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diff --git a/35352.txt b/35352.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 11f39b6..0000000 --- a/35352.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2816 +0,0 @@ - Papers of the American Negro Academy - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro -Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimke, Theophilus G. Steward, Lafayette M. -Hershaw, Arthur A. Schomburg, William Pickens, and John W. Cromwell - -Release Date: February 21, 2011 [EBook #35352] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: US-ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - -The Sex Question and Race Segregation - -BY ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE, President. - -Message of San Domingo to the African Race - -BY THEOPHILUS G. STEWARD, U. S. A. (Retired) - -Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - -BY LAFAYETTE M. HERSHAW. - -Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - -BY ARTHUR A. SCHOMBURG. - -The Status of the Free Negro from 1860 to 1870 - -BY WILLIAM PICKENS. - -American Negro Bibliography of the Year - -BY JOHN W. CROMWELL. - -The above Papers were all read at the Nineteenth Annual Meeting - -of the American Negro Academy, held in the Y.M.C.A. - -Building, 12th Street Branch, Washington, D.C. - -December 28th and 29th, 1915. - -PRICE: 25 CTS. - - - - -Table of Contents - - - - Archibald H. Grimke. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African - Race - - Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to - America - - William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from - 1860-1870 - - John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - - - -Archibald H. Grimke. The Sex Question and Race Segregation - - -One wrong produces other wrongs as surely and as naturally as the seed -of the thorn produces other thorns. Men do not in the moral world gather -figs from a thorn-bush any more than they do in the vegetable world. -What they sow in either world, that they reap. Such is the law. The -earth is bound under all circumstances and conditions of time and place -to reproduce life, action, conduct, character, each after its own kind. -Men cannot make what is bad bring forth what is good. Truth does not -come out of error, light out of darkness, love out of hate, justice out -of injustice, liberty out of slavery. No, error produces more error, -darkness more darkness, hate more hate, injustice more injustice, -slavery more slavery. That which we do is that which we are, and that -which we shall be. - -The great law of reproduction which applies without shadow of change to -individual life, applies equally to the life of that aggregation of -individuals called a race or nation. Not any more than an individual can -they do wrong with impunity, can they commit a bad deed without reaping -in return the result in kind. There is nothing more certain than the -wrong done by a people shall reappear to plague them, if not in one -generation, then in another. For the consummation of a bad thought in a -bad act puts what is bad in the act beyond the control of the actor. The -evil thus escapes out of the Pandora-box of the heart, of the mind, to -reproduce and to multiply itself a hundredfold and in a hundred ways in -the complex relationships of men within human society. And then it -returns not as it issued singly, but with its related brood of ill -consequences: - - "But in these cases, - We still have judgment here; that we but teach - Bloody instructions, which being taught return - To plague the inventor: this even-handed justice - Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice - To our own lips." - -The ship which landed at Jamestown in 1619 with a cargo of African -slaves for Virginia plantations, imported at the same time into America -with its slave-cargo certain seed-principles of wrong. As the slaves -reproduced after their kind, so did these seed-principles of wrong -reproduce likewise after their kind. Wherever slavery rooted itself, -they rooted themselves also. The one followed the other with the -regularity of a law of nature, the invariability of the law of cause and -effect. As slavery grew and multiplied and spread itself over the land, -the evils begotten of slavery grew, and multiplied, and spread -themselves over the life of the people, black and white alike. The winds -which blew North carried the seeds, and the winds which blew South, and -wherever they went, wherever they fell, whether East or West, they -sprang up to bear fruit in the characters of men, in the conduct of a -growing people. - -The enslavement of one race by another necessarily produces certain -moral effects upon both races, moral deterioration of the masters, moral -degradation of the slaves. The deeper the degradation of the one, the -greater will be the deterioration of the other, and vice versa. Indeed, -slavery is a breeding-bed, a sort of compost heap, where the best -qualities of both races decay and become food for the worst. The brute -appetites and passions of the two act and react on the moral nature of -each race with demoralizing effects. The subjection of the will of one -race under such circumstances to the will of another begets in the race -that rules cruelty and tyranny, and in the one that is ruled, fear, -cunning and deceit. The lust, the passions of the master-class, act -powerfully on the lust, the passions of the slave-class, and those of -the slave-class react not less powerfully on the master-class. The -greater the cruelty, tyranny and lust of the one, the greater will be -the cunning, deceit and lust of the other. And there is no help for this -so long as the one race rules and the other race is ruled, so long as -there exists between them in the state inequality of rights, of -conditions, based solely on the race-hood of each. - -If two races live together on the same land and under the same -government as master and slave, or as superior and inferior, there will -grow up in time two moral standards in consequence of the two races -living together under such conditions. The master or superior race will -have one standard to regulate the conduct of individuals belonging to it -in respect to one another, and another standard to regulate the conduct -of those self-same individuals in respect to individuals of the slave or -inferior race. Action which would be considered bad if done by an -individual of the former race to another individual of the same race, -would not be regarded as bad at all, or at least in anything like the -same degree, if done to an individual of the latter race. On the other -hand, if the same offense were committed by an individual of the slave -or inferior race against an individual of the master or superior race, -it would not only be deemed bad, but treated as very bad. - -With the evolution of the double moral standard and its application to -the conduct of these two sets of individuals in the state, there grows -up in the life of both classes no little confusion in respect to moral -ideas, no little confusion in respect to ideas of right and wrong. Nor -is this surprising. The results of such a double standard of morals -could not possibly be different so long as human nature is what it is. -The natural man takes instinctively to the double standard, to any -scheme