on him to show it inasmuch as persons of the -African race were presumed to be slaves. In 1842, the Supreme Court of -Ohio decided that under the law of that State "Color alone is sufficient -to indicate a Negro's inability to testify against a white man. It has -always been admitted that our political institutions embrace the white -population only. Persons of color were not recognized as having any -political existence; they had no agency in our political organizations, -and possessed no political rights under it. Two or three of the States -form exceptions. The constitutions of fourteen expressly exclude persons -of color; and in the balance of the States they are excluded on the -grounds that they were never recognized as part of the body politic." -(Thatcher vs. Hawk, 4th Ohio, Rep., 351.) While this opinion expressed a -widely prevalent sentiment at that time I have been unable to find a -decision of any court in any of the original thirteen States north of -Maryland, except Connecticut, which expresses this view. In their moral -and intellectual nature the inhabitants of Connecticut exhibit many wide -differences from the inhabitants of the rest of New England. These -citations show how thoroughly the conception of the difference arising -from the difference of color was imbedded in the mind at that time. Such -instances of judicial interpretation were to be found in all of the -slave States, and in those States which were carved out of the northwest -territory, which Virginia ceded to the general government in 1787. In -this connection it is pertinent to observe that it is the most natural -thing in the world that the States carved out of this northwest -territory should have followed not only the legal system of the parent -State, but should have adopted many of its practices and modes of -thought, and passed them on to succeeding generations. - -From the quotations already made it can be seen that to be a colored -person was to suffer from the presumption of being a slave, and that to -be a free colored person was to be in a condition not of freedom, but of -lessened servitude. To be a free colored person was not to possess the -citizenship of the world any more than to be a Christian today is -evidence that one is an imitator of Christ. In actual practice the term -"free colored person" embraced the idea of freedom from personal service -to a specified owner and little else, particularly in the slave-holding -States. The attitude of these States is well expressed in the following -quotation from John C. Calhoun: "I hold that in the present state of -civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by -color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are -brought together the relation now existing in the slave-holding States -between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good--a positive good. I -fearlessly assert that the existing relations between the two races in -the South forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear -free and stable political institutions (Works of Calhoun, Vol. 2, p. -630)." Thus by legal enactment, judicial interpretation and orderly -expressed public opinion, race if it be African was the badge of -inferiority and slavery. This was generally true throughout the country -and yet a careful and somewhat thorough examination of the statutes, -legal decisions, and systematic treatises relating to the law of slavery -will convince any fair-minded person that the term free colored person -carried with it less of negation of right in the Northern States where -slavery had ceased to exist than in the Southern States where it still -flourished. - -At the close of the revolution, slavery existed in most of the colonies, -if not all, and their statute books contained laws relating to that -condition, and to the condition of "free persons of color." However, as -time passed and the institution of slavery disappeared, we find these -laws disappearing or becoming greatly modified or mitigated in their -provisions. For instance, March 26, 1783, Massachusetts passed a law -forbidding an African or Negro to tarry within the commonwealth for a -longer time than two months unless such person could produce a -certificate from the secretary of State of which such person claimed to -be a citizen, showing that he was such, and that where such persons did -not have the required certificate they should be ordered to depart from -the State, and upon failure to do so be committed to any house of -correction, and that such punishment should be repeated whenever and as -often as the order to depart was disobeyed. This law was repealed, -however, in 1786. It seems that slavery was abolished in Massachusetts -by operation of the constitution of 1780, which declares that "All men -are born free and equal." Harry St. George Tucker, president of the -Virginia Court of Appeals, said in 1833, speaking of this constitutional -utterance, that "We should be disposed to take this declaration less as -an abstraction than we regard that which is contained in our own bill of -rights" (5th Leigh Rep., 622). By 1786, it appears that Massachusetts -had abolished all distinctions in law based on race except that in -relation to marriage, which appears to have been repealed in 1843. In -1833, Connecticut enacted a law forbidding the setting up or -establishment of any school, academy or literary institution for the -instruction or education of colored persons who were not inhabitants of -the State. This law was repealed in 1838. The constitution of Rhode -Island of 1843, conferred the elective franchise on persons of the male -sex qualified by residence and property without distinction of color. In -New Hampshire the constitution of 1783 contains the principle that all -men are born equally free, and no distinction on account of color is -found in any of her statutes except in a law of 1792, which specified -that enlistment in the militia should be confined to white people. In -the law of 1857, relating to the subject of militia, color is not -mentioned. Neither in the constitution nor laws of Vermont does one find -for this period any distinction based on color, so that in Vermont the -term "free colored person" had no existence and consequently no meaning. -In Maine no distinctions based on color are to be found for the period -under consideration either in the constitution or the statutes. In -Pennsylvania colored people exercised the elective franchise and enjoyed -full citizenship with the whites up to 1838, when the elective -franchise, by the constitution of that year, was confined to whites. -Presumably free colored people exercised the suffrage in New Jersey up -to 1844, as there appears no limitation of suffrage on account of color -prior to its mention in the constitution of that year. New York, in an -act of the legislature of 1799, provided for gradual emancipation of the -slaves, and by an act of 1811 it required "free colored people" to carry -certificates of their freedom as proofs of their claim thereto. In 1814 -the legislature of the State authorized the raising of two regiments of -colored soldiers to be officered by white men. In 1823, Negroes who -resided in the State three years and possessed a free-hold estate of the -assessed value of two hundred and fifty dollars were entitled to -exercise the elective franchise, a requirement not imposed upon white -people. - -It is interesting to note that up to 1723, free colored people appear to -have exercised the elective franchise equally with the whites in -Virginia. The colonial constitution of that year limited its exercise to -white people, and the free colored people never voted again until the -adoption of the Underwood or reconstruction constitution. Besides this, -contrary to conditions above described in the Northern States the laws -in relation to free colored people grew harsher and harsher until 1831, -when we find a statute prohibiting meetings for teaching free Negroes or -mulattoes reading or writing. In 1832, free Negroes were forbidden to -preach the gospel. In 1834 free Negroes were forbidden to immigrate into -the State. In 1838 free Negroes leaving the State to be educated were -forbidden to return. In 1851, the constitution of Virginia of that year, -in Sec. 5, Art. 19, provided: That slaves hereafter emancipated shall -forfeit their freedom by remaining in the commonwealth more than twelve -months, and in 1856, the legislature of Virginia passed an act providing -that free Negroes might voluntarily make agreements to become slaves and -that such agreement should be binding. - -In North Carolina free colored people seem to have exercised most of the -rights of white people including that of voting, until 1835, when the -right to vote was confined to persons of the white race. In all of the -slave States the free colored man was hampered by legislative provisions -exactly like or very similar to those just cited as existing in -Virginia. In none of these States could free colored people hold the -legal title to real property, in none of them did they have the right of -public assembly, the right to bear arms or the right to carry on -collectively the work of education. In few of them did they even have -the right to preach the gospel, and where they did preach it was by -favor and permission, and not by right. Of all these Southern -slave-holding States Maryland ruled its free colored people with -something suggestive of humanity. - -It will be seen from this hasty and unsatisfactory review of a great -mass of statutes, decisions, and treatises that the condition of the -free colored man north of Mason and Dixon's line improved in the main -from the close of the revolution to 1860, and that south of Mason and -Dixon's line his condition grew worse from the close of the revolution -down to 1860. - -In the West, where new States were forming, there was, of course, the -distinction of race. The settlers who went into these new communities -went there to establish white communities and they passed laws -forbidding the immigration of free colored people into them. We find -statutes in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Kansas, and Oregon, -forbidding the immigration of free Negroes. It seems, however, that -there was never a very strong public sentiment insisting upon the -enforcement of these laws. As a matter of fact there was a small active -and effective sentiment which practically nullified the existence of -them, for in all of these States we find, especially after the enactment -of the fugitive slave law of 1850, a most friendly sentiment toward the -unfortunate colored man whether slave or free. - -The study of the statutes and conditions of more than a half century ago -is not only a matter of curiosity, but a matter of very practical -concern, since in these latter days another body of laws, and legal -decisions based upon distinction of race have come into existence, and -yet others are threatened. - - - - -Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - - -The services rendered by Negroes in America from the discovery of the -islands beyond the Pillars of Hercules by Christopher Columbus to the -end of the eighteenth century, make a chapter of history transcending in -importance anything which has taken place in the old world. The quaint -times and scarcity of willing men among the aboriginal Indians to help -the Spaniards to despoil their lands in the rapacious quest of gold -brought about the early ruin of flourishing communities of aboriginal -tribes in the several islands. So alarming was this state of affairs -that Father Las Casas, known as the Apostle of the Indians, interceded -in their behalf at the Spanish court in order to ameliorate their -unfortunate condition. He pleaded for Negroes to take their places as -the blacks were a very hardy and robust race; to this plea the great and -humanitarian Cardinal Ximenes was opposed; for he could not justify the -substitution of one race for another in what was in itself a wrong. The -Cardinal having been overruled, the Slave Trade was instituted and the -first Negroes were brought to Santo Domingo. They were not the untutored -savages we are expected to believe from modern histories. There existed -in Sevilla, Spain, as early as 1475, a large number of Negro slaves, who -had been brought from the coasts of North Africa and Guinea, and their -one-fifth tribute to the coffers of the state formed a very nice sum of -money. This practice of importing Negroes, which had been in vogue -during the Arab dominion of Spain, continued to increase to such an -extent that when in the year of 1474 a royal decree still extant -chronicles the appointment of a Negro known as Juan de Valladolid as -mayor of the Negro colony situated in the outskirts of the said city. -From this colony of Negroes who could speak the Spanish language, and -were familiar with their customs, came the first batch of slaves shipped -to Santo Domingo. It must also be borne in mind that 45 years before, in -1370, King Henry of Portugal had commenced his explorations, the -Catalans and Normans had frequented the coasts of Africa as far as the -Tropic of Cancer, and according to Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, it is known -that from the times of Archbishop Gonzalo de Mena (1400) there existed -Negro slaves in Sevilla. There is no reason to doubt that a large number -of their descendants had already been born in Europe prior to 1500, -because the royal dispensations in that year state that the immigration -of Negro slaves to Santo Domingo was prohibited except in case of those -who were born while in possession of Christians. These historical facts -induce us to believe that during that period there was in Europe a -larger number of Negroes than we generally suppose or care to believe. - -At the time that the slave trade had commenced to occupy the mind of the -Hawkins malefactors and the British nation under Queen Elizabeth, -Barbarossa had already subjected the mulatto King of Morocco to the -payment of a tribute of $1,000,000 in gold dust--and 40 Negro merchants -without any hesitation helped the king out of the dangers that -confronted his people. When the Moor Zegri was humiliated by the Spanish -Commander Cisneros in 1499 and the Arab books destroyed in Granada, -Marmol states that less than 1,025,000 tomes on religion, politics, -jurisprudence, manuscripts illuminated and worked in silver and gold -were consigned to the fires. There remained 3,000 Moorish soldiers under -command of a Negro captain whose intrepid heroism and valor was shown by -the charges and counter charges he was able to repel. When unable to -prevent the utter annihilation of his band by superior forces under -Cifuentes, the Negro captain refused to surrender and jumped headlong -from a fort. (Alcatara's History, Granada, pp. 165-6.) And this happened -seven years after the discovery of America by Columbus. - -The conditions of the new world were such that the Spaniards who had -spent most of their wealth in the unprofitable civil and Arab wars, lost -no time after hearing wonderful stories of untold wealth to requisition -not only the Negroes of Seville, but to embark in the lucrative -enterprise of human Negroes from the West Coast of Africa, and ships -which were engaged in man-hunting poured their human freight into -Hispaniola. It was not long after that the Spanish Negroes belonging to -Diego Columbus, revolted, and the first insurrection, taking place among -the very property of the discoverer's offspring, was suppressed by the -military after killing the leaders. The prosperity of the colonies soon -became apparent in the enormous number of Spanish ships with their -precious cargoes arriving in the Spanish ports. The Spanish people were -wild and in an ecstasy of joy to engage in the colonial enterprise, and -as ships entered upon the perilous voyages of discovery the Africans -were gathered to do the work for which no historian or economist has -given them the credit which is their due for blazing the path of wealth -into which the nations of Europe have ridden upon the lucrative backs of -the Africans. The clearing of the forests from dangerous animals and -poisonous insects, making with the awakening of each succeeding spring -the virgin earth a paradise that has supported millions of European -parasites; the working of the mines for precious metals that fed the -envy of other powerful nations which questioned the right of the -Spaniards to conquest under the banner of the Christian Church, and -induced them to scramble and fight for their colonial honors. - -No sooner than Santo Domingo was found to be a paradise of wealth than -the other islands were made ready for the unwilling African. He was -carried to the mainland of Panama, where Balboa was surprised to find a -colony of Negroes whose origin has baffled the mind of the most learned -men of that age. To this day no solution has been found for the problem -of the coming of these Negroes of Quareca. Gomora says, "That -Conquistador entered the Province of Quareca; he found no gold, but some -blacks who were slaves of the lord of the place. He asked this lord -whence he had received them, who replied that men of that color lived -near the place, with whom they were constantly at war. "These Negroes," -adds Gomora, "exactly resemble those of the Guinea; and no others have -since been seen in America. It may be stated here that every hypothesis -has been advanced to show that these men must have been people other -than Negroes, but since the natives of the kingdoms of Congo and Guinea -were known to have enjoyed friendly relations with each other and sailed -the rivers in large oared boats, it is very probable that some of them -crossed the Atlantic in like manner as the Caribs in their piraguas -traveled from the islands to the mainland and vice versa. The nearest -distance from Brazil to Africa is along the Tropic of Cancer, and any -number of large boats may have lost their bearing in a storm and got -ship-wrecked on the American mainland. This hypothesis is well within -the range of probability in view of the fact that the trade winds blow -from east to west and the Gulf Stream flows rapidly, and is noted for -periodical variation in its course. - -The Negroes that were originally carried into Santo Domingo from Spain -became devoted to the early priests, for it must be conceded that the -Jesuits were the friends who maintained a benevolent attitude toward -these outcast sons of men. One of these Negroes, known as Estevanico, -was the discoverer of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and what is known as -Arizona and New Mexico. Negroes were in Mexico with the vanguard of the -Spaniards, and to that country must be credited one of the earliest -Negro poets. He lived in Mexico City, and was, by trade, a carpenter and -maker of artificial flowers, and was always sought by the elite, because -of his ready wit and quickness to rhyme on any theme given him. - -Wherever the English ruled we have had to combat a very prejudiced and -arrogant system of oppression. In the Spanish and French colonies the -rule was milder, in consequence of a system of judicial laws which -predicated a better understanding as a solution of the complex relations -between master and slave. The English have shown by their rule in the -Island of Trinidad how much regard they have had for the rights of -others guaranteed by treaty. For a case in point we may refer to the -treaty of capitulation between the Spaniards and the English that took -place February 18th, 1797. Article 12 of this treaty reads: "The colored -people, who have been acknowledged as such by the laws of Spain, shall -be protected in their liberty, persons and property, like other -inhabitants; they taking the oath of allegiance, meaning themselves as -becomes good and peaceable subjects of His Britanic Majesty" (16). The -way the British respected this "Scrap of Paper" is shown in a book -written by a free mulatto, a graduate of the Edinburgh University, and -printed in London in 1824. Says this anonymous author: "And even the -Spanish governor saw his country about to be divested of a possession -she had held ever since the third voyage of Columbus, he did not forget -the faith she had plighted to the colored population, but exacted from -the invaders security for the continuance of the equality of rights and -privileges with the whites by the 12th article of the capitulation" (p. -16). - -It would have been a glory to Britain to have emulated in those days the -benevolent plan of France and Spain in improving the condition of their -slaves; and to open a way for the admission of reason, religion, liberty -and law among creatures of our kind who were deprived of every -advantage, of every privilege, which as partakers of our common nature -they were capable of and entitled to (Ramsay). - -We have been instructed to look at the Negro as "idle, worthless, -indolent and disloyal," but a careful examination of the West Indies and -South America does not show this to be true. Many instances of -advancement by hard industry can be noted in any of the many spots of -the New World. There is not a single field of industrial activity in -which the descendants of the African have not contributed their mite -toward an improvement of the conditions which the gold seekers and -pleasure hunters were wont to overlook. The commercial activities, the -irrigation of fields, the working of the mines where the labor of Negro -slaves and free men was paramount, the untold number of ships loaded -down with merchandise and precious metals wending their way to Europe to -support monarchies and provide pleasure for parasites, all this depended -upon the unrequited toil of Negroes, which cannot be computed in dollars -and cents because it would form a ladder, like Jacob's, which would -reach to the very gates of Heaven. - -Under the institution of slavery which curbed the aspirations of the -Negro, it was not possible to expect the race to have shown any capacity -except for hard labor in the fields which the lash accelerated. In most -islands there was nothing else but agriculture fields to be cleared and -developed with religion to mitigate and console the workers. The profits -which were uppermost in the minds of the masters were gathered regularly -and yielded handsomely. - -The African people have been one of the earliest acquainted with cotton. -A careful examination of available historical material shows that while -Europe was still dressing in goat skins and grass goods the Negro -peoples of Africa had been using cotton goods. Miss Kingsley relates -that the cloth loom was invented by natives of the Eboe tribe, but many -varieties of looms were common to the people of the Soudan. The -prevailing color of the cloth from Guinea is blue and it is distinctly -quaint, so enduring and pleasing that it has been handed down from the -hoary ages to the present day. The dyes of the natives obtained from -vegetable matter and other unknown primitive processes, have always won -the admiration of the appreciative world. Europeans have admired the -quality and durability of these cloths. The work of African looms in -their primitive frames can be seen in the Museums of Natural History in -London, Paris, Berlin and New York. They are indeed fine specimens of -African handiwork and authorities have said that they would do credit to -any Manchester or Birmingham looms. - -It is said that native cloth manufactured at Kano is not very old and -that it probably came from the Songhay country, but according to El -Bekri, the Arab historian, and other ancient geographers, the art of -weaving was very flourishing on the Upper Nile, especially in the town -of Silla from very ancient times and as early as the eleventh century, -the cotton cloth was called in this region by the same name it bears to -this day, namely, "shigge." - -The English West Indies exported to Britain during the year 1760 -9,535,010 pounds of cotton. By 1787 this amount had increased to -18,716,445 pounds; in 1801 to 42,090,765, and in 1811 it was 41,735,555, -according to William Irving, Inspector General of the London -Customhouse. - -It has been stated that just before the war of American independence the -slaves in the sugar colonies did not exceed the fortieth part of the -inhabitants of the British Empire, yet they contributed in that -neglected state perhaps a sixth part of the revenue. The British Isles -contained a population of nearly 11,500,000; North America, 2,600,000 -with 400,000 slaves, which made 3,000,000; the West Indies 82,000 -freemen and 418,000 slaves. - -The Negroes under the terrifying and debasing influence of slavery were -able to improve their condition by that cheerful spirit which holds them -together even in these days of dark clouds, with a silver lining. The -cheerfulness of these sons of Africa has been their redeeming quality -through all their privations and sufferings; their chants and songs, -whether in the hearing of their masters or among themselves, were full -of soul and feeling. They kept body and soul together after the arduous -day's labor under the torrid rays of the sun. Whereas the Indians gave -way under the milder system of slavery, the Negroes grew stronger under -its despotism. They were able in the production of sugar cane to become -experts in the tempering of the cane juice for the various degrees of -sugar, which today require analytical chemists to supervise its improved -manufacture and Negroes were in charge of this delicate branch of the -industry on many plantations. In the distillation of rum they were -proficient and many were excellent mechanics. - -In the production of cocoa, in Venezuela, Suriname and Trinidad, the -labor of Negroes gave it such an impetus and stability that the eminent -Humboldt, in his travels through South America could not but speak in -the highest terms of those plantations that devoted their time to the -improvement of this industry. - -Since the bringing of the Mocha coffee into Santo Domingo as an -experiment, with the brawny arm of the black son of toil the production -of coffee has reached the incredible amount of 100 millions of pounds, -and, in Brazil, where to balance the supply and demand the government -provides an excellent system which permits the exportation of only the -amount necessary for the world's consumption each year. - -The pearl fisheries of America lost their commercial importance with the -wave of Emancipation by the nations whose souls were steeped in -ignominious sin. But in the earliest days it was one of the most -lucrative industries. The work was done exclusively by Negroes who were -expert swimmers and divers, capable of holding their breath a long time -in ten or fifteen fathoms of briny water, while searching for -pearl-bearing shells. There was always great danger from man-eating -sharks and the octopus, which killed and mangled many expert divers. In -numberless Spanish galleons were carried the riches which have been -reported from time to time in official papers as having paid the fifths -to the coffers of the state. For instance, Southey says that "a fleet -that sailed from Hispaniola in 1526 carried to Spain 501,082 gold -dollars, 350 marks of ordinary pearls, 183 Cubagua pearls and 5 gold -stones." - -In the field of arms there is no question whatever in the mind of the -present generation whether the Negroes have added any glory to the -respective nations under which they fought, or, when for their -self-preservation it was necessary to fight against Spain, Holland, -France and Britain. One of the earliest successful insurrections was -that of Chief Araby in the year 16-- and in 1772-7, before the American -war of independence, the Negroes of Suriname took to the hills and -fought the Hollanders tooth and nail for five consecutive years. The -Spaniards in Santo Domingo were defeated, Great Britain was humiliated -and obtained success only when she followed General Abercrombie and Sir -John Moore's advice, and employed Negro troops under promises of -manumission as is shown in the St. Lucia campaign. The first attempt to -employ these troops brought about a fierce outcry of protest in which -the several island legislatures, especially those of Barbadoes and -Jamaica "poured forth the most prophetic declaration of innumerable -evils to come if the British government persisted in its purpose to -substitute even in part, black for white soldiers." - -The formation of the First West India Regiment under the British was the -aftermath of the Savannah war in 1779. "It was made up of white -loyalists and Negro slaves" and "so well entertained that in the year -1816 there were eight regiments in existence. In Jamaica there were -stationed the 2d Regiment, with 198 sergeants and 3,050 blacks, and the -5th Regiment was stationed at Bahamas with rank and file of 4,526 during -the year 1816. Their formation was due to the ravages of disease among -the European forces, for during the years 1796-1802 were lost 17,173 men -of the original force of 19,676 under Major General Sir John Moore, -which sailed from England to put down the Negro spirit that had its -birth in Haiti. - -But it was not only Haiti that was worrying the British. Jamaica with -the Maroons was another problem without a radical solution until Major -General Walpole promised them protection under a secret treaty which was -moderate in its language, but painful in the method of its application, -just as the British have always been when dealing with the Negro race. -It must be said in fairness to General Walpole that he was opposed to -the cruelties practiced on the Maroons after they had surrendered their -arms and confided in his good faith for a strict compliance with the -terms of the treaty. Walpole said he "felt that a treaty even with -savages should be observed" (p. 236). But notwithstanding the evil -spirit towards the Maroons their uprising has brought about a better -feeling and respect to the black people of Jamaica and, because of this -material spirit, it must be admitted they enjoy to this day a larger -measure of freedom and economic privileges than the other West Indian -islands under the British rule. - -The name of Haiti will always stimulate us to revere the memory of men -who have stamped their names on the scroll of time, for not only did -that island strike the first effective blow for the liberation of the -black slave, but, having accomplished this purpose, the Haitians aided -in the liberation of all America from the yoke of Europe. The service -rendered by President Petion to Simon Bolivar in making possible the -freedom and independence of South America is splendidly shown in the -granite and bronze monument which adorns the square in Caracas dedicated -to the memory of the ablest Haitian president by the people of -Venezuela. - -Music found expression in the vibrating chord tempered with the dull -thumping of drums in their characteristic rhythm which could be heard -for miles during the night and in the peculiar songs and chants of the -Negroes. To the white man who could not understand their customs it was -barbaric and rude and was treated with indifference and at times with -contempt. But it has been shown by Mrs. Kemble, who was a keen observer -during her residence in Georgia, that the Negro songs had merit and that -there was something mystic which could not easily open itself--its -peculiar musical charm--to the white man. This music and chants were -common to every part of America where the sons of Africa had been -carried by the slave hunters, and even to this day musical instruments, -peculiar to the original tribes, are extant in many of the islands -beyond the seas. - -During the evening slave seances took place when the master thought -everything was silent and calm, because the field work had been -satisfactorily performed and the harvest had been gathered and there was -a profit which would carry him to Europe to squander it in riotous -living. But at night, like the firefly, the Negro was recreated and -refreshed in song his soul, and dreamed of a future freedom from the -involuntary thraldom of which he was a victim. - -The story tellers gathered a motley crowd around them and the hours of -eventide were spent in instructive recitals of the Uncle Remus, Brer -Rabbit and other folk-lore stories, the heritage of African minds. These -stories are known in every vale and dale of joy and tears in America; -they have soothed the hours of toil and consoled the broken-hearted. -"They have been called the traditional literature of Africa. Some of the -Uncle Remus stories would form no bad addition to the fairy stories of -the world. But the race of old mammies or nurses who used to tell them -to delighted youthful audiences is fast passing away"--in fact, have -passed away--and we are satisfied, not knowing any better, to read them -in the modern reconstructed form as given by Joel Chandler Harris and -other poor imitators who have won fame and honor in the field of -literature without incurring the onerous charge of imitation. Bosman -refers to the Old Mammy or Anancy stories in his work on Africa, and it -is said that in Accra "there are men who have a repertoire almost as -copious as the Arabian Nights, and to which Europeans listen with -curiosity and wonder, if not with admiration." Richard Burton was a -great man and a distinguished writer, who agrees with Koelle, who says, -"I was amongst them in their native land, on the soil which the feet of -their fathers have trod, and heard them deliver in their own native -tongue stirring extempore speeches, adorned with beautiful imagery, of -half an hour or an hour's duration; or when I was writing from their -dictation, sometimes two hours in succession, without having to correct -a word or alter a construction in twenty or thirty pages; or when in -Sierre Leone I attended examinations of the sons of liberated slaves -(from America) in algebra, geometry, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, etc.--then, I -confess, any other idea never entered my mind but that I had to do with -_real men_". (Wit and Wisdom from West Africa.") - -In Brazil, the Negro chieftain, Henrique Diaz, is revered for the able -assistance which he rendered in checking the incursions of the Dutch, -and Koster in his travels through that country speaks of Negro and -mulatto regiments known as the Henrique regiments in memory of so worthy -and capable a leader. - -In the city of Paramaribo the Negro Gramman Quacy had the good fortune -in 1730 to discover the valuable properties of the root known by the -name of Quacie bitter. In 1761 it was made known to Linnaeus by -d'Ahlbergand, the Swedish naturalist who had written a treatise upon it. - -During the years 1811-12 the British government had reports from their -various possessions in America exclusive of Jamaica, showing a slave -population of 343,859 and 27,259 free men of color, so that about eight -per cent of the total colored population were free. When we consider the -handicap that slaves had under English law with its intricate and -involved questions of entail we can appreciate the efforts of these -reputed savages to have been able not only to achieve their freedom but -to succeed in becoming an integral part of the country, with an eagle's -foothold in agriculture. - -Porto Bello and Cartagena in Colombia were the ports of entry for the -slave trade, the channel by which not only Panama was supplied with -Negroes but from whence the traders were allowed to bring with them such -quantity of provisions as was thought necessary both for their own use -and that of their slaves of both sexes. Here was the Appian road through -which the Spaniards carried the slaves into Peru to work the gold mines; -and they became so useful that in the celebrated Sanabria mines Negroes -were used exclusively during the night and Indians in the day time. -Ulloa, during his visit to Lima, found that people of African descent -formed the greater part of the population of Lima, and they were, as a -rule, mechanics and worked side by side with the Europeans who did not -consider the contact disgraceful to them, since cleanliness was the -ruling passion of the Negroes. - -General Pelage, "an agricultural slave" when General Moore stormed St. -Lucia, was Governor of Guadeloupe until 1803, when he resigned and -returned to France to lead his soldiers against Spain, where he was -killed at the head of his regiment. - -It is a remarkable fact that the first native American to be consecrated -a Bishop was a Negro. He was Right Reverend Francisco Xavier de Luna y -Victoria, Bishop of Panama, of which see he took possession in August, -1751. He founded and maintained the cathedral at his own expense, and -was later removed to the see of Trujillo in Peru. His mother, who had -been a slave devoted her time to the sale of charcoal in order to attain -her ambition to see her son become an eminent man. This devotion has -been characteristic of the African woman and every reward and praise won -on the new continent has been due to her sacrifices. - -In the Spanish countries under the more liberal manumission laws a very -much higher proportion of free people of color existed from the very -earliest times. In Cuba of the total population in 1811 about 274,000 -were whites, 212,000 slaves and 114,000 free persons of color, rather -less than two slaves to one freeman. In the United States at the same -time the slave population of 1,191,364 is more than six times the free -population of 186,446 (total U. S., 7,239,814). The conditions in Cuba -were characteristic of the Spanish and Portuguese countries and -explained the total abolition of slavery as well as the more rapid -assimilation of the colored people in the economic and political life of -those countries. - -With the records such as this the Negro found himself at the close of -the eighteenth century a vital factor in every phase of the development -of Latin America. I have not attempted to treat his services in the -Southern States of the North American Union for the facts here are too -well known to require discussion within the limits of the present -article. Suffice it to say that the position which the Negro and his -mixed progeny of European or Indian blood had won in South America, they -have also earned, if even they have not as yet received, due recognition -therefore in North America. - -With a firm faith in our ability and the consciousness of our -inalienable title to a worthy share in the development of the New World. -We may look forward with confidence to the inevitable reward of industry -sustained by the courage which demands that an honest toiler shall not -be despoiled of the fruits of his labor. We may expect therefore that as -Negro slavery began in the West Indies and South America and crept -northward, so also will come to the United States the gradual -dissolution of the problem of color in the general problems of a -progressing human race. - - - - -William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from 1860-1870 - - -The second decade of the latter half of the nineteenth century was the -most epochal period in American legal history since the time of the -national constitution. So far as the American Negro is concerned, this -period marks the greatest possible changes in legal and constitutional -status. Three years before the opening of this decade the highest court -of the nation had declared the Negro to have only the status of the -lower animals, while at the close of the decade the Negro had acquired a -status in the organic law of the land which entitled him to membership -in the Supreme Court itself. In this period the Negro changed from a -chattel to a person, from an animal to a man, from a slave to a -citizen,--so far as the supreme law of the land is concerned. - -This period also contains the two extremes on the scale of -discriminations against the American Negro in statute law. Before this -period there were comparatively few statutory discriminations against -the black race in the Southern States. For in that section the Negro had -no personal rights at law, and discriminatory statutes were not -necessary. When a discrimination is made against a class in statute law, -it is thereby implied that this class has at least some rights based on -the fundamental law of the land. Therefore the legislative -discriminations against black people before this period were found -chiefly in the border states and in the "free" states against "free" -Negroes,--a strange contradiction of terms.--But this decade, from 1860 -to 1870, also contains the extremes of the Negro's legal status in the -South: at the opening of the decade stood the Negro slave, at the close -stood the Negro senator; after the middle of this period the South -passed the extreme "Black Laws," intended to nullify the effect of the -Thirteenth Amendment as far as possible, while at the end of the decade -came the Fifteenth Amendment, marking an epoch. These "Black Laws" of -the South were enacted between 1865 and 1868 and were inspired by the -ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. They had for their models, it -is said, the similar laws that had been passed in previous decades -against the helpless "free" Negroes of the North and the border states. -But they outdid the models. - -These "Black Laws" are worth considering, for in them are found a -sufficient cause and a very cogent reason for the Fourteenth and the -Fifteenth Amendments. There is really no need for the charge that these -two Amendments were the inspiration of revenge or of the desire for -political advantage of the party in power. At any rate, such great -products of statesmanship should stand on their merits, and not be -condemned, even if it could be shown that they were originally based in -unworthy motives. It does not lessen the beauty of the rose if the plant -was sprouted in manure. But the argument of ultra-motive is unnecessary, -for the "Black Laws" of the South were the immediate occasion, and -doubtless the only efficient cause, of the Fourteenth Amendment. After -the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, if the former slave states had -accorded the ex-slaves even half justice, it is very likely that the -Negro's friends in Congress would have quickly forgotten him,--as they -have since done in the face of the worst injustices. But it was not -unnatural for the South, after the ratification of the Thirteenth -Amendment which gave the Negro only the lowest degree of freedom, to try -to pass systems of laws that would cause the Negro's freedom to make as -little change as possible in the social organism and in his relation to -the white race. Not to have done so would have been evidence of -superhuman foresight and self-control. From the standpoint of the -Negro's interests, however, these laws were "black," not only in name -and aim but in their very nature. Instead of being the property of a -personally interested master, the Negro was to be converted into the -slave of a much less sympathetic society in general. The "free" Negro's -lot was to be much harder than that of the slave had been; for altho no -longer entitled to "board and keep" from his employer, yet he was to be -forbidden by law to move or to change his employment. This would have -left his wages at the mercy of the employer. It is a law of economics -that the mobility of labor is necessary to the normal regulation of -wages. Some states absolutely forbade the freedmen to engage in skilled -work, leaving for them only the most menial and least profitable -occupations. In the famous old state of South Carolina the employer was -to be allowed to inflict corporal punishment, or as the euphemism of the -law put it, to "moderately correct" the servants. "Master" and "servant" -were the terms used in these laws,--not employer and employee. The -vagrancy laws and laws of apprenticeship were all of a nature to entrap -the ignorant and take advantage of the weak. Famous old South Carolina -even sought to regulate the amount of "politeness" due from the -"servant" to the "master's family." - -In the face of all these stereotyped facts, why should any honest -student of history have to resort to any intangible and indefinite thing -like a feeling of revenge or a desire for political and party advantage -as an explanation of the motives of those who conceived and passed by -the Fourteenth Amendment? This Amendment was passed by the friends of -freedom to keep the Thirteenth Amendment from being a mere farce. They -sought thereby to secure for the Negro the protecting power of the -ballot, as the only effective means of influencing his civil and -political interests in a government like this. There was no thought or -hope of making him dominant in a country that was predominantly white. -But the backers of the Amendment sought to lead the state governments to -this reasonable end by inducing rather than by compelling them. The -effect of this amendment was to be based on impartial mathematics, and -the choice was to be left to the majority of voters of the state. The -state was simply not to have a power in the national government based on -a population which the state itself did not recognize as a part of its -own citizenry. - -Up to 1865 nearly all the states of the Union had restricted the right -to vote to white men. After the Negro was freed some Northern states -voluntarily removed this restriction. The friends of freedom hoped that -the Fourteenth Amendment would induce others to do so, by making it to -the advantage of their national representative power. But from the -ratification of the Amendment in 1868 to 1870 not a single state, with -the sole exception of Minnesota, heeded the warning or yielded to the -inducement of the suffrage clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. And it -might be noted in passing that there were not enough Negroes in -Minnesota to make any difference either way. Up to 1870 fourteen states -still restricted the suffrage to white men. This obstinacy on the part -of the reactionaries caused the friends of freedom in 1870 to ratify the -Fifteenth Amendment, which substituted _must_ for persuasion and -virtually penalized discriminations against any race in the matter of -the suffrage. What evidence is there that any of these steps were taken -in a spirit of revenge? Revenge usually acts in haste and without -waiting on the development of other sufficient causes. The persuasion of -the Fourteenth Amendment was not resorted to till three years after the -close of the war, and when there had risen the plainest need for even -more than persuasion in the interests of justice and humanity. And the -Fifteenth Amendment did not appear till five years after the war, when -even the Fourteenth Amendment had failed to persuade. Why should revenge -wait so long and advance so reluctantly? It seems that the friends of -freedom, who had the political power in their hands, were slow to anger -and plenteous in hope. - -This suffrage amendment was to be a bulwark to the liberties not only of -black men but of all men in America; it was directed not only against -the "Black Laws" of the South but against political and civil slavery -everywhere in the nation. It is interesting to note that of the states -who were members of the Union up to 1865, only five can be listed in the -honor roll of those who have never discriminated against the Negro -voter: Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont. - -The constant question raised by these discriminating laws is: What is a -Negro? When are we are going to discriminate against a fellow, we must -be careful and definite in pointing him out. And so each set of -discriminating laws contains its own definition of the word _Negro_, and -the definitions have differed widely. At first in some parts of the -North the Negro was defined as any person who was _visibly_ colored. It -is plain, however, that if the matter is left to the eyes, millions of -American "Negroes" will have to be taken into the Caucasian race,--and -so most of the state legislatures reduced their definition to the finer -discriminations of mathematics. These mathematical definitions vary all -the way from one fourth of the blood of the black man to a mere one -sixteenth; but some laws of the gallant South go so far as to say that -if one has even one drop of Negro blood in his veins he is a Negro. Thus -it is seen that "the Negro," so far as the United States are concerned, -is an arbitrary creature of law and includes within its scope hundreds -of thousands of people who by every law of God and nature and reason are -members of the Caucasian race, principally Anglo-Saxons. For whatever -the legal definition, it is the common practice in the United States to -class as Negroes all persons known to have any part of Negro blood. The -white American therefore ascribes the same potency to Negro blood which -he ascribes to the blood of Jesus Christ,--that it only takes one drop -"to make you whole." The statement needs no proof that there are -thousands of people in America who are related to the Negro and do not -know it, and others who know it but also know that its acknowledgment -would not increase their comforts in life. - -It was especially necessary to define the term _Negro_ when the -intermarriage laws were being considered. These queer laws have always -had the support of the vast majority of white people, wherever the Negro -has become a considerable part of the population, and especially after -the Negro was freed. I call them "queer laws" because they always, in -spirit and in effect if not in letter, tend to make the naturally -honorable relation of marriage a worse crime than the naturally -dishonorable practice of illicit intercourse,--which abuse, however, is -practiced chiefly by the men of the stronger against the women of the -weaker group. For this illicitness there is in practice no punishment, -while the sure penalties of intermarriage range all the way from a fine -of one hundred dollars to ten years in the penitentiary,--and the danger -of still more horrible extra-legal penalties. There could be but one -result of thus outlawing decency and tolerating indecency,--of putting -honor under the foot of dishonor,--and that result has been attained in -the United States: namely, millions of interracial illegitimates, and -some admixture of Caucasian blood in at least nine-tenths of the -American Negro group. - -Such is the American group against which these discriminating laws have -directly and indirectly aimed. In the historic decade (1860 to 1870) -many forms of discrimination and distinction began to appear in the laws -of the South: in public travel, in the courts and in the matter of the -suffrage. In 1865 and 1866 "Jim Crow" laws were passed in Florida, -Mississippi and Texas, but not in the other states until 1881 when -Tennessee started the new era of "Jim Crow," which has since overrun the -whole South and threatens, as did slavery itself, to invade the North. -Is it not queer that this passion should have gained such headway so -long after slavery? It would seem that the more the Negro advances in -education and refinement, the less acceptable he becomes to a large -number of white people. In North Carolina or South Carolina a Negro may -be taken into the white people's car if he be a criminal or a lunatic; -but if he be a gentleman and a scholar, it will be a serious offense -against earth and heaven, subject to heavy fines,--and when his train -reaches Georgia, even the conductor may be fined one thousand dollars! -This race distinction on the cars serves no useful, honorable purpose -which classified passenger tickets would not serve. But of all the -humiliation, wrong and robbery possible against a free people, the devil -and the Sicilian tyrants working together could never have devised a -more ingenious scheme than the "Jim Crow" car. - -As to the courts. Until 1870 the laws of Iowa forbade the Negro to -practice law; many states sought to invalidate or restrict the testimony -of a Negro witness against a white person; and most reluctantly of all -has any state conceded the Negro the right to be a juror, even where -both parties to the suit are Negroes. In law and in theory the Fifteenth -Amendment, March 30, 1870, repealed all statutes and nullified all -constitutional clauses discriminating against people on account of race, -color, or previous condition of servitude, but in practice in the United -States the Negro is still handicapped as a lawyer, discredited as a -witness and almost universally excluded from juries. This is queer again -in the face of the almost unanimous testimony of the courts to the -effect that the Negro juryman is more inclined to convict a real Negro -criminal than is the white juryman. - -The Reconstruction constitutions of the South, in 1868 and 1869, -following the Fourteenth Amendment, gave the Negroes the ballot. It is -needless to say that this was not the will of the white majority. And it -must always be said of these Reconstruction governments that, whatever -faults they may have had, they made the first, and up to the present -time the _last_ serious and straight-going efforts to establish real -democratic-republican organization in the South. In this era the -Congress of the United States was in the hands of the friends of -freedom, and in 1866 the Negro was given the ballot in all the -territories of the United States. On June 8, 1867, the Congress gave the -ballot to the Negroes of the District of Columbia, over the President's -veto and against the will of the white inhabitants. In a popular vote on -the proposition the city of Washington returned 6521 votes against -enfranchising the blacks and 35 votes for it; while Georgetown returned -the interesting figures of 812 votes against the proposition, and for it -one vote. This record of fifty years ago is sufficient to indicate what -would be the conditions in Washington, D. C., if it were left to its own -devices. - -Such are the facts of obstinate resistance to the Negro's actual -freedom, which brought the friends of freedom in Congress rather slowly -around to the necessity of adopting the Fourteenth, and when that -failed, the Fifteenth Amendment. I repeat that if, after the passage of -the Thirteenth Amendment, the legislatures and courts and other -creatures of the popular suffrage had shown a genius for doing justice -to the Negro, it is likely that his friends in Congress would have -forgotten him entirely, that the two subsequent Amendments would not -have been proposed and that he would have been left outside of the -Constitutional pale of citizenship indefinitely. The Thirteenth, -Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments put the enemies of freedom -successively on trial and each time they failed. Yea, even against the -decree of the Fifteenth Amendment have they defeated democracy by -indirection and duplicity. If the aim of the Fifteenth Amendment should -be finally defeated, it would be the ultimate failure of democracy,--but -there are late indications that in the end it will not fail. And of all -the many-angled struggles which the colored people are supporting in -this country for their advancement and ultimate security, the central -aim of every fighting line should be full-fledged citizenship. - -There is no doubt about the truth of the plain statement that the Negro -race in the United States of America does not get a "square deal." But -we observe frequent efforts to minimize the appearance of the great -wrong by the ambiguous statement that it is "natural" under the -circumstances. I call the statement ambiguous, because in one sense of -the word every fact of life and history is _natural_: all virtue and -vice, lust and love are natural. Many natural things are very -undesirable, and fortunately some of them are not indestructible or -unalterable. It may be natural for the white race to disfranchise, -"Jim-Crow" and burn Negroes, but the Negro is _naturally_ opposed to -that procedure. Is it not natural for the victim to be uncomfortable -under these things, to complain against them, to organize and fight -them? The naturalness of injustice, if it be natural, does not make it -one whit more just. It is natural, or at least it is historic, that men -will rob and commit murder and bastardy--but there seems to be something -in man which is higher than nature and which fights against these -things. - -The same sort of fallacy in reasoning is resorted to when the effort is -made to palliate the wrongs done in one section by stating the fact that -the same or similar wrongs have been done, are being done or will be -done to the Negro in other sections or eventually in all sections of the -United States. What on earth has this to do with the wrong, except to -make it more horrible? Does it justify wrong to show that other people -did it, do it or may do it? If so, then sin itself ought to be the -fairest thing in the world, for all men in all ages and all countries -have committed it. The poor sinning South pains-takingly points out and -tabulates every single instance of its own wrongs against black men -which can be found repeated in the North,--and when the North slips from -virtue in the same path, it cries out Pharisaically that such horrors -are common or even popular in the South. If mere ubiquity justifies, -remember that the devil's work is ubiquitous, too. - -Again, I have read books and arguments that sought to minimize the -importance of industrial, civic and political discriminations against -the Negro by saying not only that these practices are "not confined to -any section of the country," but also that such-and-such an evil did not -even "originate" in the South. We are told with great unction that -Philadelphia and San Francisco once excluded Negroes from street cars -altogether, that slavery originated in the commerce of the North, and -that Jim-Crowism was first met in Massachusetts. I have heard that the -devil was first met in the Garden of Eden, but he is none the less the -devil. And as to origin, who cares where the smallpox or the yellow -fever originated? It is their nature, not their origin, which makes them -horrible. - -There is really no room for one section to boast or to proudly accuse -the other. So far as the Negro's experiences go, both sections need to -improve perhaps in their ideals but certainly in their practices -respecting democratic liberties and human brotherhood. Let the Negro and -his friends realize that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the -United States Constitution represent not a backward step but a stride -forward in civilization, and that they were fostered and ratified, not -for the sake of the temporary burden which they may have put upon the -white race in the South, but for the benefit of all races, at all times, -in all America. - - - - -John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - -The following resolution adopted at the last meeting is -self-explanatory: "That the Academy publish a list of books, pamphlets, -magazines and newspaper articles bearing on the Negro Question, with -appropriate comment." A letter sent to the Library of Congress brought -from the Chief Bibliographer the following reply: "Titles of books -relating to the Negro may be found by means of the Cumulative Book -Index, published monthly; articles in magazines, etc., are listed in the -Readers' Guide to periodical literature and its supplements, and in the -annual magazine subject index; legal literature is indexed in the index -to legal periodicals and the literature of medicine in the Index -Medicus. These publications are all subject indexes and to approach the -matter from the side of Negro authorship it would be necessary to start -with some such book as "Who's Who of the Colored Race," which would -enable the compiler to pick out the Negro authors. It would then be -necessary to go through the indexes to see whether these authors had -published anything during the current year. A source of additional -titles," continues the letter, "would be the periodicals devoted to the -interests of the Negro race. These frequently note pamphlets, privately -or obscurely printed books which do not get into the regular lists." - -This reference to "Who's Who," a book just issued, shows that the -Academy is beginning this work at a very propitious time. One year ago -"Who's Who" was only a prospect; now it is a realization, the most -important this year in this field of bibliography. Its price, $6.00, may -restrict its circulation to public libraries, colleges and universities -until some worthier publication appears to take its place by the side of -similarly named publications which include leaders of thought and action -the world over. - -Scarcely less important is the Negro Year Book, by Monroe N. Work, in -charge of Division of Records and Research at Tuskegee. This is an -annual encyclopedia of the Negro, for its scope includes the population -of the earth by races, the periodicals published by Africans, "where -black men govern," Negroes and Spanish Explorers, Negro Slavery in -Colonies and in States, Abolition, Agitation, Slavery and Religious -Denominations, Slave Insurrections, the Underground Railroad, Civil -Status, Civil and Political Rights, Negro Soldiers, The Church, -Education Before and Since the Civil War, Arts, Occupations, Inventions, -Agriculture, Crime, Health, Population, National and Fraternal -Organizations, Social Settlements, Periodical publications and -bibliographies pertaining to the Negro. In no other publication of more -than four hundred pages is so much information assembled. The price, 35 -cents, should warrant its circulation wherever there is found school, -college or church, student or professional man who affects a serious -study of our relative conditions and their adaptation to the broader -ones of country and civilization. - -"The Negro," by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Ph. D., No. 91 in the Home -University Library of H. Holt & Co., New York, traces in twelve chapters -the evolution of the race from Ethiopia and Egypt, from its original -habitat, from the Cross and the Crescent to the period when the power -and the influence of the race were generally recognized, up to the rise -of the slave trade, with its blighting effect on conditions in the New -World, and the introduction of the Negro Problem in the United States. -Suggestions for further reading follow. An index and maps add to its -adaptation and value. - -"Education of the Negro Before 1860," by Carter G. Woodson, Ph. D. -(Macmillan), embraces the results of an intensive study of educational -conditions prevalent in the United States from Colonial days to the -Civil War. The influence of the Quaker, the Jesuit and the Abolitionist -is traced to its fruitage, contributory to the laws which gave the -public school system in the South. This book deserves to be consulted by -the investigator and the student. - -"The Black Man's Burden," by William H. Holtzclaw, principal of the -Utica (Miss.) N & I. Institute for the training of colored young men and -women, is also a book of the year. The introduction is written by Booker -T. Washington. It tells the story of the establishment of a school in -the black belt of Mississippi hardly less thrilling though on a smaller -scale than that of Tuskegee itself, of which the author is a graduate. - -Among publications of a sociological nature are "Colored People of -Chicago, Ill.," L. H. Bowen; "Industries Among Negroes in St. Louis," by -W. A. Crossland; "The Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delinquent," -by C. H. McChord; "Urban Conditions in Harlem," by E. F. Dycloff -(Outlook, 108:949-54); ditto, by E. D. Jones (Outlook, 109:597); "Manual -of Freedmen's Progress," by Francis H. Warren, Secretary of Freedmen's -Progress Commission. This volume of 372 pages was authorized by Act 47, -Public Acts of Michigan, 1915. - -Political conditions of the Negro Problem are discussed in the -"Aftermath of the Civil War," by Powell Clayton; "Political History of -Slavery," by J. Z. George; "Studies in South: Parties and Politics of -Georgia," by C. M. Thompson; "President Lincoln's Attitude," by H. W. -Wilbur; "Police Control in South Carolina," by H. M. Henry; "Slavery -Early Heritage of the South"; "America's Greatest Problem," R. W. -Shufeldt. Though all these are white authors, they are in an objective -sense inclusive in an American Negro Bibliography. - -"Negro Wit and Humor," by. M. F. Harmon; "Mexico as an Asylum for the -Negro," by O. M. Donaldson; "Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans," -by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois are other titles that reflect current thought. - -When we invade the realm of the magazine, the newspaper or other -periodical we find a variety of topics and different, phases of the same -general subject. The range discussed in the magazine intensifies popular -thought to a greater degree than the reading of books by the relatively -smaller number of individuals. - -"Thinking White Down South," in Outlook 111:9-10, does not on its face -suggest its pertinence to this question. - -"My View of Segregation Laws," by Booker T. Washington, in New Republic, -51:113-14. - -The Negro Exposition at Richmond is given greater prestige in the Review -of Reviews (52:85-8) than elsewhere. "The Country's Attitude Towards the -Negro," by Oswald G. Villard, in Nation (99:788-40), and the same -publication (100:187-8); the conferring of the Spingarn medal to E. E. -Just, member of this Academy; "The Education of the Mind of the Negro -Child in School and Society" (1:357-60), and "The Southern Tribute to a -Negro," in Dial (59:409-10). - -"Segregation and the Vote" embraces more than a third of fifty titles -not otherwise mentioned. The recent opinion of the United States Supreme -Court dealing with what is popularly known as the Grandfather clauses of -Southern constitutions and statutes, is discussed in 8 Law and -Bankruptcy, 8:236-6. The Literary Digest (Vol. 15:5) gives a symposium -on the subject. The Nation prophesies the end of the Negro politically -in 100 years (100:443 of April 12, 1915). The Independent on the other -hand (Vol. 88:3-4), sees the wrong of these clauses righted. The Outlook -in 110:486-7 (June 30, 1915), gives another view. - -Other ways of discrimination by which the purpose of the Fifteenth -Amendment may yet be defeated will be found in "Everybody" (33:251-2). -"The South and the Negro Vote" forms the title of an elaborate article -in the North American Review, by J. C. Hemphill (202:213-19), while "Our -Debt to the Negro" is the theme in Miss. R. 38:772. Sociological -features, Homes and Housing, as a general proposition, is considered in -Survey, 34:67, 158-9; Business Men, in 34:550; and Loosening of -Louisiana, in 34:266-9. Titustown, a new community near Norfolk, Va., is -given special notice in 34:531, and B. T. Washington, in Conference, -Charities and Correction, 1914:121-7. - -The Separate Coach Statutes and Their Constitutionality are discussed in -Central Law Journal, 43:44 (January 15, 1915); 18 Law Notes, 182 213 -(January 7, 1915); 20 Va. Law Register, 781-785 (February 15, 1915). -These will tend to such race discrimination as to affect Civil Rights, -and as such are treated in 50 Nat. Cor. Reg., 595. - -"The Saloon as a Place of Public Amusement" is brought under review in -49 Amer. Law Review, 131. "Segregation: A Burning Question in Southern -Social Adjustments," is made the subject of an article by Philip A. -Bruce, the well-known Southern author, in Hibberts Journal, 13 V. -867-86. B. F. Benson, in Va. L. Reg. n. s. 330-356, treats the local -segregation ordinances. Their application to rural Southern communities -is the theme in Survey, 33:375-7. The constitutionality of these -ordinances is briefly considered in 13 Mich. Rev., 599-600; in Harper's -Weekly, 59:620, 1D. and in New Republic, November 22-29, 1915. "The -Roots of the War in the Race Question" is a very illuminating article by -W. E. B. Du Bois in the Atlantic Monthly for May. - -Three notable books, the product of the year 1915, are deserving of -special mention. They are all devoted to Negroes of the Eighteenth -Century, and are the outcome of the activities, the enterprise and the -research of the Twentieth Century, and that by white Americans. The -titles are (1) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters) Poems and Letters: -First Collected Edition," edited by Charles Fred Heartman, with an -appreciation by Arthur A. Schomburg, 112 pages. Ben Day paper, 50 on -Fabriano hand-made paper, and 10 on Japan vellum. - -(2) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters): A Critical Attempt and a -Bibliography of Her Writings," by Charles Fred Heartman; 99 copies of -this were printed by the author on Alexandra Japan paper. There are 50 -pages in this bibliography, from which we learn that there are 43 titles -of different editions of Phillis Wheatley's poems. The forty-third is -that of six broadsides relating to Phillis Wheatley, with portrait and -fac-simile of her handwritings; 25 copies of this were printed for the -same publisher. They consist of four pages and eight productions on -eight leaves. - -The last (3) item is certainly the most interesting. It flashes the name -of Jupiter Hammon, a Negro belonging to Joseph Lloyd, of Queen's -Village, on Long Island, now in Hartford. The title is "Jupiter Hammon: -American Negro Poet. Selections From His Writings and a Bibliography." -By Oscar Wegelin, with five fac-similes; 99 copies were printed for -Charles Fred Heartman, New York, 1915. Jupiter Hammon was the first -member of his race to write and publish poetry in this country. One of -his poems was printed before Phillis Wheatley had written her first -poem. - -This bibliography is slightly connected with that of books issued before -the present year, such as "Negro Culture in West Africa," by George W. -Ellis, 290 pages; "The Haitian Revolution From 1791 to 1804," by T. G. -Steward, 292 pages; "The Facts of Reconstruction," by John R. Lynch, 326 -pages; "Out of the House of Bondage," by Kelly Miller, and "The Negro in -American History," by John W. Cromwell, 296 pp. which have found places -in some of the principal public libraries of the country. - -"Redder Blood," by William M. Ashby, published by the Neale Publishing -Company, is described as a novel which, written in literary English and -not in the jargon known as Negro dialect; a story told for the sake of -the story and not a treatise under disguise. Its author, a Negro, is a -graduate of Yale College. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; footnotes were -renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works to protect the -Project Gutenberg(tm) concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a -registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, -unless you receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything -for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may -use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative -works, reports, performances and research. They may be modified and -printed and given away - you may do practically _anything_ with public -domain eBooks. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, -especially commercial redistribution. - - - -The Full Project Gutenberg License - - -_Please read this before you distribute or use this work._ - -To protect the Project Gutenberg(tm) mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or -any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg(tm) License available with this file or online at -http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg(tm) -electronic works - - -*1.A.* By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg(tm) -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the -terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all -copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works in your possession. If -you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -*1.B.* "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things -that you can do with most Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works even -without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph -1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -*1.C.* The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of -Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works. Nearly all the individual works -in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you -from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating -derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project -Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the -Project Gutenberg(tm) mission of promoting free access to electronic -works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg(tm) works in compliance with -the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg(tm) name -associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this -agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full -Project Gutenberg(tm) License when you share it without charge with -others. - -*1.D.* The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg(tm) work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -*1.E.* Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -*1.E.1.* The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg(tm) License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg(tm) work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with - almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away - or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License - included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org - -*1.E.2.* If an individual Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic work is -derived from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating -that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can -be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying -any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a -work with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on -the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs -1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -*1.E.3.* If an individual Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic work is -posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and -distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and -any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg(tm) License for all works posted -with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of -this work. - -*1.E.4.* Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project -Gutenberg(tm) License terms from this work, or any files containing a -part of this work or any other work associated with Project -Gutenberg(tm). - -*1.E.5.* Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg(tm) License. - -*1.E.6.* You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg(tm) work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg(tm) web site -(http://www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or -expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a -means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include -the full Project Gutenberg(tm) License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -*1.E.7.* Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg(tm) works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -*1.E.8.* You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works -provided that - - - You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg(tm) works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - - - You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg(tm) - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) - works. - - - You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - - - You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg(tm) works. - - -*1.E.9.* If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3. below. - -*1.F.* - -*1.F.1.* Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg(tm) collection. -Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works, and the -medium on which they may be stored, may contain "Defects," such as, but -not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription -errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a -defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer -codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. - -*1.F.2.* LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg(tm) trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. -YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, -BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN -PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND -ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR -ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES -EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE. - -*1.F.3.* LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -*1.F.4.* Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -*1.F.5.* Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -*1.F.6.* INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg(tm) -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg(tm) work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg(tm) - - -Project Gutenberg(tm) is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg(tm)'s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg(tm) collection will remain -freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and -permanent future for Project Gutenberg(tm) and future generations. To -learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and -how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the -Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org . - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state -of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue -Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification number is -64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf . Contributions to the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the -full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. -S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official page -at http://www.pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - - -Project Gutenberg(tm) depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where -we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any -statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside -the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways -including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, -please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic -works. - - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg(tm) -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg(tm) eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg(tm) eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. unless -a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks -in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's eBook -number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, -compressed (zipped), HTML and others. - -Corrected _editions_ of our eBooks replace the old file and take over -the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. -_Versions_ based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving -new filenames and etext numbers. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg(tm), -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/35352-8.zip b/35352-8.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 44fa2c9..0000000 --- a/35352-8.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-h.zip b/35352-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3e8c40b..0000000 --- a/35352-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-h/35352-h.html b/35352-h/35352-h.htm index b04e7f3..62f77fd 100644 --- a/35352-h/35352-h.html +++ b/35352-h/35352-h.htm @@ -439,27 +439,9 @@ pre { font-family: monospace; font-size: 0.9em; white-space: pre-wrap </style> </head> <body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 35352 ***</div> <div class="document" id="papers-of-the-american-negro-academy"> <h1 class="document-title level-1 pfirst title">Papers of the American Negro Academy</h1> - -<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- --> -<div class="class container pgheader" id="pg-header"> -<p class="noindent pfirst">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the <a class="reference internal pginternal" href="#project-gutenberg-license">Project Gutenberg License</a> -included with this eBook or online at -<a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a>.</p> -<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> -</div> -<div class="container" id="pg-machine-header"> -<p class="noindent pfirst">Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Author: Archibald H. Grimké, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352]</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Language: English</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> -</div> -<p class="noindent pnext" id="pg-start-line">*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) ***</p> </div> <div class="vspace" style="height: 4em"> </div> @@ -2798,343 +2780,6 @@ were renumbered.</p> </div> <div class="vspace" style="height: 5em"> </div> -<p class="pfirst" id="pg-end-line">*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) ***</p> -<div class="backmatter"> -</div> -</div> -<div class="level-2 section" id="a-word-from-project-gutenberg"> -<span id="pg-footer"/><h2 class="level-2 pfirst section-title title">A Word from Project Gutenberg</h2> -<p class="pfirst">We will update this book if we find any errors.</p> -<p class="pnext">This book can be found under: <a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352">http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352</a></p> -<p class="pnext">Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set -forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to -copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to -protect the Project Gutenberg™ concept and trademark. Project -Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge -for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you do not -charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is -very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as -creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. -They may be modified and printed and given away – you may do -practically <em class="italics">anything</em> with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is -subject to the trademark license, especially commercial -redistribution.</p> -<div class="level-3 section" id="the-full-project-gutenberg-license"> -<span id="project-gutenberg-license"/><h3 class="level-3 pfirst section-title title">The Full Project Gutenberg License</h3> -<p class="pfirst"><em class="italics">Please read this before you distribute or use this work.</em></p> -<p class="pnext">To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -<a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a>.</p> -<div class="level-4 section" id="section-1-general-terms-of-use-redistributing-project-gutenberg-electronic-works"> -<h4 class="level-4 pfirst section-title title">Section 1. General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works</h4> -<p class="pfirst"><strong class="bold">1.A.</strong> By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by -the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person -or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.B.</strong> “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.C.</strong> The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is in the public domain in the United -States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a -right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free -access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works -in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project -Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with -the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format -with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it -without charge with others.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.D.</strong> The copyright laws of the place where you are located also -govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most -countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the -United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms -of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.</strong> Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.1.</strong> The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed:</p> -<blockquote><div> -<p class="pfirst">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at <a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org">http://www.gutenberg.org</a></p> -</div></blockquote> -<p class="pfirst"><strong class="bold">1.E.2.</strong> If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating -that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work -can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without -paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing -access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with -or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements -of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of -the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in -paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.3.</strong> If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and -distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and -any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted -with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of -this work.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.4.</strong> Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project -Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a -part of this work or any other work associated with Project -Gutenberg™.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.5.</strong> Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute -this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.6.</strong> You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other -than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ web site -(<a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org">http://www.gutenberg.org</a>), you must, at no additional cost, fee or -expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a -means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original -“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include -the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.7.</strong> Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.E.8.</strong> You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided -that</p> -<ul class="open"> -<li><p class="first pfirst">You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from -the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you -already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to -the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to -donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 -days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally -required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments -should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, -“Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation.”</p> -</li> -<li><p class="first pfirst">You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies -you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he -does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ -License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all -copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue -all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ -works.</p> -</li> -<li><p class="first pfirst">You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of -any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the -electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of -receipt of the work.</p> -</li> -<li><p class="first pfirst">You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free -distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.</p> -</li> -</ul> -<p class="pfirst"><strong class="bold">1.E.9.</strong> If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and -Michael Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact -the Foundation as set forth in Section 3. below.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.</strong></p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.1.</strong> Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend -considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe -and proofread public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg™ -collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic -works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain -“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or -corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual -property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a -computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by -your equipment.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.2.</strong> LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES – Except for the -“Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the -Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.3.</strong> LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND – If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.4.</strong> Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set -forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS,’ WITH -NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.5.</strong> Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions.</p> -<p class="pnext"><strong class="bold">1.F.6.</strong> INDEMNITY – You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, -the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause.</p> -</div> -<div class="level-4 section" id="section-2-information-about-the-mission-of-project-gutenberg"> -<h4 class="level-4 pfirst section-title title">Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™</h4> -<p class="pfirst">Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life.</p> -<p class="pnext">Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™'s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain -freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To -learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and -how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the -Foundation web page at <a class="reference external" href="http://www.pglaf.org">http://www.pglaf.org</a> .</p> -</div> -<div class="level-4 section" id="section-3-information-about-the-project-gutenberg-literary-archive-foundation"> -<h4 class="level-4 pfirst section-title title">Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation</h4> -<p class="pfirst">The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -<a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf">http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf</a> . Contributions to the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to -the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.</p> -<p class="pnext">The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. -S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are -scattered throughout numerous locations. Its business office is -located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) -596-1887, email <a class="reference external" href="mailto:business@pglaf.org">business@pglaf.org</a>. Email contact links and up to date -contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at <a class="reference external" href="http://www.pglaf.org">http://www.pglaf.org</a></p> -<p class="pnext">For additional contact information:</p> -<blockquote><div> -<div class="line-block"> -<div class="line"> -Dr. Gregory B. Newby</div> -<div class="line"> -Chief Executive and Director</div> -<div class="line"> -<a class="reference external" href="mailto:gbnewby@pglaf.org">gbnewby@pglaf.org</a></div> -</div> -</div></blockquote> -</div> -<div class="level-4 section" id="section-4-information-about-donations-to-the-project-gutenberg-literary-archive-foundation"> -<h4 class="level-4 pfirst section-title title">Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation</h4> -<p class="pfirst">Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without wide spread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing -the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely -distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest array of -equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to -$5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status -with the IRS.</p> -<p class="pnext">The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit <a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate">http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate</a></p> -<p class="pnext">While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate.</p> -<p class="pnext">International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.</p> -<p class="pnext">Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: <a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate">http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate</a></p> -</div> -<div class="level-4 section" id="section-5-general-information-about-project-gutenberg-electronic-works"> -<h4 class="level-4 pfirst section-title title">Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works.</h4> -<p class="pfirst">Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.</p> -<p class="pnext">Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the -U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition.</p> -<p class="pnext">Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's -eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, -compressed (zipped), HTML and others.</p> -<p class="pnext">Corrected <em class="italics">editions</em> of our eBooks replace the old file and take over -the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is -renamed. <em class="italics">Versions</em> based on separate sources are treated as new -eBooks receiving new filenames and etext numbers.</p> -<p class="pnext">Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility:</p> -<blockquote><div> -<p class="pfirst"><a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org">http://www.gutenberg.org</a></p> -</div></blockquote> -<p class="pfirst">This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including -how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe -to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.</p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 35352 ***</div> </body> </html> diff --git a/35352-rst.zip b/35352-rst.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d0f30f6..0000000 --- a/35352-rst.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-rst/35352-rst.rst b/35352-rst/35352-rst.rst deleted file mode 100644 index 6220560..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/35352-rst.rst +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2926 +0,0 @@ -
-
-.. -*- encoding: utf-8 -*-
-
-.. meta::
- :PG.Id: 35352
- :PG.Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)
- :PG.Released: 2011-02-21
- :PG.Rights: Public Domain
- :PG.Producer: Suzanne Shell
- :PG.Producer: the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
- :DC.Creator: Archibald H. Grimké
- :DC.Creator: Theophilus G. Steward
- :DC.Creator: Lafayette M. Hershaw
- :DC.Creator: Arthur A. Schomburg
- :DC.Creator: William Pickens
- :DC.Creator: John W. Cromwell
- :DC.Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)
- :DC.Language: en
- :DC.Created: 1915
-
-====================================
-Papers of the American Negro Academy
-====================================
-
-.. _pg-header:
-
-.. container::
- :class: pgheader
-
- .. style:: paragraph
- :class: noindent
-
- This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
- almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
- re-use it under the terms of the `Project Gutenberg License`_
- included with this eBook or online at
- http://www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-
-
- |
-
- .. _pg-machine-header:
-
- .. container::
-
- Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)
-
- Author: Archibald H. Grimké, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell
-
- Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352]
-
- Language: English
-
- Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
- |
-
- .. _pg-start-line:
-
- \*\*\* START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) \*\*\*
-
- |
- |
- |
- |
-
- .. _pg-produced-by:
-
- .. container::
-
- Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net.
-
- |
-
-
-
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- The Sex Question and Race Segregation
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKÉ, President.
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- Message of San Domingo to the African Race
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD, U. S. A. (Retired)
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY LAFAYETTE M. HERSHAW.
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- Economic Contribution by the Negro to America
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY ARTHUR A. SCHOMBURG.
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- The Status of the Free Negro from 1860 to 1870
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY WILLIAM PICKENS.
-
-.. class:: center larger
-
- American Negro Bibliography of the Year
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- BY JOHN W. CROMWELL.
-
- |
-
- The above Papers were all read at the Nineteenth Annual Meeting
-
- of the American Negro Academy, held in the Y.M.C.A.
-
- Building, 12th Street Branch, Washington, D.C.
-
- December 28th and 29th, 1915.
-
- PRICE: 25 CTS.
-
- |
-
-.. contents:: Table of Contents
- :backlinks: entry
- :depth: 1
-
-..
-
- |
- |
-
-Archibald H. Grimké. The Sex Question and Race Segregation
-==========================================================
-
-One wrong produces other wrongs as surely and as naturally as the seed
-of the thorn produces other thorns. Men do not in the moral world gather
-figs from a thorn-bush any more than they do in the vegetable world.
-What they sow in either world, that they reap. Such is the law. The
-earth is bound under all circumstances and conditions of time and place
-to reproduce life, action, conduct, character, each after its own kind.
-Men cannot make what is bad bring forth what is good. Truth does not
-come out of error, light out of darkness, love out of hate, justice out
-of injustice, liberty out of slavery. No, error produces more error,
-darkness more darkness, hate more hate, injustice more injustice,
-slavery more slavery. That which we do is that which we are, and that
-which we shall be.
-
-The great law of reproduction which applies without shadow of change to
-individual life, applies equally to the life of that aggregation of
-individuals called a race or nation. Not any more than an individual can
-they do wrong with impunity, can they commit a bad deed without reaping
-in return the result in kind. There is nothing more certain than the
-wrong done by a people shall reappear to plague them, if not in one
-generation, then in another. For the consummation of a bad thought in a
-bad act puts what is bad in the act beyond the control of the actor.
-The evil thus escapes out of the Pandora-box of the heart, of the mind,
-to reproduce and to multiply itself a hundredfold and in a hundred ways
-in the complex relationships of men within human society. And then it
-returns not as it issued singly, but with its related brood of ill
-consequences:
-
- | "But in these cases,
- | We still have judgment here; that we but teach
- | Bloody instructions, which being taught return
- | To plague the inventor: this even-handed justice
- | Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice
- | To our own lips."
-
-The ship which landed at Jamestown in 1619 with a cargo of African
-slaves for Virginia plantations, imported at the same time into America
-with its slave-cargo certain seed-principles of wrong. As the slaves
-reproduced after their kind, so did these seed-principles of wrong
-reproduce likewise after their kind. Wherever slavery rooted itself,
-they rooted themselves also. The one followed the other with the
-regularity of a law of nature, the invariability of the law of cause and
-effect. As slavery grew and multiplied and spread itself over the land,
-the evils begotten of slavery grew, and multiplied, and spread
-themselves over the life of the people, black and white alike. The winds
-which blew North carried the seeds, and the winds which blew South, and
-wherever they went, wherever they fell, whether East or West, they
-sprang up to bear fruit in the characters of men, in the conduct of a
-growing people.
-
-The enslavement of one race by another necessarily produces certain
-moral effects upon both races, moral deterioration of the masters, moral
-degradation of the slaves. The deeper the degradation of the one, the
-greater will be the deterioration of the other, and vice versa. Indeed,
-slavery is a breeding-bed, a sort of compost heap, where the best
-qualities of both races decay and become food for the worst. The brute
-appetites and passions of the two act and react on the moral nature of
-each race with demoralizing effects. The subjection of the will of one
-race under such circumstances to the will of another begets in the race
-that rules cruelty and tyranny, and in the one that is ruled, fear,
-cunning and deceit. The lust, the passions of the master-class, act
-powerfully on the lust, the passions of the slave-class, and those of
-the slave-class react not less powerfully on the master-class. The
-greater the cruelty, tyranny and lust of the one, the greater will be
-the cunning, deceit and lust of the other. And there is no help for this
-so long as the one race rules and the other race is ruled, so long as
-there exists between them in the state inequality of rights, of
-conditions, based solely on the race-hood of each.
-
-If two races live together on the same land and under the same
-government as master and slave, or as superior and inferior, there will
-grow up in time two moral standards in consequence of the two races
-living together under such conditions. The master or superior race will
-have one standard to regulate the conduct of individuals belonging to it
-in respect to one another, and another standard to regulate the conduct
-of those self-same individuals in respect to individuals of the slave or
-inferior race. Action which would be considered bad if done by an
-individual of the former race to another individual of the same race,
-would not be regarded as bad at all, or at least in anything like the
-same degree, if done to an individual of the latter race. On the other
-hand, if the same offense were committed by an individual of the slave
-or inferior race against an individual of the master or superior race,
-it would not only be deemed bad, but treated as very bad.
-
-With the evolution of the double moral standard and its application to
-the conduct of these two sets of individuals in the state, there grows
-up in the life of both classes no little confusion in respect to moral
-ideas, no little confusion in respect to ideas of right and wrong. Nor
-is this surprising. The results of such a double standard of morals
-could not possibly be different so long as human nature is what it is.
-The natural man takes instinctively to the double standard, to any
-scheme of morals which makes it easy for him to sin, and difficult for a
-brother or enemy to do likewise. And this is exactly what our American
-double standard does practically in the South for both races, but
-especially for the dominant race, for example, in regard to all that
-group of actions, which grows out of the relation of the sexes in
-Southern society.
-
-What relations do the Southern males of the white race sustain to the
-females of both races? Are these relations confined strictly to the
-females of their own race? Or do they extend to the females of the black
-race? Speaking frankly, we all know what the instinct of the male animal
-is, and man after all, is physically a male animal. He is by nature one
-of the most polygamous of male animals. There goes on in some form among
-the human males, as among other males, a constant struggle for the
-females. In polygamous countries each man obtains as many wives as he
-can purchase and support. In monogamous countries he is limited by law
-to one wife, whether he is able to maintain a plurality of wives or not.
-When he marries this one woman the law defines his relations to her and
-also to the children who may issue from such a union. But the man—I am
-talking broadly—is at heart a polygamist still. The mere animal
-instinct in his blood inclines him to run after, to obtain possession of
-other wives. To give way to this inclination in monogamous countries he
-knows to be attended with danger, to be fraught with sundry grievous
-consequences to himself. He is liable to his wife, for example, to an
-action for divorce on the ground of adultery. He is liable to be
-prosecuted criminally on the same charge by the state, and to be sent to
-prison for a term of years. But this is not the end of his troubles.
-Public opinion, society, falls foul of him also in consequence of his
-misconduct. He loses social recognition, the respect of his fellows,
-becomes in common parlance a disgraced man. The one-wife country is
-grounded on the inviolability of the Seventh Commandment. All the
-sanctions of law, of morals, and of religion conspire to protect the
-wife against the roving propensities of the husband, combine to curb
-his male instinct to run after many women, to practice plural marriages.
-There thus grows up in the breast of the race, is transmitted to each
-man with the accumulated strength of social heredity, a feeling of
-personal fear, a sense of moral obligation, which together war against
-his male instinct for promiscuous sexual intercourse, and make for male
-purity, for male fidelity to the one-wife idea, to the one-wife
-institution. The birth of this wholesome fear in society is the
-beginning of wisdom in monogamous countries. And unless this sense of
-moral obligation is able to maintain its ascendancy in those countries,
-the male sexual instinct to practice plural marriages will reassert
-itself, will revert, if not openly, then secretly, to a state of nature,
-to illicit relations. But every tendency to such reassertion, or
-reversion, is effectively checked in a land where national morals are
-sound, are pure, by wise laws which a strong, an uncompromising public
-sentiment makes and executes impartially against all offenders.
-
-This is the case in respect to monogamous countries inhabited by a
-homogeneous population. In such countries where there exist no
-differences of race, where there is no such thing as a dominant and a
-subject race, the national standard of morals is single, the sexual
-problem is accordingly simple and yields readily, uniformly, to the
-single standard regulation or treatment. The "Thou shalt not" of the law
-applies equally to all males in their relations to all females in
-general, and to the one female in particular. No confusion ensues in law
-or in fact in respect to the subject, to the practical application of
-the rule to the moral conduct of individuals. Fornication, adultery,
-marriage and concubinage are not interpreted by public sentiment to mean
-one thing for one class of individuals, and another thing for another
-class under the same law. There are no legal double standards, no moral
-double standards. The moral eye of society, under these circumstances,
-is single, the legal eye of the state is likewise single, and the eye of
-the whole people becomes, in consequence, full of moral light. Marriage
-is held to be sacred by the state, by society, and adultery or the
-breach of the marriage-vow or obligation is held accordingly to be
-sacrilege, one of the greatest of crimes.
-
-The man who seduces another man's wife in such a society, in such a
-state, is regarded as an enemy by society, by the state, and is dealt
-with as such. Likewise the man who seduces another man's daughter. For
-this crime the law has provided penalties which the wrong-doer may not
-escape. And it matters not whether the seducer be rich and powerful, or
-the girl poor and ignorant, the state, society respects not his wealth
-nor his power. His status in respect to her is fixed by law, and hers
-also in respect to him. While in the event of issue arising from such a
-union, the law establishes certain relations between the child and the
-putative father. It enables the mother to procure a writ against him,
-and in case of her success he will be thereupon bound to support the
-child during a certain number of years. The state, society, does not yet
-compel him to give his name to the innocent offspring of his illicit
-act, but it does compel him to provide for it proper maintenance. Thus
-has the state, society, in monogamous countries restrained within bounds
-the sexual activity of the human male, evolving in the process a code of
-laws and one of morals for this purpose. These codes are administered
-impartially, equally, by the state, by society, over all of the males in
-their relation to all of the females.