of morals which makes it easy for him to sin, and difficult for a -brother or enemy to do likewise. And this is exactly what our American -double standard does practically in the South for both races, but -especially for the dominant race, for example, in regard to all that -group of actions, which grows out of the relation of the sexes in -Southern society. - -What relations do the Southern males of the white race sustain to the -females of both races? Are these relations confined strictly to the -females of their own race? Or do they extend to the females of the black -race? Speaking frankly, we all know what the instinct of the male animal -is, and man after all, is physically a male animal. He is by nature one -of the most polygamous of male animals. There goes on in some form among -the human males, as among other males, a constant struggle for the -females. In polygamous countries each man obtains as many wives as he -can purchase and support. In monogamous countries he is limited by law -to one wife, whether he is able to maintain a plurality of wives or not. -When he marries this one woman the law defines his relations to her and -also to the children who may issue from such a union. But the man--I am -talking broadly--is at heart a polygamist still. The mere animal -instinct in his blood inclines him to run after, to obtain possession of -other wives. To give way to this inclination in monogamous countries he -knows to be attended with danger, to be fraught with sundry grievous -consequences to himself. He is liable to his wife, for example, to an -action for divorce on the ground of adultery. He is liable to be -prosecuted criminally on the same charge by the state, and to be sent to -prison for a term of years. But this is not the end of his troubles. -Public opinion, society, falls foul of him also in consequence of his -misconduct. He loses social recognition, the respect of his fellows, -becomes in common parlance a disgraced man. The one-wife country is -grounded on the inviolability of the Seventh Commandment. All the -sanctions of law, of morals, and of religion conspire to protect the -wife against the roving propensities of the husband, combine to curb his -male instinct to run after many women, to practice plural marriages. -There thus grows up in the breast of the race, is transmitted to each -man with the accumulated strength of social heredity, a feeling of -personal fear, a sense of moral obligation, which together war against -his male instinct for promiscuous sexual intercourse, and make for male -purity, for male fidelity to the one-wife idea, to the one-wife -institution. The birth of this wholesome fear in society is the -beginning of wisdom in monogamous countries. And unless this sense of -moral obligation is able to maintain its ascendancy in those countries, -the male sexual instinct to practice plural marriages will reassert -itself, will revert, if not openly, then secretly, to a state of nature, -to illicit relations. But every tendency to such reassertion, or -reversion, is effectively checked in a land where national morals are -sound, are pure, by wise laws which a strong, an uncompromising public -sentiment makes and executes impartially against all offenders. - -This is the case in respect to monogamous countries inhabited by a -homogeneous population. In such countries where there exist no -differences of race, where there is no such thing as a dominant and a -subject race, the national standard of morals is single, the sexual -problem is accordingly simple and yields readily, uniformly, to the -single standard regulation or treatment. The "Thou shalt not" of the law -applies equally to all males in their relations to all females in -general, and to the one female in particular. No confusion ensues in law -or in fact in respect to the subject, to the practical application of -the rule to the moral conduct of individuals. Fornication, adultery, -marriage and concubinage are not interpreted by public sentiment to mean -one thing for one class of individuals, and another thing for another -class under the same law. There are no legal double standards, no moral -double standards. The moral eye of society, under these circumstances, -is single, the legal eye of the state is likewise single, and the eye of -the whole people becomes, in consequence, full of moral light. Marriage -is held to be sacred by the state, by society, and adultery or the -breach of the marriage-vow or obligation is held accordingly to be -sacrilege, one of the greatest of crimes. - -The man who seduces another man's wife in such a society, in such a -state, is regarded as an enemy by society, by the state, and is dealt -with as such. Likewise the man who seduces another man's daughter. For -this crime the law has provided penalties which the wrong-doer may not -escape. And it matters not whether the seducer be rich and powerful, or -the girl poor and ignorant, the state, society respects not his wealth -nor his power. His status in respect to her is fixed by law, and hers -also in respect to him. While in the event of issue arising from such a -union, the law establishes certain relations between the child and the -putative father. It enables the mother to procure a writ against him, -and in case of her success he will be thereupon bound to support the -child during a certain number of years. The state, society, does not yet -compel him to give his name to the innocent offspring of his illicit -act, but it does compel him to provide for it proper maintenance. Thus -has the state, society, in monogamous countries restrained within bounds -the sexual activity of the human male, evolving in the process a code of -laws and one of morals for this purpose. These codes are administered -impartially, equally, by the state, by society, over all of the males in -their relation to all of the females. - -In monogamous countries where two races live side by side, one dominant, -the other subject, the single legal standard, the single moral standard, -yields in practice if not in theory to the double standard in law and -morals in respect to the sexual question. In the ensuing confusion of -moral ideas, of moral obligations, the male instinct gains in freedom -from restraints of law, of social conventions, and reverts in -consequence and to that extent to a state of nature, of natural -marriage. The legal and moral codes which regulate the relations of the -males of one race with the females of the same race are not applicable -in regulating the relations of those self-same males with the females of -the other race. Marriage in such a country has regard to the males and -females of the same race, not to those of different races. The crime of -adultery or of fornication undergoes the same gross modification. For in -such a land the one-wife idea, the one-wife institution has reference to -the individuals of the same race only, not to individuals of opposite -races. The "Thou shalt not" of the law, public opinion interprets to -refer to the sexual conduct of the males and females of the same race in -respect to one another, _i. e._, a male member of the dominant race must -limit his roving propensities wherever the females of his own race are -concerned. He need not under this same law, interpreted by this same -public opinion, curb to the same extent those roving