-
-In monogamous countries where two races live side by side, one dominant,
-the other subject, the single legal standard, the single moral standard,
-yields in practice if not in theory to the double standard in law and
-morals in respect to the sexual question. In the ensuing confusion of
-moral ideas, of moral obligations, the male instinct gains in freedom
-from restraints of law, of social conventions, and reverts in
-consequence and to that extent to a state of nature, of natural
-marriage. The legal and moral codes which regulate the relations of the
-males of one race with the females of the same race are not applicable
-in regulating the relations of those self-same males with the females of
-the other race. Marriage in such a country has regard to the males and
-females of the same race, not to those of different races. The crime of
-adultery or of fornication undergoes the same gross modification. For in
-such a land the one-wife idea, the one-wife institution has reference to
-the individuals of the same race only, not to individuals of opposite
-races. The "Thou shalt not" of the law, public opinion interprets to
-refer to the sexual conduct of the males and females of the same race in
-respect to one another, *i. e.*, a male member of the dominant race must
-limit his roving propensities wherever the females of his own race are
-concerned. He need not under this same law, interpreted by this same
-public opinion, curb to the same extent those roving propensities where
-the females of the other race are concerned. He may live in licit
-intercourse with a woman of his own race and at the same time live in
-illicit intercourse with a woman of the other race, *i. e.*, without
-incurring the pains and penalties made by the state, by society, against
-such an offense in case the second woman be of his own race. Neither the
-law nor public opinion puts an equal value on the chastity of the women
-of the two races. Female chastity in the so-called superior race is
-rated above that in the so-called inferior race. Hence the greater
-protection accorded to the woman of the first class over that accorded
-to the woman of the second class. The first class has well-defined legal
-and moral rights which the men of that class are bound to respect,
-rights which may not be violated with impunity. Here we encounter one of
-the greatest dangers attendant upon race segregation, where the two
-races are not equal before the law, where public opinion makes and
-enforces one law for the upper race, and practically another law for the
-under race.
-
-Under these circumstances a male member of the dominant race may seduce
-the wife of a member of the subject race, or a daughter, without
-incurring any punishment except at the hands of the man wronged by him.
-Such a wrong-doer would not be indicted or tried for adultery or
-seduction, nor could the wronged husband or father recover from him
-damages in a suit at law, nor yet could a bastardy suit be brought by
-the girl against him with any show of success for the support of his
-child, were issue to be born to her from such illicit union. The men of
-the dominant race find themselves thus in a situation where the law,
-public opinion, provides for their exclusive possession the women of
-their own race, and permits them at the same time to share with the men
-of the subject race possession of the women of that race. The sexual
-activity of the men of the first class approaches in these conditions to
-a state of nature in respect to the women of the second class. They are
-enabled, therefore, to select wives from the stronger race, and
-mistresses from the weaker one. The natural law of sexual selection
-determines the mating in the one case as truly as in the other, *i. e.*,
-in the case of concubinage as in that of marriage. The men of the upper
-class fall in love with the women whom they have elected to become their
-wives, they also fall in love with the women they have elected to become
-their concubines. They go through all those erotic attentions to the
-women of each class, which are called courtship in the language of
-sexual love. Only in the case of women of the first class this courtship
-is open, visible to the eye of the upper world of the dominant race,
-while in the case of the women of the second class it is secret,
-conducted in a corner of the lower world of the subject race.
-
-These men build homes in the upper world where are installed their
-wives, who beget them children in lawful wedlock; they likewise build
-homes in the lower world, where are installed their concubines, who
-beget them children in unlawful wedlock. The wives move, have their
-being in the upper world and sustain to their husbands certain
-well-defined rights and relations, social and legal. The children of
-this union sustain to those fathers equally clear and definite rights
-and relations in the eye of the law, in the eye of society. The law,
-society, imposes on them, these husbands and fathers, certain
-well-defined duties and obligations in respect to these children, these
-wives, which may not be evaded or violated with impunity. These men
-cannot therefore disown or desert their wives and children at will.
-Whereas, such is not the case, is not the situation, in respect to the
-unlawful wives hidden away in a corner of the under-world, or of that of
-the children begotten to those men by these unlawful wives, but quite
-the contrary. For them the law, society, does not intervene, does not
-establish any binding relations, any reciprocal rights between those
-women and children and the men, any more than if the men and the women
-were living together in a state of nature and having children born to
-them in such a state, where the will of the natural man is law, where
-his sexual passion measures exactly the extent and the duration of his
-duties and obligations in respect to his offspring and the mother of
-them. When he grows weary of the mother he goes elsewhere, and forgets
-that he ever had children by her.
-
-This is the case, is the situation, in the under-world of the under
-race. For down there, there is no law, no public opinion, to curb the
-gratification of the sexual instinct of the men of the upper world, such
-as exists and operates so effectively to curb those instincts in that
-upper world. In the upper world these men may have but one wife each,
-but in the lower one they may have as many concubines as they like, and
-a different set of children by each concubine. They may have these women
-and children in succession, or they may have them at the same time. For
-there is in that under-world no law, no effective power to say to those
-men, to their lust of the flesh: "Thus far and no farther." In the upper
-world they are members of a civilized society, amenable to its codes of
-law and morals; in the lower one, they are merely male animals
-struggling with other male animals for the possession of the females. On
-the dim stage of the under-world this is the one part that they play. In
-this one sensual role they make their entrances and their exits. They
-may have in the upper world achieved distinction along other lines of
-human endeavor, but in the lower one, they achieve the single
-distinction of being successful male animals in pursuit of the females.
-
-So much for the males of the dominant race. Now for those of the subject
-race. How do they conduct themselves at this morally chaotic
-meeting-place of the two races? What effect does this sexual freedom,
-spawned under such conditions, produce on their life, on their actions?
-Like the men of the upper race, they, too, live in a monogamous country.
-But unlike their male rivals, these men of the under-world are not free
-to seek their mates from the women of both races. The law restricts
-them, public opinion restricts them, the men of the dominant race
-restrict them in this regard to the women of their own race. Around the
-women of the dominant race, law, public opinion, the men of that race,
-have erected a high wall which the men of the other race are forbidden
-to climb. What do these men see in respect to themselves in view of this
-triply-built wall? They see that while they share the women of their own
-race with the men of the other race, that these same men enjoy exclusive
-possession of their own women, thanks to the high wall, built by law, by
-public opinion, and the strong arms of these self-same men. What do the
-men of the under world? Do they struggle against this sexual supremacy
-of the men of the upper world, or do they succumb to circumstances,
-surrender unconditionally to the high wall? We shall presently see.
-
-This racial inequality generates heat in masculine breasts in the under
-world. And with this heat there ensues that fermentation of thought and
-feeling which men call passion. Those submerged men begin to think
-sullenly on the subject, they try to grasp the equities of the
-situation. As thought spreads among them, feeling spreads among them
-also. About their own women they see no fence, about the women of the
-other race they see that high wall. They cannot think out to any
-satisfactory conclusion the justice of that arrangement, cannot
-understand why the women of the upper race should belong exclusively to
-the men of that race, and why these self-same men should share jointly
-with the men of the lower race the women of this race.
-
-The more they strike their heads against this one-sided arrangement, the
-less they like it, the more they rebel against it. And so they come to
-grope dimly for some means to oust their rivals from this
-joint-ownership of the women of the lower race. And when they fail,
-feeling kindles into anger, and anger into resentment. Against this
-inequality of conditions a deepening sense of wrong burns hotly within
-them. Dark questionings assail their rude understandings. Have the men
-of the upper race their exclusive preserves, then ought not the men of
-the lower race to have their exclusive preserves also? Is it a crime,
-has law, public opinion, the men of the upper race made it a crime for
-the men of the lower race to poach on those preserves? Then the law,
-public opinion, the men of the lower race ought to make it equally a
-crime for the men of the upper race to poach on the preserves of the
-other race. But law, public opinion, refuses to make the two acts equal
-in criminality and the men of the lower race are powerless to do so
-without the help of equal laws and administration, and a just public
-sentiment. Baffled of their purpose to establish equality of conditions
-between them and their rivals, they thereupon watch the ways of these
-rivals. They see them descending into the lower world in pursuit of the
-women of that world by means that are crooked and ways that are dark. A
-few of the men in that lower world profiting by that villainous
-instruction, endeavor to ascend into the upper world by the same crooked
-means, by the same dark ways. For they affect to believe that what is
-sauce for one race's goose is sauce for the other race's gander. Thus it
-is attempted craftily, but, in the main, futilely, to strike a sort of
-primitive balance between the men of the two races in respect to the
-women of the two races.
-
-Now no such balance can be struck by the unaided acts of the men of the
-lower race. Without the co-operation of the women of the upper race these
-men are helpless to scale the high wall, or to make the slightest breach
-in it. The law, public opinion, the men of the upper race, render such
-co-operation very difficult, well-nigh impossible, did there exist any
-disposition on the part of the women of the upper race to give aid and
-comfort for such a purpose to the men of the lower race. But as a matter
-of fact, and speaking broadly, there exists no such disposition. The law
-of sexual selection does not operate under the circumstances to make the
-men of the lower race sufficiently attractive to the women of the upper
-race. It is possible that in a state of nature, and under other
-circumstances, the case might be different. But under present conditions
-the sexual gravitation of the women of the upper world toward the men of
-the lower world may be set down as infinitesimally small, practically a
-negligible quantity. Everything in the state, in society, in deep-rooted
-racial prejudices, in the vastly inferior social and economic standing
-of the lower race and the ineffaceable dishonor which attaches to such
-unions in the public mind, together with the actual peril to life which
-attends them, all combine to discourage, to destroy almost any
-inclination in that direction on the part of the women of the upper
-race.
-
-Now, while this is true, speaking broadly, it is not altogether so. For
-in scattered individual cases, in spite of the difficulties and dangers,
-the law of sexual selection has been known to operate between those two
-worlds. A few women of the upper world, on the right side of the high
-wall have been drawn to a few men in the lower world, on the wrong side
-of that wall. By the connivance, or co-operation of such women the men of
-their choice have climbed into the upper world, climbed into it over the
-high wall by means that were secret and ways that were dark. As one
-swallow does not, however, make summer, neither can these scattered
-instances, few and far between, be cited to establish any general
-affinity between the women of the upper race and the men of the lower
-race. On examination they will be seen to be exceptions, which only
-prove the rule of a want of sexual affinity between them under existing
-conditions at least. Practically a well-nigh impassable gulf, to change
-the figure, separates the men of the lower world from the women of the
-upper one. The men as a class can not bridge that gulf, and the women as
-a class have no desire to do so. This, then, is the actual situation:
-the men of the upper world enjoy practically exclusive possession of the
-women of that world, while the men of the lower world do not enjoy
-exclusive possession of the women of their world, but share this
-possession with the men of the upper world.
-
-The effect that is produced in consequence of this state of things on
-the morals of the men of the lower world, is distinctly and decidedly
-bad. Such conditions, such a situation, could not possibly produce a
-different effect so long as human nature is what it is. And the human
-nature of each race is essentially the same. The morals of the men of
-the two worlds will be found at any given time to be almost exactly
-alike in almost every particular. For the morals of the men of the lower
-world are in truth a close imitation of those of the men of the upper
-world—closest not where those morals are at their best, but where they
-are at their worst. This will be found to be the case every time. So
-that it happens that where the morals of the men of the upper world are
-bad, those of the men of the lower world will not be merely bad, but
-very bad. There follows naturally, inevitably, under these circumstances
-and in consequence of these conditions, widespread debauchery of the
-morals of the women of the lower race. And for this there is absolutely
-no help, no remedy, just so long as the law and public opinion maintain
-such a demoralizing state of things.
-
-If there exists no affinity between the men of the lower world and the
-women of the upper world, there does then exist a vital connection
-between the masculine morals of the two worlds. These morals are in
-constant interaction, one upon the other. When the moral barometer falls
-in the upper world, it falls directly in the lower one also. And as the
-storm of sensuality passes over both worlds simultaneously, its
-devastating effects will always fall heaviest on the lower one where
-the women of that world form the center of its greatest activity.
-Whatever figure the moral barometer registers in the lower world, it
-will register a corresponding one in the upper, and this whether the
-barometer be rising or falling. If the moral movement be downward in the
-lower world, it will be downward in the upper, and if it be upward in
-the upper, it will be upward in the lower and vice versa.
-
-In view of the vital connection then between the morals of the two races
-the moral regeneration of either must of necessity include both. At one
-and the same time the work ought to start in each and proceed along
-parallel lines in both. The starting-point for each is the abolition of
-the double moral standard, and the substitution in law and in public
-opinion of a single one, applicable alike to the conduct of both.
-Otherwise every reformatory movement is from the beginning doomed to
-failure, to come to naught in the end. For the roots of the moral evil
-which exists under present conditions and by virtue of them cannot be
-extirpated without first changing those conditions.
-
-The morals of the two races in default of such change of conditions must
-sink in consequence from bad to worse. They cannot possibly rise in
-spite of such conditions.
-
-I have now discussed the subject of the contact of two races living
-together on the same land and on terms of inequality, in its relations
-to the morals of the men of those races. It yet remains to consider the
-same subject in its relations to the conduct of the women. What is the
-effect of such contact, to be specific, on the women of the two races in
-the South? And first, what is it on white women? Do these women know of
-the existence of the criminal commerce which goes on between the world
-of the white man and that of the colored woman? And if so, are they
-cognizant of its extent and magnitude. They do perceive, without
-doubt, what it must have been in the past from the multitude of the
-mixed bloods who came down to the South from the period before the war,
-or the abolition of slavery. Such visible evidence not even a fool
-could refuse to accept at its full face value. And the white women of
-the South are not fools. Far from it. They have eyes like other women,
-and ears, and with them they see and hear what goes on about them. Their
-intelligence is not deceived in respect to appearance and underlying
-causes. Certainly they are not ignorant of the fact that a Negro can no
-more change his skin than a leopard his spots. When therefore they see
-black mothers with light-colored children, they need not ask the meaning
-of it, the cause of such apparent wonder. For they know to their sorrow
-its natural explanation, and whence have come all the mulattoes and
-quadroons and octoroons of the South. And to these women this knowledge
-has been bitterer than death. The poisoned arrow of it long ago entered
-deep into their souls. And the hurt, cruel and immedicable, rankles in
-the breasts of those women today, as it rankled in the breasts of their
-mothers of a past long vanished.
-
-What, pray, is engendered by all of this widespread but suppressed
-suffering transmitted, as a bitter heritage for generations, by Southern
-mothers to Southern daughters? What but bitter hatred of the black woman
-of the South by the white woman of the South. How is this hatred
-expressed? In a hundred ways and by a hundred means. One cannot keep
-down a feeling of pity for a large class of women in the South who
-cannot meet in street, or store, or car, a well-dressed and comely
-colored girl without experiencing a pang of suspicion, a spasm of fear.
-For there arises unbidden, unavoidably, in the minds of such women the
-ugly question, whose daughter is she, and whose mistress is she to be?
-For in the girl's veins may flow the proudest blood of the South. And
-this possibility, aye, probability, so shameful to both races, no one in
-the South knows better than the Southern white woman. What happens? The
-most natural thing in the world, but not the wisest. The hatred, the
-suspicion, the fear of these women find expression in scorn, in active
-ill-will, not only toward that particular girl, but toward her whole
-class as well. They are all put under the ban of this accumulated
-hatred, suspicion and fear.
-
-A hostility, deep-seated and passionate as that which proceeds from
-white women as a class toward black women as a class, shoots beyond the
-mark and attacks indiscriminately all colored women without regard to
-character, without regard to standing or respectability. It is enough
-that they belong to the black race; ergo, they are bad, ergo, they are
-dangerous. All this bitter hatred of the women of one race by the women
-of the other race has borne bitter fruit in the South in merciless class
-distinctions, in hard and fast caste-lines, designed to limit contact of
-the races there to the single point where they come together as superior
-and inferior. Hence the South has its laws against intermarriage, and
-for separating the races in schools, in public libraries, in churches,
-in hotels, in cars, in waiting rooms, on steamboats, in hospitals, in
-poorhouses, in prisons, in graveyards. Thus it is intended to reduce the
-contact of the races to a minimum, to glut at the same time the hatred
-of the white women of the South toward the black women of the South, and
-to shut the men of each race from the women of the other race. But how
-foolish are all these laws, how futile are all these class distinctions!
-Do they really effect the separation of the races? They do not, they
-cannot under existing conditions. What then do they? They do indeed
-separate the world of the white man and woman from the colored man and
-woman, but they fail utterly to separate the world of the colored woman
-from the white man.
-
-The joint fear of the white woman and the white man is incorporated
-today in every State of the South in laws interdicting marriage between
-the races. But do these laws put an end to the sexual commerce which
-goes on between the world of the white man and that of the colored
-woman? Have they checked perceptibly this vile traffic between these two
-worlds? They have not nor can they diminish or extinguish this evil. On
-the contrary, because they divide the two worlds, because they uphold
-this legal separation of the races, they provide a secret door, a dark
-way between the two worlds, between the two races, which the men of the
-upper world open at will and travel at pleasure. For they hold the key
-to this secret door, the clue to this dark way. Such preventive measures
-are in truth but a repetition of the fatal folly of the ostrich when it
-is afraid. For then while this powerful bird takes infinite pains to
-cover its insignificant front lines, it leaves unprotected its widely
-extended rear ones, and falls accordingly an easy victim to the enemy
-which pursues it. The real peril of an admixture of the races in the
-South lies not in intermarriage, but in concubinage, lies through that
-secret door which connects the races, the key to which is in the hands
-of the white men of the South. It is they who first opened it, and it is
-they who continue to keep it open. Were it not for the folly of the
-white women of the South, it might yet be closed and sealed. The folly
-of the white women of the South is their hatred, their fear of the
-colored women of the South. They first think to rid themselves of the
-rivalry of the second class by excluding them from the upper world, by
-shutting them securely within the limits of the lower one. But these
-women forget the existence of that secret door, of the hidden way. They
-forget also the hand that holds the key to the one and the clue to the
-other. That hand is the hand of the white man; it is certainly not the
-hand of the colored woman.
-
-Is it not the white woman of the South more than any other agency, or
-than all other agencies put together, who are responsible for the
-existence of a public sentiment in the South which makes it legally
-impossible for a colored girl to obtain redress from the white man who
-betrayed her, or support from him for his bastard child? The white woman
-of the South thus outlaws, thus punishes her black rival. But what does
-such outlawry accomplish, what such punishment? What do they but add
-immensely to the strength of the white man's temptation by making such
-illicit intercourse safe for him to indulge in? Thanks to the white
-woman's mad hatred of the colored woman, to her insane fear of her
-colored rival, the white man of the South is enabled to practice with
-singular impunity this species of polygamy. For the penalties against
-the adulterer, against the fornicator, which the law provides, which
-public opinion provides, for him in the upper world, he well knows will
-not be called down on his head were the acts of adultery or fornication
-committed by him in the lower world. It is a sad fact and a terrible
-one, sad for both races and terrible for the women of both races in the
-actual and potential wickedness of it. No colored girl, however, cruelly
-wronged by a white man in the South will be able to obtain an iota of
-justice at the hands of that man in any court of law in any Southern
-State, or to get the slightest hearing or sympathy for her cause at the
-bar of Southern public opinion. Were she to enter the upper world of the
-white woman with such a case against some white man, who but the
-Southern white woman would be the first to drive her back into her
-world? But unless she is not only allowed but encouraged to emerge out
-of her world with the shameful fruit of her guilty life and love, and so
-to confront her white paramour or betrayer in his world, how is the
-lower world ever to rid itself of such as she, or the upper one of such
-as he? In the segregation and outlawry of the black woman under such
-conditions lie the white woman's greatest danger, lie the white race's
-greatest danger from admixture of the races, lies the South's greatest
-danger to its morals. For through such segregation and outlawry run the
-white man's way to the black woman's world, and therefore to
-miscegenation of the races, to their widespread moral degradation and
-corruption. Amalgamation is not therefore made hard, but appallingly
-easy.
-
-But there is another aspect to this side of the subject which must not
-be entirely ignored, and that is the existence in a few instances of
-illicit relations between some white women and some colored men in the
-South. That such relations have existed in the past and do actually
-exist there at the present time, there is absolutely no doubt whatever.
-In certain localities these relations, although known or suspected, have
-been tolerated, while in general as soon as they are discovered or
-suspected they have been broken up by mobs who murder the black
-participants when they are caught, sometimes on trumped-up charges of
-having committed the "usual crime." The existence of such relations is
-not so strange or incredible as may be supposed at first hearing of
-them. For it is a fact hardly less curious, if not so strange, that
-there are men who while they would not think of marrying into a class
-beneath them would nevertheless live readily enough in a state of
-concubinage with women of that class. And in this upper class there are
-women, not many, it is true, who would do the same thing. They care
-enough for the men in the class beneath them to enter into illicit
-relations in secret with them, but not enough to enter into licit
-relations with these same men in the open, in the gaze of a scornful and
-horrified world. Has it ever been seriously considered that like father
-may occasionally produce like daughter in the South? And that such moral
-lapses by a few white women of that section may be accounted for in part
-at least by that mysterious law of atavism? The sons are like their
-fathers in respect to their fondness for colored women, why may not one
-daughter in, say, ten thousand, resemble those fathers in that same
-shameful, though not altogether unnatural respect? Do not such
-instances, few and far between at present though they be, furnish matter
-for thoughtful people of the South regardless of sex, race or color?
-
-Have the white women of the South considered that under existing
-conditions they are deprived of effective influence, of effective power,
-to reform the morals of the men of their race? And that unless the
-morals of the men are reformed the morals of the whole white race will
-eventually decline? If the women fail to lift the level of the moral
-life of their men to their own higher plane, the lower morals of the men
-will drag downward ultimately to their level that of the women. From
-this inevitable conclusion and consequence there is no possible escape.
-But the white women of the South are powerless to lift the morals of
-their men without lifting at the same time the morals of the women of
-the black race. If, however, they steadily refuse to do so in the
-future, as they have refused to do so in the past, and as they refuse to
-do so today by the only sure means which can and will contribute
-mightily to effect such a purpose, viz., by making the black women their
-equals before the law, and at the bar of an enlightened public
-sentiment, and these women remain in consequence where they are today, a
-snare to the feet of white men, when these men trip over this snare into
-the hell of the senses, they will drag downward slowly but surely with
-them toward the level of these self-same black women the moral ideals if
-not the moral life of the white women of the South.
-
-And now a final word about the black woman of the South: She holds in
-her keeping the moral weal or woe, not only of her own race, but of the
-white race also. As she stands today in respect to the white man of the
-South, her situation is full of peril to both races. For she lives in a
-world where the white man may work his will on her without let or
-hindrance, outside of law, outside of the social code and moral
-restraints which protect the white woman. This black woman's extra-legal
-position in the South, and her extra-social status there, render her a
-safe quarry for the white man's lust. And she is pursued by him for
-immoral ends without dread of ill consequences to himself, either legal
-or social. If she resists his advances, and in many cases she does
-resist them, he does not abate his pursuit, but redoubles it. Her
-respectability, her very virtue, makes her all the more attractive to
-him, spurs the more his sensual desire to get possession of her person.
-He tracks her, endeavors to snare her in a hundred dark ways and by a
-hundred crooked means. On the street, in stores, in cars, going to and
-from church, she encounters this man, bent on her ruin. Into her very
-home his secret emissaries may attack her with their temptation, with
-their vile solicitation. Nowhere is she safe, free from his pursuit,
-because no law protects her, no moral sentiment casts about her person
-the aegis of its power. And when haply dazed by the insignia of his
-superior class, or his wealth, or the magic of his skin, or the creature
-comforts which he is able to offer her, she succumbs to his embrace and
-enters the home to which he invites her, she becomes from that time
-outlawed in both worlds, a moral plague-spot in the midst of both
-races. For she begins then to reproduce herself, her wretched history,
-her sad fate, in the more wretched history, in the sadder fate of her
-daughters. And so in her world of the senses, of the passions, she
-enacts in a sort of vicious circle the moral tragedy of two races. If
-the white man works the moral ruin of her and hers, she and they in turn
-work upon him and his a moral ruin no less sure and terrible.
-
-What is the remedy? It is certainly not the segregation of the races in
-a state of inequality before the law. For such segregation exists today.
-It has existed to the hurt of both races in the past. It is the fruitful
-parent of fearful woes at the present time, and will be the breeder of
-incalculable mischief for both races, for the South, and for the nation
-itself, in the future. The remedy lies not then in racial segregation
-and inequality, for that is the disease, but in interracial comity and
-equality. The double moral standard has to be got rid of as quickly as
-possible, and a single one erected in its stead, applicable alike to the
-men and women of both races. The moral world of the white man and that
-of the black woman must be merged into one by the ministers of law and
-religion, by an awakened public conscience, and by an enlightened and
-impartial public sentiment, which is the great promoter and upholder of
-individual and national righteousness. The black woman of the South must
-be as sacredly guarded as a woman by Southern law and public opinion
-against the sexual passion and pursuit of the Southern white man as is
-the Southern white woman. Such equality of condition, of protection, in
-the South is indispensable to any lasting improvement in the morals of
-its people, white or black. If that section persists in sowing
-inequality instead of equality between the races, it must continue to
-gather the bitter fruits of it in the darkened moral life, in the low
-moral standard of both races. For what the South sows, whether it be
-cotton or character, that it will surely reap.
-
-.. image:: images/image1bird.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative eagle
-
-Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African Race
-=====================================================================
-
-.. epigraph::
-
- "The mention of that name, San Domingo," says McMaster, "calls up the
- recollection of one of the finest colonies, of one of the noblest
- struggles for liberty, of one of the grandest men, and of one of the
- foulest deeds in the history of revolutionary France." [1]_
-
-.. [1] History of the American People, John Bach McMaster Vol. III, p.
- 215.
-
-The part that the inhabitants of that island took in our war of
-independence, I have related previously in a paper read before this
-body. (No. 5.) I may quote in substance from that paper the following
-facts.
-
-The record given by Minister Rush secured in Paris in 1849, and
-preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society states that a legion of
-colored troops from San Domingo saved the American army from
-annihilation by bravely covering its retreat in the disastrous repulse
-which it met in Savannah in 1779. This legion was composed of about 800
-freedmen, black and mulatto, and was known as Fontages' Legion. They had
-freely volunteered, and had accompanied D'Estaing from Port-au-Prince,
-and as the Haitian historians say, they came to our shores and covered
-themselves with glory in the cause of freedom. Among the men named as
-winning distinction in that critical action were: André Rigaud,
-Beauvais, Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert and Christophe. How many of the
-brave men of that legion gave up their lives in the cause of American
-independence is not known; but we do know that some colored martyrs from
-San Domingo, poured out their blood along with that of the colored
-patriots of our own country as a libation to American freedom. The
-meagre record states that Christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound;
-how many others were wounded or even slain we do not know.
-
-A few years later, and after the revolution in their own island, a
-strong contingent went forth from there to the aid of Bolivar in
-Venezuela, and by their timely and effective co-operation converted
-Bolivar's overwhelming defeat into victory. But for the modesty and
-state policy of Petion, his own name would have been associated with
-that of Bolivar in the liberation of South America. [2]_ During Cuba's
-recent struggles the Haitian people manifested the liveliest interest
-and sympathy in the efforts of the Cuban patriots.
-
-.. [2] A monument to Petion has been set up in the public square of
- Caracas.
-
-These glimpses are sufficient to show that from some cause and by some
-means, the colored people of San Domingo had acquired an appreciation of
-freedom including more than the mere desire to be free from slavery. The
-revolt against slavery, however, was their most notable manifestation of
-their love of liberty. Petion in his consultation with Bolivar after the
-latter's defeat before mentioned, insisted that on renewing his efforts
-he should proclaim the freedom of all the slaves as a first step.
-Bolivar in his letter to Petion replying to this suggestion said: "In my
-proclamation to the inhabitants of Venezuela, and in the decree that I
-shall issue announcing liberty to the slaves, I do not know that it will
-be permitted to me to demonstrate the real sentiment of my heart toward
-Your Excellency, and to leave to posterity an undying monument to your
-philanthropy." He then asked if he might make known the fact that wise
-counsel and material aid had been furnished him by the infant black
-Republic.
-
-Petion's reply was as follows: "You know, general, my sentiments toward
-the cause that you have the valor to defend and also toward yourself
-personally. You surely must feel how ardently I desire to see the
-oppressed delivered from the yoke of bondage; but because of certain
-diplomatic obligations which I am under toward a nation that has not as
-yet taken an offensive attitude toward the republic, I am obliged to ask
-you not to make public the aid I have given you, nor to mention my name
-in any of your official documents."
-
-Toussaint L'Ouverture in his first proclamation to the self-emancipated
-slaves of his country, and to those still in bondage, says: "It is my
-desire that liberty and equality shall reign in Saint Domingo. I am
-striving to this end. Come and unite with us, Brothers, and combat with
-us for the same cause."
-
-Liberty and equality then reigned in the French mind and however vague
-the idea which had found lodgment in the brain of the San Domingo blacks
-and mulattos, it was nevertheless sufficiently entrancing to call them
-from the depths of the inferno in which they were cast and to tempt them
-to essay the dizziest heights. At a later period this most remarkable
-man in explaining the object for which he was contending, defined his
-idea of liberty in words worthy of that greatest statesman, soldier and
-patriot that has adorned the Negro Race in modern times. [3]_ He said:
-"It is not a liberty of circumstance, conceded to us alone, that we
-wish; it is the adoption of the principle absolute that no man, born
-red, black or white, can be the property of his fellow man."
-
-.. [3] "But Bonaparte's plans were doomed to encounter an
- obstacle in the most remarkable man of negro blood known to
- modern history. Toussaint L'Ouverture was the descendant, he
- claimed, of an African chieftain. Highly endowed by nature, he
- had obtained an excellent education, and had gradually, though
- born a slave, cultivated his innate power of leadership until
- all the blacks of San Domingo regarded him with affection and
- awe."—Sloan's Napoleon, Vol. II, pages 236-237.
-
-Thus spoke Toussaint L'Ouverture, the man of whom Lamartine says: "After
-God, this man was a nation;" thus he spoke in 1799, a time when all the
-nations of the earth were themselves slaves to slavery. To this black
-man was given to see the truth; to them it was not given.
-
-We are now, I trust, prepared to estimate that thirteen years' struggle
-which went on in that island, during which the tidal wave of
-destruction, torture, and death, swept the land from side to side, and
-from end to end, inundating everything except the indomitable spirit of
-the humble people to whom the heavens of freedom had been opened. Truly
-does MacMaster class it among the noblest struggles for liberty. I
-cannot detail that mighty struggle here. For the history of those
-thirteen eventful years, for the instructive and thrilling story of
-those heroic black men who garlanded our race, I must refer you to my
-book on the Haitian Revolution from 1791 to 1804.
-
-We may pause here at the close of this awful period and stand in the
-proud presence of these triumphant black heroes, as the last of their
-enemies sail slowly away as prisoners of war. With the new flag floating
-over the fortresses of the Cape, and the victorious army well-equipped
-and intact, it is Dessalines, the intrepid Dessalines, never beaten in
-battle, never surprised in camp, who in the name of the black people and
-Men of Color of Saint Domingo announces:
-
-"The Independence of Saint Domingo is Proclaimed.
- "Restored to our primitive dignity, we have asserted [4]_ our
- rights; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth."
-
-These were the words of war-worn veterans with swords still unsheathed.
-
-.. [4] "Asserting their liberties as men, he (Toussaint L'Ouverture) and
- his fellow slaves rose against their masters and a servile War insued."
- Sloan, ibid.
-
-They have proclaimed independence, they must now take up the task of
-government. For this work their training hitherto had been the worst
-possible, while their anthropological and sociological condition was
-most unfavorable. Among them were represented fourteen different African
-tribes,—coming from widely separated territory in their native land and
-differing in customs and language. [5]_ Besides these diversities there
-was also a positive and assertive element of mulattos, some of whom had
-been slaveholders, and, what was worse still, the country had but
-recently emerged from a war of caste, a war between blacks and mulattos,
-more cruel than the war between the Lancastrians and Yorkists in
-England, and much more pernicious in the hates it bequeathed.
-
-.. [5] "C'étaient des hommes tirés de régiones fort différentes de
- l'Afrique équatoriale ou équinoxiale. En partant du nord du continent
- noir, des Sénégalais, des Yolofs, des Foulahs, des Bambaras, des
- Mandingoes, des Bissagots, des Sofas se rencontraient, pêle mêle,
- dans les marchés à esclaves de la colonie. Au sud de Sierra-Leone, on
- embarquait pour Saint-Domingue des négres de la Côte d'Or, dont les
- Aradas, les Socos, les Fantins, les Caplaous, les Mines et les
- Agoñés. De la Côte des Esclaves on a tiré les Cotocolis, les Popos,
- les Fidas ou Fœdas. Viennet ensuite les Haousas, les Ibos, les Nagos;
- les Congos tirés de la côte du Congo ou d'Angola, partagés en
- sous-divisions de Congos-May youmbés, Congos-Moussombés et
- Mondongues. De l'Afrique orientale ont été tirés les négres de la
- côte de Mosambique, dont les Mosambiques proprement dits, les
- Quiriams et les Quilos, Quilos et les Montifiats."
-
- "M. Roosevelt, président des états-Unis et la République d'Haïti,"
- par A. Firmin, published 1905, p. 232-233.
-
- "Here in Haiti, there are recognizable traces of fourteen different
- African tribes." Bishop Holly. "Haitian Revolution," T. A. Steward,
- p. 282.
-
-The government set up could but be a military oligarchy. It is well
-known that there can be no such thing as personal liberty unless there
-is what may be termed a sovereignty apart from, behind and above the
-government. [6]_ With us that power behind the government, that
-sovereignty, is the people; but in Haiti in 1804 and for many years
-thereafter there was no such thing as people in a political sense. There
-were population, army, government, but not people. Their condition was
-like that of the Europeans generally during the Middle ages. In Europe
-there were populations, subjects, governments, vassals, tenants, serfs,
-slaves, soldiers, knights and lords, but not people. By people
-politically, we mean a body held together by some internal bond, by a
-spiritual consensus. Perhaps to this extent the Haitian population of
-1804 might be vaguely called a people. But the idea of people
-politically includes also that this body must have a common
-consciousness of fundamental right, and a common sense of necessary
-duty; and then possess force of character adequate to the attainment of
-these rights and the fulfilment of this duty. Rights precede duty; and
-not vice versa. When complete the idea of people is that body which
-holds in its hands the sovereignty. Governments are divine, but are
-created by evolution, coming to us as comes our daily bread, through
-divinely appointed processes. Rights like the ground, are a natural
-endowment; government like bread is a production. It is no reflection
-upon Haiti to state the historic fact that in 1804 and for many years
-thereafter there was no such thing on her soil as people, in a political
-sense. The idea and the love of liberty were there and the frequent
-revolutions that have beset her pathway during the century of her
-existence attest the continued presence of that spirit. The problem of
-reconciling government with liberty is still unsolved. Even our own
-country which in this respect is in advance of all others is at this
-moment, according to Professor Burgess, stumbling in this process.
-
-.. [6] "The Reconciliation of Government with Liberty" by John
- Burgess, 1915. The whole volume, Especially pp. 148-149.
-
-The Haitian "people," then, employing the word in the popular sense were
-but recently from barbarism, and the little education they had received
-politically had been obtained through war; an excellent school perhaps
-for the training of leaders in the mere matters of preservation and
-order, but of almost no benefit in the development of the common people;
-although it is related by St. Remy, that Rigaud established schools in
-his army to have his soldiers taught to read and write. This ex-slave
-population of half a million souls, had been replaced during the later
-period of its existence as slaves, about every twenty years with fresh
-arrivals from Africa. [7]_
-
-.. [7] "Roosevelt et Haiti." A. Firmin p. 245.
-
-No one expected the self-liberated people of Haiti to set up and
-maintain a stable government. All history was against such a phenomenon.
-If it required for England, the most fortunately situated of all the
-modern nations a period of nearly ten centuries to reach stable
-government, how could Haiti with its population of ex-barbarians and
-ex-slaves be expected to perform at once so brilliant a feat? Is Haiti,
-because it is black, expected to do the impossible? Firmin says at the
-time of which we speak, there was scarcely a person who did not ridicule
-the idea that Dessalines and his associates should even think they could
-create a country and govern it independent of foreign control. The
-statesmen of France were so sure that these people would fail, simply
-because of racial weakness, that they confidently expected the colony to
-return to France. They had not given up this hope ten years later; for
-in 1814 when the island was divided in government, these statesmen
-proposed to both Christophe who governed in the North, and to Petion who
-governed in the West that they should return the island to the mother
-country. They offered to these two colored rulers the highest grades in
-the French army and large sums of money; but neither Christophe nor
-Petion could be bought. [8]_ In this connection, I may remark on the
-authority of Professor Sloan (his standard work—Life of Napoleon) that
-it was the heroic resistance of Toussaint L'Ouverture and his
-compatriots that defeated Bonaparte's plan for the Western Hemisphere
-and gave us Louisiana. In a letter written by Robert G. Harper in March
-1799, [9]_ which has just reached my hands through the American
-Historical Society, I find the following: "Last summer, while Mr. Gerry
-was still in Paris, and the Directory was employing every artifice to
-keep him there, Hedouville was preparing to invade the southern states
-from St. Domingo, with an army of blacks; which was to be landed with a
-large supply of officers, arms and ammunition, to excite an insurrection
-among the Negroes by means of missionaries previously sent, and first to
-subjugate the country by their assistance, then plunder and lay it
-waste. For the execution of this scheme, he waited only till the English
-should evacuate a certain port in the island which lay most convenient
-for the expedition; but he was interrupted by a black general of the
-name of Toussaint, who drove him from the island, compelled him to
-embark for France and took the whole authority into his own hands."
-
-.. [8] "The West Indies and Louisiana in one hemisphere, in the
- other the Cape of Good Hope, Egypt and a portion of India, with
- St. Helena and Malta as ports of call—of this he dreamed, but
- the failure to secure San Domingo and England's evident intention
- to keep Malta, combined to topple the whole cloud castle into
- ruins?"
-
- "The magnificent French plan of American colonization having
- lost the supports of both San Domingo and Louisiana, collapsed
- leaving no trace."
-
- —Page 289 et seq.
-
-.. [9] American Historical Magazine. December, 1915.
-
-The independence of Haiti has been maintained as we
-have seen for one hundred and eleven years. In 1873 while
-visiting that country and looking upon her lofty hills, and
-upon the toiling people at their base, I fancied an appealing
-cry coming from these masses and I interpreted that cry in
-the following lines:
-
- | "The cry of souls for bread;
- | The cry of men and woman who
- | Have done great deeds and
- | Whose guiding star is liberty.
- | Who strong in their right arms,
- | Have won a name, a place,
- | And who with valor true will dare defend
- | That place and sooner die
- | Than wear the badge of slave."
-
-On Sunday, June 15, 1873, I witnessed, in Port-au-Prince a great
-religious procession to pray against a return of fire upon their city.
-This is no unusual thing in a Roman Catholic city, although to an
-American it seems a waste of piety. Mr. Douglass in his graphic way in a
-private letter to me thus describes one of their outpourings of
-religious enthusiasm which occurred while he served in Port-au-Prince as
-United States Minister: "Yesterday," he says, "all over town, a great
-racket was heard of people driving the devil out of their houses by
-beating on their doors. On one account I was glad of their efforts to
-get rid of the devil although I was aware that the devil would laugh at
-this method of ridding the city of his presence. This is Holy week here
-and I must say that on account of the stillness, the absence of the tom
-tom and the apparent serenity of the people, I could wish holy week
-continued indefinitely."
-
-With the impression of that religious procession upon
-my young and inexperienced mind I wrote then in my journal:
-"Poor, poor Haiti! As a nation it is the veriest humbug;
-and yet there is something splendid about it." Fourteen
-days later I was able to write differently. I was riding
-on the road leading from L'Arcahai to St. Mark in company
-with some young friends. "On both sides of the road were
-luxuriant fields of sweet potatoes, bananas and sugar cane.
-Mountain streams were sending down their pure waters by
-which the plains below were irrigated. It was the fête of
-St. Pierre at the bourg, and on the road we met hundreds of
-people, some on foot, some on donkeys, and many on beautiful
-horses with most magnificent saddles and trappings, all
-going to the bourg. Fine country gentlemen, mounted on
-these steeds and riding as though born on horseback, pass us
-very frequently, every one of whom lifts his hat entirely off
-his head and gives the Bon jour, monsieur. Ladies dressed
-in snowy white dash by us at full galop, but never so fast,
-but they have time to say in the sweetest voice: Bon jour,
-monsieur."
-
-The constitution of Haiti contains a very complete Bill of Rights
-bearing testimony to the idea of liberty, but unfortunately there is
-nowhere any adequate defense of these rights against the encroachment of
-government. There is no check and balance system between executive and
-legislative departments; nor can the courts guarantee the rights of
-individuals. Governments we know are ever ready to encroach; typo
-demagogues ever ready to arise in professed defense of constitutional
-rights; hence revolutions. The soul of Haiti is military. General
-Legitime speaking before the Universal Races Congress in London in 1911
-said: "Born in troublous time, Haiti is essentially a military state;
-and though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must
-nevertheless retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian of
-its institutions." Still there is another side. The great statesman
-Firmin was not a devotee of militarism. He deplored the existence of so
-much of it which he described as a burden falling heavily upon the rural
-classes. He says the "only thing the soldier learns by his long military
-apprenticeship is passive obedience, the absence of all moral
-initiative, of all exercise of personal volition, with the complete
-annullment of the view of human liberty struggling against injustice and
-wrong. When a Haitian wearing epaulettes says to you, I am a soldier,
-that means that he is ready to commit the most horrible crimes, to rob,
-to burn, to kill, just so he has the order to do so from his immediate
-chief." There is in fact a decidedly brilliant literary element in
-Haiti, including editors, authors and lawyers who are not so thoroughly
-military as the general trend of her history would lead us to believe.
-It is now time to inquire in what light Haiti regards herself in
-relation to the whole Negro Race. What is her mission as she understands
-it?
-
-The first man I shall call upon in this respect will be our author
-Antenor Firmin. The following facts will show that he is entitled to a
-hearing. He was born in Haiti in 1851. Received all of his education
-there; a lawyer by profession, in 1889 he was a member of their
-Constitutional Convention, was Minister of Finance and of Foreign
-relations 1889-1891, as Mr. Blaine had good reason to know; was Minister
-to Paris 1900-1902; a profound scholar and a very respectable writer,
-possessed of a large share of common sense philosophy. He says in the
-preface of his book on Roosevelt and Haiti, written while in exile at
-Saint Thomas: "No people any more than the individual can live, make
-progress, and advance with sustained ardor in the walks of civilization,
-without an end, an ideal, which leads them onward in all the wanderings
-of their existence. The end is ordinarily more evident, more clear,
-before the will of the individual; for nations, it is some times veiled
-in indefinite form; but it exists always, and acts imperiously, like
-magnetism terrestrial impressing an irresistible direction upon the
-magnetic needle in spite of the fog which conceals on the horizon the
-point of orientation. This ideal for Haiti is the sublime effort of a
-little people striving for the rehabilitation of whole race of men, an
-effort so noble and so worthy that each one of those who participates in
-it may justly regard himself as an apostle." Edmund Paul, another
-brilliant Haitian whose life went out too soon, wrote that the end or
-goal of this young nation is to prove the aptitude of the whole African
-race to the present civilization, "An end he says, powerful,
-gigantesque, capable of devouring generations, ever worthy to demand
-and to employ all of our activity."
-
-"In Haiti," says the late Minister Price, "the black man is in
-possession of national responsibility. In Haiti he is called upon to
-form his character, and to conduct his movements at his own risk; he
-receives directly the consequences, and suffers the deplorable results,
-of his own errors and passions. He is not being *led along* in
-civilization; he moves on the road by his own efforts. He is marching
-without any support on which to lean; without any other force than his
-own. And when he shall become sufficiently advanced to remove all doubt;
-when he shall become sufficiently free from his errors, and shall have
-sufficiently conquered his passions which now retard his steps, it will
-be evident that he has accomplished this result because he willed it,
-and because he had within his being the necessary force for its
-accomplishment." According to Mr. Price there will be no one who can say
-of the Haitians: "We civilized and educated you; none who can say:
-without us you would soon have relapsed into African barbarism." Haiti's
-mission as he understood it is to rehabilitate the Negro race. His dying
-gift to mankind was his splendid work on the Rehabilitation of the Black
-Race by the Republic of Haiti.
-
-It is Price who says: "The Negro who shows his dainty hands and his
-little feet, and is piqued because, with adornments the aristocrats, who
-are also adorned with little hands little feet do not open their doors
-to him is an ignoramus and a poltroon, and is still a slave."
-
-I shall close this paper with the counsel of Haiti to the African Race
-as voiced by the same author.
-
-"As to the children of the African race, I could wish to see them
-everywhere, disdain public offices, in order that they might enter into
-civilization not by the door that the slaveocrats and politicians point
-out, but by that door through which has passed the real white
-democracy—knowledge and industry. When one is the son of a serf, who
-but yesterday was beaten and cuffed without mercy, and aspires to
-manhood, it is the workman's blouse that he must put on. The blouse
-leads to the conventional black and white gloves. But he who wishes to
-commence by a black suit, ought to put a napkin on his arm, and place
-himself as a servant, behind the man who wears a blouse.
-
-"Haitians, all, and Negro of the continent of America and of all the
-adjacent islands; My Brethren! Learn it at once, and never forget it.
-The free man is the one who takes the responsibility? of his own proper
-well-being. He has nothing to ask, nothing to solicit, neither from the
-pity nor the generosity of his fellows. He is bound to count upon
-himself, and upon himself alone, to turn aside or to overcome, whatever
-obstacles that lie in the way of his happiness. Strength and skill are
-for the free man absolute necessities."
-
-Thus has Haiti spoken by her actions and in the words of her eminent
-statesmen given to us a message of lofty purpose, of sorrowful struggle,
-of hardy endurance, and we trust of willingness to learn from events.
-
-.. image:: images/image2tri.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative triangle
-
-Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860
-================================================================
-
-The difficulty surrounding a proper understanding of any question
-consists in the fact that self-interest is more than likely to enter to
-darken the vision. It is seldom that men differ about matters or have a
-difficulty in understanding matters which do not affect their vanity,
-their pride, their ambition or their material belongings. The truth
-concerning any matter which is the subject of controversy can be reached
-with accuracy in proportion as it is free from these matters. A question
-of justice, opportunity and humane consideration for persons wholly or
-partly of African origin is influenced entirely by considerations of the
-kind just mentioned. If men were not obsessed by the phantom of race
-superiority and of local vanity and group consciousness, and more than
-all by the propensity to make gain out of the misfortunes and injustices
-of conditions, what is known as the Negro question would vanish into
-thin air. All forms of oppression, caste, proscription and distinction
-have their origin in the desire and purpose of a man or set of men to
-improve their condition at the expense of others. If it had not been
-believed and indeed demonstrated that the subjection of the black man
-would prove economically profitable to the white man or that he would
-gain some other fancied advantage from the degradation of the black man
-we should never have had African slavery together with its attendant
-chain of ills which afflict the body politic even unto this hour.
-
-That oppression and tyranny wrong both those who practice them and those
-upon whom they are inflicted is proved by illustrations taken both from
-the field of economics and the field of intellectual and moral
-consciousness. In all those parts of the world where all the people
-approach most nearly a common standard of economic, intellectual and
-moral excellence there we find the greatest advance in that which we
-call civilization, for the want of a better term to describe human
-progress and advance. Wherever we find any considerable group of people
-residing in the same or contiguous territory who do not enjoy equality
-of right and opportunity in those things which governments are
-instituted to conserve, we find that the greater group which denies them
-these inalienable rights paralyzed in its economic, intellectual and
-moral growth. On no other ground can we account for the emphatic
-differences in achievement, in literature, art, science, invention, and
-economic progress between the white people of the North and the white
-people of the South. Reasoning from analogy and from the examples which
-history gives of the achievement of the white race in the world it would
-be the most reasonable thing to expect that due to variety of soil,
-favorableness of climate, and the general beneficence of nature, that
-the white people living in the zone comprising what is commonly
-designated as the Southern States would excel their Northern brethren in
-all the arts and achievements of civilization. We should naturally
-expect to find there the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the
-inventors and the great organizers of enterprise. Elsewhere in the world
-in the midst of similar conditions of soil and climate, we find the
-white race excelling and leading the world in these particulars. The
-white people inhabiting the South are of the same ethnic type, and have
-in general the same group consciousness and aspiration. How else can we
-account for the fact that they have contributed less than their kinsmen
-in proportion to numbers to the sum of human knowledge, happiness and
-liberty, if not by the fact that they have suffered the inevitable
-handicap incident to an environment in which large numbers of human
-beings suffer inequality and subordination?
-
-But for the difference which has been historically accentuated in North
-America between white and black which difference has inflicted much of
-suffering upon both races, it would not be necessary to consider such a
-subject as the citizenship status of the free Negro prior to 1860.
-Before the Constitution of the United States was amended by the addition
-thereto of the Fourteenth Amendment the statement that "The citizens of
-each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
-citizens in the several States" was the only definite deliverance to be
-found in that instrument in relation to the subject of citizenship. In
-other words there was no national definition of citizenship, and up to
-the time of the deliverance of the Dred Scott Decision in 1857, there
-had been no comprehensive treatment of the subject in adjudications by
-the Supreme Court of the United States. The mention of the term
-"citizens" in the Constitution in the quotation just given indicates
-that it had a meaning of such generally accepted significance that
-definition was not necessary. Presumably citizenship conveyed then, as
-it conveys now, an idea exactly the opposite of that conveyed by the
-term slavery. A slave everywhere in the world was understood to be a
-person who was absolved from allegiance, and was not due protection as
-that term is ordinarily understood, and who could not invoke ordinary
-legal process nor own property; a citizen was a person who owed
-allegiance, was entitled to protection, had the right to invoke all the
-processes of the law, could become the owner of property, and possibly,
-if not a woman or a child, exercise the right of the elective franchise.
-Such was the common understanding of the term citizen at the adoption of
-the Constitution, and such is substantially the understanding of that
-term at the present date. However, due to the presence of the Negro in
-the body politic, the exigencies of the situation suggested an
-interpretation of the term citizen which might not otherwise have
-existed, but for the presence of the Negro. The exigency grew out of the
-fact that toward the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of
-the nineteenth there
-
-grew into the minds of men the conception that slavery was a condition
-appertaining to black men alone, that color was an unmistakable proof of
-the condition of a slave, and that the fact that one was of African
-descent carried with it this inevitable social degradation. In the
-decisions of the courts of a number of the States we find this principle
-enunciated. In North Carolina the Supreme Court of that State, in 1828,
-decided that "The presumption of slavery arises from a black African
-complexion." In 1839, the Supreme Court of Indiana, in passing upon the
-constitutionality of the law entitled: "An act concerning free Negroes
-and Mulattoes and slaves," held that where a Negro laid claim to freedom
-the burden of proof was on him to show it inasmuch as persons of the
-African race were presumed to be slaves. In 1842, the Supreme Court of
-Ohio decided that under the law of that State "Color alone is sufficient
-to indicate a Negro's inability to testify against a white man. It has
-always been admitted that our political institutions embrace the white
-population only. Persons of color were not recognized as having any
-political existence; they had no agency in our political organizations,
-and possessed no political rights under it. Two or three of the States
-form exceptions. The constitutions of fourteen expressly exclude persons
-of color; and in the balance of the States they are excluded on the
-grounds that they were never recognized as part of the body politic."
-(Thatcher vs. Hawk, 4th Ohio, Rep., 351.) While this opinion expressed a
-widely prevalent sentiment at that time I have been unable to find a
-decision of any court in any of the original thirteen States north of
-Maryland, except Connecticut, which expresses this view. In their moral
-and intellectual nature the inhabitants of Connecticut exhibit many wide
-differences from the inhabitants of the rest of New England. These
-citations show how thoroughly the conception of the difference arising
-from the difference of color was imbedded in the mind at that time. Such
-instances of judicial interpretation were to be found in all of the
-slave States, and in those States which were carved out of the
-northwest territory, which Virginia ceded to the general government in
-1787. In this connection it is pertinent to observe that it is the most
-natural thing in the world that the States carved out of this northwest
-territory should have followed not only the legal system of the parent
-State, but should have adopted many of its practices and modes of
-thought, and passed them on to succeeding generations.
-
-From the quotations already made it can be seen that to be a colored
-person was to suffer from the presumption of being a slave, and that to
-be a free colored person was to be in a condition not of freedom, but of
-lessened servitude. To be a free colored person was not to possess the
-citizenship of the world any more than to be a Christian today is
-evidence that one is an imitator of Christ. In actual practice the term
-"free colored person" embraced the idea of freedom from personal service
-to a specified owner and little else, particularly in the slave-holding
-States. The attitude of these States is well expressed in the following
-quotation from John C. Calhoun: "I hold that in the present state of
-civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by
-color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are
-brought together the relation now existing in the slave-holding States
-between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good—a positive good. I
-fearlessly assert that the existing relations between the two races in
-the South forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear
-free and stable political institutions (Works of Calhoun, Vol. 2, p.
-630)." Thus by legal enactment, judicial interpretation and orderly
-expressed public opinion, race if it be African was the badge of
-inferiority and slavery. This was generally true throughout the country
-and yet a careful and somewhat thorough examination of the statutes,
-legal decisions, and systematic treatises relating to the law of slavery
-will convince any fair-minded person that the term free colored person
-carried with it less of negation of right in the Northern States where
-slavery had ceased to exist than in the Southern States where it still
-flourished.
-
-At the close of the revolution, slavery existed in most of the colonies,
-if not all, and their statute books contained laws relating to that
-condition, and to the condition of "free persons of color." However, as
-time passed and the institution of slavery disappeared, we find these
-laws disappearing or becoming greatly modified or mitigated in their
-provisions. For instance, March 26, 1783, Massachusetts passed a law
-forbidding an African or Negro to tarry within the commonwealth for a
-longer time than two months unless such person could produce a
-certificate from the secretary of State of which such person claimed to
-be a citizen, showing that he was such, and that where such persons did
-not have the required certificate they should be ordered to depart from
-the State, and upon failure to do so be committed to any house of
-correction, and that such punishment should be repeated whenever and as
-often as the order to depart was disobeyed. This law was repealed,
-however, in 1786. It seems that slavery was abolished in Massachusetts
-by operation of the constitution of 1780, which declares that "All men
-are born free and equal." Harry St. George Tucker, president of the
-Virginia Court of Appeals, said in 1833, speaking of this constitutional
-utterance, that "We should be disposed to take this declaration less as
-an abstraction than we regard that which is contained in our own bill of
-rights" (5th Leigh Rep., 622). By 1786, it appears that Massachusetts
-had abolished all distinctions in law based on race except that in
-relation to marriage, which appears to have been repealed in 1843. In
-1833, Connecticut enacted a law forbidding the setting up or
-establishment of any school, academy or literary institution for the
-instruction or education of colored persons who were not inhabitants of
-the State. This law was repealed in 1838. The constitution of Rhode
-Island of 1843, conferred the elective franchise on persons of the male
-sex qualified by residence and property without distinction of color. In
-New Hampshire the constitution of 1783 contains the principle that all
-men are born equally free, and no distinction on account of color is
-found in any of her statutes except in a law of 1792, which specified
-that enlistment in the militia should be confined to white people. In
-the law of 1857, relating to the subject of militia, color is not
-mentioned. Neither in the constitution nor laws of Vermont does one find
-for this period any distinction based on color, so that in Vermont the
-term "free colored person" had no existence and consequently no meaning.
-In Maine no distinctions based on color are to be found for the period
-under consideration either in the constitution or the statutes. In
-Pennsylvania colored people exercised the elective franchise and enjoyed
-full citizenship with the whites up to 1838, when the elective
-franchise, by the constitution of that year, was confined to whites.
-Presumably free colored people exercised the suffrage in New Jersey up
-to 1844, as there appears no limitation of suffrage on account of color
-prior to its mention in the constitution of that year. New York, in an
-act of the legislature of 1799, provided for gradual emancipation of the
-slaves, and by an act of 1811 it required "free colored people" to carry
-certificates of their freedom as proofs of their claim thereto. In 1814
-the legislature of the State authorized the raising of two regiments of
-colored soldiers to be officered by white men. In 1823, Negroes who
-resided in the State three years and possessed a free-hold estate of the
-assessed value of two hundred and fifty dollars were entitled to
-exercise the elective franchise, a requirement not imposed upon white
-people.
-
-It is interesting to note that up to 1723, free colored people appear to
-have exercised the elective franchise equally with the whites in
-Virginia. The colonial constitution of that year limited its exercise to
-white people, and the free colored people never voted again until the
-adoption of the Underwood or reconstruction constitution. Besides this,
-contrary to conditions above described in the Northern States the laws
-in relation to free colored people grew harsher and harsher until 1831,
-when we find a statute prohibiting meetings for teaching free Negroes or
-mulattoes reading or writing. In 1832, free Negroes were forbidden to
-preach the gospel. In 1834 free Negroes were forbidden to immigrate into
-the State. In 1838 free Negroes leaving the State to be educated were
-forbidden to return. In 1851, the constitution of Virginia of that year,
-in Sec. 5, Art. 19, provided: That slaves hereafter emancipated shall
-forfeit their freedom by remaining in the commonwealth more than twelve
-months, and in 1856, the legislature of Virginia passed an act providing
-that free Negroes might voluntarily make agreements to become slaves and
-that such agreement should be binding.
-
-In North Carolina free colored people seem to have exercised most of the
-rights of white people including that of voting, until 1835, when the
-right to vote was confined to persons of the white race. In all of the
-slave States the free colored man was hampered by legislative provisions
-exactly like or very similar to those just cited as existing in
-Virginia. In none of these States could free colored people hold the
-legal title to real property, in none of them did they have the right of
-public assembly, the right to bear arms or the right to carry on
-collectively the work of education. In few of them did they even have
-the right to preach the gospel, and where they did preach it was by
-favor and permission, and not by right. Of all these Southern
-slave-holding States Maryland ruled its free colored people with
-something suggestive of humanity.
-
-It will be seen from this hasty and unsatisfactory review of a great
-mass of statutes, decisions, and treatises that the condition of the
-free colored man north of Mason and Dixon's line improved in the main
-from the close of the revolution to 1860, and that south of Mason and
-Dixon's line his condition grew worse from the close of the revolution
-down to 1860.
-
-In the West, where new States were forming, there was, of course, the
-distinction of race. The settlers who went into these new communities
-went there to establish white communities and they passed laws
-forbidding the immigration of free colored people into them. We find
-statutes in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Kansas, and Oregon,
-forbidding the immigration of free Negroes. It seems, however, that
-there was never a very strong public sentiment insisting upon the
-enforcement of these laws. As a matter of fact there was a small active
-and effective sentiment which practically nullified the existence of
-them, for in all of these States we find, especially after the enactment
-of the fugitive slave law of 1850, a most friendly sentiment toward the
-unfortunate colored man whether slave or free.
-
-The study of the statutes and conditions of more than a half century ago
-is not only a matter of curiosity, but a matter of very practical
-concern, since in these latter days another body of laws, and legal
-decisions based upon distinction of race have come into existence, and
-yet others are threatened.
-
-.. image:: images/image1bird.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative eagle
-
-Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to America
-======================================================================
-
-The services rendered by Negroes in America from the discovery of the
-islands beyond the Pillars of Hercules by Christopher Columbus to the
-end of the eighteenth century, make a chapter of history transcending in
-importance anything which has taken place in the old world. The quaint
-times and scarcity of willing men among the aboriginal Indians to help
-the Spaniards to despoil their lands in the rapacious quest of gold
-brought about the early ruin of flourishing communities of aboriginal
-tribes in the several islands. So alarming was this state of affairs
-that Father Las Casas, known as the Apostle of the Indians, interceded
-in their behalf at the Spanish court in order to ameliorate their
-unfortunate condition. He pleaded for Negroes to take their places as
-the blacks were a very hardy and robust race; to this plea the great and
-humanitarian Cardinal Ximenes was opposed; for he could not justify the
-substitution of one race for another in what was in itself a wrong. The
-Cardinal having been overruled, the Slave Trade was instituted and the
-first Negroes were brought to Santo Domingo. They were not the untutored
-savages we are expected to believe from modern histories. There existed
-in Sevilla, Spain, as early as 1475, a large number of Negro slaves, who
-had been brought from the coasts of North Africa and Guinea, and their
-one-fifth tribute to the coffers of the state formed a very nice sum of
-money. This practice of importing Negroes, which had been in vogue
-during the Arab dominion of Spain, continued to increase to such an
-extent that when in the year of 1474 a royal decree still extant
-chronicles the appointment of a Negro known as Juan de Valladolid as
-mayor of the Negro colony situated in the outskirts of the said city.
-From this colony of Negroes who could speak the Spanish language, and
-were familiar with their customs, came the first batch of slaves shipped
-to Santo Domingo. It must also be borne in mind that 45 years before, in
-1370, King Henry of Portugal had commenced his explorations, the
-Catalans and Normans had frequented the coasts of Africa as far as the
-Tropic of Cancer, and according to Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, it is known
-that from the times of Archbishop Gonzalo de Mena (1400) there existed
-Negro slaves in Sevilla. There is no reason to doubt that a large number
-of their descendants had already been born in Europe prior to 1500,
-because the royal dispensations in that year state that the immigration
-of Negro slaves to Santo Domingo was prohibited except in case of those
-who were born while in possession of Christians. These historical facts
-induce us to believe that during that period there was in Europe a
-larger number of Negroes than we generally suppose or care to believe.
-
-At the time that the slave trade had commenced to occupy the mind of the
-Hawkins malefactors and the British nation under Queen Elizabeth,
-Barbarossa had already subjected the mulatto King of Morocco to the
-payment of a tribute of $1,000,000 in gold dust—and 40 Negro merchants
-without any hesitation helped the king out of the dangers that
-confronted his people. When the Moor Zegri was humiliated by the Spanish
-Commander Cisneros in 1499 and the Arab books destroyed in Granada,
-Marmol states that less than 1,025,000 tomes on religion, politics,
-jurisprudence, manuscripts illuminated and worked in silver and gold
-were consigned to the fires. There remained 3,000 Moorish soldiers under
-command of a Negro captain whose intrepid heroism and valor was shown by
-the charges and counter charges he was able to repel. When unable to
-prevent the utter annihilation of his band by superior forces under
-Cifuentes, the Negro captain refused to surrender and jumped headlong
-from a fort. (Alcatara's History, Granada, pp. 165-6.) And this happened
-seven years after the discovery of America by Columbus.
-
-The conditions of the new world were such that the Spaniards who had
-spent most of their wealth in the unprofitable civil and Arab wars, lost
-no time after hearing wonderful stories of untold wealth to requisition
-not only the Negroes of Seville, but to embark in the lucrative
-enterprise of human Negroes from the West Coast of Africa, and ships
-which were engaged in man-hunting poured their human freight into
-Hispaniola. It was not long after that the Spanish Negroes belonging to
-Diego Columbus, revolted, and the first insurrection, taking place among
-the very property of the discoverer's offspring, was suppressed by the
-military after killing the leaders. The prosperity of the colonies soon
-became apparent in the enormous number of Spanish ships with their
-precious cargoes arriving in the Spanish ports. The Spanish people were
-wild and in an ecstasy of joy to engage in the colonial enterprise, and
-as ships entered upon the perilous voyages of discovery the Africans
-were gathered to do the work for which no historian or economist has
-given them the credit which is their due for blazing the path of wealth
-into which the nations of Europe have ridden upon the lucrative backs of
-the Africans. The clearing of the forests from dangerous animals and
-poisonous insects, making with the awakening of each succeeding spring
-the virgin earth a paradise that has supported millions of European
-parasites; the working of the mines for precious metals that fed the
-envy of other powerful nations which questioned the right of the
-Spaniards to conquest under the banner of the Christian Church, and
-induced them to scramble and fight for their colonial honors.
-
-No sooner than Santo Domingo was found to be a paradise of wealth than
-the other islands were made ready for the unwilling African. He was
-carried to the mainland of Panama, where Balboa was surprised to find a
-colony of Negroes whose origin has baffled the mind of the most learned
-men of that age. To this day no solution has been found for the problem
-of the coming of these Negroes of Quareca. Gomora says, "That
-Conquistador entered the Province of Quareca; he found no gold, but some
-blacks who were slaves of the lord of the place. He asked this lord
-whence he had received them, who replied that men of that color lived
-near the place, with whom they were constantly at war. "These Negroes,"
-adds Gomora, "exactly resemble those of the Guinea; and no others have
-since been seen in America. It may be stated here that every hypothesis
-has been advanced to show that these men must have been people other
-than Negroes, but since the natives of the kingdoms of Congo and Guinea
-were known to have enjoyed friendly relations with each other and sailed
-the rivers in large oared boats, it is very probable that some of them
-crossed the Atlantic in like manner as the Caribs in their piraguas
-traveled from the islands to the mainland and vice versa. The nearest
-distance from Brazil to Africa is along the Tropic of Cancer, and any
-number of large boats may have lost their bearing in a storm and got
-ship-wrecked on the American mainland. This hypothesis is well within
-the range of probability in view of the fact that the trade winds blow
-from east to west and the Gulf Stream flows rapidly, and is noted for
-periodical variation in its course.
-
-The Negroes that were originally carried into Santo Domingo from Spain
-became devoted to the early priests, for it must be conceded that the
-Jesuits were the friends who maintained a benevolent attitude toward
-these outcast sons of men. One of these Negroes, known as Estevanico,
-was the discoverer of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and what is known as
-Arizona and New Mexico. Negroes were in Mexico with the vanguard of the
-Spaniards, and to that country must be credited one of the earliest
-Negro poets. He lived in Mexico City, and was, by trade, a carpenter and
-maker of artificial flowers, and was always sought by the elite, because
-of his ready wit and quickness to rhyme on any theme given him.
-
-Wherever the English ruled we have had to combat a very prejudiced and
-arrogant system of oppression. In the Spanish and French colonies the
-rule was milder, in consequence of a system of judicial laws which
-predicated a better understanding as a solution of the complex relations
-between master and slave. The English have shown by their rule in the
-Island of Trinidad how much regard they have had for the rights of
-others guaranteed by treaty. For a case in point we may refer to the
-treaty of capitulation between the Spaniards and the English that took
-place February 18th, 1797. Article 12 of this treaty reads: "The colored
-people, who have been acknowledged as such by the laws of Spain, shall
-be protected in their liberty, persons and property, like other
-inhabitants; they taking the oath of allegiance, meaning themselves as
-becomes good and peaceable subjects of His Britanic Majesty" (16). The
-way the British respected this "Scrap of Paper" is shown in a book
-written by a free mulatto, a graduate of the Edinburgh University, and
-printed in London in 1824. Says this anonymous author: "And even the
-Spanish governor saw his country about to be divested of a possession
-she had held ever since the third voyage of Columbus, he did not forget
-the faith she had plighted to the colored population, but exacted from
-the invaders security for the continuance of the equality of rights and
-privileges with the whites by the 12th article of the capitulation" (p.
-16).
-
-It would have been a glory to Britain to have emulated in those days the
-benevolent plan of France and Spain in improving the condition of their
-slaves; and to open a way for the admission of reason, religion, liberty
-and law among creatures of our kind who were deprived of every
-advantage, of every privilege, which as partakers of our common nature
-they were capable of and entitled to (Ramsay).
-
-We have been instructed to look at the Negro as "idle, worthless,
-indolent and disloyal," but a careful examination of the West Indies and
-South America does not show this to be true. Many instances of
-advancement by hard industry can be noted in any of the many spots of
-the New World. There is not a single field of industrial activity in
-which the descendants of the African have not contributed their mite
-toward an improvement of the conditions which the gold seekers and
-pleasure hunters were wont to overlook. The commercial activities, the
-irrigation of fields, the working of the mines where the labor of Negro
-slaves and free men was paramount, the untold number of ships loaded
-down with merchandise and precious metals wending their way to Europe to
-support monarchies and provide pleasure for parasites, all this depended
-upon the unrequited toil of Negroes, which cannot be computed in dollars
-and cents because it would form a ladder, like Jacob's, which would
-reach to the very gates of Heaven.
-
-Under the institution of slavery which curbed the aspirations of the
-Negro, it was not possible to expect the race to have shown any capacity
-except for hard labor in the fields which the lash accelerated. In most
-islands there was nothing else but agriculture fields to be cleared and
-developed with religion to mitigate and console the workers. The profits
-which were uppermost in the minds of the masters were gathered regularly
-and yielded handsomely.
-
-The African people have been one of the earliest acquainted with cotton.
-A careful examination of available historical material shows that while
-Europe was still dressing in goat skins and grass goods the Negro
-peoples of Africa had been using cotton goods. Miss Kingsley relates
-that the cloth loom was invented by natives of the Eboe tribe, but many
-varieties of looms were common to the people of the Soudan. The
-prevailing color of the cloth from Guinea is blue and it is distinctly
-quaint, so enduring and pleasing that it has been handed down from the
-hoary ages to the present day. The dyes of the natives obtained from
-vegetable matter and other unknown primitive processes, have always won
-the admiration of the appreciative world. Europeans have admired the
-quality and durability of these cloths. The work of African looms in
-their primitive frames can be seen in the Museums of Natural History in
-London, Paris, Berlin and New York. They are indeed fine specimens of
-African handiwork and authorities have said that they would do credit to
-any Manchester or Birmingham looms.
-
-It is said that native cloth manufactured at Kano is not very old and
-that it probably came from the Songhay country, but according to El
-Bekri, the Arab historian, and other ancient geographers, the art of
-weaving was very flourishing on the Upper Nile, especially in the town
-of Silla from very ancient times and as early as the eleventh century,
-the cotton cloth was called in this region by the same name it bears to
-this day, namely, "shigge."
-
-The English West Indies exported to Britain during the year 1760
-9,535,010 pounds of cotton. By 1787 this amount had increased to
-18,716,445 pounds; in 1801 to 42,090,765, and in 1811 it was 41,735,555,
-according to William Irving, Inspector General of the London
-Customhouse.
-
-It has been stated that just before the war of American independence the
-slaves in the sugar colonies did not exceed the fortieth part of the
-inhabitants of the British Empire, yet they contributed in that
-neglected state perhaps a sixth part of the revenue. The British Isles
-contained a population of nearly 11,500,000; North America, 2,600,000
-with 400,000 slaves, which made 3,000,000; the West Indies 82,000
-freemen and 418,000 slaves.
-
-The Negroes under the terrifying and debasing influence of slavery were
-able to improve their condition by that cheerful spirit which holds them
-together even in these days of dark clouds, with a silver lining. The
-cheerfulness of these sons of Africa has been their redeeming quality
-through all their privations and sufferings; their chants and songs,
-whether in the hearing of their masters or among themselves, were full
-of soul and feeling. They kept body and soul together after the arduous
-day's labor under the torrid rays of the sun. Whereas the Indians gave
-way under the milder system of slavery, the Negroes grew stronger under
-its despotism. They were able in the production of sugar cane to become
-experts in the tempering of the cane juice for the various degrees of
-sugar, which today require analytical chemists to supervise its improved
-manufacture and Negroes were in charge of this delicate branch of the
-industry on many plantations. In the distillation of rum they were
-proficient and many were excellent mechanics.
-
-In the production of cocoa, in Venezuela, Suriname and Trinidad, the
-labor of Negroes gave it such an impetus and stability that the eminent
-Humboldt, in his travels through South America could not but speak in
-the highest terms of those plantations that devoted their time to the
-improvement of this industry.
-
-Since the bringing of the Mocha coffee into Santo Domingo as an
-experiment, with the brawny arm of the black son of toil the production
-of coffee has reached the incredible amount of 100 millions of pounds,
-and, in Brazil, where to balance the supply and demand the government
-provides an excellent system which permits the exportation of only the
-amount necessary for the world's consumption each year.
-
-The pearl fisheries of America lost their commercial importance with the
-wave of Emancipation by the nations whose souls were steeped in
-ignominious sin. But in the earliest days it was one of the most
-lucrative industries. The work was done exclusively by Negroes who were
-expert swimmers and divers, capable of holding their breath a long time
-in ten or fifteen fathoms of briny water, while searching for
-pearl-bearing shells. There was always great danger from man-eating
-sharks and the octopus, which killed and mangled many expert divers. In
-numberless Spanish galleons were carried the riches which have been
-reported from time to time in official papers as having paid the fifths
-to the coffers of the state. For instance, Southey says that "a fleet
-that sailed from Hispaniola in 1526 carried to Spain 501,082 gold
-dollars, 350 marks of ordinary pearls, 183 Cubagua pearls and 5 gold
-stones."
-
-In the field of arms there is no question whatever in the mind of the
-present generation whether the Negroes have added any glory to the
-respective nations under which they fought, or, when for their
-self-preservation it was necessary to fight against Spain, Holland,
-France and Britain. One of the earliest successful insurrections was
-that of Chief Araby in the year 16— and in 1772-7, before the American
-war of independence, the Negroes of Suriname took to the hills and
-fought the Hollanders tooth and nail for five consecutive years. The
-Spaniards in Santo Domingo were defeated, Great Britain was humiliated
-and obtained success only when she followed General Abercrombie and Sir
-John Moore's advice, and employed Negro troops under promises of
-manumission as is shown in the St. Lucia campaign. The first attempt to
-employ these troops brought about a fierce outcry of protest in which
-the several island legislatures, especially those of Barbadoes and
-Jamaica "poured forth the most prophetic declaration of innumerable
-evils to come if the British government persisted in its purpose to
-substitute even in part, black for white soldiers."
-
-The formation of the First West India Regiment under the British was the
-aftermath of the Savannah war in 1779. "It was made up of white
-loyalists and Negro slaves" and "so well entertained that in the year
-1816 there were eight regiments in existence. In Jamaica there were
-stationed the 2d Regiment, with 198 sergeants and 3,050 blacks, and the
-5th Regiment was stationed at Bahamas with rank and file of 4,526 during
-the year 1816. Their formation was due to the ravages of disease among
-the European forces, for during the years 1796-1802 were lost 17,173 men
-of the original force of 19,676 under Major General Sir John Moore,
-which sailed from England to put down the Negro spirit that had its
-birth in Haiti.
-
-But it was not only Haiti that was worrying the British. Jamaica with
-the Maroons was another problem without a radical solution until Major
-General Walpole promised them protection under a secret treaty which was
-moderate in its language, but painful in the method of its application,
-just as the British have always been when dealing with the Negro race.
-It must be said in fairness to General Walpole that he was opposed to
-the cruelties practiced on the Maroons after they had surrendered their
-arms and confided in his good faith for a strict compliance with the
-terms of the treaty. Walpole said he "felt that a treaty even with
-savages should be observed" (p. 236). But notwithstanding the evil
-spirit towards the Maroons their uprising has brought about a better
-feeling and respect to the black people of Jamaica and, because of this
-material spirit, it must be admitted they enjoy to this day a larger
-measure of freedom and economic privileges than the other West Indian
-islands under the British rule.
-
-The name of Haiti will always stimulate us to revere the memory of men
-who have stamped their names on the scroll of time, for not only did
-that island strike the first effective blow for the liberation of the
-black slave, but, having accomplished this purpose, the Haitians aided
-in the liberation of all America from the yoke of Europe. The service
-rendered by President Petion to Simon Bolivar in making possible the
-freedom and independence of South America is splendidly shown in the
-granite and bronze monument which adorns the square in Caracas dedicated
-to the memory of the ablest Haitian president by the people of
-Venezuela.
-
-Music found expression in the vibrating chord tempered with the dull
-thumping of drums in their characteristic rhythm which could be heard
-for miles during the night and in the peculiar songs and chants of the
-Negroes. To the white man who could not understand their customs it was
-barbaric and rude and was treated with indifference and at times with
-contempt. But it has been shown by Mrs. Kemble, who was a keen observer
-during her residence in Georgia, that the Negro songs had merit and
-that there was something mystic which could not easily open itself—its
-peculiar musical charm—to the white man. This music and chants were
-common to every part of America where the sons of Africa had been
-carried by the slave hunters, and even to this day musical instruments,
-peculiar to the original tribes, are extant in many of the islands
-beyond the seas.
-
-During the evening slave seances took place when the master thought
-everything was silent and calm, because the field work had been
-satisfactorily performed and the harvest had been gathered and there was
-a profit which would carry him to Europe to squander it in riotous
-living. But at night, like the firefly, the Negro was recreated and
-refreshed in song his soul, and dreamed of a future freedom from the
-involuntary thraldom of which he was a victim.