propensities where -the females of the other race are concerned. He may live in licit -intercourse with a woman of his own race and at the same time live in -illicit intercourse with a woman of the other race, _i. e._, without -incurring the pains and penalties made by the state, by society, against -such an offense in case the second woman be of his own race. Neither the -law nor public opinion puts an equal value on the chastity of the women -of the two races. Female chastity in the so-called superior race is -rated above that in the so-called inferior race. Hence the greater -protection accorded to the woman of the first class over that accorded -to the woman of the second class. The first class has well-defined legal -and moral rights which the men of that class are bound to respect, -rights which may not be violated with impunity. Here we encounter one of -the greatest dangers attendant upon race segregation, where the two -races are not equal before the law, where public opinion makes and -enforces one law for the upper race, and practically another law for the -under race. - -Under these circumstances a male member of the dominant race may seduce -the wife of a member of the subject race, or a daughter, without -incurring any punishment except at the hands of the man wronged by him. -Such a wrong-doer would not be indicted or tried for adultery or -seduction, nor could the wronged husband or father recover from him -damages in a suit at law, nor yet could a bastardy suit be brought by -the girl against him with any show of success for the support of his -child, were issue to be born to her from such illicit union. The men of -the dominant race find themselves thus in a situation where the law, -public opinion, provides for their exclusive possession the women of -their own race, and permits them at the same time to share with the men -of the subject race possession of the women of that race. The sexual -activity of the men of the first class approaches in these conditions to -a state of nature in respect to the women of the second class. They are -enabled, therefore, to select wives from the stronger race, and -mistresses from the weaker one. The natural law of sexual selection -determines the mating in the one case as truly as in the other, _i. e._, -in the case of concubinage as in that of marriage. The men of the upper -class fall in love with the women whom they have elected to become their -wives, they also fall in love with the women they have elected to become -their concubines. They go through all those erotic attentions to the -women of each class, which are called courtship in the language of -sexual love. Only in the case of women of the first class this courtship -is open, visible to the eye of the upper world of the dominant race, -while in the case of the women of the second class it is secret, -conducted in a corner of the lower world of the subject race. - -These men build homes in the upper world where are installed their -wives, who beget them children in lawful wedlock; they likewise build -homes in the lower world, where are installed their concubines, who -beget them children in unlawful wedlock. The wives move, have their -being in the upper world and sustain to their husbands certain -well-defined rights and relations, social and legal. The children of -this union sustain to those fathers equally clear and definite rights -and relations in the eye of the law, in the eye of society. The law, -society, imposes on them, these husbands and fathers, certain -well-defined duties and obligations in respect to these children, these -wives, which may not be evaded or violated with impunity. These men -cannot therefore disown or desert their wives and children at will. -Whereas, such is not the case, is not the situation, in respect to the -unlawful wives hidden away in a corner of the under-world, or of that of -the children begotten to those men by these unlawful wives, but quite -the contrary. For them the law, society, does not intervene, does not -establish any binding relations, any reciprocal rights between those -women and children and the men, any more than if the men and the women -were living together in a state of nature and having children born to -them in such a state, where the will of the natural man is law, where -his sexual passion measures exactly the extent and the duration of his -duties and obligations in respect to his offspring and the mother of -them. When he grows weary of the mother he goes elsewhere, and forgets -that he ever had children by her. - -This is the case, is the situation, in the under-world of the under -race. For down there, there is no law, no public opinion, to curb the -gratification of the sexual instinct of the men of the upper world, such -as exists and operates so effectively to curb those instincts in that -upper world. In the upper world these men may have but one wife each, -but in the lower one they may have as many concubines as they like, and -a different set of children by each concubine. They may have these women -and children in succession, or they may have them at the same time. For -there is in that under-world no law, no effective power to say to those -men, to their lust of the flesh: "Thus far and no farther." In the upper -world they are members of a civilized society, amenable to its codes of -law and morals; in the lower one, they are merely male animals -struggling with other male animals for the possession of the females. On -the dim stage of the under-world this is the one part that they play. In -this one sensual role they make their entrances and their exits. They -may have in the upper world achieved distinction along other lines of -human endeavor, but in the lower one, they achieve the single -distinction of being successful male animals in pursuit of the females. - -So much for the males of the dominant race. Now for those of the subject -race. How do they conduct themselves at this morally chaotic -meeting-place of the two races? What effect does this sexual freedom, -spawned under such conditions, produce on their life, on their actions? -Like the men of the upper race, they, too, live in a monogamous country. -But unlike their male rivals, these men of the under-world are not free -to seek their mates from the women of both races. The law restricts -them, public opinion restricts them, the men of the dominant race -restrict them in this regard to the women of their own race. Around the -women of the dominant race, law, public opinion, the men of that race, -have erected a high wall which the men of the other race are forbidden -to climb. What do these men see in respect to themselves in view of this -triply-built wall? They see that while they share the women of their own -race with the men of the other race, that these same men enjoy exclusive -possession of their own women, thanks to the high wall, built by law, by -public opinion, and the strong arms of these self-same men. What do the -men of the under world? Do they struggle against this sexual supremacy -of the men of the upper world, or do they succumb to circumstances, -surrender unconditionally to the high wall? We shall presently see. - -This racial inequality generates heat in masculine breasts in the under -world. And with this heat there ensues that fermentation of thought and -feeling which men call