-
-The story tellers gathered a motley crowd around them and the hours of
-eventide were spent in instructive recitals of the Uncle Remus, Brer
-Rabbit and other folk-lore stories, the heritage of African minds. These
-stories are known in every vale and dale of joy and tears in America;
-they have soothed the hours of toil and consoled the broken-hearted.
-"They have been called the traditional literature of Africa. Some of the
-Uncle Remus stories would form no bad addition to the fairy stories of
-the world. But the race of old mammies or nurses who used to tell them
-to delighted youthful audiences is fast passing away"—in fact, have
-passed away—and we are satisfied, not knowing any better, to read them
-in the modern reconstructed form as given by Joel Chandler Harris and
-other poor imitators who have won fame and honor in the field of
-literature without incurring the onerous charge of imitation. Bosman
-refers to the Old Mammy or Anancy stories in his work on Africa, and it
-is said that in Accra "there are men who have a repertoire almost as
-copious as the Arabian Nights, and to which Europeans listen with
-curiosity and wonder, if not with admiration." Richard Burton was a
-great man and a distinguished writer, who agrees with Koelle, who says,
-"I was amongst them in their native land, on the soil which the feet of
-their fathers have trod, and heard them deliver in their own native
-tongue stirring extempore speeches, adorned with beautiful imagery, of
-half an hour or an hour's duration; or when I was writing from their
-dictation, sometimes two hours in succession, without having to correct
-a word or alter a construction in twenty or thirty pages; or when in
-Sierre Leone I attended examinations of the sons of liberated slaves
-(from America) in algebra, geometry, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, etc.—then, I
-confess, any other idea never entered my mind but that I had to do with
-*real men*". (Wit and Wisdom from West Africa.")
-
-In Brazil, the Negro chieftain, Henrique Diaz, is revered for the able
-assistance which he rendered in checking the incursions of the Dutch,
-and Koster in his travels through that country speaks of Negro and
-mulatto regiments known as the Henrique regiments in memory of so worthy
-and capable a leader.
-
-In the city of Paramaribo the Negro Gramman Quacy had the good fortune
-in 1730 to discover the valuable properties of the root known by the
-name of Quacie bitter. In 1761 it was made known to Linnaeus by
-d'Ahlbergand, the Swedish naturalist who had written a treatise upon it.
-
-During the years 1811-12 the British government had reports from their
-various possessions in America exclusive of Jamaica, showing a slave
-population of 343,859 and 27,259 free men of color, so that about eight
-per cent of the total colored population were free. When we consider the
-handicap that slaves had under English law with its intricate and
-involved questions of entail we can appreciate the efforts of these
-reputed savages to have been able not only to achieve their freedom but
-to succeed in becoming an integral part of the country, with an eagle's
-foothold in agriculture.
-
-Porto Bello and Cartagena in Colombia were the ports of entry for the
-slave trade, the channel by which not only Panama was supplied with
-Negroes but from whence the traders were allowed to bring with them
-such quantity of provisions as was thought necessary both for their own
-use and that of their slaves of both sexes. Here was the Appian road
-through which the Spaniards carried the slaves into Peru to work the
-gold mines; and they became so useful that in the celebrated Sanabria
-mines Negroes were used exclusively during the night and Indians in the
-day time. Ulloa, during his visit to Lima, found that people of African
-descent formed the greater part of the population of Lima, and they
-were, as a rule, mechanics and worked side by side with the Europeans
-who did not consider the contact disgraceful to them, since cleanliness
-was the ruling passion of the Negroes.
-
-General Pelage, "an agricultural slave" when General Moore stormed St.
-Lucia, was Governor of Guadeloupe until 1803, when he resigned and
-returned to France to lead his soldiers against Spain, where he was
-killed at the head of his regiment.
-
-It is a remarkable fact that the first native American to be consecrated
-a Bishop was a Negro. He was Right Reverend Francisco Xavier de Luna y
-Victoria, Bishop of Panama, of which see he took possession in August,
-1751. He founded and maintained the cathedral at his own expense, and
-was later removed to the see of Trujillo in Peru. His mother, who had
-been a slave devoted her time to the sale of charcoal in order to attain
-her ambition to see her son become an eminent man. This devotion has
-been characteristic of the African woman and every reward and praise won
-on the new continent has been due to her sacrifices.
-
-In the Spanish countries under the more liberal manumission laws a very
-much higher proportion of free people of color existed from the very
-earliest times. In Cuba of the total population in 1811 about 274,000
-were whites, 212,000 slaves and 114,000 free persons of color, rather
-less than two slaves to one freeman. In the United States at the same
-time the slave population of 1,191,364 is more than six times the free
-population of 186,446 (total U. S., 7,239,814). The conditions in Cuba
-were characteristic of the Spanish and Portuguese countries and
-explained the total abolition of slavery as well as the more rapid
-assimilation of the colored people in the economic and political life of
-those countries.
-
-With the records such as this the Negro found himself at the close of
-the eighteenth century a vital factor in every phase of the development
-of Latin America. I have not attempted to treat his services in the
-Southern States of the North American Union for the facts here are too
-well known to require discussion within the limits of the present
-article. Suffice it to say that the position which the Negro and his
-mixed progeny of European or Indian blood had won in South America, they
-have also earned, if even they have not as yet received, due recognition
-therefore in North America.
-
-With a firm faith in our ability and the consciousness of our
-inalienable title to a worthy share in the development of the New World.
-We may look forward with confidence to the inevitable reward of industry
-sustained by the courage which demands that an honest toiler shall not
-be despoiled of the fruits of his labor. We may expect therefore that as
-Negro slavery began in the West Indies and South America and crept
-northward, so also will come to the United States the gradual
-dissolution of the problem of color in the general problems of a
-progressing human race.
-
-.. image:: images/image2tri.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative triangle
-
-William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from 1860-1870
-======================================================================
-
-The second decade of the latter half of the nineteenth century was the
-most epochal period in American legal history since the time of the
-national constitution. So far as the American Negro is concerned, this
-period marks the greatest possible changes in legal and constitutional
-status. Three years before the opening of this decade the highest court
-of the nation had declared the Negro to have only the status of the
-lower animals, while at the close of the decade the Negro had acquired a
-status in the organic law of the land which entitled him to membership
-in the Supreme Court itself. In this period the Negro changed from a
-chattel to a person, from an animal to a man, from a slave to a
-citizen,—so far as the supreme law of the land is concerned.
-
-This period also contains the two extremes on the scale of
-discriminations against the American Negro in statute law. Before this
-period there were comparatively few statutory discriminations against
-the black race in the Southern States. For in that section the Negro had
-no personal rights at law, and discriminatory statutes were not
-necessary. When a discrimination is made against a class in statute law,
-it is thereby implied that this class has at least some rights based on
-the fundamental law of the land. Therefore the legislative
-discriminations against black people before this period were found
-chiefly in the border states and in the "free" states against "free"
-Negroes,—a strange contradiction of terms.—But this decade, from 1860
-to 1870, also contains the extremes of the Negro's legal status in the
-South: at the opening of the decade stood the Negro slave, at the close
-stood the Negro senator; after the middle of this period the South
-passed the extreme "Black Laws," intended to nullify the effect of the
-Thirteenth Amendment as far as possible, while at the end of the decade
-came the Fifteenth Amendment, marking an epoch. These "Black Laws" of
-the South were enacted between 1865 and 1868 and were inspired by the
-ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. They had for their models, it
-is said, the similar laws that had been passed in previous decades
-against the helpless "free" Negroes of the North and the border states.
-But they outdid the models.
-
-These "Black Laws" are worth considering, for in them are found a
-sufficient cause and a very cogent reason for the Fourteenth and the
-Fifteenth Amendments. There is really no need for the charge that these
-two Amendments were the inspiration of revenge or of the desire for
-political advantage of the party in power. At any rate, such great
-products of statesmanship should stand on their merits, and not be
-condemned, even if it could be shown that they were originally based in
-unworthy motives. It does not lessen the beauty of the rose if the plant
-was sprouted in manure. But the argument of ultra-motive is unnecessary,
-for the "Black Laws" of the South were the immediate occasion, and
-doubtless the only efficient cause, of the Fourteenth Amendment. After
-the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, if the former slave states had
-accorded the ex-slaves even half justice, it is very likely that the
-Negro's friends in Congress would have quickly forgotten him,—as they
-have since done in the face of the worst injustices. But it was not
-unnatural for the South, after the ratification of the Thirteenth
-Amendment which gave the Negro only the lowest degree of freedom, to try
-to pass systems of laws that would cause the Negro's freedom to make as
-little change as possible in the social organism and in his relation to
-the white race. Not to have done so would have been evidence of
-superhuman foresight and self-control. From the standpoint of the
-Negro's interests, however, these laws were "black," not only in name
-and aim but in their very nature. Instead of being the property of a
-personally interested master, the Negro was to be converted into the
-slave of a much less sympathetic society in general. The "free" Negro's
-lot was to be much harder than that of the slave had been; for altho no
-longer entitled to "board and keep" from his employer, yet he was to be
-forbidden by law to move or to change his employment. This would have
-left his wages at the mercy of the employer. It is a law of economics
-that the mobility of labor is necessary to the normal regulation of
-wages. Some states absolutely forbade the freedmen to engage in skilled
-work, leaving for them only the most menial and least profitable
-occupations. In the famous old state of South Carolina the employer was
-to be allowed to inflict corporal punishment, or as the euphemism of the
-law put it, to "moderately correct" the servants. "Master" and "servant"
-were the terms used in these laws,—not employer and employee. The
-vagrancy laws and laws of apprenticeship were all of a nature to entrap
-the ignorant and take advantage of the weak. Famous old South Carolina
-even sought to regulate the amount of "politeness" due from the
-"servant" to the "master's family."
-
-In the face of all these stereotyped facts, why should any honest
-student of history have to resort to any intangible and indefinite thing
-like a feeling of revenge or a desire for political and party advantage
-as an explanation of the motives of those who conceived and passed by
-the Fourteenth Amendment? This Amendment was passed by the friends of
-freedom to keep the Thirteenth Amendment from being a mere farce. They
-sought thereby to secure for the Negro the protecting power of the
-ballot, as the only effective means of influencing his civil and
-political interests in a government like this. There was no thought or
-hope of making him dominant in a country that was predominantly white.
-But the backers of the Amendment sought to lead the state governments to
-this reasonable end by inducing rather than by compelling them. The
-effect of this amendment was to be based on impartial mathematics, and
-the choice was to be left to the majority of voters of the state. The
-state was simply not to have a power in the national government based on
-a population which the state itself did not recognize as a part of its
-own citizenry.
-
-Up to 1865 nearly all the states of the Union had restricted the right
-to vote to white men. After the Negro was freed some Northern states
-voluntarily removed this restriction. The friends of freedom hoped that
-the Fourteenth Amendment would induce others to do so, by making it to
-the advantage of their national representative power. But from the
-ratification of the Amendment in 1868 to 1870 not a single state, with
-the sole exception of Minnesota, heeded the warning or yielded to the
-inducement of the suffrage clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. And it
-might be noted in passing that there were not enough Negroes in
-Minnesota to make any difference either way. Up to 1870 fourteen states
-still restricted the suffrage to white men. This obstinacy on the part
-of the reactionaries caused the friends of freedom in 1870 to ratify the
-Fifteenth Amendment, which substituted *must* for persuasion and
-virtually penalized discriminations against any race in the matter of
-the suffrage. What evidence is there that any of these steps were taken
-in a spirit of revenge? Revenge usually acts in haste and without
-waiting on the development of other sufficient causes. The persuasion of
-the Fourteenth Amendment was not resorted to till three years after the
-close of the war, and when there had risen the plainest need for even
-more than persuasion in the interests of justice and humanity. And the
-Fifteenth Amendment did not appear till five years after the war, when
-even the Fourteenth Amendment had failed to persuade. Why should revenge
-wait so long and advance so reluctantly? It seems that the friends of
-freedom, who had the political power in their hands, were slow to anger
-and plenteous in hope.
-
-This suffrage amendment was to be a bulwark to the liberties not only of
-black men but of all men in America; it was directed not only against
-the "Black Laws" of the South but against political and civil slavery
-everywhere in the nation. It is interesting to note that of the states
-who were members of the Union up to 1865, only five can be listed in the
-honor roll of those who have never discriminated against the Negro
-voter: Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont.
-
-The constant question raised by these discriminating laws is: What is a
-Negro? When are we are going to discriminate against a fellow, we must
-be careful and definite in pointing him out. And so each set of
-discriminating laws contains its own definition of the word *Negro*, and
-the definitions have differed widely. At first in some parts of the
-North the Negro was defined as any person who was *visibly* colored. It
-is plain, however, that if the matter is left to the eyes, millions of
-American "Negroes" will have to be taken into the Caucasian race,—and so
-most of the state legislatures reduced their definition to the finer
-discriminations of mathematics. These mathematical definitions vary all
-the way from one fourth of the blood of the black man to a mere one
-sixteenth; but some laws of the gallant South go so far as to say that
-if one has even one drop of Negro blood in his veins he is a Negro. Thus
-it is seen that "the Negro," so far as the United States are concerned,
-is an arbitrary creature of law and includes within its scope hundreds
-of thousands of people who by every law of God and nature and reason are
-members of the Caucasian race, principally Anglo-Saxons. For whatever
-the legal definition, it is the common practice in the United States to
-class as Negroes all persons known to have any part of Negro blood. The
-white American therefore ascribes the same potency to Negro blood which
-he ascribes to the blood of Jesus Christ,—that it only takes one drop
-"to make you whole." The statement needs no proof that there are
-thousands of people in America who are related to the Negro and do not
-know it, and others who know it but also know that its acknowledgment
-would not increase their comforts in life.
-
-It was especially necessary to define the term *Negro* when the
-intermarriage laws were being considered. These queer laws have always
-had the support of the vast majority of white people, wherever the Negro
-has become a considerable part of the population, and especially after
-the Negro was freed. I call them "queer laws" because they always, in
-spirit and in effect if not in letter, tend to make the naturally
-honorable relation of marriage a worse crime than the naturally
-dishonorable practice of illicit intercourse,—which abuse, however, is
-practiced chiefly by the men of the stronger against the women of the
-weaker group. For this illicitness there is in practice no punishment,
-while the sure penalties of intermarriage range all the way from a fine
-of one hundred dollars to ten years in the penitentiary,—and the danger
-of still more horrible extra-legal penalties. There could be but one
-result of thus outlawing decency and tolerating indecency,—of putting
-honor under the foot of dishonor,—and that result has been attained in
-the United States: namely, millions of interracial illegitimates, and
-some admixture of Caucasian blood in at least nine-tenths of the
-American Negro group.
-
-Such is the American group against which these discriminating laws have
-directly and indirectly aimed. In the historic decade (1860 to 1870)
-many forms of discrimination and distinction began to appear in the laws
-of the South: in public travel, in the courts and in the matter of the
-suffrage. In 1865 and 1866 "Jim Crow" laws were passed in Florida,
-Mississippi and Texas, but not in the other states until 1881 when
-Tennessee started the new era of "Jim Crow," which has since overrun the
-whole South and threatens, as did slavery itself, to invade the North.
-Is it not queer that this passion should have gained such headway so
-long after slavery? It would seem that the more the Negro advances in
-education and refinement, the less acceptable he becomes to a large
-number of white people. In North Carolina or South Carolina a Negro may
-be taken into the white people's car if he be a criminal or a lunatic;
-but if he be a gentleman and a scholar, it will be a serious offense
-against earth and heaven, subject to heavy fines,—and when his train
-reaches Georgia, even the conductor may be fined one thousand dollars!
-This race distinction on the cars serves no useful, honorable purpose
-which classified passenger tickets would not serve. But of all the
-humiliation, wrong and robbery possible against a free people, the devil
-and the Sicilian tyrants working together could never have devised a
-more ingenious scheme than the "Jim Crow" car.
-
-As to the courts. Until 1870 the laws of Iowa forbade the Negro to
-practice law; many states sought to invalidate or restrict the testimony
-of a Negro witness against a white person; and most reluctantly of all
-has any state conceded the Negro the right to be a juror, even where
-both parties to the suit are Negroes. In law and in theory the Fifteenth
-Amendment, March 30, 1870, repealed all statutes and nullified all
-constitutional clauses discriminating against people on account of race,
-color, or previous condition of servitude, but in practice in the United
-States the Negro is still handicapped as a lawyer, discredited as a
-witness and almost universally excluded from juries. This is queer again
-in the face of the almost unanimous testimony of the courts to the
-effect that the Negro juryman is more inclined to convict a real Negro
-criminal than is the white juryman.
-
-The Reconstruction constitutions of the South, in 1868 and 1869,
-following the Fourteenth Amendment, gave the Negroes the ballot. It is
-needless to say that this was not the will of the white majority. And it
-must always be said of these Reconstruction governments that, whatever
-faults they may have had, they made the first, and up to the present
-time the *last* serious and straight-going efforts to establish real
-democratic-republican organization in the South. In this era the
-Congress of the United States was in the hands of the friends of
-freedom, and in 1866 the Negro was given the ballot in all the
-territories of the United States. On June 8, 1867, the Congress gave the
-ballot to the Negroes of the District of Columbia, over the President's
-veto and against the will of the white inhabitants. In a popular vote on
-the proposition the city of Washington returned 6521 votes against
-enfranchising the blacks and 35 votes for it; while Georgetown returned
-the interesting figures of 812 votes against the proposition, and for it
-one vote. This record of fifty years ago is sufficient to indicate what
-would be the conditions in Washington, D. C., if it were left to its own
-devices.
-
-Such are the facts of obstinate resistance to the Negro's actual
-freedom, which brought the friends of freedom in Congress rather slowly
-around to the necessity of adopting the Fourteenth, and when that
-failed, the Fifteenth Amendment. I repeat that if, after the passage of
-the Thirteenth Amendment, the legislatures and courts and other
-creatures of the popular suffrage had shown a genius for doing justice
-to the Negro, it is likely that his friends in Congress would have
-forgotten him entirely, that the two subsequent Amendments would not
-have been proposed and that he would have been left outside of the
-Constitutional pale of citizenship indefinitely. The Thirteenth,
-Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments put the enemies of freedom
-successively on trial and each time they failed. Yea, even against the
-decree of the Fifteenth Amendment have they defeated democracy by
-indirection and duplicity. If the aim of the Fifteenth Amendment should
-be finally defeated, it would be the ultimate failure of democracy,—but
-there are late indications that in the end it will not fail. And of all
-the many-angled struggles which the colored people are supporting in
-this country for their advancement and ultimate security, the central
-aim of every fighting line should be full-fledged citizenship.
-
-There is no doubt about the truth of the plain statement that the Negro
-race in the United States of America does not get a "square deal." But
-we observe frequent efforts to minimize the appearance of the great
-wrong by the ambiguous statement that it is "natural" under the
-circumstances. I call the statement ambiguous, because in one sense of
-the word every fact of life and history is *natural*: all virtue and
-vice, lust and love are natural. Many natural things are very
-undesirable, and fortunately some of them are not indestructible or
-unalterable. It may be natural for the white race to disfranchise,
-"Jim-Crow" and burn Negroes, but the Negro is *naturally* opposed to
-that procedure. Is it not natural for the victim to be uncomfortable
-under these things, to complain against them, to organize and fight
-them? The naturalness of injustice, if it be natural, does not make it
-one whit more just. It is natural, or at least it is historic, that men
-will rob and commit murder and bastardy—but there seems to be something
-in man which is higher than nature and which fights against these
-things.
-
-The same sort of fallacy in reasoning is resorted to when the effort is
-made to palliate the wrongs done in one section by stating the fact that
-the same or similar wrongs have been done, are being done or will be
-done to the Negro in other sections or eventually in all sections of the
-United States. What on earth has this to do with the wrong, except to
-make it more horrible? Does it justify wrong to show that other people
-did it, do it or may do it? If so, then sin itself ought to be the
-fairest thing in the world, for all men in all ages and all countries
-have committed it. The poor sinning South pains-takingly points out and
-tabulates every single instance of its own wrongs against black men
-which can be found repeated in the North,—and when the North slips from
-virtue in the same path, it cries out Pharisaically that such horrors
-are common or even popular in the South. If mere ubiquity justifies,
-remember that the devil's work is ubiquitous, too.
-
-Again, I have read books and arguments that sought to minimize the
-importance of industrial, civic and political discriminations against
-the Negro by saying not only that these practices are "not confined to
-any section of the country," but also that such-and-such an evil did not
-even "originate" in the South. We are told with great unction that
-Philadelphia and San Francisco once excluded Negroes from street cars
-altogether, that slavery originated in the commerce of the North, and
-that Jim-Crowism was first met in Massachusetts. I have heard that the
-devil was first met in the Garden of Eden, but he is none the less the
-devil. And as to origin, who cares where the smallpox or the yellow
-fever originated? It is their nature, not their origin, which makes them
-horrible.
-
-There is really no room for one section to boast or to proudly accuse
-the other. So far as the Negro's experiences go, both sections need to
-improve perhaps in their ideals but certainly in their practices
-respecting democratic liberties and human brotherhood. Let the Negro and
-his friends realize that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the
-United States Constitution represent not a backward step but a stride
-forward in civilization, and that they were fostered and ratified, not
-for the sake of the temporary burden which they may have put upon the
-white race in the South, but for the benefit of all races, at all times,
-in all America.
-
-.. image:: images/image1bird.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative eagle
-
-John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year
-=============================================================
-
-The following resolution adopted at the last meeting is
-self-explanatory: "That the Academy publish a list of books, pamphlets,
-magazines and newspaper articles bearing on the Negro Question, with
-appropriate comment." A letter sent to the Library of Congress brought
-from the Chief Bibliographer the following reply: "Titles of books
-relating to the Negro may be found by means of the Cumulative Book
-Index, published monthly; articles in magazines, etc., are listed in the
-Readers' Guide to periodical literature and its supplements, and in the
-annual magazine subject index; legal literature is indexed in the index
-to legal periodicals and the literature of medicine in the Index
-Medicus. These publications are all subject indexes and to approach the
-matter from the side of Negro authorship it would be necessary to start
-with some such book as "Who's Who of the Colored Race," which would
-enable the compiler to pick out the Negro authors. It would then be
-necessary to go through the indexes to see whether these authors had
-published anything during the current year. A source of additional
-titles," continues the letter, "would be the periodicals devoted to the
-interests of the Negro race. These frequently note pamphlets, privately
-or obscurely printed books which do not get into the regular lists."
-
-This reference to "Who's Who," a book just issued, shows that the
-Academy is beginning this work at a very propitious time. One year ago
-"Who's Who" was only a prospect; now it is a realization, the most
-important this year in this field of bibliography. Its price, $6.00, may
-restrict its circulation to public libraries, colleges and universities
-until some worthier publication appears to take its place by the side
-of similarly named publications which include leaders of thought and
-action the world over.
-
-Scarcely less important is the Negro Year Book, by Monroe N. Work, in
-charge of Division of Records and Research at Tuskegee. This is an
-annual encyclopedia of the Negro, for its scope includes the population
-of the earth by races, the periodicals published by Africans, "where
-black men govern," Negroes and Spanish Explorers, Negro Slavery in
-Colonies and in States, Abolition, Agitation, Slavery and Religious
-Denominations, Slave Insurrections, the Underground Railroad, Civil
-Status, Civil and Political Rights, Negro Soldiers, The Church,
-Education Before and Since the Civil War, Arts, Occupations, Inventions,
-Agriculture, Crime, Health, Population, National and Fraternal
-Organizations, Social Settlements, Periodical publications and
-bibliographies pertaining to the Negro. In no other publication of more
-than four hundred pages is so much information assembled. The price, 35
-cents, should warrant its circulation wherever there is found school,
-college or church, student or professional man who affects a serious
-study of our relative conditions and their adaptation to the broader
-ones of country and civilization.
-
-"The Negro," by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Ph. D., No. 91 in the Home
-University Library of H. Holt & Co., New York, traces in twelve chapters
-the evolution of the race from Ethiopia and Egypt, from its original
-habitat, from the Cross and the Crescent to the period when the power
-and the influence of the race were generally recognized, up to the rise
-of the slave trade, with its blighting effect on conditions in the New
-World, and the introduction of the Negro Problem in the United States.
-Suggestions for further reading follow. An index and maps add to its
-adaptation and value.
-
-"Education of the Negro Before 1860," by Carter G. Woodson, Ph. D.
-(Macmillan), embraces the results of an intensive study of educational
-conditions prevalent in the United States from Colonial days to the
-Civil War. The influence of the Quaker, the Jesuit and the Abolitionist
-is traced to its fruitage, contributory to the laws which gave the
-public school system in the South. This book deserves to be consulted by
-the investigator and the student.
-
-"The Black Man's Burden," by William H. Holtzclaw, principal of the
-Utica (Miss.) N & I. Institute for the training of colored young men and
-women, is also a book of the year. The introduction is written by Booker
-T. Washington. It tells the story of the establishment of a school in
-the black belt of Mississippi hardly less thrilling though on a smaller
-scale than that of Tuskegee itself, of which the author is a graduate.
-
-Among publications of a sociological nature are "Colored People of
-Chicago, Ill.," L. H. Bowen; "Industries Among Negroes in St. Louis," by
-W. A. Crossland; "The Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delinquent,"
-by C. H. McChord; "Urban Conditions in Harlem," by E. F. Dycloff
-(Outlook, 108:949-54); ditto, by E. D. Jones (Outlook, 109:597); "Manual
-of Freedmen's Progress," by Francis H. Warren, Secretary of Freedmen's
-Progress Commission. This volume of 372 pages was authorized by Act 47,
-Public Acts of Michigan, 1915.
-
-Political conditions of the Negro Problem are discussed in the
-"Aftermath of the Civil War," by Powell Clayton; "Political History of
-Slavery," by J. Z. George; "Studies in South: Parties and Politics of
-Georgia," by C. M. Thompson; "President Lincoln's Attitude," by H. W.
-Wilbur; "Police Control in South Carolina," by H. M. Henry; "Slavery
-Early Heritage of the South"; "America's Greatest Problem," R. W.
-Shufeldt. Though all these are white authors, they are in an objective
-sense inclusive in an American Negro Bibliography.
-
-"Negro Wit and Humor," by. M. F. Harmon; "Mexico as an Asylum for the
-Negro," by O. M. Donaldson; "Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans,"
-by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois are other titles that reflect current thought.
-
-When we invade the realm of the magazine, the newspaper or other
-periodical we find a variety of topics and different, phases of the
-same general subject. The range discussed in the magazine intensifies
-popular thought to a greater degree than the reading of books by the
-relatively smaller number of individuals.
-
-"Thinking White Down South," in Outlook 111:9-10, does not on its face
-suggest its pertinence to this question.
-
-"My View of Segregation Laws," by Booker T. Washington, in New Republic,
-51:113-14.
-
-The Negro Exposition at Richmond is given greater prestige in the Review
-of Reviews (52:85-8) than elsewhere. "The Country's Attitude Towards the
-Negro," by Oswald G. Villard, in Nation (99:788-40), and the same
-publication (100:187-8); the conferring of the Spingarn medal to E. E.
-Just, member of this Academy; "The Education of the Mind of the Negro
-Child in School and Society" (1:357-60), and "The Southern Tribute to a
-Negro," in Dial (59:409-10).
-
-"Segregation and the Vote" embraces more than a third of fifty titles
-not otherwise mentioned. The recent opinion of the United States Supreme
-Court dealing with what is popularly known as the Grandfather clauses of
-Southern constitutions and statutes, is discussed in 8 Law and
-Bankruptcy, 8:236-6. The Literary Digest (Vol. 15:5) gives a symposium
-on the subject. The Nation prophesies the end of the Negro politically
-in 100 years (100:443 of April 12, 1915). The Independent on the other
-hand (Vol. 88:3-4), sees the wrong of these clauses righted. The Outlook
-in 110:486-7 (June 30, 1915), gives another view.
-
-.. image:: images/decorativeO.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative letter O (dropcap)
-
-Other ways of discrimination by which the purpose of the Fifteenth
-Amendment may yet be defeated will be found in "Everybody" (33:251-2).
-"The South and the Negro Vote" forms the title of an elaborate article
-in the North American Review, by J. C. Hemphill (202:213-19), while "Our
-Debt to the Negro" is the theme in Miss. R. 38:772. Sociological
-features, Homes and Housing, as a general proposition, is considered in
-Survey, 34:67, 158-9; Business Men, in 34:550; and Loosening of
-Louisiana, in 34:266-9. Titustown, a new community near Norfolk, Va.,
-is given special notice in 34:531, and B. T. Washington, in Conference,
-Charities and Correction, 1914:121-7.
-
-The Separate Coach Statutes and Their Constitutionality are discussed in
-Central Law Journal, 43:44 (January 15, 1915); 18 Law Notes, 182 213
-(January 7, 1915); 20 Va. Law Register, 781-785 (February 15, 1915).
-These will tend to such race discrimination as to affect Civil Rights,
-and as such are treated in 50 Nat. Cor. Reg., 595.
-
-"The Saloon as a Place of Public Amusement" is brought under review in
-49 Amer. Law Review, 131. "Segregation: A Burning Question in Southern
-Social Adjustments," is made the subject of an article by Philip A.
-Bruce, the well-known Southern author, in Hibberts Journal, 13 V.
-867-86. B. F. Benson, in Va. L. Reg. n. s. 330-356, treats the local
-segregation ordinances. Their application to rural Southern communities
-is the theme in Survey, 33:375-7. The constitutionality of these
-ordinances is briefly considered in 13 Mich. Rev., 599-600; in Harper's
-Weekly, 59:620, 1D. and in New Republic, November 22-29, 1915. "The
-Roots of the War in the Race Question" is a very illuminating article by
-W. E. B. Du Bois in the Atlantic Monthly for May.
-
-.. image:: images/decorativeT1.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative letter T (dropcap)
-
-Three notable books, the product of the year 1915, are deserving of
-special mention. They are all devoted to Negroes of the Eighteenth
-Century, and are the outcome of the activities, the enterprise and the
-research of the Twentieth Century, and that by white Americans. The
-titles are (1) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters) Poems and Letters:
-First Collected Edition," edited by Charles Fred Heartman, with an
-appreciation by Arthur A. Schomburg, 112 pages. Ben Day paper, 50 on
-Fabriano hand-made paper, and 10 on Japan vellum.
-
-(2) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters): A Critical Attempt and a
-Bibliography of Her Writings," by Charles Fred Heartman; 99 copies of
-this were printed by the author on Alexandra Japan paper. There are 50
-pages in this bibliography, from which we learn that there are 43
-titles of different editions of Phillis Wheatley's poems. The
-forty-third is that of six broadsides relating to Phillis Wheatley, with
-portrait and fac-simile of her handwritings; 25 copies of this were
-printed for the same publisher. They consist of four pages and eight
-productions on eight leaves.
-
-The last (3) item is certainly the most interesting. It flashes the name
-of Jupiter Hammon, a Negro belonging to Joseph Lloyd, of Queen's
-Village, on Long Island, now in Hartford. The title is "Jupiter Hammon:
-American Negro Poet. Selections From His Writings and a Bibliography."
-By Oscar Wegelin, with five fac-similes; 99 copies were printed for
-Charles Fred Heartman, New York, 1915. Jupiter Hammon was the first
-member of his race to write and publish poetry in this country. One of
-his poems was printed before Phillis Wheatley had written her first
-poem.
-
-This bibliography is slightly connected with that of books issued before
-the present year, such as "Negro Culture in West Africa," by George W.
-Ellis, 290 pages; "The Haitian Revolution From 1791 to 1804," by T. G.
-Steward, 292 pages; "The Facts of Reconstruction," by John R. Lynch, 326
-pages; "Out of the House of Bondage," by Kelly Miller, and "The Negro in
-American History," by John W. Cromwell, 296 pp. which have found places
-in some of the principal public libraries of the country.
-
-"Redder Blood," by William M. Ashby, published by the Neale Publishing
-Company, is described as a novel which, written in literary English and
-not in the jargon known as Negro dialect; a story told for the sake of
-the story and not a treatise under disguise. Its author, a Negro, is a
-graduate of Yale College.
-
-.. image:: images/decorativeT2.png
- :align: center
- :width: 19%
- :alt: decorative letter T (dropcap)
-
-.. topic:: Transcriber's Note
-
- Original spelling varieties have been maintained; footnotes
- were renumbered.
-
-|
-|
-|
-|
-|
-
-.. _pg_end_line:
-
-\*\*\* END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) \*\*\*
-
-.. backmatter::
-
-.. toc-entry::
- :depth: 0
-
-.. _pg-footer:
-
-A Word from Project Gutenberg
-=============================
-
-We will update this book if we find any errors.
-
-This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352
-
-Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one
-owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and
-you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
-permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set
-forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
-copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to
-protect the Project Gutenberg™ concept and trademark. Project
-Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge
-for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you do not
-charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is
-very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as
-creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research.
-They may be modified and printed and given away – you may do
-practically *anything* with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
-subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
-redistribution.
-
-
-.. _Project Gutenberg License:
-
-The Full Project Gutenberg License
-----------------------------------
-
-*Please read this before you distribute or use this work.*
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
-Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
-http://www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
-````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````
-
-**1.A.** By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by
-the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
-or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
-
-**1.B.** “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
-and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic
-works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-**1.C.** The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
-Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is in the public domain in the United
-States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a
-right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free
-access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works
-in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project
-Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with
-the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format
-with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it
-without charge with others.
-
-
-
-**1.D.** The copyright laws of the place where you are located also
-govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most
-countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the
-United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms
-of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-**1.E.** Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-**1.E.1.** The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
-on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
-phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
- This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
- almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
- re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
- with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org
-
-**1.E.2.** If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
-derived from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating
-that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work
-can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without
-paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing
-access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with
-or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements
-of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of
-the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in
-paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-**1.E.3.** If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and
-distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and
-any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
-this work.
-
-**1.E.4.** Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project
-Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a
-part of this work or any other work associated with Project
-Gutenberg™.
-
-**1.E.5.** Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute
-this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg™ License.
-
-**1.E.6.** You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other
-than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ web site
-(http://www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or
-expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a
-means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original
-“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include
-the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-**1.E.7.** Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-**1.E.8.** You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided
-that
-
-.. class:: open
-
-- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
- the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you
- already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to
- the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to
- donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg
- Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60
- days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally
- required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments
- should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg
- Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4,
- “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
- Archive Foundation.”
-
-- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
- you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
- does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
- License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
- copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
- all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
- works.
-
-- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
- any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
- electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
- receipt of the work.
-
-- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
- distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
-
-**1.E.9.** If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and
-Michael Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact
-the Foundation as set forth in Section 3. below.
-
-**1.F.**
-
-**1.F.1.** Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend
-considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe
-and proofread public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg™
-collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic
-works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
-“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
-corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
-property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
-computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
-your equipment.
-
-**1.F.2.** LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES – Except for the
-“Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the
-Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the
-Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a
-Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-**1.F.3.** LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND – If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-**1.F.4.** Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set
-forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS,’ WITH
-NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-**1.F.5.** Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-**1.F.6.** INDEMNITY – You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation,
-the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance
-with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™
-``````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````
-
-Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™'s
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain
-freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To
-learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and
-how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the
-Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org .
-
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-``````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
-http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf . Contributions to the
-Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to
-the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr.
-S. Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are
-scattered throughout numerous locations. Its business office is
-located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801)
-596-1887, email business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date
-contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at http://www.pglaf.org
-
-For additional contact information:
-
- | Dr. Gregory B. Newby
- | Chief Executive and Director
- | gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-```````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````
-
-Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without wide spread
-public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing
-the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely
-distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest array of
-equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to
-$5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status
-with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
-
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works.