passion. Those submerged men begin to think -sullenly on the subject, they try to grasp the equities of the -situation. As thought spreads among them, feeling spreads among them -also. About their own women they see no fence, about the women of the -other race they see that high wall. They cannot think out to any -satisfactory conclusion the justice of that arrangement, cannot -understand why the women of the upper race should belong exclusively to -the men of that race, and why these self-same men should share jointly -with the men of the lower race the women of this race. - -The more they strike their heads against this one-sided arrangement, the -less they like it, the more they rebel against it. And so they come to -grope dimly for some means to oust their rivals from this -joint-ownership of the women of the lower race. And when they fail, -feeling kindles into anger, and anger into resentment. Against this -inequality of conditions a deepening sense of wrong burns hotly within -them. Dark questionings assail their rude understandings. Have the men -of the upper race their exclusive preserves, then ought not the men of -the lower race to have their exclusive preserves also? Is it a crime, -has law, public opinion, the men of the upper race made it a crime for -the men of the lower race to poach on those preserves? Then the law, -public opinion, the men of the lower race ought to make it equally a -crime for the men of the upper race to poach on the preserves of the -other race. But law, public opinion, refuses to make the two acts equal -in criminality and the men of the lower race are powerless to do so -without the help of equal laws and administration, and a just public -sentiment. Baffled of their purpose to establish equality of conditions -between them and their rivals, they thereupon watch the ways of these -rivals. They see them descending into the lower world in pursuit of the -women of that world by means that are crooked and ways that are dark. A -few of the men in that lower world profiting by that villainous -instruction, endeavor to ascend into the upper world by the same crooked -means, by the same dark ways. For they affect to believe that what is -sauce for one race's goose is sauce for the other race's gander. Thus it -is attempted craftily, but, in the main, futilely, to strike a sort of -primitive balance between the men of the two races in respect to the -women of the two races. - -Now no such balance can be struck by the unaided acts of the men of the -lower race. Without the co-operation of the women of the upper race -these men are helpless to scale the high wall, or to make the slightest -breach in it. The law, public opinion, the men of the upper race, render -such co-operation very difficult, well-nigh impossible, did there exist -any disposition on the part of the women of the upper race to give aid -and comfort for such a purpose to the men of the lower race. But as a -matter of fact, and speaking broadly, there exists no such disposition. -The law of sexual selection does not operate under the circumstances to -make the men of the lower race sufficiently attractive to the women of -the upper race. It is possible that in a state of nature, and under -other circumstances, the case might be different. But under present -conditions the sexual gravitation of the women of the upper world toward -the men of the lower world may be set down as infinitesimally small, -practically a negligible quantity. Everything in the state, in society, -in deep-rooted racial prejudices, in the vastly inferior social and -economic standing of the lower race and the ineffaceable dishonor which -attaches to such unions in the public mind, together with the actual -peril to life which attends them, all combine to discourage, to destroy -almost any inclination in that direction on the part of the women of the -upper race. - -Now, while this is true, speaking broadly, it is not altogether so. For -in scattered individual cases, in spite of the difficulties and dangers, -the law of sexual selection has been known to operate between those two -worlds. A few women of the upper world, on the right side of the high -wall have been drawn to a few men in the lower world, on the wrong side -of that wall. By the connivance, or co-operation of such women the men -of their choice have climbed into the upper world, climbed into it over -the high wall by means that were secret and ways that were dark. As one -swallow does not, however, make summer, neither can these scattered -instances, few and far between, be cited to establish any general -affinity between the women of the upper race and the men of the lower -race. On examination they will be seen to be exceptions, which only -prove the rule of a want of sexual affinity between them under existing -conditions at least. Practically a well-nigh impassable gulf, to change -the figure, separates the men of the lower world from the women of the -upper one. The men as a class can not bridge that gulf, and the women as -a class have no desire to do so. This, then, is the actual situation: -the men of the upper world enjoy practically exclusive possession of the -women of that world, while the men of the lower world do not enjoy -exclusive possession of the women of their world, but share this -possession with the men of the upper world. - -The effect that is produced in consequence of this state of things on -the morals of the men of the lower world, is distinctly and decidedly -bad. Such conditions, such a situation, could not possibly produce a -different effect so long as human nature is what it is. And the human -nature of each race is essentially the same. The morals of the men of -the two worlds will be found at any given time to be almost exactly -alike in almost every particular. For the morals of the men of the lower -world are in truth a close imitation of those of the men of the upper -world--closest not where those morals are at their best, but where they -are at their worst. This will be found to be the case every time. So -that it happens that where the morals of the men of the upper world are -bad, those of the men of the lower world will not be merely bad, but -very bad. There follows naturally, inevitably, under these circumstances -and in consequence of these conditions, widespread debauchery of the -morals of the women of the lower race. And for this there is absolutely -no help, no remedy, just so long as the law and public opinion maintain -such a demoralizing state of things. - -If there exists no affinity between the men of the lower world and the -women of the upper world, there does then exist a vital connection -between the masculine morals of the two worlds. These morals are in -constant interaction, one upon the other. When the moral barometer falls -in the upper world, it falls directly in the lower one also. And as the -storm of sensuality passes over both worlds simultaneously, its -devastating effects will always fall heaviest on the lower one where the -women of that world form the center of its greatest activity. Whatever -figure the moral barometer registers in the lower world, it will -register a corresponding one in the upper, and this whether the -barometer be rising or falling. If the moral movement be downward in the -lower world, it will be downward in the upper, and if it be upward in -the upper, it will be upward in the lower and vice versa. - -In view of the vital connection then between the morals of the two races -the moral regeneration of either must of necessity include both. At one -and the same time the work ought to start in each and proceed along -parallel lines in both. The starting-point for each is the abolition of -the double moral standard, and the substitution in law and in public -opinion of a single one, applicable alike to the conduct of both. -Otherwise every reformatory movement is from the beginning doomed to -failure, to come to naught in the end. For the roots of the moral evil -which exists under present conditions and by virtue of them cannot be -extirpated without first changing those conditions. - -The morals of the two races in default of such change of conditions must -sink in consequence from bad to worse. They cannot possibly rise in -spite of such conditions. - -I have now discussed the subject of the contact of two races living -together on the same land and on terms of inequality, in its relations -to the morals of the men of those races. It yet remains to consider the -same subject in its relations to the conduct of the women. What is the -effect of such contact, to be specific, on the women of the two races in -the South? And first, what is it on white women? Do these women know of -the existence of the criminal commerce which goes on between the world -of the white man and that of the colored woman? And if so, are they -cognizant of its extent and magnitude. They do perceive, without doubt, -what it must have been in the past from the multitude of the mixed -bloods who came down to the South from the period before the war, or the -abolition of slavery. Such visible evidence not even a fool could refuse -to accept at its full face value. And the white women of the South are -not fools. Far from it. They have eyes like other women, and ears, and -with them they see and hear what goes on about them. Their intelligence -is not deceived in respect to appearance and underlying causes. -Certainly they are not ignorant of the fact that a Negro can no more -change his skin than a leopard his spots. When therefore they see black -mothers with light-colored children, they need not ask the meaning of -it, the cause of such apparent wonder. For they know to their sorrow its -natural explanation, and whence have come all the mulattoes and -quadroons and octoroons of the South. And to these women this knowledge -has been bitterer than death. The poisoned arrow of it long ago entered -deep into their souls. And the hurt, cruel and immedicable, rankles in -the breasts of those women today, as it rankled in the breasts of their -mothers of a past long vanished. - -What, pray, is engendered by all of this widespread but suppressed -suffering transmitted, as a bitter heritage for generations, by Southern -mothers to Southern daughters? What but bitter hatred of the black woman -of the South by the white woman of the South. How is this hatred -expressed? In a hundred ways and by a hundred means. One cannot keep -down a feeling of pity for a large class of women in the South who -cannot meet in street, or store, or car, a well-dressed and comely -colored girl without experiencing a pang of suspicion, a spasm of fear. -For there arises unbidden, unavoidably, in the minds of such women the -ugly question, whose daughter is she, and whose mistress is she to be? -For in the girl's veins may flow the proudest blood of the South. And -this possibility, aye, probability, so shameful to both races, no one in -the South knows better than the Southern white woman. What happens? The -most natural thing in the world, but not the wisest. The hatred, the -suspicion, the fear of these women find expression in scorn, in active -ill-will, not only toward that particular girl, but toward her whole -class as well. They are all put under the ban of this accumulated -hatred, suspicion and fear. - -A hostility, deep-seated and passionate as that which proceeds from -white women as a class toward black women as a class, shoots beyond the -mark and attacks indiscriminately all colored women without regard to -character, without regard to standing or respectability. It is enough -that they belong to the black race; ergo, they are bad, ergo, they are -dangerous. All this bitter hatred of the women of one race by the women -of the other race has borne bitter fruit in the South in merciless class -distinctions, in hard and fast caste-lines, designed to limit contact of -the races there to the single point where they come together as superior -and inferior. Hence the South has its laws against intermarriage, and -for separating the races in schools, in public libraries, in churches, -in hotels, in cars, in waiting rooms, on steamboats, in hospitals, in -poorhouses, in prisons, in graveyards. Thus it is intended to reduce the -contact of the races to a minimum, to glut at the same time the hatred -of the white women of the South toward the black women of the South, and -to shut the men of each race from the women of the other race. But how -foolish are all these laws, how futile are all these class distinctions! -Do they really effect the separation of the races? They do not, they -cannot under existing conditions. What then do they? They do indeed -separate the world of the white man and woman from the colored man and -woman, but they fail utterly to separate the world of the colored woman -from the white man. - -The joint fear of the white woman and the white man is incorporated -today in every State of the South in laws interdicting marriage between -the races. But do these laws put an end to the sexual commerce which -goes on between the world of the white man and that of the colored -woman? Have they checked perceptibly this vile traffic between these two -worlds? They have not nor can they diminish or extinguish this evil. On -the contrary, because they divide the two worlds, because they uphold -this legal separation of the races, they provide a secret door, a dark -way between the two worlds, between the two races, which the men of the -upper world open at will and travel at pleasure. For they hold the key -to this secret door, the clue to this dark way. Such preventive measures -are in truth but a repetition of the fatal folly of the ostrich when it -is afraid. For then while this powerful bird takes infinite pains to -cover its insignificant front lines, it leaves unprotected its widely -extended rear ones, and falls accordingly an easy victim to the enemy -which pursues it. The real peril of an admixture of the races in the -South lies not in intermarriage, but in concubinage, lies through that -secret door which connects the races, the key to which is in the hands -of the white men of the South. It is they who first opened it, and it is -they who continue to keep it open. Were it not for the folly of the -white women of the South, it might yet be closed and sealed. The folly -of the white women of the South is their hatred, their fear of the -colored women of the South. They first think to rid themselves of the -rivalry of the second class by excluding them from the upper world, by -shutting them securely within the limits of the lower one. But these -women forget the existence of that secret door, of the hidden way. They -forget also the hand