-`````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````````
-
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg™
-concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
-with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
-Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the
-U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
-eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
-compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
-
-Corrected *editions* of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
-the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is
-renamed. *Versions* based on separate sources are treated as new
-eBooks receiving new filenames and etext numbers.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility:
-
- http://www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including
-how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
-Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe
-to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-
diff --git a/35352-rst/images/decorativeO.png b/35352-rst/images/decorativeO.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a577bdc..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/images/decorativeO.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-rst/images/decorativeT1.png b/35352-rst/images/decorativeT1.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c23ebb6..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/images/decorativeT1.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-rst/images/decorativeT2.png b/35352-rst/images/decorativeT2.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9667140..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/images/decorativeT2.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-rst/images/image1bird.png b/35352-rst/images/image1bird.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f452d8d..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/images/image1bird.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352-rst/images/image2tri.png b/35352-rst/images/image2tri.png Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 2d70c71..0000000 --- a/35352-rst/images/image2tri.png +++ /dev/null diff --git a/35352.txt b/35352.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 11f39b6..0000000 --- a/35352.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2816 +0,0 @@ - Papers of the American Negro Academy - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro -Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimke, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. -Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell - -Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: US-ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - -The Sex Question and Race Segregation - -BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE, President. - -Message of San Domingo to the African Race - -BY THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD, U. S. A. (Retired) - -Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - -BY LAFAYETTE M. HERSHAW. - -Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - -BY ARTHUR A. SCHOMBURG. - -The Status of the Free Negro from 1860 to 1870 - -BY WILLIAM PICKENS. - -American Negro Bibliography of the Year - -BY JOHN W. CROMWELL. - -The above Papers were all read at the Nineteenth Annual Meeting - -of the American Negro Academy, held in the Y.M.C.A. - -Building, 12th Street Branch, Washington, D.C. - -December 28th and 29th, 1915. - -PRICE: 25 CTS. - - - - -Table of Contents - - - - Archibald H. Grimke. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African - Race - - Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to - America - - William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from - 1860-1870 - - John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - - - -Archibald H. Grimke. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - -One wrong produces other wrongs as surely and as naturally as the seed -of the thorn produces other thorns. Men do not in the moral world gather -figs from a thorn-bush any more than they do in the vegetable world. -What they sow in either world, that they reap. Such is the law. The -earth is bound under all circumstances and conditions of time and place -to reproduce life, action, conduct, character, each after its own kind. -Men cannot make what is bad bring forth what is good. Truth does not -come out of error, light out of darkness, love out of hate, justice out -of injustice, liberty out of slavery. No, error produces more error, -darkness more darkness, hate more hate, injustice more injustice, -slavery more slavery. That which we do is that which we are, and that -which we shall be. - -The great law of reproduction which applies without shadow of change to -individual life, applies equally to the life of that aggregation of -individuals called a race or nation. Not any more than an individual can -they do wrong with impunity, can they commit a bad deed without reaping -in return the result in kind. There is nothing more certain than the -wrong done by a people shall reappear to plague them, if not in one -generation, then in another. For the consummation of a bad thought in a -bad act puts what is bad in the act beyond the control of the actor. The -evil thus escapes out of the Pandora-box of the heart, of the mind, to -reproduce and to multiply itself a hundredfold and in a hundred ways in -the complex relationships of men within human society. And then it -returns not as it issued singly, but with its related brood of ill -consequences: - - "But in these cases, - We still have judgment here; that we but teach - Bloody instructions, which being taught return - To plague the inventor: this even-handed justice - Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice - To our own lips." - -The ship which landed at Jamestown in 1619 with a cargo of African -slaves for Virginia plantations, imported at the same time into America -with its slave-cargo certain seed-principles of wrong. As the slaves -reproduced after their kind, so did these seed-principles of wrong -reproduce likewise after their kind. Wherever slavery rooted itself, -they rooted themselves also. The one followed the other with the -regularity of a law of nature, the invariability of the law of cause and -effect. As slavery grew and multiplied and spread itself over the land, -the evils begotten of slavery grew, and multiplied, and spread -themselves over the life of the people, black and white alike. The winds -which blew North carried the seeds, and the winds which blew South, and -wherever they went, wherever they fell, whether East or West, they -sprang up to bear fruit in the characters of men, in the conduct of a -growing people. - -The enslavement of one race by another necessarily produces certain -moral effects upon both races, moral deterioration of the masters, moral -degradation of the slaves. The deeper the degradation of the one, the -greater will be the deterioration of the other, and vice versa. Indeed, -slavery is a breeding-bed, a sort of compost heap, where the best -qualities of both races decay and become food for the worst. The brute -appetites and passions of the two act and react on the moral nature of -each race with demoralizing effects. The subjection of the will of one -race under such circumstances to the will of another begets in the race -that rules cruelty and tyranny, and in the one that is ruled, fear, -cunning and deceit. The lust, the passions of the master-class, act -powerfully on the lust, the passions of the slave-class, and those of -the slave-class react not less powerfully on the master-class. The -greater the cruelty, tyranny and lust of the one, the greater will be -the cunning, deceit and lust of the other. And there is no help for this -so long as the one race rules and the other race is ruled, so long as -there exists between them in the state inequality of rights, of -conditions, based solely on the race-hood of each. - -If two races live together on the same land and under the same -government as master and slave, or as superior and inferior, there will -grow up in time two moral standards in consequence of the two races -living together under such conditions. The master or superior race will -have one standard to regulate the conduct of individuals belonging to it -in respect to one another, and another standard to regulate the conduct -of those self-same individuals in respect to individuals of the slave or -inferior race. Action which would be considered bad if done by an -individual of the former race to another individual of the same race, -would not be regarded as bad at all, or at least in anything like the -same degree, if done to an individual of the latter race. On the other -hand, if the same offense were committed by an individual of the slave -or inferior race against an individual of the master or superior race, -it would not only be deemed bad, but treated as very bad. - -With the evolution of the double moral standard and its application to -the conduct of these two sets of individuals in the state, there grows -up in the life of both classes no little confusion in respect to moral -ideas, no little confusion in respect to ideas of right and wrong. Nor -is this surprising. The results of such a double standard of morals -could not possibly be different so long as human nature is what it is. -The natural man takes instinctively to the double standard, to any -scheme of morals which makes it easy for him to sin, and difficult for a -brother or enemy to do likewise. And this is exactly what our American -double standard does practically in the South for both races, but -especially for the dominant race, for example, in regard to all that -group of actions, which grows out of the relation of the sexes in -Southern society. - -What relations do the Southern males of the white race sustain to the -females of both races? Are these relations confined strictly to the -females of their own race? Or do they extend to the females of the black -race? Speaking frankly, we all know what the instinct of the male animal -is, and man after all, is physically a male animal. He is by nature one -of the most polygamous of male animals. There goes on in some form among -the human males, as among other males, a constant struggle for the -females. In polygamous countries each man obtains as many wives as he -can purchase and support. In monogamous countries he is limited by law -to one wife, whether he is able to maintain a plurality of wives or not. -When he marries this one woman the law defines his relations to her and -also to the children who may issue from such a union. But the man--I am -talking broadly--is at heart a polygamist still. The mere animal -instinct in his blood inclines him to run after, to obtain possession of -other wives. To give way to this inclination in monogamous countries he -knows to be attended with danger, to be fraught with sundry grievous -consequences to himself. He is liable to his wife, for example, to an -action for divorce on the ground of adultery. He is liable to be -prosecuted criminally on the same charge by the state, and to be sent to -prison for a term of years. But this is not the end of his troubles. -Public opinion, society, falls foul of him also in consequence of his -misconduct. He loses social recognition, the respect of his fellows, -becomes in common parlance a disgraced man. The one-wife country is -grounded on the inviolability of the Seventh Commandment. All the -sanctions of law, of morals, and of religion conspire to protect the -wife against the roving propensities of the husband, combine to curb his -male instinct to run after many women, to practice plural marriages. -There thus grows up in the breast of the race, is transmitted to each -man with the accumulated strength of social heredity, a feeling of -personal fear, a sense of moral obligation, which together war against -his male instinct for promiscuous sexual intercourse, and make for male -purity, for male fidelity to the one-wife idea, to the one-wife -institution. The birth of this wholesome fear in society is the -beginning of wisdom in monogamous countries. And unless this sense of -moral obligation is able to maintain its ascendancy in those countries, -the male sexual instinct to practice plural marriages will reassert -itself, will revert, if not openly, then secretly, to a state of nature, -to illicit relations. But every tendency to such reassertion, or -reversion, is effectively checked in a land where national morals are -sound, are pure, by wise laws which a strong, an uncompromising public -sentiment makes and executes impartially against all offenders. - -This is the case in respect to monogamous countries inhabited by a -homogeneous population. In such countries where there exist no -differences of race, where there is no such thing as a dominant and a -subject race, the national standard of morals is single, the sexual -problem is accordingly simple and yields readily, uniformly, to the -single standard regulation or treatment. The "Thou shalt not" of the law -applies equally to all males in their relations to all females in -general, and to the one female in particular. No confusion ensues in law -or in fact in respect to the subject, to the practical application of -the rule to the moral conduct of individuals. Fornication, adultery, -marriage and concubinage are not interpreted by public sentiment to mean -one thing for one class of individuals, and another thing for another -class under the same law. There are no legal double standards, no moral -double standards. The moral eye of society, under these circumstances, -is single, the legal eye of the state is likewise single, and the eye of -the whole people becomes, in consequence, full of moral light. Marriage -is held to be sacred by the state, by society, and adultery or the -breach of the marriage-vow or obligation is held accordingly to be -sacrilege, one of the greatest of crimes. - -The man who seduces another man's wife in such a society, in such a -state, is regarded as an enemy by society, by the state, and is dealt -with as such. Likewise the man who seduces another man's daughter. For -this crime the law has provided penalties which the wrong-doer may not -escape. And it matters not whether the seducer be rich and powerful, or -the girl poor and ignorant, the state, society respects not his wealth -nor his power. His status in respect to her is fixed by law, and hers -also in respect to him. While in the event of issue arising from such a -union, the law establishes certain relations between the child and the -putative father. It enables the mother to procure a writ against him, -and in case of her success he will be thereupon bound to support the -child during a certain number of years. The state, society, does not yet -compel him to give his name to the innocent offspring of his illicit -act, but it does compel him to provide for it proper maintenance. Thus -has the state, society, in monogamous countries restrained within bounds -the sexual activity of the human male, evolving in the process a code of -laws and one of morals for this purpose. These codes are administered -impartially, equally, by the state, by society, over all of the males in -their relation to all of the females. - -In monogamous countries where two races live side by side, one dominant, -the other subject, the single legal standard, the single moral standard, -yields in practice if not in theory to the double standard in law and -morals in respect to the sexual question. In the ensuing confusion of -moral ideas, of moral obligations, the male instinct gains in freedom -from restraints of law, of social conventions, and reverts in -consequence and to that extent to a state of nature, of natural -marriage. The legal and moral codes which regulate the relations of the -males of one race with the females of the same race are not applicable -in regulating the relations of those self-same males with the females of -the other race. Marriage in such a country has regard to the males and -females of the same race, not to those of different races. The crime of -adultery or of fornication undergoes the same gross modification. For in -such a land the one-wife idea, the one-wife institution has reference to -the individuals of the same race only, not to individuals of opposite -races. The "Thou shalt not" of the law, public opinion interprets to -refer to the sexual conduct of the males and females of the same race in -respect to one another, _i. e._, a male member of the dominant race must -limit his roving propensities wherever the females of his own race are -concerned. He need not under this same law, interpreted by this same -public opinion, curb to the same extent those roving propensities where -the females of the other race are concerned. He may live in licit -intercourse with a woman of his own race and at the same time live in -illicit intercourse with a woman of the other race, _i. e._, without -incurring the pains and penalties made by the state, by society, against -such an offense in case the second woman be of his own race. Neither the -law nor public opinion puts an equal value on the chastity of the women -of the two races. Female chastity in the so-called superior race is -rated above that in the so-called inferior race. Hence the greater -protection accorded to the woman of the first class over that accorded -to the woman of the second class. The first class has well-defined legal -and moral rights which the men of that class are bound to respect, -rights which may not be violated with impunity. Here we encounter one of -the greatest dangers attendant upon race segregation, where the two -races are not equal before the law, where public opinion makes and -enforces one law for the upper race, and practically another law for the -under race. - -Under these circumstances a male member of the dominant race may seduce -the wife of a member of the subject race, or a daughter, without -incurring any punishment except at the hands of the man wronged by him. -Such a wrong-doer would not be indicted or tried for adultery or -seduction, nor could the wronged husband or father recover from him -damages in a suit at law, nor yet could a bastardy suit be brought by -the girl against him with any show of success for the support of his -child, were issue to be born to her from such illicit union. The men of -the dominant race find themselves thus in a situation where the law, -public opinion, provides for their exclusive possession the women of -their own race, and permits them at the same time to share with the men -of the subject race possession of the women of that race. The sexual -activity of the men of the first class approaches in these conditions to -a state of nature in respect to the women of the second class. They are -enabled, therefore, to select wives from the stronger race, and -mistresses from the weaker one. The natural law of sexual selection -determines the mating in the one case as truly as in the other, _i. e._, -in the case of concubinage as in that of marriage. The men of the upper -class fall in love with the women whom they have elected to become their -wives, they also fall in love with the women they have elected to become -their concubines. They go through all those erotic attentions to the -women of each class, which are called courtship in the language of -sexual love. Only in the case of women of the first class this courtship -is open, visible to the eye of the upper world of the dominant race, -while in the case of the women of the second class it is secret, -conducted in a corner of the lower world of the subject race. - -These men build homes in the upper world where are installed their -wives, who beget them children in lawful wedlock; they likewise build -homes in the lower world, where are installed their concubines, who -beget them children in unlawful wedlock. The wives move, have their -being in the upper world and sustain to their husbands certain -well-defined rights and relations, social and legal. The children of -this union sustain to those fathers equally clear and definite rights -and relations in the eye of the law, in the eye of society. The law, -society, imposes on them, these husbands and fathers, certain -well-defined duties and obligations in respect to these children, these -wives, which may not be evaded or violated with impunity. These men -cannot therefore disown or desert their wives and children at will. -Whereas, such is not the case, is not the situation, in respect to the -unlawful wives hidden away in a corner of the under-world, or of that of -the children begotten to those men by these unlawful wives, but quite -the contrary. For them the law, society, does not intervene, does not -establish any binding relations, any reciprocal rights between those -women and children and the men, any more than if the men and the women -were living together in a state of nature and having children born to -them in such a state, where the will of the natural man is law, where -his sexual passion measures exactly the extent and the duration of his -duties and obligations in respect to his offspring and the mother of -them. When he grows weary of the mother he goes elsewhere, and forgets -that he ever had children by her. - -This is the case, is the situation, in the under-world of the under -race. For down there, there is no law, no public opinion, to curb the -gratification of the sexual instinct of the men of the upper world, such -as exists and operates so effectively to curb those instincts in that -upper world. In the upper world these men may have but one wife each, -but in the lower one they may have as many concubines as they like, and -a different set of children by each concubine. They may have these women -and children in succession, or they may have them at the same time. For -there is in that under-world no law, no effective power to say to those -men, to their lust of the flesh: "Thus far and no farther." In the upper -world they are members of a civilized society, amenable to its codes of -law and morals; in the lower one, they are merely male animals -struggling with other male animals for the possession of the females. On -the dim stage of the under-world this is the one part that they play. In -this one sensual role they make their entrances and their exits. They -may have in the upper world achieved distinction along other lines of -human endeavor, but in the lower one, they achieve the single -distinction of being successful male animals in pursuit of the females. - -So much for the males of the dominant race. Now for those of the subject -race. How do they conduct themselves at this morally chaotic -meeting-place of the two races? What effect does this sexual freedom, -spawned under such conditions, produce on their life, on their actions? -Like the men of the upper race, they, too, live in a monogamous country. -But unlike their male rivals, these men of the under-world are not free -to seek their mates from the women of both races. The law restricts -them, public opinion restricts them, the men of the dominant race -restrict them in this regard to the women of their own race. Around the -women of the dominant race, law, public opinion, the men of that race, -have erected a high wall which the men of the other race are forbidden -to climb. What do these men see in respect to themselves in view of this -triply-built wall? They see that while they share the women of their own -race with the men of the other race, that these same men enjoy exclusive -possession of their own women, thanks to the high wall, built by law, by -public opinion, and the strong arms of these self-same men. What do the -men of the under world? Do they struggle against this sexual supremacy -of the men of the upper world, or do they succumb to circumstances, -surrender unconditionally to the high wall? We shall presently see. - -This racial inequality generates heat in masculine breasts in the under -world. And with this heat there ensues that fermentation of thought and -feeling which men call passion. Those submerged men begin to think -sullenly on the subject, they try to grasp the equities of the -situation. As thought spreads among them, feeling spreads among them -also. About their own women they see no fence, about the women of the -other race they see that high wall. They cannot think out to any -satisfactory conclusion the justice of that arrangement, cannot -understand why the women of the upper race should belong exclusively to -the men of that race, and why these self-same men should share jointly -with the men of the lower race the women of this race. - -The more they strike their heads against this one-sided arrangement, the -less they like it, the more they rebel against it. And so they come to -grope dimly for some means to oust their rivals from this -joint-ownership of the women of the lower race. And when they fail, -feeling kindles into anger, and anger into resentment. Against this -inequality of conditions a deepening sense of wrong burns hotly within -them. Dark questionings assail their rude understandings. Have the men -of the upper race their exclusive preserves, then ought not the men of -the lower race to have their exclusive preserves also? Is it a crime, -has law, public opinion, the men of the upper race made it a crime for -the men of the lower race to poach on those preserves? Then the law, -public opinion, the men of the lower race ought to make it equally a -crime for the men of the upper race to poach on the preserves of the -other race. But law, public opinion, refuses to make the two acts equal -in criminality and the men of the lower race are powerless to do so -without the help of equal laws and administration, and a just public -sentiment. Baffled of their purpose to establish equality of conditions -between them and their rivals, they thereupon watch the ways of these -rivals. They see them descending into the lower world in pursuit of the -women of that world by means that are crooked and ways that are dark. A -few of the men in that lower world profiting by that villainous -instruction, endeavor to ascend into the upper world by the same crooked -means, by the same dark ways. For they affect to believe that what is -sauce for one race's goose is sauce for the other race's gander. Thus it -is attempted craftily, but, in the main, futilely, to strike a sort of -primitive balance between the men of the two races in respect to the -women of the two races. - -Now no such balance can be struck by the unaided acts of the men of the -lower race. Without the co-operation of the women of the upper race -these men are helpless to scale the high wall, or to make the slightest -breach in it. The law, public opinion, the men of the upper race, render -such co-operation very difficult, well-nigh impossible, did there exist -any disposition on the part of the women of the upper race to give aid -and comfort for such a purpose to the men of the lower race. But as a -matter of fact, and speaking broadly, there exists no such disposition. -The law of sexual selection does not operate under the circumstances to -make the men of the lower race sufficiently attractive to the women of -the upper race. It is possible that in a state of nature, and under -other circumstances, the case might be different. But under present -conditions the sexual gravitation of the women of the upper world toward -the men of the lower world may be set down as infinitesimally small, -practically a negligible quantity. Everything in the state, in society, -in deep-rooted racial prejudices, in the vastly inferior social and -economic standing of the lower race and the ineffaceable dishonor which -attaches to such unions in the public mind, together with the actual -peril to life which attends them, all combine to discourage, to destroy -almost any inclination in that direction on the part of the women of the -upper race. - -Now, while this is true, speaking broadly, it is not altogether so. For -in scattered individual cases, in spite of the difficulties and dangers, -the law of sexual selection has been known to operate between those two -worlds. A few women of the upper world, on the right side of the high -wall have been drawn to a few men in the lower world, on the wrong side -of that wall. By the connivance, or co-operation of such women the men -of their choice have climbed into the upper world, climbed into it over -the high wall by means that were secret and ways that were dark. As one -swallow does not, however, make summer, neither can these scattered -instances, few and far between, be cited to establish any general -affinity between the women of the upper race and the men of the lower -race. On examination they will be seen to be exceptions, which only -prove the rule of a want of sexual affinity between them under existing -conditions at least. Practically a well-nigh impassable gulf, to change -the figure, separates the men of the lower world from the women of the -upper one. The men as a class can not bridge that gulf, and the women as -a class have no desire to do so. This, then, is the actual situation: -the men of the upper world enjoy practically exclusive possession of the -women of that world, while the men of the lower world do not enjoy -exclusive possession of the women of their world, but share this -possession with the men of the upper world. - -The effect that is produced in consequence of this state of things on -the morals of the men of the lower world, is distinctly and decidedly -bad. Such conditions, such a situation, could not possibly produce a -different effect so long as human nature is what it is. And the human -nature of each race is essentially the same. The morals of the men of -the two worlds will be found at any given time to be almost exactly -alike in almost every particular. For the morals of the men of the lower -world are in truth a close imitation of those of the men of the upper -world--closest not where those morals are at their best, but where they -are at their worst. This will be found to be the case every time. So -that it happens that where the morals of the men of the upper world are -bad, those of the men of the lower world will not be merely bad, but -very bad. There follows naturally, inevitably, under these circumstances -and in consequence of these conditions, widespread debauchery of the -morals of the women of the lower race. And for this there is absolutely -no help, no remedy, just so long as the law and public opinion maintain -such a demoralizing state of things. - -If there exists no affinity between the men of the lower world and the -women of the upper world, there does then exist a vital connection -between the masculine morals of the two worlds. These morals are in -constant interaction, one upon the other. When the moral barometer falls -in the upper world, it falls directly in the lower one also. And as the -storm of sensuality passes over both worlds simultaneously, its -devastating effects will always fall heaviest on the lower one where the -women of that world form the center of its greatest activity. Whatever -figure the moral barometer registers in the lower world, it will -register a corresponding one in the upper, and this whether the -barometer be rising or falling. If the moral movement be downward in the -lower world, it will be downward in the upper, and if it be upward in -the upper, it will be upward in the lower and vice versa. - -In view of the vital connection then between the morals of the two races -the moral regeneration of either must of necessity include both. At one -and the same time the work ought to start in each and proceed along -parallel lines in both. The starting-point for each is the abolition of -the double moral standard, and the substitution in law and in public -opinion of a single one, applicable alike to the conduct of both. -Otherwise every reformatory movement is from the beginning doomed to -failure, to come to naught in the end. For the roots of the moral evil -which exists under present conditions and by virtue of them cannot be -extirpated without first changing those conditions. - -The morals of the two races in default of such change of conditions must -sink in consequence from bad to worse. They cannot possibly rise in -spite of such conditions. - -I have now discussed the subject of the contact of two races living -together on the same land and on terms of inequality, in its relations -to the morals of the men of those races. It yet remains to consider the -same subject in its relations to the conduct of the women. What is the -effect of such contact, to be specific, on the women of the two races in -the South? And first, what is it on white women? Do these women know of -the existence of the criminal commerce which goes on between the world -of the white man and that of the colored woman? And if so, are they -cognizant of its extent and magnitude. They do perceive, without doubt, -what it must have been in the past from the multitude of the mixed -bloods who came down to the South from the period before the war, or the -abolition of slavery. Such visible evidence not even a fool could refuse -to accept at its full face value. And the white women of the South are -not fools. Far from it. They have eyes like other women, and ears, and -with them they see and hear what goes on about them. Their intelligence -is not deceived in respect to appearance and underlying causes. -Certainly they are not ignorant of the fact that a Negro can no more -change his skin than a leopard his spots. When therefore they see black -mothers with light-colored children, they need not ask the meaning of -it, the cause of such apparent wonder. For they know to their sorrow its -natural explanation, and whence have come all the mulattoes and -quadroons and octoroons of the South. And to these women this knowledge -has been bitterer than death. The poisoned arrow of it long ago entered -deep into their souls. And the hurt, cruel and immedicable, rankles in -the breasts of those women today, as it rankled in the breasts of their -mothers of a past long vanished. - -What, pray, is engendered by all of this widespread but suppressed -suffering transmitted, as a bitter heritage for generations, by Southern -mothers to Southern daughters? What but bitter hatred of the black woman -of the South by the white woman of the South. How is this hatred -expressed? In a hundred ways and by a hundred means. One cannot keep -down a feeling of pity for a large class of women in the South who -cannot meet in street, or store, or car, a well-dressed and comely -colored girl without experiencing a pang of suspicion, a spasm of fear. -For there arises unbidden, unavoidably, in the minds of such women the -ugly question, whose daughter is she, and whose mistress is she to be? -For in the girl's veins may flow the proudest blood of the South. And -this possibility, aye, probability, so shameful to both races, no one in -the South knows better than the Southern white woman. What happens? The -most natural thing in the world, but not the wisest. The hatred, the -suspicion, the fear of these women find expression in scorn, in active -ill-will, not only toward that particular girl, but toward her whole -class as well. They are all put under the ban of this accumulated -hatred, suspicion and fear. - -A hostility, deep-seated and passionate as that which proceeds from -white women as a class toward black women as a class, shoots beyond the -mark and attacks indiscriminately all colored women without regard to -character, without regard to standing or respectability. It is enough -that they belong to the black race; ergo, they are bad, ergo, they are -dangerous. All this bitter hatred of the women of one race by the women -of the other race has borne bitter fruit in the South in merciless class -distinctions, in hard and fast caste-lines, designed to limit contact of -the races there to the single point where they come together as superior -and inferior. Hence the South has its laws against intermarriage, and -for separating the races in schools, in public libraries, in churches, -in hotels, in cars, in waiting rooms, on steamboats, in hospitals, in -poorhouses, in prisons, in graveyards. Thus it is intended to reduce the -contact of the races to a minimum, to glut at the same time the hatred -of the white women of the South toward the black women of the South, and -to shut the men of each race from the women of the other race. But how -foolish are all these laws, how futile are all these class distinctions! -Do they really effect the separation of the races? They do not, they -cannot under existing conditions. What then do they? They do indeed -separate the world of the white man and woman from the colored man and -woman, but they fail utterly to separate the world of the colored woman -from the white man. - -The joint fear of the white woman and the white man is incorporated -today in every State of the South in laws interdicting marriage between -the races. But do these laws put an end to the sexual commerce which -goes on between the world of the white man and that of the colored -woman? Have they checked perceptibly this vile traffic between these two -worlds? They have not nor can they diminish or extinguish this evil. On -the contrary, because they divide the two worlds, because they uphold -this legal separation of the races, they provide a secret door, a dark -way between the two worlds, between the two races, which the men of the -upper world open at will and travel at pleasure. For they hold the key -to this secret door, the clue to this dark way. Such preventive measures -are in truth but a repetition of the fatal folly of the ostrich when it -is afraid. For then while this powerful bird takes infinite pains to -cover its insignificant front lines, it leaves unprotected its widely -extended rear ones, and falls accordingly an easy victim to the enemy -which pursues it. The real peril of an admixture of the races in the -South lies not in intermarriage, but in concubinage, lies through that -secret door which connects the races, the key to which is in the hands -of the white men of the South. It is they who first opened it, and it is -they who continue to keep it open. Were it not for the folly of the -white women of the South, it might yet be closed and sealed. The folly -of the white women of the South is their hatred, their fear of the -colored women of the South. They first think to rid themselves of the -rivalry of the second class by excluding them from the upper world, by -shutting them securely within the limits of the lower one. But these -women forget the existence of that secret door, of the hidden way. They -forget also the hand that holds the key to the one and the clue to the -other. That hand is the hand of the white man; it is certainly not the -hand of the colored woman. - -Is it not the white woman of the South more than any other agency, or -than all other agencies put together, who are responsible for the -existence of a public sentiment in the South which makes it legally -impossible for a colored girl to obtain redress from the white man who -betrayed her, or support from him for his bastard child? The white woman -of the South thus outlaws, thus punishes her black rival. But what does -such outlawry accomplish, what such punishment? What do they but add -immensely to the strength of the white man's temptation by making such -illicit intercourse safe for him to indulge in? Thanks to the white -woman's mad hatred of the colored woman, to her insane fear of her -colored rival, the white man of the South is enabled to practice with -singular impunity this species of polygamy. For the penalties against -the adulterer, against the fornicator, which the law provides, which -public opinion provides, for him in the upper world, he well knows will -not be called down on his head were the acts of adultery or fornication -committed by him in the lower world. It is a sad fact and a terrible -one, sad for both races and terrible for the women of both races in the -actual and potential wickedness of it. No colored girl, however, cruelly -wronged by a white man in the South will be able to obtain an iota of -justice at the hands of that man in any court of law in any Southern -State, or to get the slightest hearing or sympathy for her cause at the -bar of Southern public opinion. Were she to enter the upper world of the -white woman with such a case against some white man, who but the -Southern white woman would be the first to drive her back into her -world? But unless she is not only allowed but encouraged to emerge out -of her world with the shameful fruit of her guilty life and love, and so -to confront her white paramour or betrayer in his world, how is the -lower world ever to rid itself of such as she, or the upper one of such -as he? In the segregation and outlawry of the black woman under such -conditions lie the white woman's greatest danger, lie the white race's -greatest danger from admixture of the races, lies the South's greatest -danger to its morals. For through such segregation and outlawry run the -white man's way to the black woman's world, and therefore to -miscegenation of the races, to their widespread moral degradation and -corruption. Amalgamation is not therefore made hard, but appallingly -easy. - -But there is another aspect to this side of the subject which must not -be entirely ignored, and that is the existence in a few instances of -illicit relations between some white women and some colored men in the -South. That such relations have existed in the past and do actually -exist there at the present time, there is absolutely no doubt whatever. -In certain localities these relations, although known or suspected, have -been tolerated, while in general as soon as they are discovered or -suspected they have been broken up by mobs who murder the black -participants when they are caught, sometimes on trumped-up charges of -having committed the "usual crime." The existence of such relations is -not so strange or incredible as may be supposed at first hearing of -them. For it is a fact hardly less curious, if not so strange, that -there are men who while they would not think of marrying into a class -beneath them would nevertheless live readily enough in a state of -concubinage with women of that class. And in this upper class there are -women, not many, it is true, who would do the same thing. They care -enough for the men in the class beneath them to enter into illicit -relations in secret with them, but not enough to enter into licit -relations with these same men in the open, in the gaze of a scornful and -horrified world. Has it ever been seriously considered that like father -may occasionally produce like daughter in the South? And that such moral -lapses by a few white women of that section may be accounted for in part -at least by that mysterious law of atavism? The sons are like their -fathers in respect to their fondness for colored women, why may not one -daughter in, say, ten thousand, resemble those fathers in that same -shameful, though not altogether unnatural respect? Do not such -instances, few and far between at present though they be, furnish matter -for thoughtful people of the South regardless of sex, race or color? - -Have the white women of the South considered that under existing -conditions they are deprived of effective influence, of effective power, -to reform the morals of the men of their race? And that unless the -morals of the men are reformed the morals of the whole white race will -eventually decline? If the women fail to lift the level of the moral -life of their men to their own higher plane, the lower morals of the men -will drag downward ultimately to their level that of the women. From -this inevitable conclusion and consequence there is no possible escape. -But the white women of the South are powerless to lift the morals of -their men without lifting at the same time the morals of the women of -the black race. If, however, they steadily refuse to do so in the -future, as they have refused to do so in the past, and as they refuse to -do so today by the only sure means which can and will contribute -mightily to effect such a purpose, viz., by making the black women their -equals before the law, and at the bar of an enlightened public -sentiment, and these women remain in consequence where they are today, a -snare to the feet of white men, when these men trip over this snare into -the hell of the senses, they will drag downward slowly but surely with -them toward the level of these self-same black women the moral ideals if -not the moral life of the white women of the South. - -And now a final word about the black woman of the South: She holds in -her keeping the moral weal or woe, not only of her own race, but of the -white race also. As she stands today in respect to the white man of the -South, her situation is full of peril to both races. For she lives in a -world where the white man may work his will on her without let or -hindrance, outside of law, outside of the social code and moral -restraints which protect the white woman. This black woman's extra-legal -position in the South, and her extra-social status there, render her a -safe quarry for the white man's lust. And she is pursued by him for -immoral ends without dread of ill consequences to himself, either legal -or social. If she resists his advances, and in many cases she does -resist them, he does not abate his pursuit, but redoubles it. Her -respectability, her very virtue, makes her all the more attractive to -him, spurs the more his sensual desire to get possession of her person. -He tracks her, endeavors to snare her in a hundred dark ways and by a -hundred crooked means. On the street, in stores, in cars, going to and -from church, she encounters this man, bent on her ruin. Into her very -home his secret emissaries may attack her with their temptation, with -their vile solicitation. Nowhere is she safe, free from his pursuit, -because no law protects her, no moral sentiment casts about her person -the aegis of its power. And when haply dazed by the insignia of his -superior class, or his wealth, or the magic of his skin, or the creature -comforts which he is able to offer her, she succumbs to his embrace and -enters the home to which he invites her, she becomes from that time -outlawed in both worlds, a moral plague-spot in the midst of both races. -For she begins then to reproduce herself, her wretched history, her sad -fate, in the more wretched history, in the sadder fate of her daughters. -And so in her world of the senses, of the passions, she enacts in a sort -of vicious circle the moral tragedy of two races. If the white man works -the moral ruin of her and hers, she and they in turn work upon him and -his a moral ruin no less sure and terrible. - -What is the remedy? It is certainly not the segregation of the races in -a state of inequality before the law. For such segregation exists today. -It has existed to the hurt of both races in the past. It is the fruitful -parent of fearful woes at the present time, and will be the breeder of -incalculable mischief for both races, for the South, and for the nation -itself, in the future. The remedy lies not then in racial segregation -and inequality, for that is the disease, but in interracial comity and -equality. The double moral standard has to be got rid of as quickly as -possible, and a single one erected in its stead, applicable alike to the -men and women of both races. The moral world of the white man and that -of the black woman must be merged into one by the ministers of law and -religion, by an awakened public conscience, and by an enlightened and -impartial public sentiment, which is the great promoter and upholder of -individual and national righteousness. The black woman of the South must -be as sacredly guarded as a woman by Southern law and public opinion -against the sexual passion and pursuit of the Southern white man as is -the Southern white woman. Such equality of condition, of protection, in -the South is indispensable to any lasting improvement in the morals of -its people, white or black. If that section persists in sowing -inequality instead of equality between the races, it must continue to -gather the bitter fruits of it in the darkened moral life, in the low -moral standard of both races. For what the South sows, whether it be -cotton or character, that it will surely reap. - - - - -Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African Race - - - "The mention of that name, San Domingo," says McMaster, "calls - up the recollection of one of the finest colonies, of one of the - noblest struggles for liberty, of one of the grandest men, and - of one of the foulest deeds in the history of revolutionary - France."[1] - - - [1] History of the American People, John Bach McMaster Vol. III, p. - 215. - -The part that the inhabitants of that island took in our war of -independence, I have related previously in a paper read before this -body. (No. 5.) I may quote in substance from that paper the following -facts. - -The record given by Minister Rush secured in Paris in 1849, and -preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society states that a legion of -colored troops from San Domingo saved the American army from -annihilation by bravely covering its retreat in the disastrous repulse -which it met in Savannah in 1779. This legion was composed of about 800 -freedmen, black and mulatto, and was known as Fontages' Legion. They had -freely volunteered, and had accompanied D'Estaing from Port-au-Prince, -and as the Haitian historians say, they came to our shores and covered -themselves with glory in the cause of freedom. Among the men named as -winning distinction in that critical action were: Andre Rigaud, -Beauvais, Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert and Christophe. How many of the -brave men of that legion gave up their lives in the cause of American -independence is not known; but we do know that some colored martyrs from -San Domingo, poured out their blood along with that of the colored -patriots of our own country as a libation to American freedom. The -meagre record states that Christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound; -how many others were wounded or even slain we do not know. - -A few years later, and after the revolution in their own island, a -strong contingent went forth from there to the aid of Bolivar in -Venezuela, and by their timely and effective co-operation converted -Bolivar's overwhelming defeat into victory. But for the modesty and -state policy of Petion, his own name would have been associated with -that of Bolivar in the liberation of South America.[2] During Cuba's -recent struggles the Haitian people manifested the liveliest interest -and sympathy in the efforts of the Cuban patriots. - - [2] A monument to Petion has been set up in the public square of - Caracas. - -These glimpses are sufficient to show that from some cause and by some -means, the colored people of San Domingo had acquired an appreciation of -freedom including more than the mere desire to be free from slavery. The -revolt against slavery, however, was their most notable manifestation of -their love of liberty. Petion in his consultation with Bolivar after the -latter's defeat before mentioned, insisted that on renewing his efforts -he should proclaim the freedom of all the slaves as a first step. -Bolivar in his letter to Petion replying to this suggestion said: "In my -proclamation to the inhabitants of Venezuela, and in the decree that I -shall issue announcing liberty to the slaves, I do not know that it will -be permitted to me to demonstrate the real sentiment of my heart toward -Your Excellency, and to leave to posterity an undying monument to your -philanthropy." He then asked if he might make known the fact that wise -counsel and material aid had been furnished him by the infant black -Republic. - -Petion's reply was as follows: "You know, general, my sentiments toward -the cause that you have the valor to defend and also toward yourself -personally. You surely must feel how ardently I desire to see the -oppressed delivered from the yoke of bondage; but because of certain -diplomatic obligations which I am under toward a nation that has not as -yet taken an offensive attitude toward the republic, I am obliged to ask -you not to make public the aid I have given you, nor to mention my name -in any of your official documents." - -Toussaint L'Ouverture in his first proclamation to the self-emancipated -slaves of his country, and to those still in bondage, says: "It is my -desire that liberty and equality shall reign in Saint Domingo. I am -striving to this end. Come and unite with us, Brothers, and combat with -us for the same cause." - -Liberty and equality then reigned in the French mind and however vague -the idea which had found lodgment in the brain of the San Domingo blacks -and mulattos, it was nevertheless sufficiently entrancing to call them -from the depths of the inferno in which they were cast and to tempt them -to essay the dizziest heights. At a later period this most remarkable -man in explaining the object for which he was contending, defined his -idea of liberty in words worthy of that greatest statesman, soldier and -patriot that has adorned the Negro Race in modern times.[3] He said: "It -is not a liberty of circumstance, conceded to us alone, that we wish; it -is the adoption of the principle absolute that no man, born red, black -or white, can be the property of his fellow man." - - [3] "But Bonaparte's plans were doomed to encounter an obstacle in the - most remarkable man of negro blood known to modern history. - Toussaint L'Ouverture was the descendant, he claimed, of an African - chieftain. Highly endowed by nature, he had obtained an excellent - education, and had gradually, though born a slave, cultivated his - innate power of leadership until all the blacks of San Domingo - regarded him with affection and awe."