that holds the key to the one and the clue to the -other. That hand is the hand of the white man; it is certainly not the -hand of the colored woman. - -Is it not the white woman of the South more than any other agency, or -than all other agencies put together, who are responsible for the -existence of a public sentiment in the South which makes it legally -impossible for a colored girl to obtain redress from the white man who -betrayed her, or support from him for his bastard child? The white woman -of the South thus outlaws, thus punishes her black rival. But what does -such outlawry accomplish, what such punishment? What do they but add -immensely to the strength of the white man's temptation by making such -illicit intercourse safe for him to indulge in? Thanks to the white -woman's mad hatred of the colored woman, to her insane fear of her -colored rival, the white man of the South is enabled to practice with -singular impunity this species of polygamy. For the penalties against -the adulterer, against the fornicator, which the law provides, which -public opinion provides, for him in the upper world, he well knows will -not be called down on his head were the acts of adultery or fornication -committed by him in the lower world. It is a sad fact and a terrible -one, sad for both races and terrible for the women of both races in the -actual and potential wickedness of it. No colored girl, however, cruelly -wronged by a white man in the South will be able to obtain an iota of -justice at the hands of that man in any court of law in any Southern -State, or to get the slightest hearing or sympathy for her cause at the -bar of Southern public opinion. Were she to enter the upper world of the -white woman with such a case against some white man, who but the -Southern white woman would be the first to drive her back into her -world? But unless she is not only allowed but encouraged to emerge out -of her world with the shameful fruit of her guilty life and love, and so -to confront her white paramour or betrayer in his world, how is the -lower world ever to rid itself of such as she, or the upper one of such -as he? In the segregation and outlawry of the black woman under such -conditions lie the white woman's greatest danger, lie the white race's -greatest danger from admixture of the races, lies the South's greatest -danger to its morals. For through such segregation and outlawry run the -white man's way to the black woman's world, and therefore to -miscegenation of the races, to their widespread moral degradation and -corruption. Amalgamation is not therefore made hard, but appallingly -easy. - -But there is another aspect to this side of the subject which must not -be entirely ignored, and that is the existence in a few instances of -illicit relations between some white women and some colored men in the -South. That such relations have existed in the past and do actually -exist there at the present time, there is absolutely no doubt whatever. -In certain localities these relations, although known or suspected, have -been tolerated, while in general as soon as they are discovered or -suspected they have been broken up by mobs who murder the black -participants when they are caught, sometimes on trumped-up charges of -having committed the "usual crime." The existence of such relations is -not so strange or incredible as may be supposed at first hearing of -them. For it is a fact hardly less curious, if not so strange, that -there are men who while they would not think of marrying into a class -beneath them would nevertheless live readily enough in a state of -concubinage with women of that class. And in this upper class there are -women, not many, it is true, who would do the same thing. They care -enough for the men in the class beneath them to enter into illicit -relations in secret with them, but not enough to enter into licit -relations with these same men in the open, in the gaze of a scornful and -horrified world. Has it ever been seriously considered that like father -may occasionally produce like daughter in the South? And that such moral -lapses by a few white women of that section may be accounted for in part -at least by that mysterious law of atavism? The sons are like their -fathers in respect to their fondness for colored women, why may not one -daughter in, say, ten thousand, resemble those fathers in that same -shameful, though not altogether unnatural respect? Do not such -instances, few and far between at present though they be, furnish matter -for thoughtful people of the South regardless of sex, race or color? - -Have the white women of the South considered that under existing -conditions they are deprived of effective influence, of effective power, -to reform the morals of the men of their race? And that unless the -morals of the men are reformed the morals of the whole white race will -eventually decline? If the women fail to lift the level of the moral -life of their men to their own higher plane, the lower morals of the men -will drag downward ultimately to their level that of the women. From -this inevitable conclusion and consequence there is no possible escape. -But the white women of the South are powerless to lift the morals of -their men without lifting at the same time the morals of the women of -the black race. If, however, they steadily refuse to do so in the -future, as they have refused to do so in the past, and as they refuse to -do so today by the only sure means which can and will contribute -mightily to effect such a purpose, viz., by making the black women their -equals before the law, and at the bar of an enlightened public -sentiment, and these women remain in consequence where they are today, a -snare to the feet of white men, when these men trip over this snare into -the hell of the senses, they will drag downward slowly but surely with -them toward the level of these self-same black women the moral ideals if -not the moral life of the white women of the South. - -And now a final word about the black woman of the South: She holds in -her keeping the moral weal or woe, not only of her own race, but of the -white race also. As she stands today in respect to the white man of the -South, her situation is full of peril to both races. For she lives in a -world where the white man may work his will on her without let or -hindrance, outside of law, outside of the social code and moral -restraints which protect the white woman. This black woman's extra-legal -position in the South, and her extra-social status there, render her a -safe quarry for the white man's lust. And she is pursued by him for -immoral ends without dread of ill consequences to himself, either legal -or social. If she resists his advances, and in many cases she does -resist them, he does not abate his pursuit, but redoubles it. Her -respectability, her very virtue, makes her all the more attractive to -him, spurs the more his sensual desire to get possession of her person. -He tracks her, endeavors to snare her in a hundred dark ways and by a -hundred crooked means. On the street, in stores, in cars, going to and -from church, she encounters this man, bent on her ruin. Into her very -home his secret emissaries may attack her with their temptation, with -their vile solicitation. Nowhere is she safe, free from his pursuit, -because no law protects her, no moral