--Sloan's Napoleon, Vol. II, - pages 236-237. - -Thus spoke Toussaint L'Ouverture, the man of whom Lamartine says: "After -God, this man was a nation;" thus he spoke in 1799, a time when all the -nations of the earth were themselves slaves to slavery. To this black -man was given to see the truth; to them it was not given. - -We are now, I trust, prepared to estimate that thirteen years' struggle -which went on in that island, during which the tidal wave of -destruction, torture, and death, swept the land from side to side, and -from end to end, inundating everything except the indomitable spirit of -the humble people to whom the heavens of freedom had been opened. Truly -does MacMaster class it among the noblest struggles for liberty. I -cannot detail that mighty struggle here. For the history of those -thirteen eventful years, for the instructive and thrilling story of -those heroic black men who garlanded our race, I must refer you to my -book on the Haitian Revolution from 1791 to 1804. - -We may pause here at the close of this awful period and stand in the -proud presence of these triumphant black heroes, as the last of their -enemies sail slowly away as prisoners of war. With the new flag floating -over the fortresses of the Cape, and the victorious army well-equipped -and intact, it is Dessalines, the intrepid Dessalines, never beaten in -battle, never surprised in camp, who in the name of the black people and -Men of Color of Saint Domingo announces: - -"The Independence of Saint Domingo is Proclaimed. - "Restored to our primitive dignity, we have asserted[4] our - rights; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth." - -These were the words of war-worn veterans with swords still unsheathed. - - [4] "Asserting their liberties as men, he (Toussaint L'Ouverture) and - his fellow slaves rose against their masters and a servile War - insued." Sloan, ibid. - -They have proclaimed independence, they must now take up the task of -government. For this work their training hitherto had been the worst -possible, while their anthropological and sociological condition was -most unfavorable. Among them were represented fourteen different African -tribes,--coming from widely separated territory in their native land and -differing in customs and language.[5] Besides these diversities there -was also a positive and assertive element of mulattos, some of whom had -been slaveholders, and, what was worse still, the country had but -recently emerged from a war of caste, a war between blacks and mulattos, -more cruel than the war between the Lancastrians and Yorkists in -England, and much more pernicious in the hates it bequeathed. - - [5] "C'etaient des hommes tires de regiones fort differentes de - l'Afrique equatoriale ou equinoxiale. En partant du nord du - continent noir, des Senegalais, des Yolofs, des Foulahs, des - Bambaras, des Mandingoes, des Bissagots, des Sofas se - rencontraient, pele mele, dans les marches a esclaves de la - colonie. Au sud de Sierra-Leone, on embarquait pour Saint-Domingue - des negres de la Cote d'Or, dont les Aradas, les Socos, les - Fantins, les Caplaous, les Mines et les Agones. De la Cote des - Esclaves on a tire les Cotocolis, les Popos, les Fidas ou Foedas. - Viennet ensuite les Haousas, les Ibos, les Nagos; les Congos tires - de la cote du Congo ou d'Angola, partages en sous-divisions de - Congos-May youmbes, Congos-Moussombes et Mondongues. De l'Afrique - orientale ont ete tires les negres de la cote de Mosambique, dont - les Mosambiques proprement dits, les Quiriams et les Quilos, Quilos - et les Montifiats." - - "M. Roosevelt, president des etats-Unis et la Republique d'Haiti," - par A. Firmin, published 1905, p. 232-233. - - "Here in Haiti, there are recognizable traces of fourteen different - African tribes." Bishop Holly. "Haitian Revolution," T. A. Steward, - p. 282. - -The government set up could but be a military oligarchy. It is well -known that there can be no such thing as personal liberty unless there -is what may be termed a sovereignty apart from, behind and above the -government.[6] With us that power behind the government, that -sovereignty, is the people; but in Haiti in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing as people in a political sense. There -were population, army, government, but not people. Their condition was -like that of the Europeans generally during the Middle ages. In Europe -there were populations, subjects, governments, vassals, tenants, serfs, -slaves, soldiers, knights and lords, but not people. By people -politically, we mean a body held together by some internal bond, by a -spiritual consensus. Perhaps to this extent the Haitian population of -1804 might be vaguely called a people. But the idea of people -politically includes also that this body must have a common -consciousness of fundamental right, and a common sense of necessary -duty; and then possess force of character adequate to the attainment of -these rights and the fulfilment of this duty. Rights precede duty; and -not vice versa. When complete the idea of people is that body which -holds in its hands the sovereignty. Governments are divine, but are -created by evolution, coming to us as comes our daily bread, through -divinely appointed processes. Rights like the ground, are a natural -endowment; government like bread is a production. It is no reflection -upon Haiti to state the historic fact that in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing on her soil as people, in a political -sense. The idea and the love of liberty were there and the frequent -revolutions that have beset her pathway during the century of her -existence attest the continued presence of that spirit. The problem of -reconciling government with liberty is still unsolved. Even our own -country which in this respect is in advance of all others is at this -moment, according to Professor Burgess, stumbling in this process. - - [6] "The Reconciliation of Government with Liberty" by John Burgess, - 1915. The whole volume, Especially pp. 148-149. - -The Haitian "people," then, employing the word in the popular sense were -but recently from barbarism, and the little education they had received -politically had been obtained through war; an excellent school perhaps -for the training of leaders in the mere matters of preservation and -order, but of almost no benefit in the development of the common people; -although it is related by St. Remy, that Rigaud established schools in -his army to have his soldiers taught to read and write. This ex-slave -population of half a million souls, had been replaced during the later -period of its existence as slaves, about every twenty years with fresh -arrivals from Africa.[7] - - [7] "Roosevelt et Haiti." A. Firmin p. 245. - -No one expected the self-liberated people of Haiti to set up and -maintain a stable government. All history was against such a phenomenon. -If it required for England, the most fortunately situated of all the -modern nations a period of nearly ten centuries to reach stable -government, how could Haiti with its population of ex-barbarians and -ex-slaves be expected to perform at once so brilliant a feat? Is Haiti, -because it is black, expected to do the impossible? Firmin says at the -time of which we speak, there was scarcely a person who did not ridicule -the idea that Dessalines and his associates should even think they could -create a country and govern it independent of foreign control. The -statesmen of France were so sure that these people would fail, simply -because of racial weakness, that they confidently expected the colony to -return to France. They had not given up this hope ten years later; for -in 1814 when the island was divided in government, these statesmen -proposed to both Christophe who governed in the North, and to Petion who -governed in the West that they should return the island to the mother -country. They offered to these two colored rulers the highest grades in -the French army and large sums of money; but neither Christophe nor -Petion could be bought.[8] In this connection, I may remark on the -authority of Professor Sloan (his standard work--Life of Napoleon) that -it was the heroic resistance of Toussaint L'Ouverture and his -compatriots that defeated Bonaparte's plan for the Western Hemisphere -and gave us Louisiana. In a letter written by Robert G. Harper in March -1799,[9] which has just reached my hands through the American Historical -Society, I find the following: "Last summer, while Mr. Gerry was still -in Paris, and the Directory was employing every artifice to keep him -there, Hedouville was preparing to invade the southern states from St. -Domingo, with an army of blacks; which was to be landed with a large -supply of officers, arms and ammunition, to excite an insurrection among -the Negroes by means of missionaries previously sent, and first to -subjugate the country by their assistance, then plunder and lay it -waste. For the execution of this scheme, he waited only till the English -should evacuate a certain port in the island which lay most convenient -for the expedition; but he was interrupted by a black general of the -name of Toussaint, who drove him from the island, compelled him to -embark for France and took the whole authority into his own hands." - - [8] "The West Indies and Louisiana in one hemisphere, in the other the - Cape of Good Hope, Egypt and a portion of India, with St. Helena - and Malta as ports of call--of this he dreamed, but the failure to - secure San Domingo and England's evident intention to keep Malta, - combined to topple the whole cloud castle into ruins?" - - "The magnificent French plan of American colonization having lost - the supports of both San Domingo and Louisiana, collapsed leaving - no trace." - - --Page 289 et seq. - - [9] American Historical Magazine. December, 1915. - -The independence of Haiti has been maintained as we have seen for one -hundred and eleven years. In 1873 while visiting that country and -looking upon her lofty hills, and upon the toiling people at their base, -I fancied an appealing cry coming from these masses and I interpreted -that cry in the following lines: - - "The cry of souls for bread; - The cry of men and woman who - Have done great deeds and - Whose guiding star is liberty. - Who strong in their right arms, - Have won a name, a place, - And who with valor true will dare defend - That place and sooner die - Than wear the badge of slave." - -On Sunday, June 15, 1873, I witnessed, in Port-au-Prince a great -religious procession to pray against a return of fire upon their city. -This is no unusual thing in a Roman Catholic city, although to an -American it seems a waste of piety. Mr. Douglass in his graphic way in a -private letter to me thus describes one of their outpourings of -religious enthusiasm which occurred while he served in Port-au-Prince as -United States Minister: "Yesterday," he says, "all over town, a great -racket was heard of people driving the devil out of their houses by -beating on their doors. On one account I was glad of their efforts to -get rid of the devil although I was aware that the devil would laugh at -this method of ridding the city of his presence. This is Holy week here -and I must say that on account of the stillness, the absence of the tom -tom and the apparent serenity of the people, I could wish holy week -continued indefinitely." - -With the impression of that religious procession upon my young and -inexperienced mind I wrote then in my journal: "Poor, poor Haiti! As a -nation it is the veriest humbug; and yet there is something splendid -about it." Fourteen days later I was able to write differently. I was -riding on the road leading from L'Arcahai to St. Mark in company with -some young friends. "On both sides of the road were luxuriant fields of -sweet potatoes, bananas and sugar cane. Mountain streams were sending -down their pure waters by which the plains below were irrigated. It was -the fete of St. Pierre at the bourg, and on the road we met hundreds of -people, some on foot, some on donkeys, and many on beautiful horses with -most magnificent saddles and trappings, all going to the bourg. Fine -country gentlemen, mounted on these steeds and riding as though born on -horseback, pass us very frequently, every one of whom lifts his hat -entirely off his head and gives the Bon jour, monsieur. Ladies dressed -in snowy white dash by us at full galop, but never so fast, but they -have time to say in the sweetest voice: Bon jour, monsieur." - -The constitution of Haiti contains a very complete Bill of Rights -bearing testimony to the idea of liberty, but unfortunately there is -nowhere any adequate defense of these rights against the encroachment of -government. There is no check and balance system between executive and -legislative departments; nor can the courts guarantee the rights of -individuals. Governments we know are ever ready to encroach; typo -demagogues ever ready to arise in professed defense of constitutional -rights; hence revolutions. The soul of Haiti is military. General -Legitime speaking before the Universal Races Congress in London in 1911 -said: "Born in troublous time, Haiti is essentially a military state; -and though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must -nevertheless retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian of -its institutions." Still there is another side. The great statesman -Firmin was not a devotee of militarism. He deplored the existence of so -much of it which he described as a burden falling heavily upon the rural -classes. He says the "only thing the soldier learns by his long military -apprenticeship is passive obedience, the absence of all moral -initiative, of all exercise of personal volition, with the complete -annullment of the view of human liberty struggling against injustice and -wrong. When a Haitian wearing epaulettes says to you, I am a soldier, -that means that he is ready to commit the most horrible crimes, to rob, -to burn, to kill, just so he has the order to do so from his immediate -chief." There is in fact a decidedly brilliant literary element in -Haiti, including editors, authors and lawyers who are not so thoroughly -military as the general trend of her history would lead us to believe. -It is now time to inquire in what light Haiti regards herself in -relation to the whole Negro Race. What is her mission as she understands -it? - -The first man I shall call upon in this respect will be our author -Antenor Firmin. The following facts will show that he is entitled to a -hearing. He was born in Haiti in 1851. Received all of his education -there; a lawyer by profession, in 1889 he was a member of their -Constitutional Convention, was Minister of Finance and of Foreign -relations 1889-1891, as Mr. Blaine had good reason to know; was Minister -to Paris 1900-1902; a profound scholar and a very respectable writer, -possessed of a large share of common sense philosophy. He says in the -preface of his book on Roosevelt and Haiti, written while in exile at -Saint Thomas: "No people any more than the individual can live, make -progress, and advance with sustained ardor in the walks of civilization, -without an end, an ideal, which leads them onward in all the wanderings -of their existence. The end is ordinarily more evident, more clear, -before the will of the individual; for nations, it is some times veiled -in indefinite form; but it exists always, and acts imperiously, like -magnetism terrestrial impressing an irresistible direction upon the -magnetic needle in spite of the fog which conceals on the horizon the -point of orientation. This ideal for Haiti is the sublime effort of a -little people striving for the rehabilitation of whole race of men, an -effort so noble and so worthy that each one of those who participates in -it may justly regard himself as an apostle." Edmund Paul, another -brilliant Haitian whose life went out too soon, wrote that the end or -goal of this young nation is to prove the aptitude of the whole African -race to the present civilization, "An end he says, powerful, -gigantesque, capable of devouring generations, ever worthy to demand and -to employ all of our activity." - -"In Haiti," says the late Minister Price, "the black man is in -possession of national responsibility. In Haiti he is called upon to -form his character, and to conduct his movements at his own risk; he -receives directly the consequences, and suffers the deplorable results, -of his own errors and passions. He is not being _led along_ in -civilization; he moves on the road by his own efforts. He is marching -without any support on which to lean; without any other force than his -own. And when he shall become sufficiently advanced to remove all doubt; -when he shall become sufficiently free from his errors, and shall have -sufficiently conquered his passions which now retard his steps, it will -be evident that he has accomplished this result because he willed it, -and because he had within his being the necessary force for its -accomplishment." According to Mr. Price there will be no one who can say -of the Haitians: "We civilized and educated you; none who can say: -without us you would soon have relapsed into African barbarism." Haiti's -mission as he understood it is to rehabilitate the Negro race. His dying -gift to mankind was his splendid work on the Rehabilitation of the Black -Race by the Republic of Haiti. - -It is Price who says: "The Negro who shows his dainty hands and his -little feet, and is piqued because, with adornments the aristocrats, who -are also adorned with little hands little feet do not open their doors -to him is an ignoramus and a poltroon, and is still a slave." - -I shall close this paper with the counsel of Haiti to the African Race -as voiced by the same author. - -"As to the children of the African race, I could wish to see them -everywhere, disdain public offices, in order that they might enter into -civilization not by the door that the slaveocrats and politicians point -out, but by that door through which has passed the real white -democracy--knowledge and industry. When one is the son of a serf, who -but yesterday was beaten and cuffed without mercy, and aspires to -manhood, it is the workman's blouse that he must put on. The blouse -leads to the conventional black and white gloves. But he who wishes to -commence by a black suit, ought to put a napkin on his arm, and place -himself as a servant, behind the man who wears a blouse. - -"Haitians, all, and Negro of the continent of America and of all the -adjacent islands; My Brethren! Learn it at once, and never forget it. -The free man is the one who takes the responsibility? of his own proper -well-being. He has nothing to ask, nothing to solicit, neither from the -pity nor the generosity of his fellows. He is bound to count upon -himself, and upon himself alone, to turn aside or to overcome, whatever -obstacles that lie in the way of his happiness. Strength and skill are -for the free man absolute necessities." - -Thus has Haiti spoken by her actions and in the words of her eminent -statesmen given to us a message of lofty purpose, of sorrowful struggle, -of hardy endurance, and we trust of willingness to learn from events. - - - - -Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - -The difficulty surrounding a proper understanding of any question -consists in the fact that self-interest is more than likely to enter to -darken the vision. It is seldom that men differ about matters or have a -difficulty in understanding matters which do not affect their vanity, -their pride, their ambition or their material belongings. The truth -concerning any matter which is the subject of controversy can be reached -with accuracy in proportion as it is free from these matters. A question -of justice, opportunity and humane consideration for persons wholly or -partly of African origin is influenced entirely by considerations of the -kind just mentioned. If men were not obsessed by the phantom of race -superiority and of local vanity and group consciousness, and more than -all by the propensity to make gain out of the misfortunes and injustices -of conditions, what is known as the Negro question would vanish into -thin air. All forms of oppression, caste, proscription and distinction -have their origin in the desire and purpose of a man or set of men to -improve their condition at the expense of others. If it had not been -believed and indeed demonstrated that the subjection of the black man -would prove economically profitable to the white man or that he would -gain some other fancied advantage from the degradation of the black man -we should never have had African slavery together with its attendant -chain of ills which afflict the body politic even unto this hour. - -That oppression and tyranny wrong both those who practice them and those -upon whom they are inflicted is proved by illustrations taken both from -the field of economics and the field of intellectual and moral -consciousness. In all those parts of the world where all the people -approach most nearly a common standard of economic, intellectual and -moral excellence there we find the greatest advance in that which we -call civilization, for the want of a better term to describe human -progress and advance. Wherever we find any considerable group of people -residing in the same or contiguous territory who do not enjoy equality -of right and opportunity in those things which governments are -instituted to conserve, we find that the greater group which denies them -these inalienable rights paralyzed in its economic, intellectual and -moral growth. On no other ground can we account for the emphatic -differences in achievement, in literature, art, science, invention, and -economic progress between the white people of the North and the white -people of the South. Reasoning from analogy and from the examples which -history gives of the achievement of the white race in the world it would -be the most reasonable thing to expect that due to variety of soil, -favorableness of climate, and the general beneficence of nature, that -the white people living in the zone comprising what is commonly -designated as the Southern States would excel their Northern brethren in -all the arts and achievements of civilization. We should naturally -expect to find there the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the -inventors and the great organizers of enterprise. Elsewhere in the world -in the midst of similar conditions of soil and climate, we find the -white race excelling and leading the world in these particulars. The -white people inhabiting the South are of the same ethnic type, and have -in general the same group consciousness and aspiration. How else can we -account for the fact that they have contributed less than their kinsmen -in proportion to numbers to the sum of human knowledge, happiness and -liberty, if not by the fact that they have suffered the inevitable -handicap incident to an environment in which large numbers of human -beings suffer inequality and subordination? - -But for the difference which has been historically accentuated in North -America between white and black which difference has inflicted much of -suffering upon both races, it would not be necessary to consider such a -subject as the citizenship status of the free Negro prior to 1860. -Before the Constitution of the United States was amended by the addition -thereto of the Fourteenth Amendment the statement that "The citizens of -each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of -citizens in the several States" was the only definite deliverance to be -found in that instrument in relation to the subject of citizenship. In -other words there was no national definition of citizenship, and up to -the time of the deliverance of the Dred Scott Decision in 1857, there -had been no comprehensive treatment of the subject in adjudications by -the Supreme Court of the United States. The mention of the term -"citizens" in the Constitution in the quotation just given indicates -that it had a meaning of such generally accepted significance that -definition was not necessary. Presumably citizenship conveyed then, as -it conveys now, an idea exactly the opposite of that conveyed by the -term slavery. A slave everywhere in the world was understood to be a -person who was absolved from allegiance, and was not due protection as -that term is ordinarily understood, and who could not invoke ordinary -legal process nor own property; a citizen was a person who owed -allegiance, was entitled to protection, had the right to invoke all the -processes of the law, could become the owner of property, and possibly, -if not a woman or a child, exercise the right of the elective franchise. -Such was the common understanding of the term citizen at the adoption of -the Constitution, and such is substantially the understanding of that -term at the present date. However, due to the presence of the Negro in -the body politic, the exigencies of the situation suggested an -interpretation of the term citizen which might not otherwise have -existed, but for the presence of the Negro. The exigency grew out of the -fact that toward the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of -the nineteenth there - -grew into the minds of men the conception that slavery was a condition -appertaining to black men alone, that color was an unmistakable proof of -the condition of a slave, and that the fact that one was of African -descent carried with it this inevitable social degradation. In the -decisions of the courts of a number of the States we find this principle -enunciated. In North Carolina the Supreme Court of that State, in 1828, -decided that "The presumption of slavery arises from a black African -complexion." In 1839, the Supreme Court of Indiana, in passing upon the -constitutionality of the law entitled: "An act concerning free Negroes -and Mulattoes and slaves," held that where a Negro laid claim to freedom -the burden of proof was on him to show it inasmuch as persons of the -African race were presumed to be slaves. In 1842, the Supreme Court of -Ohio decided that under the law of that State "Color alone is sufficient -to indicate a Negro's inability to testify against a white man. It has -always been admitted that our political institutions embrace the white -population only. Persons of color were not recognized as having any -political existence; they had no agency in our political organizations, -and possessed no political rights under it. Two or three of the States -form exceptions. The constitutions of fourteen expressly exclude persons -of color; and in the balance of the States they are excluded on the -grounds that they were never recognized as part of the body politic." -(Thatcher vs. Hawk, 4th Ohio, Rep., 351.) While this opinion expressed a -widely prevalent sentiment at that time I have been unable to find a -decision of any court in any of the original thirteen States north of -Maryland, except Connecticut, which expresses this view. In their moral -and intellectual nature the inhabitants of Connecticut exhibit many wide -differences from the inhabitants of the rest of New England. These -citations show how thoroughly the conception of the difference arising -from the difference of color was imbedded in the mind at that time. Such -instances of judicial interpretation were to be found in all of the -slave States, and in those States which were carved out of the northwest -territory, which Virginia ceded to the general government in 1787. In -this connection it is pertinent to observe that it is the most natural -thing in the world that the States carved out of this northwest -territory should have followed not only the legal system of the parent -State, but should have adopted many of its practices and modes of -thought, and passed them on to succeeding generations. - -From the quotations already made it can be seen that to be a colored -person was to suffer from the presumption of being a slave, and that to -be a free colored person was to be in a condition not of freedom, but of -lessened servitude. To be a free colored person was not to possess the -citizenship of the world any more than to be a Christian today is -evidence that one is an imitator of Christ. In actual practice the term -"free colored person" embraced the idea of freedom from personal service -to a specified owner and little else, particularly in the slave-holding -States. The attitude of these States is well expressed in the following -quotation from John C. Calhoun: "I hold that in the present state of -civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by -color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are -brought together the relation now existing in the slave-holding States -between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good--a positive good. I -fearlessly assert that the existing relations between the two races in -the South forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear -free and stable political institutions (Works of Calhoun, Vol. 2, p. -630)." Thus by legal enactment, judicial interpretation and orderly -expressed public opinion, race if it be African was the badge of -inferiority and slavery. This was generally true throughout the country -and yet a careful and somewhat thorough examination of the statutes, -legal decisions, and systematic treatises relating to the law of slavery -will convince any fair-minded person that the term free colored person -carried with it less of negation of right in the Northern States where -slavery had ceased to exist than in the Southern States where it still -flourished. - -At the close of the revolution, slavery existed in most of the colonies, -if not all, and their statute books contained laws relating to that -condition, and to the condition of "free persons of color." However, as -time passed and the institution of slavery disappeared, we find these -laws disappearing or becoming greatly modified or mitigated in their -provisions. For instance, March 26, 1783, Massachusetts passed a law -forbidding an African or Negro to tarry within the commonwealth for a -longer time than two months unless such person could produce a -certificate from the secretary of State of which such person claimed to -be a citizen, showing that he was such, and that where such persons did -not have the required certificate they should be ordered to depart from -the State, and upon failure to do so be committed to any house of -correction, and that such punishment should be repeated whenever and as -often as the order to depart was disobeyed. This law was repealed, -however, in 1786. It seems that slavery was abolished in Massachusetts -by operation of the constitution of 1780, which declares that "All men -are born free and equal." Harry St. George Tucker, president of the -Virginia Court of Appeals, said in 1833, speaking of this constitutional -utterance, that "We should be disposed to take this declaration less as -an abstraction than we regard that which is contained in our own bill of -rights" (5th Leigh Rep., 622). By 1786, it appears that Massachusetts -had abolished all distinctions in law based on race except that in -relation to marriage, which appears to have been repealed in 1843. In -1833, Connecticut enacted a law forbidding the setting up or -establishment of any school, academy or literary institution for the -instruction or education of colored persons who were not inhabitants of -the State. This law was repealed in 1838. The constitution of Rhode -Island of 1843, conferred the elective franchise on persons of the male -sex qualified by residence and property without distinction of color. In -New Hampshire the constitution of 1783 contains the principle that all -men are born equally free, and no distinction on account of color is -found in any of her statutes except in a law of 1792, which specified -that enlistment in the militia should be confined to white people. In -the law of 1857, relating to the subject of militia, color is not -mentioned. Neither in the constitution nor laws of Vermont does one find -for this period any distinction based on color, so that in Vermont the -term "free colored person" had no existence and consequently no meaning. -In Maine no distinctions based on color are to be found for the period -under consideration either in the constitution or the statutes. In -Pennsylvania colored people exercised the elective franchise and enjoyed -full citizenship with the whites up to 1838, when the elective -franchise, by the constitution of that year, was confined to whites. -Presumably free colored people exercised the suffrage in New Jersey up -to 1844, as there appears no limitation of suffrage on account of color -prior to its mention in the constitution of that year. New York, in an -act of the legislature of 1799, provided for gradual emancipation of the -slaves, and by an act of 1811 it required "free colored people" to carry -certificates of their freedom as proofs of their claim thereto. In 1814 -the legislature of the State authorized the raising of two regiments of -colored soldiers to be officered by white men. In 1823, Negroes who -resided in the State three years and possessed a free-hold estate of the -assessed value of two hundred and fifty dollars were entitled to -exercise the elective franchise, a requirement not imposed upon white -people. - -It is interesting to note that up to 1723, free colored people appear to -have exercised the elective franchise equally with the whites in -Virginia. The colonial constitution of that year limited its exercise to -white people, and the free colored people never voted again until the -adoption of the Underwood or reconstruction constitution. Besides this, -contrary to conditions above described in the Northern States the laws -in relation to free colored people grew harsher and harsher until 1831, -when we find a statute prohibiting meetings for teaching free Negroes or -mulattoes reading or writing. In 1832, free Negroes were forbidden to -preach the gospel. In 1834 free Negroes were forbidden to immigrate into -the State. In 1838 free Negroes leaving the State to be educated were -forbidden to return. In 1851, the constitution of Virginia of that year, -in Sec. 5, Art. 19, provided: That slaves hereafter emancipated shall -forfeit their freedom by remaining in the commonwealth more than twelve -months, and in 1856, the legislature of Virginia passed an act providing -that free Negroes might voluntarily make agreements to become slaves and -that such agreement should be binding. - -In North Carolina free colored people seem to have exercised most of the -rights of white people including that of voting, until 1835, when the -right to vote was confined to persons of the white race. In all of the -slave States the free colored man was hampered by legislative provisions -exactly like or very similar to those just cited as existing in -Virginia. In none of these States could free colored people hold the -legal title to real property, in none of them did they have the right of -public assembly, the right to bear arms or the right to carry on -collectively the work of education. In few of them did they even have -the right to preach the gospel, and where they did preach it was by -favor and permission, and not by right. Of all these Southern -slave-holding States Maryland ruled its free colored people with -something suggestive of humanity. - -It will be seen from this hasty and unsatisfactory review of a great -mass of statutes, decisions, and treatises that the condition of the -free colored man north of Mason and Dixon's line improved in the main -from the close of the revolution to 1860, and that south of Mason and -Dixon's line his condition grew worse from the close of the revolution -down to 1860. - -In the West, where new States were forming, there was, of course, the -distinction of race. The settlers who went into these new communities -went there to establish white communities and they passed laws -forbidding the immigration of free colored people into them. We find -statutes in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Kansas, and Oregon, -forbidding the immigration of free Negroes. It seems, however, that -there was never a very strong public sentiment insisting upon the -enforcement of these laws. As a matter of fact there was a small active -and effective sentiment which practically nullified the existence of -them, for in all of these States we find, especially after the enactment -of the fugitive slave law of 1850, a most friendly sentiment toward the -unfortunate colored man whether slave or free. - -The study of the statutes and conditions of more than a half century ago -is not only a matter of curiosity, but a matter of very practical -concern, since in these latter days another body of laws, and legal -decisions based upon distinction of race have come into existence, and -yet others are threatened. - - - - -Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - - -The services rendered by Negroes in America from the discovery of the -islands beyond the Pillars of Hercules by Christopher Columbus to the -end of the eighteenth century, make a chapter of history transcending in -importance anything which has taken place in the old world. The quaint -times and scarcity of willing men among the aboriginal Indians to help -the Spaniards to despoil their lands in the rapacious quest of gold -brought about the early ruin of flourishing communities of aboriginal -tribes in the several islands. So alarming was this state of affairs -that Father Las Casas, known as the Apostle of the Indians, interceded -in their behalf at the Spanish court in order to ameliorate their -unfortunate condition. He pleaded for Negroes to take their places as -the blacks were a very hardy and robust race; to this plea the great and -humanitarian Cardinal Ximenes was opposed; for he could not justify the -substitution of one race for another in what was in itself a wrong. The -Cardinal having been overruled, the Slave Trade was instituted and the -first Negroes were brought to Santo Domingo. They were not the untutored -savages we are expected to believe from modern histories. There existed -in Sevilla, Spain, as early as 1475, a large number of Negro slaves, who -had been brought from the coasts of North Africa and Guinea, and their -one-fifth tribute to the coffers of the state formed a very nice sum of -money. This practice of importing Negroes, which had been in vogue -during the Arab dominion of Spain, continued to increase to such an -extent that when in the year of 1474 a royal decree still extant -chronicles the appointment of a Negro known as Juan de Valladolid as -mayor of the Negro colony situated in the outskirts of the said city. -From this colony of Negroes who could speak the Spanish language, and -were familiar with their customs, came the first batch of slaves shipped -to Santo Domingo. It must also be borne in mind that 45 years before, in -1370, King Henry of Portugal had commenced his explorations, the -Catalans and Normans had frequented the coasts of Africa as far as the -Tropic of Cancer, and according to Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, it is known -that from the times of Archbishop Gonzalo de Mena (1400) there existed -Negro slaves in Sevilla. There is no reason to doubt that a large number -of their descendants had already been born in Europe prior to 1500, -because the royal dispensations in that year state that the immigration -of Negro slaves to Santo Domingo was prohibited except in case of those -who were born while in possession of Christians. These historical facts -induce us to believe that during that period there was in Europe a -larger number of Negroes than we generally suppose or care to believe. - -At the time that the slave trade had commenced to occupy the mind of the -Hawkins malefactors and the British nation under Queen Elizabeth, -Barbarossa had already subjected the mulatto King of Morocco to the -payment of a tribute of $1,000,000 in gold dust--and 40 Negro merchants -without any hesitation helped the king out of the dangers that -confronted his people. When the Moor Zegri was humiliated by the Spanish -Commander Cisneros in 1499 and the Arab books destroyed in Granada, -Marmol states that less than 1,025,000 tomes on religion, politics, -jurisprudence, manuscripts illuminated and worked in silver and gold -were consigned to the fires. There remained 3,000 Moorish soldiers under -command of a Negro captain whose intrepid heroism and valor was shown by -the charges and counter charges he was able to repel. When unable to -prevent the utter annihilation of his band by superior forces under -Cifuentes, the Negro captain refused to surrender and jumped headlong -from a fort. (Alcatara's History, Granada, pp. 165-6.) And this happened -seven years after the discovery of America by Columbus. - -The conditions of the new world were such that the Spaniards who had -spent most of their wealth in the unprofitable civil and Arab wars, lost -no time after hearing wonderful stories of untold wealth to requisition -not only the Negroes of Seville, but to embark in the lucrative -enterprise of human Negroes from the West Coast of Africa, and ships -which were engaged in man-hunting poured their human freight into -Hispaniola. It was not long after that the Spanish Negroes belonging to -Diego Columbus, revolted, and the first insurrection, taking place among -the very property of the discoverer's offspring, was suppressed by the -military after killing the leaders. The prosperity of the colonies soon -became apparent in the enormous number of Spanish ships with their -precious cargoes arriving in the Spanish ports. The Spanish people were -wild and in an ecstasy of joy to engage in the colonial enterprise, and -as ships entered upon the perilous voyages of discovery the Africans -were gathered to do the work for which no historian or economist has -given them the credit which is their due for blazing the path of wealth -into which the nations of Europe have ridden upon the lucrative backs of -the Africans. The clearing of the forests from dangerous animals and -poisonous insects, making with the awakening of each succeeding spring -the virgin earth a paradise that has supported millions of European -parasites; the working of the mines for precious metals that fed the -envy of other powerful nations which questioned the right of the -Spaniards to conquest under the banner of the Christian Church, and -induced them to scramble and fight for their colonial honors. - -No sooner than Santo Domingo was found to be a paradise of wealth than -the other islands were made ready for the unwilling African. He was -carried to the mainland of Panama, where Balboa was surprised to find a -colony of Negroes whose origin has baffled the mind of the most learned -men of that age. To this day no solution has been found for the problem -of the coming of these Negroes of Quareca. Gomora says, "That -Conquistador entered the Province of Quareca; he found no gold, but some -blacks who were slaves of the lord of the place. He asked this lord -whence he had received them, who replied that men of that color lived -near the place, with whom they were constantly at war. "These Negroes," -adds Gomora, "exactly resemble those of the Guinea; and no others have -since been seen in America. It may be stated here that every hypothesis -has been advanced to show that these men must have been people other -than Negroes, but since the natives of the kingdoms of Congo and Guinea -were known to have enjoyed friendly relations with each other and sailed -the rivers in large oared boats, it is very probable that some of them -crossed the Atlantic in like manner as the Caribs in their piraguas -traveled from the islands to the mainland and vice versa. The nearest -distance from Brazil to Africa is along the Tropic of Cancer, and any -number of large boats may have lost their bearing in a storm and got -ship-wrecked on the American mainland. This hypothesis is well within -the range of probability in view of the fact that the trade winds blow -from east to west and the Gulf Stream flows rapidly, and is noted for -periodical variation in its course. - -The Negroes that were originally carried into Santo Domingo from Spain -became devoted to the early priests, for it must be conceded that the -Jesuits were the friends who maintained a benevolent attitude toward -these outcast sons of men. One of these Negroes, known as Estevanico, -was the discoverer of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and what is known as -Arizona and New Mexico. Negroes were in Mexico with the vanguard of the -Spaniards, and to that country must be credited one of the earliest -Negro poets. He lived in Mexico City, and was, by trade, a carpenter and -maker of artificial flowers, and was always sought by the elite, because -of his ready wit and quickness to rhyme on any theme given him. - -Wherever the English ruled we have had to combat a very prejudiced and -arrogant system of oppression. In the Spanish and French colonies the -rule was milder, in consequence of a system of judicial laws which -predicated a better understanding as a solution of the complex relations -between master and slave. The English have shown by their rule in the -Island of Trinidad how much regard they have had for the rights of -others guaranteed by treaty. For a case in point we may refer to the -treaty of capitulation between the Spaniards and the English that took -place February 18th, 1797. Article 12 of this treaty reads: "The colored -people, who have been acknowledged as such by the laws of Spain, shall -be protected in their liberty, persons and property, like other -inhabitants; they taking the oath of allegiance, meaning themselves as -becomes good and peaceable subjects of His Britanic Majesty" (16). The -way the British respected this "Scrap of Paper" is shown in a book -written by a free mulatto, a graduate of the Edinburgh University, and -printed in London in 1824. Says this anonymous author: "And even the -Spanish governor saw his country about to be divested of a possession -she had held ever since the third voyage of Columbus, he did not forget -the faith she had plighted to the colored population, but exacted from -the invaders security for the continuance of the equality of rights and -privileges with the whites by the 12th article of the capitulation" (p. -16). - -It would have been a glory to Britain to have emulated in those days the -benevolent plan of France and Spain in improving the condition of their -slaves; and to open a way for the admission of reason, religion, liberty -and law among creatures of our kind who were deprived of every -advantage, of every privilege, which as partakers of our common nature -they were capable of and entitled to (Ramsay). - -We have been instructed to look at the Negro as "idle, worthless, -indolent and disloyal," but a careful examination of the West Indies and -South America does not show this to be true. Many instances of -advancement by hard industry can be noted in any of the many spots of -the New World. There is not a single field of industrial activity in -which the descendants of the African have not contributed their mite -toward an improvement of the conditions which the gold seekers and -pleasure hunters were wont to overlook. The commercial activities, the -irrigation of fields, the working of the mines where the labor of Negro -slaves and free men was paramount, the untold number of ships loaded -down with merchandise and precious metals wending their way to Europe to -support monarchies and provide pleasure for parasites, all this depended -upon the unrequited toil of Negroes, which cannot be computed in dollars -and cents because it would form a ladder, like Jacob's, which would -reach to the very gates of Heaven. - -Under the institution of slavery which curbed the aspirations of the -Negro, it was not possible to expect the race to have shown any capacity -except for hard labor in the fields which the lash accelerated. In most -islands there was nothing else but agriculture fields to be cleared and -developed with religion to mitigate and console the workers. The profits -which were uppermost in the minds of the masters were gathered regularly -and yielded handsomely. - -The African people have been one of the earliest acquainted with cotton. -A careful examination of available historical material shows that while -Europe was still dressing in goat skins and grass goods the Negro -peoples of Africa had been using cotton goods. Miss Kingsley relates -that the cloth loom was invented by natives of the Eboe tribe, but many -varieties of looms were common to the people of the Soudan. The -prevailing color of the cloth from Guinea is blue and it is distinctly -quaint, so enduring and pleasing that it has been handed down from the -hoary ages to the present day. The dyes of the natives obtained from -vegetable matter and other unknown primitive processes, have always won -the admiration of the appreciative world. Europeans have admired the -quality and durability of these cloths. The work of African looms in -their primitive frames can be seen in the Museums of Natural History in -London, Paris, Berlin and New York. They are indeed fine specimens of -African handiwork and authorities have said that they would do credit to -any Manchester or Birmingham looms. - -It is said that native cloth manufactured at Kano is not very old and -that it probably came from the Songhay country, but according to El -Bekri, the Arab historian, and other ancient geographers, the art of -weaving was very flourishing on the Upper Nile, especially in the town -of Silla from very ancient times and as early as the eleventh century, -the cotton cloth was called in this region by the same name it bears to -this day, namely, "shigge." - -The English West Indies exported to Britain during the year 1760 -9,535,010 pounds of cotton. By 1787 this amount had increased to -18,716,445 pounds; in 1801 to 42,090,765, and in 1811 it was 41,735,555, -according to William Irving, Inspector General of the London -Customhouse. - -It has been stated that just before the war of American independence the -slaves in the sugar colonies did not exceed the fortieth part of the -inhabitants of the British Empire, yet they contributed in that -neglected state perhaps a sixth part of the revenue. The British Isles -contained a population of nearly 11,500,000; North America, 2,600,000 -with 400,000 slaves, which made 3,000,000; the West Indies 82,000 -freemen and 418,000 slaves. - -The Negroes under the terrifying and debasing influence of slavery were -able to improve their condition by that cheerful spirit which holds them -together even in these days of dark clouds, with a silver lining. The -cheerfulness of these sons of Africa has been their redeeming quality -through all their privations and sufferings; their chants and songs, -whether in the hearing of their masters or among themselves, were full -of soul and feeling. They kept body and soul together after the arduous -day's labor under the torrid rays of the sun. Whereas the Indians gave -way under the milder system of slavery, the Negroes grew stronger under -its despotism. They were able in the production of sugar cane to become -experts in the tempering of the cane juice for the various degrees of -sugar, which today require analytical chemists to supervise its improved -manufacture and Negroes were in charge of this delicate branch of the -industry on many plantations. In the distillation of rum they were -proficient and many were excellent mechanics. - -In the production of cocoa, in Venezuela, Suriname and Trinidad, the -labor of Negroes gave it such an impetus and stability that the eminent -Humboldt, in his travels through South America could not but speak in -the highest terms of those plantations that devoted their time to the -improvement of this industry. - -Since the bringing of the Mocha coffee into Santo Domingo as an -experiment, with the brawny arm of the black son of toil the production -of coffee has reached the incredible amount of 100 millions of pounds, -and, in Brazil, where to balance the supply and demand the government -provides an excellent system which permits the exportation of only the -amount necessary for the world's consumption each year. - -The pearl fisheries of America lost their commercial importance with the -wave of Emancipation by the nations whose souls were steeped in -ignominious sin. But in the earliest days it was one of the most -lucrative industries. The work was done exclusively by Negroes who were -expert swimmers and divers, capable of holding their breath a long time -in ten or fifteen fathoms of briny water, while searching for -pearl-bearing shells. There was always great danger from man-eating -sharks and the octopus, which killed and mangled many expert divers. In -numberless Spanish galleons were carried the riches which have been -reported from time to time in official papers as having paid the fifths -to the coffers of the state. For instance, Southey says that "a fleet -that sailed from Hispaniola in 1526 carried to Spain 501,082 gold -dollars, 350 marks of ordinary pearls, 183 Cubagua pearls and 5 gold -stones." - -In the field of arms there is no question whatever in the mind of the -present generation whether the Negroes have added any glory to the -respective nations under which they fought, or, when for their -self-preservation it was necessary to fight against Spain, Holland, -France and Britain. One of the earliest successful insurrections was -that of Chief Araby in the year 16-- and in 1772-7, before the American -war of independence, the Negroes of Suriname took to the hills and -fought the Hollanders tooth and nail for five consecutive years. The -Spaniards in Santo Domingo were defeated, Great Britain was humiliated -and obtained success only when she followed General Abercrombie and Sir -John Moore's advice, and employed Negro troops under promises of -manumission as is shown in the St. Lucia campaign. The first attempt to -employ these troops brought about a fierce outcry of protest in which -the several island legislatures, especially those of Barbadoes and -Jamaica "poured forth the most prophetic declaration of innumerable -evils to come if the British government persisted in its purpose to -substitute even in part, black for white soldiers." - -The formation of the First West India Regiment under the British was the -aftermath of the Savannah war in 1779. "It was made up of white -loyalists and Negro slaves" and "so well entertained that in the year -1816 there were eight regiments in existence. In Jamaica there were -stationed the 2d Regiment, with 198 sergeants and 3,050 blacks, and the -5th Regiment was stationed at Bahamas with rank and file of 4,526 during -the year 1816. Their formation was due to the ravages of disease among -the European forces, for during the years 1796-1802 were lost 17,173 men -of the original force of 19,676 under Major General Sir John Moore, -which sailed from England to put down the Negro spirit that had its -birth in Haiti. - -But it was not only Haiti that was worrying the British. Jamaica with -the Maroons was another problem without a radical solution until Major -General Walpole promised them protection under a secret treaty which was -moderate in its language, but painful in the method of its application, -just as the British have always been when dealing with the Negro race. -It must be said in fairness to General Walpole that he was opposed to -the cruelties practiced on the Maroons after they had surrendered their -arms and confided in his good faith for a strict compliance with the -terms of the treaty. Walpole said he "felt that a treaty even with -savages should be observed" (p. 236). But notwithstanding the evil -spirit towards the Maroons their uprising has brought about a better -feeling and respect to the black people of Jamaica and, because of this -material spirit, it must be admitted they enjoy to this day a larger -measure of freedom and economic privileges than the other West Indian -islands under the British rule. - -The name of Haiti will always stimulate us to revere the memory of men -who have stamped their names on the scroll of time, for not only did -that island strike the first effective blow for the liberation of the -black slave, but, having accomplished this purpose, the Haitians aided -in the liberation of all America from the yoke of Europe. The service -rendered by President Petion to Simon Bolivar in making possible the -freedom and independence of South America is splendidly shown in the -granite and bronze monument which adorns the square in Caracas dedicated -to the memory of the ablest Haitian president by the people of -Venezuela. - -Music found expression in the vibrating chord tempered with the dull -thumping of drums in their characteristic rhythm which could be heard -for miles during the night and in the peculiar songs and chants of the -Negroes. To the white man who could not understand their customs it was -barbaric and rude and was treated with indifference and at times with -contempt. But it has been shown by Mrs. Kemble, who was a keen observer -during her residence in Georgia, that the Negro songs had merit and that -there was something mystic which could not easily open itself--its -peculiar musical charm--to the white man. This music and chants were -common to every part of America where the sons of Africa had been -carried by the slave hunters, and even to this day musical instruments, -peculiar to the original tribes, are extant in many of the islands -beyond the seas. - -During the evening slave seances took place when the master thought -everything was silent and calm, because the field work had been -satisfactorily performed and the harvest had been gathered and there was -a profit which would carry him to Europe to squander it in riotous -living. But at night, like the firefly, the Negro was recreated and -refreshed in song his soul, and dreamed of a future freedom from the -involuntary thraldom of which he was a victim. - -The story tellers gathered a motley crowd around them and the hours of -eventide were spent in instructive recitals of the Uncle Remus, Brer -Rabbit and other folk-lore stories, the heritage of African minds. These -stories are known in every vale and dale of joy and tears in America; -they have soothed the hours of toil and consoled the broken-hearted. -"They have been called the traditional literature of Africa. Some of the -Uncle Remus stories would form no bad addition to the fairy stories of -the world. But the race of old mammies or nurses who used to tell them -to delighted youthful audiences is fast passing away"--in fact, have -passed away--and we are satisfied, not knowing any better, to read them -in the modern reconstructed form as given by Joel Chandler Harris and -other poor imitators who have won fame and honor in the field of -literature without incurring the onerous charge of imitation. Bosman -refers to the Old Mammy or Anancy stories in his work on Africa, and it -is said that in Accra "there are men who have a repertoire almost as -copious as the Arabian Nights, and to which Europeans listen with -curiosity and wonder, if not with admiration." Richard Burton was a -great man and a distinguished writer, who agrees with Koelle, who says, -"I was amongst them in their native land, on the soil which the feet of -their fathers have trod, and heard them deliver in their own native -tongue stirring extempore speeches, adorned with beautiful imagery, of -half an hour or an hour's duration; or when I was writing from their -dictation, sometimes two hours in succession, without having to correct -a word or alter a construction in twenty or thirty pages; or when in -Sierre Leone I attended examinations of the sons of liberated slaves -(from America) in algebra, geometry, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, etc.