sentiment casts about her person -the aegis of its power. And when haply dazed by the insignia of his -superior class, or his wealth, or the magic of his skin, or the creature -comforts which he is able to offer her, she succumbs to his embrace and -enters the home to which he invites her, she becomes from that time -outlawed in both worlds, a moral plague-spot in the midst of both races. -For she begins then to reproduce herself, her wretched history, her sad -fate, in the more wretched history, in the sadder fate of her daughters. -And so in her world of the senses, of the passions, she enacts in a sort -of vicious circle the moral tragedy of two races. If the white man works -the moral ruin of her and hers, she and they in turn work upon him and -his a moral ruin no less sure and terrible. - -What is the remedy? It is certainly not the segregation of the races in -a state of inequality before the law. For such segregation exists today. -It has existed to the hurt of both races in the past. It is the fruitful -parent of fearful woes at the present time, and will be the breeder of -incalculable mischief for both races, for the South, and for the nation -itself, in the future. The remedy lies not then in racial segregation -and inequality, for that is the disease, but in interracial comity and -equality. The double moral standard has to be got rid of as quickly as -possible, and a single one erected in its stead, applicable alike to the -men and women of both races. The moral world of the white man and that -of the black woman must be merged into one by the ministers of law and -religion, by an awakened public conscience, and by an enlightened and -impartial public sentiment, which is the great promoter and upholder of -individual and national righteousness. The black woman of the South must -be as sacredly guarded as a woman by Southern law and public opinion -against the sexual passion and pursuit of the Southern white man as is -the Southern white woman. Such equality of condition, of protection, in -the South is indispensable to any lasting improvement in the morals of -its people, white or black. If that section persists in sowing -inequality instead of equality between the races, it must continue to -gather the bitter fruits of it in the darkened moral life, in the low -moral standard of both races. For what the South sows, whether it be -cotton or character, that it will surely reap. - - - - -Theophilus G. Steward. The Message of San Domingo to the African Race - - - "The mention of that name, San Domingo," says McMaster, "calls - up the recollection of one of the finest colonies, of one of the - noblest struggles for liberty, of one of the grandest men, and - of one of the foulest deeds in the history of revolutionary - France."[1] - - - [1] History of the American People, John Bach McMaster Vol. III, p. - 215. - -The part that the inhabitants of that island took in our war of -independence, I have related previously in a paper read before this -body. (No. 5.) I may quote in substance from that paper the following -facts. - -The record given by Minister Rush secured in Paris in 1849, and -preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical Society states that a legion of -colored troops from San Domingo saved the American army from -annihilation by bravely covering its retreat in the disastrous repulse -which it met in Savannah in 1779. This legion was composed of about 800 -freedmen, black and mulatto, and was known as Fontages' Legion. They had -freely volunteered, and had accompanied D'Estaing from Port-au-Prince, -and as the Haitian historians say, they came to our shores and covered -themselves with glory in the cause of freedom. Among the men named as -winning distinction in that critical action were: Andre Rigaud, -Beauvais, Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert and Christophe. How many of the -brave men of that legion gave up their lives in the cause of American -independence is not known; but we do know that some colored martyrs from -San Domingo, poured out their blood along with that of the colored -patriots of our own country as a libation to American freedom. The -meagre record states that Christophe received a dangerous gunshot wound; -how many others were wounded or even slain we do not know. - -A few years later, and after the revolution in their own island, a -strong contingent went forth from there to the aid of Bolivar in -Venezuela, and by their timely and effective co-operation converted -Bolivar's overwhelming defeat into victory. But for the modesty and -state policy of Petion, his own name would have been associated with -that of Bolivar in the liberation of South America.[2] During Cuba's -recent struggles the Haitian people manifested the liveliest interest -and sympathy in the efforts of the Cuban patriots. - - [2] A monument to Petion has been set up in the public square of - Caracas. - -These glimpses are sufficient to show that from some cause and by some -means, the colored people of San Domingo had acquired an appreciation of -freedom including more than the mere desire to be free from slavery. The -revolt against slavery, however, was their most notable manifestation of -their love of liberty. Petion in his consultation with Bolivar after the -latter's defeat before mentioned, insisted that on renewing his efforts -he should proclaim the freedom of all the slaves as a first step. -Bolivar in his letter to Petion replying to this suggestion said: "In my -proclamation to the inhabitants of Venezuela, and in the decree that I -shall issue announcing liberty to the slaves, I do not know that it will -be permitted to me to demonstrate the real sentiment of my heart toward -Your Excellency, and to leave to posterity an undying monument to your -philanthropy." He then asked if he might make known the fact that wise -counsel and material aid had been furnished him by the infant black -Republic. - -Petion's reply was as follows: "You know, general, my sentiments toward -the cause that you have the valor to defend and also toward yourself -personally. You surely must feel how ardently I desire to see the -oppressed delivered from the yoke of bondage; but because of certain -diplomatic obligations which I am under toward a nation that has not as -yet taken an offensive attitude toward the republic, I am obliged to ask -you not to make public the aid I have given you, nor to mention my name -in any of your official documents." - -Toussaint L'Ouverture in his first proclamation to the self-emancipated -slaves of his country, and to those still in bondage, says: "It is my -desire that liberty and equality shall reign in Saint Domingo. I am -striving to this end. Come and unite with us, Brothers, and combat with -us for the same cause." - -Liberty and equality then reigned in the French mind and however vague -the idea which had found lodgment in the brain of the San Domingo blacks -and mulattos, it was nevertheless sufficiently entrancing to call them -from the depths of the inferno in which they were cast and to tempt them -to essay the dizziest heights. At a later period this most remarkable -man in explaining the object for which he was contending, defined his -idea of liberty in words worthy of that greatest statesman, soldier and -patriot that has adorned the Negro Race in modern times.