--then, I -confess, any other idea never entered my mind but that I had to do with -_real men_". (Wit and Wisdom from West Africa.") - -In Brazil, the Negro chieftain, Henrique Diaz, is revered for the able -assistance which he rendered in checking the incursions of the Dutch, -and Koster in his travels through that country speaks of Negro and -mulatto regiments known as the Henrique regiments in memory of so worthy -and capable a leader. - -In the city of Paramaribo the Negro Gramman Quacy had the good fortune -in 1730 to discover the valuable properties of the root known by the -name of Quacie bitter. In 1761 it was made known to Linnaeus by -d'Ahlbergand, the Swedish naturalist who had written a treatise upon it. - -During the years 1811-12 the British government had reports from their -various possessions in America exclusive of Jamaica, showing a slave -population of 343,859 and 27,259 free men of color, so that about eight -per cent of the total colored population were free. When we consider the -handicap that slaves had under English law with its intricate and -involved questions of entail we can appreciate the efforts of these -reputed savages to have been able not only to achieve their freedom but -to succeed in becoming an integral part of the country, with an eagle's -foothold in agriculture. - -Porto Bello and Cartagena in Colombia were the ports of entry for the -slave trade, the channel by which not only Panama was supplied with -Negroes but from whence the traders were allowed to bring with them such -quantity of provisions as was thought necessary both for their own use -and that of their slaves of both sexes. Here was the Appian road through -which the Spaniards carried the slaves into Peru to work the gold mines; -and they became so useful that in the celebrated Sanabria mines Negroes -were used exclusively during the night and Indians in the day time. -Ulloa, during his visit to Lima, found that people of African descent -formed the greater part of the population of Lima, and they were, as a -rule, mechanics and worked side by side with the Europeans who did not -consider the contact disgraceful to them, since cleanliness was the -ruling passion of the Negroes. - -General Pelage, "an agricultural slave" when General Moore stormed St. -Lucia, was Governor of Guadeloupe until 1803, when he resigned and -returned to France to lead his soldiers against Spain, where he was -killed at the head of his regiment. - -It is a remarkable fact that the first native American to be consecrated -a Bishop was a Negro. He was Right Reverend Francisco Xavier de Luna y -Victoria, Bishop of Panama, of which see he took possession in August, -1751. He founded and maintained the cathedral at his own expense, and -was later removed to the see of Trujillo in Peru. His mother, who had -been a slave devoted her time to the sale of charcoal in order to attain -her ambition to see her son become an eminent man. This devotion has -been characteristic of the African woman and every reward and praise won -on the new continent has been due to her sacrifices. - -In the Spanish countries under the more liberal manumission laws a very -much higher proportion of free people of color existed from the very -earliest times. In Cuba of the total population in 1811 about 274,000 -were whites, 212,000 slaves and 114,000 free persons of color, rather -less than two slaves to one freeman. In the United States at the same -time the slave population of 1,191,364 is more than six times the free -population of 186,446 (total U. S., 7,239,814). The conditions in Cuba -were characteristic of the Spanish and Portuguese countries and -explained the total abolition of slavery as well as the more rapid -assimilation of the colored people in the economic and political life of -those countries. - -With the records such as this the Negro found himself at the close of -the eighteenth century a vital factor in every phase of the development -of Latin America. I have not attempted to treat his services in the -Southern States of the North American Union for the facts here are too -well known to require discussion within the limits of the present -article. Suffice it to say that the position which the Negro and his -mixed progeny of European or Indian blood had won in South America, they -have also earned, if even they have not as yet received, due recognition -therefore in North America. - -With a firm faith in our ability and the consciousness of our -inalienable title to a worthy share in the development of the New World. -We may look forward with confidence to the inevitable reward of industry -sustained by the courage which demands that an honest toiler shall not -be despoiled of the fruits of his labor. We may expect therefore that as -Negro slavery began in the West Indies and South America and crept -northward, so also will come to the United States the gradual -dissolution of the problem of color in the general problems of a -progressing human race. - - - - -William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from 1860-1870 - - -The second decade of the latter half of the nineteenth century was the -most epochal period in American legal history since the time of the -national constitution. So far as the American Negro is concerned, this -period marks the greatest possible changes in legal and constitutional -status. Three years before the opening of this decade the highest court -of the nation had declared the Negro to have only the status of the -lower animals, while at the close of the decade the Negro had acquired a -status in the organic law of the land which entitled him to membership -in the Supreme Court itself. In this period the Negro changed from a -chattel to a person, from an animal to a man, from a slave to a -citizen,--so far as the supreme law of the land is concerned. - -This period also contains the two extremes on the scale of -discriminations against the American Negro in statute law. Before this -period there were comparatively few statutory discriminations against -the black race in the Southern States. For in that section the Negro had -no personal rights at law, and discriminatory statutes were not -necessary. When a discrimination is made against a class in statute law, -it is thereby implied that this class has at least some rights based on -the fundamental law of the land. Therefore the legislative -discriminations against black people before this period were found -chiefly in the border states and in the "free" states against "free" -Negroes,--a strange contradiction of terms.--But this decade, from 1860 -to 1870, also contains the extremes of the Negro's legal status in the -South: at the opening of the decade stood the Negro slave, at the close -stood the Negro senator; after the middle of this period the South -passed the extreme "Black Laws," intended to nullify the effect of the -Thirteenth Amendment as far as possible, while at the end of the decade -came the Fifteenth Amendment, marking an epoch. These "Black Laws" of -the South were enacted between 1865 and 1868 and were inspired by the -ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. They had for their models, it -is said, the similar laws that had been passed in previous decades -against the helpless "free" Negroes of the North and the border states. -But they outdid the models. - -These "Black Laws" are worth considering, for in them are found a -sufficient cause and a very cogent reason for the Fourteenth and the -Fifteenth Amendments. There is really no need for the charge that these -two Amendments were the inspiration of revenge or of the desire for -political advantage of the party in power. At any rate, such great -products of statesmanship should stand on their merits, and not be -condemned, even if it could be shown that they were originally based in -unworthy motives. It does not lessen the beauty of the rose if the plant -was sprouted in manure. But the argument of ultra-motive is unnecessary, -for the "Black Laws" of the South were the immediate occasion, and -doubtless the only efficient cause, of the Fourteenth Amendment. After -the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, if the former slave states had -accorded the ex-slaves even half justice, it is very likely that the -Negro's friends in Congress would have quickly forgotten him,--as they -have since done in the face of the worst injustices. But it was not -unnatural for the South, after the ratification of the Thirteenth -Amendment which gave the Negro only the lowest degree of freedom, to try -to pass systems of laws that would cause the Negro's freedom to make as -little change as possible in the social organism and in his relation to -the white race. Not to have done so would have been evidence of -superhuman foresight and self-control. From the standpoint of the -Negro's interests, however, these laws were "black," not only in name -and aim but in their very nature. Instead of being the property of a -personally interested master, the Negro was to be converted into the -slave of a much less sympathetic society in general. The "free" Negro's -lot was to be much harder than that of the slave had been; for altho no -longer entitled to "board and keep" from his employer, yet he was to be -forbidden by law to move or to change his employment. This would have -left his wages at the mercy of the employer. It is a law of economics -that the mobility of labor is necessary to the normal regulation of -wages. Some states absolutely forbade the freedmen to engage in skilled -work, leaving for them only the most menial and least profitable -occupations. In the famous old state of South Carolina the employer was -to be allowed to inflict corporal punishment, or as the euphemism of the -law put it, to "moderately correct" the servants. "Master" and "servant" -were the terms used in these laws,--not employer and employee. The -vagrancy laws and laws of apprenticeship were all of a nature to entrap -the ignorant and take advantage of the weak. Famous old South Carolina -even sought to regulate the amount of "politeness" due from the -"servant" to the "master's family." - -In the face of all these stereotyped facts, why should any honest -student of history have to resort to any intangible and indefinite thing -like a feeling of revenge or a desire for political and party advantage -as an explanation of the motives of those who conceived and passed by -the Fourteenth Amendment? This Amendment was passed by the friends of -freedom to keep the Thirteenth Amendment from being a mere farce. They -sought thereby to secure for the Negro the protecting power of the -ballot, as the only effective means of influencing his civil and -political interests in a government like this. There was no thought or -hope of making him dominant in a country that was predominantly white. -But the backers of the Amendment sought to lead the state governments to -this reasonable end by inducing rather than by compelling them. The -effect of this amendment was to be based on impartial mathematics, and -the choice was to be left to the majority of voters of the state. The -state was simply not to have a power in the national government based on -a population which the state itself did not recognize as a part of its -own citizenry. - -Up to 1865 nearly all the states of the Union had restricted the right -to vote to white men. After the Negro was freed some Northern states -voluntarily removed this restriction. The friends of freedom hoped that -the Fourteenth Amendment would induce others to do so, by making it to -the advantage of their national representative power. But from the -ratification of the Amendment in 1868 to 1870 not a single state, with -the sole exception of Minnesota, heeded the warning or yielded to the -inducement of the suffrage clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. And it -might be noted in passing that there were not enough Negroes in -Minnesota to make any difference either way. Up to 1870 fourteen states -still restricted the suffrage to white men. This obstinacy on the part -of the reactionaries caused the friends of freedom in 1870 to ratify the -Fifteenth Amendment, which substituted _must_ for persuasion and -virtually penalized discriminations against any race in the matter of -the suffrage. What evidence is there that any of these steps were taken -in a spirit of revenge? Revenge usually acts in haste and without -waiting on the development of other sufficient causes. The persuasion of -the Fourteenth Amendment was not resorted to till three years after the -close of the war, and when there had risen the plainest need for even -more than persuasion in the interests of justice and humanity. And the -Fifteenth Amendment did not appear till five years after the war, when -even the Fourteenth Amendment had failed to persuade. Why should revenge -wait so long and advance so reluctantly? It seems that the friends of -freedom, who had the political power in their hands, were slow to anger -and plenteous in hope. - -This suffrage amendment was to be a bulwark to the liberties not only of -black men but of all men in America; it was directed not only against -the "Black Laws" of the South but against political and civil slavery -everywhere in the nation. It is interesting to note that of the states -who were members of the Union up to 1865, only five can be listed in the -honor roll of those who have never discriminated against the Negro -voter: Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont. - -The constant question raised by these discriminating laws is: What is a -Negro? When are we are going to discriminate against a fellow, we must -be careful and definite in pointing him out. And so each set of -discriminating laws contains its own definition of the word _Negro_, and -the definitions have differed widely. At first in some parts of the -North the Negro was defined as any person who was _visibly_ colored. It -is plain, however, that if the matter is left to the eyes, millions of -American "Negroes" will have to be taken into the Caucasian race,--and -so most of the state legislatures reduced their definition to the finer -discriminations of mathematics. These mathematical definitions vary all -the way from one fourth of the blood of the black man to a mere one -sixteenth; but some laws of the gallant South go so far as to say that -if one has even one drop of Negro blood in his veins he is a Negro. Thus -it is seen that "the Negro," so far as the United States are concerned, -is an arbitrary creature of law and includes within its scope hundreds -of thousands of people who by every law of God and nature and reason are -members of the Caucasian race, principally Anglo-Saxons. For whatever -the legal definition, it is the common practice in the United States to -class as Negroes all persons known to have any part of Negro blood. The -white American therefore ascribes the same potency to Negro blood which -he ascribes to the blood of Jesus Christ,--that it only takes one drop -"to make you whole." The statement needs no proof that there are -thousands of people in America who are related to the Negro and do not -know it, and others who know it but also know that its acknowledgment -would not increase their comforts in life. - -It was especially necessary to define the term _Negro_ when the -intermarriage laws were being considered. These queer laws have always -had the support of the vast majority of white people, wherever the Negro -has become a considerable part of the population, and especially after -the Negro was freed. I call them "queer laws" because they always, in -spirit and in effect if not in letter, tend to make the naturally -honorable relation of marriage a worse crime than the naturally -dishonorable practice of illicit intercourse,--which abuse, however, is -practiced chiefly by the men of the stronger against the women of the -weaker group. For this illicitness there is in practice no punishment, -while the sure penalties of intermarriage range all the way from a fine -of one hundred dollars to ten years in the penitentiary,--and the danger -of still more horrible extra-legal penalties. There could be but one -result of thus outlawing decency and tolerating indecency,--of putting -honor under the foot of dishonor,--and that result has been attained in -the United States: namely, millions of interracial illegitimates, and -some admixture of Caucasian blood in at least nine-tenths of the -American Negro group. - -Such is the American group against which these discriminating laws have -directly and indirectly aimed. In the historic decade (1860 to 1870) -many forms of discrimination and distinction began to appear in the laws -of the South: in public travel, in the courts and in the matter of the -suffrage. In 1865 and 1866 "Jim Crow" laws were passed in Florida, -Mississippi and Texas, but not in the other states until 1881 when -Tennessee started the new era of "Jim Crow," which has since overrun the -whole South and threatens, as did slavery itself, to invade the North. -Is it not queer that this passion should have gained such headway so -long after slavery? It would seem that the more the Negro advances in -education and refinement, the less acceptable he becomes to a large -number of white people. In North Carolina or South Carolina a Negro may -be taken into the white people's car if he be a criminal or a lunatic; -but if he be a gentleman and a scholar, it will be a serious offense -against earth and heaven, subject to heavy fines,--and when his train -reaches Georgia, even the conductor may be fined one thousand dollars! -This race distinction on the cars serves no useful, honorable purpose -which classified passenger tickets would not serve. But of all the -humiliation, wrong and robbery possible against a free people, the devil -and the Sicilian tyrants working together could never have devised a -more ingenious scheme than the "Jim Crow" car. - -As to the courts. Until 1870 the laws of Iowa forbade the Negro to -practice law; many states sought to invalidate or restrict the testimony -of a Negro witness against a white person; and most reluctantly of all -has any state conceded the Negro the right to be a juror, even where -both parties to the suit are Negroes. In law and in theory the Fifteenth -Amendment, March 30, 1870, repealed all statutes and nullified all -constitutional clauses discriminating against people on account of race, -color, or previous condition of servitude, but in practice in the United -States the Negro is still handicapped as a lawyer, discredited as a -witness and almost universally excluded from juries. This is queer again -in the face of the almost unanimous testimony of the courts to the -effect that the Negro juryman is more inclined to convict a real Negro -criminal than is the white juryman. - -The Reconstruction constitutions of the South, in 1868 and 1869, -following the Fourteenth Amendment, gave the Negroes the ballot. It is -needless to say that this was not the will of the white majority. And it -must always be said of these Reconstruction governments that, whatever -faults they may have had, they made the first, and up to the present -time the _last_ serious and straight-going efforts to establish real -democratic-republican organization in the South. In this era the -Congress of the United States was in the hands of the friends of -freedom, and in 1866 the Negro was given the ballot in all the -territories of the United States. On June 8, 1867, the Congress gave the -ballot to the Negroes of the District of Columbia, over the President's -veto and against the will of the white inhabitants. In a popular vote on -the proposition the city of Washington returned 6521 votes against -enfranchising the blacks and 35 votes for it; while Georgetown returned -the interesting figures of 812 votes against the proposition, and for it -one vote. This record of fifty years ago is sufficient to indicate what -would be the conditions in Washington, D. C., if it were left to its own -devices. - -Such are the facts of obstinate resistance to the Negro's actual -freedom, which brought the friends of freedom in Congress rather slowly -around to the necessity of adopting the Fourteenth, and when that -failed, the Fifteenth Amendment. I repeat that if, after the passage of -the Thirteenth Amendment, the legislatures and courts and other -creatures of the popular suffrage had shown a genius for doing justice -to the Negro, it is likely that his friends in Congress would have -forgotten him entirely, that the two subsequent Amendments would not -have been proposed and that he would have been left outside of the -Constitutional pale of citizenship indefinitely. The Thirteenth, -Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments put the enemies of freedom -successively on trial and each time they failed. Yea, even against the -decree of the Fifteenth Amendment have they defeated democracy by -indirection and duplicity. If the aim of the Fifteenth Amendment should -be finally defeated, it would be the ultimate failure of democracy,--but -there are late indications that in the end it will not fail. And of all -the many-angled struggles which the colored people are supporting in -this country for their advancement and ultimate security, the central -aim of every fighting line should be full-fledged citizenship. - -There is no doubt about the truth of the plain statement that the Negro -race in the United States of America does not get a "square deal." But -we observe frequent efforts to minimize the appearance of the great -wrong by the ambiguous statement that it is "natural" under the -circumstances. I call the statement ambiguous, because in one sense of -the word every fact of life and history is _natural_: all virtue and -vice, lust and love are natural. Many natural things are very -undesirable, and fortunately some of them are not indestructible or -unalterable. It may be natural for the white race to disfranchise, -"Jim-Crow" and burn Negroes, but the Negro is _naturally_ opposed to -that procedure. Is it not natural for the victim to be uncomfortable -under these things, to complain against them, to organize and fight -them? The naturalness of injustice, if it be natural, does not make it -one whit more just. It is natural, or at least it is historic, that men -will rob and commit murder and bastardy--but there seems to be something -in man which is higher than nature and which fights against these -things. - -The same sort of fallacy in reasoning is resorted to when the effort is -made to palliate the wrongs done in one section by stating the fact that -the same or similar wrongs have been done, are being done or will be -done to the Negro in other sections or eventually in all sections of the -United States. What on earth has this to do with the wrong, except to -make it more horrible? Does it justify wrong to show that other people -did it, do it or may do it? If so, then sin itself ought to be the -fairest thing in the world, for all men in all ages and all countries -have committed it. The poor sinning South pains-takingly points out and -tabulates every single instance of its own wrongs against black men -which can be found repeated in the North,--and when the North slips from -virtue in the same path, it cries out Pharisaically that such horrors -are common or even popular in the South. If mere ubiquity justifies, -remember that the devil's work is ubiquitous, too. - -Again, I have read books and arguments that sought to minimize the -importance of industrial, civic and political discriminations against -the Negro by saying not only that these practices are "not confined to -any section of the country," but also that such-and-such an evil did not -even "originate" in the South. We are told with great unction that -Philadelphia and San Francisco once excluded Negroes from street cars -altogether, that slavery originated in the commerce of the North, and -that Jim-Crowism was first met in Massachusetts. I have heard that the -devil was first met in the Garden of Eden, but he is none the less the -devil. And as to origin, who cares where the smallpox or the yellow -fever originated? It is their nature, not their origin, which makes them -horrible. - -There is really no room for one section to boast or to proudly accuse -the other. So far as the Negro's experiences go, both sections need to -improve perhaps in their ideals but certainly in their practices -respecting democratic liberties and human brotherhood. Let the Negro and -his friends realize that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the -United States Constitution represent not a backward step but a stride -forward in civilization, and that they were fostered and ratified, not -for the sake of the temporary burden which they may have put upon the -white race in the South, but for the benefit of all races, at all times, -in all America. - - - - -John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - -The following resolution adopted at the last meeting is -self-explanatory: "That the Academy publish a list of books, pamphlets, -magazines and newspaper articles bearing on the Negro Question, with -appropriate comment." A letter sent to the Library of Congress brought -from the Chief Bibliographer the following reply: "Titles of books -relating to the Negro may be found by means of the Cumulative Book -Index, published monthly; articles in magazines, etc., are listed in the -Readers' Guide to periodical literature and its supplements, and in the -annual magazine subject index; legal literature is indexed in the index -to legal periodicals and the literature of medicine in the Index -Medicus. These publications are all subject indexes and to approach the -matter from the side of Negro authorship it would be necessary to start -with some such book as "Who's Who of the Colored Race," which would -enable the compiler to pick out the Negro authors. It would then be -necessary to go through the indexes to see whether these authors had -published anything during the current year. A source of additional -titles," continues the letter, "would be the periodicals devoted to the -interests of the Negro race. These frequently note pamphlets, privately -or obscurely printed books which do not get into the regular lists." - -This reference to "Who's Who," a book just issued, shows that the -Academy is beginning this work at a very propitious time. One year ago -"Who's Who" was only a prospect; now it is a realization, the most -important this year in this field of bibliography. Its price, $6.00, may -restrict its circulation to public libraries, colleges and universities -until some worthier publication appears to take its place by the side of -similarly named publications which include leaders of thought and action -the world over. - -Scarcely less important is the Negro Year Book, by Monroe N. Work, in -charge of Division of Records and Research at Tuskegee. This is an -annual encyclopedia of the Negro, for its scope includes the population -of the earth by races, the periodicals published by Africans, "where -black men govern," Negroes and Spanish Explorers, Negro Slavery in -Colonies and in States, Abolition, Agitation, Slavery and Religious -Denominations, Slave Insurrections, the Underground Railroad, Civil -Status, Civil and Political Rights, Negro Soldiers, The Church, -Education Before and Since the Civil War, Arts, Occupations, Inventions, -Agriculture, Crime, Health, Population, National and Fraternal -Organizations, Social Settlements, Periodical publications and -bibliographies pertaining to the Negro. In no other publication of more -than four hundred pages is so much information assembled. The price, 35 -cents, should warrant its circulation wherever there is found school, -college or church, student or professional man who affects a serious -study of our relative conditions and their adaptation to the broader -ones of country and civilization. - -"The Negro," by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Ph. D., No. 91 in the Home -University Library of H. Holt & Co., New York, traces in twelve chapters -the evolution of the race from Ethiopia and Egypt, from its original -habitat, from the Cross and the Crescent to the period when the power -and the influence of the race were generally recognized, up to the rise -of the slave trade, with its blighting effect on conditions in the New -World, and the introduction of the Negro Problem in the United States. -Suggestions for further reading follow. An index and maps add to its -adaptation and value. - -"Education of the Negro Before 1860," by Carter G. Woodson, Ph. D. -(Macmillan), embraces the results of an intensive study of educational -conditions prevalent in the United States from Colonial days to the -Civil War. The influence of the Quaker, the Jesuit and the Abolitionist -is traced to its fruitage, contributory to the laws which gave the -public school system in the South. This book deserves to be consulted by -the investigator and the student. - -"The Black Man's Burden," by William H. Holtzclaw, principal of the -Utica (Miss.) N & I. Institute for the training of colored young men and -women, is also a book of the year. The introduction is written by Booker -T. Washington. It tells the story of the establishment of a school in -the black belt of Mississippi hardly less thrilling though on a smaller -scale than that of Tuskegee itself, of which the author is a graduate. - -Among publications of a sociological nature are "Colored People of -Chicago, Ill.," L. H. Bowen; "Industries Among Negroes in St. Louis," by -W. A. Crossland; "The Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delinquent," -by C. H. McChord; "Urban Conditions in Harlem," by E. F. Dycloff -(Outlook, 108:949-54); ditto, by E. D. Jones (Outlook, 109:597); "Manual -of Freedmen's Progress," by Francis H. Warren, Secretary of Freedmen's -Progress Commission. This volume of 372 pages was authorized by Act 47, -Public Acts of Michigan, 1915. - -Political conditions of the Negro Problem are discussed in the -"Aftermath of the Civil War," by Powell Clayton; "Political History of -Slavery," by J. Z. George; "Studies in South: Parties and Politics of -Georgia," by C. M. Thompson; "President Lincoln's Attitude," by H. W. -Wilbur; "Police Control in South Carolina," by H. M. Henry; "Slavery -Early Heritage of the South"; "America's Greatest Problem," R. W. -Shufeldt. Though all these are white authors, they are in an objective -sense inclusive in an American Negro Bibliography. - -"Negro Wit and Humor," by. M. F. Harmon; "Mexico as an Asylum for the -Negro," by O. M. Donaldson; "Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans," -by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois are other titles that reflect current thought. - -When we invade the realm of the magazine, the newspaper or other -periodical we find a variety of topics and different, phases of the same -general subject. The range discussed in the magazine intensifies popular -thought to a greater degree than the reading of books by the relatively -smaller number of individuals. - -"Thinking White Down South," in Outlook 111:9-10, does not on its face -suggest its pertinence to this question. - -"My View of Segregation Laws," by Booker T. Washington, in New Republic, -51:113-14. - -The Negro Exposition at Richmond is given greater prestige in the Review -of Reviews (52:85-8) than elsewhere. "The Country's Attitude Towards the -Negro," by Oswald G. Villard, in Nation (99:788-40), and the same -publication (100:187-8); the conferring of the Spingarn medal to E. E. -Just, member of this Academy; "The Education of the Mind of the Negro -Child in School and Society" (1:357-60), and "The Southern Tribute to a -Negro," in Dial (59:409-10). - -"Segregation and the Vote" embraces more than a third of fifty titles -not otherwise mentioned. The recent opinion of the United States Supreme -Court dealing with what is popularly known as the Grandfather clauses of -Southern constitutions and statutes, is discussed in 8 Law and -Bankruptcy, 8:236-6. The Literary Digest (Vol. 15:5) gives a symposium -on the subject. The Nation prophesies the end of the Negro politically -in 100 years (100:443 of April 12, 1915). The Independent on the other -hand (Vol. 88:3-4), sees the wrong of these clauses righted. The Outlook -in 110:486-7 (June 30, 1915), gives another view. - -Other ways of discrimination by which the purpose of the Fifteenth -Amendment may yet be defeated will be found in "Everybody" (33:251-2). -"The South and the Negro Vote" forms the title of an elaborate article -in the North American Review, by J. C. Hemphill (202:213-19), while "Our -Debt to the Negro" is the theme in Miss. R. 38:772. Sociological -features, Homes and Housing, as a general proposition, is considered in -Survey, 34:67, 158-9; Business Men, in 34:550; and Loosening of -Louisiana, in 34:266-9. Titustown, a new community near Norfolk, Va., is -given special notice in 34:531, and B. T. Washington, in Conference, -Charities and Correction, 1914:121-7. - -The Separate Coach Statutes and Their Constitutionality are discussed in -Central Law Journal, 43:44 (January 15, 1915); 18 Law Notes, 182 213 -(January 7, 1915); 20 Va. Law Register, 781-785 (February 15, 1915). -These will tend to such race discrimination as to affect Civil Rights, -and as such are treated in 50 Nat. Cor. Reg., 595. - -"The Saloon as a Place of Public Amusement" is brought under review in -49 Amer. Law Review, 131. "Segregation: A Burning Question in Southern -Social Adjustments," is made the subject of an article by Philip A. -Bruce, the well-known Southern author, in Hibberts Journal, 13 V. -867-86. B. F. Benson, in Va. L. Reg. n. s. 330-356, treats the local -segregation ordinances. Their application to rural Southern communities -is the theme in Survey, 33:375-7. The constitutionality of these -ordinances is briefly considered in 13 Mich. Rev., 599-600; in Harper's -Weekly, 59:620, 1D. and in New Republic, November 22-29, 1915. "The -Roots of the War in the Race Question" is a very illuminating article by -W. E. B. Du Bois in the Atlantic Monthly for May. - -Three notable books, the product of the year 1915, are deserving of -special mention. They are all devoted to Negroes of the Eighteenth -Century, and are the outcome of the activities, the enterprise and the -research of the Twentieth Century, and that by white Americans. The -titles are (1) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters) Poems and Letters: -First Collected Edition," edited by Charles Fred Heartman, with an -appreciation by Arthur A. Schomburg, 112 pages. Ben Day paper, 50 on -Fabriano hand-made paper, and 10 on Japan vellum. - -(2) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters): A Critical Attempt and a -Bibliography of Her Writings," by Charles Fred Heartman; 99 copies of -this were printed by the author on Alexandra Japan paper. There are 50 -pages in this bibliography, from which we learn that there are 43 titles -of different editions of Phillis Wheatley's poems. The forty-third is -that of six broadsides relating to Phillis Wheatley, with portrait and -fac-simile of her handwritings; 25 copies of this were printed for the -same publisher. They consist of four pages and eight productions on -eight leaves. - -The last (3) item is certainly the most interesting. It flashes the name -of Jupiter Hammon, a Negro belonging to Joseph Lloyd, of Queen's -Village, on Long Island, now in Hartford. The title is "Jupiter Hammon: -American Negro Poet. Selections From His Writings and a Bibliography." -By Oscar Wegelin, with five fac-similes; 99 copies were printed for -Charles Fred Heartman, New York, 1915. Jupiter Hammon was the first -member of his race to write and publish poetry in this country. One of -his poems was printed before Phillis Wheatley had written her first -poem. - -This bibliography is slightly connected with that of books issued before -the present year, such as "Negro Culture in West Africa," by George W. -Ellis, 290 pages; "The Haitian Revolution From 1791 to 1804," by T. G. -Steward, 292 pages; "The Facts of Reconstruction," by John R. Lynch, 326 -pages; "Out of the House of Bondage," by Kelly Miller, and "The Negro in -American History," by John W. Cromwell, 296 pp. which have found places -in some of the principal public libraries of the country. - -"Redder Blood," by William M. Ashby, published by the Neale Publishing -Company, is described as a novel which, written in literary English and -not in the jargon known as Negro dialect; a story told for the sake of -the story and not a treatise under disguise. Its author, a Negro, is a -graduate of Yale College. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; footnotes were -renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works to protect the -Project Gutenberg(tm) concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a -registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, -unless you receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything -for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may -use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative -works, reports, performances and research. They may be modified and -printed and given away - you may do practically _anything_ with public -domain eBooks. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, -especially commercial redistribution. - - - -The Full Project Gutenberg License - - -_Please read this before you distribute or use this work._ - -To protect the Project Gutenberg(tm) mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or -any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project -Gutenberg(tm) License available with this file or online at -http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - - -Section 1. General Terms of Use & Redistributing Project Gutenberg(tm) -electronic works - - -*1.A.* By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg(tm) -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the -terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all -copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works in your possession. If -you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the -terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or -entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. - -*1.B.* "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things -that you can do with most Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works even -without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph -1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement -and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic -works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -*1.C.* The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of -Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works. Nearly all the individual works -in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an -individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are -located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you -from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating -derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project -Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the -Project Gutenberg(tm) mission of promoting free access to electronic -works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg(tm) works in compliance with -the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg(tm) name -associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this -agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full -Project Gutenberg(tm) License when you share it without charge with -others. - -*1.D.* The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in -a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check -the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement -before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or -creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project -Gutenberg(tm) work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning -the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United -States. - -*1.E.* Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -*1.E.1.* The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg(tm) License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg(tm) work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with - almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away - or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License - included with this eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org - -*1.E.2.* If an individual Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic work is -derived from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating -that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can -be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying -any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a -work with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on -the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs -1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the -Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or -1.E.9. - -*1.E.3.* If an individual Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic work is -posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and -distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and -any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg(tm) License for all works posted -with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of -this work. - -*1.E.4.* Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project -Gutenberg(tm) License terms from this work, or any files containing a -part of this work or any other work associated with Project -Gutenberg(tm). - -*1.E.5.* Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg(tm) License. - -*1.E.6.* You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any -word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or -distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg(tm) work in a format other than -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version -posted on the official Project Gutenberg(tm) web site -(http://www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or -expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a -means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original -"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include -the full Project Gutenberg(tm) License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -*1.E.7.* Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg(tm) works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -*1.E.8.* You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works -provided that - - - You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg(tm) works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - - - You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg(tm) - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) - works. - - - You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - - - You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg(tm) works. - - -*1.E.9.* If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael -Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg(tm) trademark. Contact the -Foundation as set forth in Section 3. below. - -*1.F.* - -*1.F.1.* Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg(tm) collection. -Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works, and the -medium on which they may be stored, may contain "Defects," such as, but -not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription -errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a -defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer -codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. - -*1.F.2.* LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg(tm) trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg(tm) electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. -YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, -BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN -PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND -ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR -ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES -EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE. - -*1.F.3.* LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with -your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with -the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a -refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity -providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to -receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy -is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further -opportunities to fix the problem. - -*1.F.4.* Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER -WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO -WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -*1.F.5.* Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. -If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the -law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be -interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by -the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any -provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. - -*1.F.6.* INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works in accordance -with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, -promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works, -harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, -that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do -or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg(tm) -work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any -Project Gutenberg(tm) work, and (c) any Defect you cause. - - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg(tm) - - -Project Gutenberg(tm) is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers -including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists -because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from -people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg(tm)'s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg(tm) collection will remain -freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and -permanent future for Project Gutenberg(tm) and future generations. To -learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and -how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the -Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org . - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive -Foundation - - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state -of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue -Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification number is -64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at -http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf . Contributions to the -Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the -full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. -Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered -throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at 809 -North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email -business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact -information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official page -at http://www.pglaf.org - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - - -Project Gutenberg(tm) depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where -we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any -statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside -the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways -including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, -please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate - - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic -works. - - -Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg(tm) -concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared -with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project -Gutenberg(tm) eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg(tm) eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. unless -a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks -in compliance with any particular paper edition. - -Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's eBook -number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, -compressed (zipped), HTML and others. - -Corrected _editions_ of our eBooks replace the old file and take over -the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. -_Versions_ based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving -new filenames and etext numbers. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: - - http://www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg(tm), -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/35352.zip b/35352.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5ef9bd3..0000000 --- a/35352.zip +++ /dev/null |