[3] He said: "It -is not a liberty of circumstance, conceded to us alone, that we wish; it -is the adoption of the principle absolute that no man, born red, black -or white, can be the property of his fellow man." - - [3] "But Bonaparte's plans were doomed to encounter an obstacle in the - most remarkable man of negro blood known to modern history. - Toussaint L'Ouverture was the descendant, he claimed, of an African - chieftain. Highly endowed by nature, he had obtained an excellent - education, and had gradually, though born a slave, cultivated his - innate power of leadership until all the blacks of San Domingo - regarded him with affection and awe."--Sloan's Napoleon, Vol. II, - pages 236-237. - -Thus spoke Toussaint L'Ouverture, the man of whom Lamartine says: "After -God, this man was a nation;" thus he spoke in 1799, a time when all the -nations of the earth were themselves slaves to slavery. To this black -man was given to see the truth; to them it was not given. - -We are now, I trust, prepared to estimate that thirteen years' struggle -which went on in that island, during which the tidal wave of -destruction, torture, and death, swept the land from side to side, and -from end to end, inundating everything except the indomitable spirit of -the humble people to whom the heavens of freedom had been opened. Truly -does MacMaster class it among the noblest struggles for liberty. I -cannot detail that mighty struggle here. For the history of those -thirteen eventful years, for the instructive and thrilling story of -those heroic black men who garlanded our race, I must refer you to my -book on the Haitian Revolution from 1791 to 1804. - -We may pause here at the close of this awful period and stand in the -proud presence of these triumphant black heroes, as the last of their -enemies sail slowly away as prisoners of war. With the new flag floating -over the fortresses of the Cape, and the victorious army well-equipped -and intact, it is Dessalines, the intrepid Dessalines, never beaten in -battle, never surprised in camp, who in the name of the black people and -Men of Color of Saint Domingo announces: - -"The Independence of Saint Domingo is Proclaimed. - "Restored to our primitive dignity, we have asserted[4] our - rights; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth." - -These were the words of war-worn veterans with swords still unsheathed. - - [4] "Asserting their liberties as men, he (Toussaint L'Ouverture) and - his fellow slaves rose against their masters and a servile War - insued." Sloan, ibid. - -They have proclaimed independence, they must now take up the task of -government. For this work their training hitherto had been the worst -possible, while their anthropological and sociological condition was -most unfavorable. Among them were represented fourteen different African -tribes,--coming from widely separated territory in their native land and -differing in customs and language.[5] Besides these diversities there -was also a positive and assertive element of mulattos, some of whom had -been slaveholders, and, what was worse still, the country had but -recently emerged from a war of caste, a war between blacks and mulattos, -more cruel than the war between the Lancastrians and Yorkists in -England, and much more pernicious in the hates it bequeathed. - - [5] "C'etaient des hommes tires de regiones fort differentes de - l'Afrique equatoriale ou equinoxiale. En partant du nord du - continent noir, des Senegalais, des Yolofs, des Foulahs, des - Bambaras, des Mandingoes, des Bissagots, des Sofas se - rencontraient, pele mele, dans les marches a esclaves de la - colonie. Au sud de Sierra-Leone, on embarquait pour Saint-Domingue - des negres de la Cote d'Or, dont les Aradas, les Socos, les - Fantins, les Caplaous, les Mines et les Agones. De la Cote des - Esclaves on a tire les Cotocolis, les Popos, les Fidas ou Foedas. - Viennet ensuite les Haousas, les Ibos, les Nagos; les Congos tires - de la cote du Congo ou d'Angola, partages en sous-divisions de - Congos-May youmbes, Congos-Moussombes et Mondongues. De l'Afrique - orientale ont ete tires les negres de la cote de Mosambique, dont - les Mosambiques proprement dits, les Quiriams et les Quilos, Quilos - et les Montifiats." - - "M. Roosevelt, president des etats-Unis et la Republique d'Haiti," - par A. Firmin, published 1905, p. 232-233. - - "Here in Haiti, there are recognizable traces of fourteen different - African tribes." Bishop Holly. "Haitian Revolution," T. A. Steward, - p. 282. - -The government set up could but be a military oligarchy. It is well -known that there can be no such thing as personal liberty unless there -is what may be termed a sovereignty apart from, behind and above the -government.[6] With us that power behind the government, that -sovereignty, is the people; but in Haiti in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing as people in a political sense. There -were population, army, government, but not people. Their condition was -like that of the Europeans generally during the Middle ages. In Europe -there were populations, subjects, governments, vassals, tenants, serfs, -slaves, soldiers, knights and lords, but not people. By people -politically, we mean a body held together by some internal bond, by a -spiritual consensus. Perhaps to this extent the Haitian population of -1804 might be vaguely called a people. But the idea of people -politically includes also that this body must have a common -consciousness of fundamental right, and a common sense of necessary -duty; and then possess force of character adequate to the attainment of -these rights and the fulfilment of this duty. Rights precede duty; and -not vice versa. When complete the idea of people is that body which -holds in its hands the sovereignty. Governments are divine, but are -created by evolution, coming to us as comes our daily bread, through -divinely appointed processes. Rights like the ground, are a natural -endowment; government like bread is a production. It is no reflection -upon Haiti to state the historic fact that in 1804 and for many years -thereafter there was no such thing on her soil as people, in a political -sense. The idea and the love of liberty were there and the frequent -revolutions that have beset her pathway during the century of her -existence attest the continued presence of that spirit. The problem of -reconciling government with liberty is still unsolved. Even our own -country which in this respect is in advance of all others is at this -moment, according to Professor Burgess, stumbling in this process. - - [6] "The Reconciliation of Government with Liberty" by John Burgess, - 1915. The whole volume, Especially pp. 148-149. - -The Haitian "people," then, employing the word in the popular sense were -but recently from barbarism, and the little education they had received -politically had been obtained through war; an excellent school perhaps -for the training of leaders in the mere matters of preservation and -order, but of almost no benefit in the development of the common people; -although it is related by St. Remy, that Rigaud established schools in -his army to have his soldiers taught to read and write. This ex-slave -population of half a million souls, had been replaced during the later -period of its existence as slaves, about every twenty years with fresh -arrivals from Africa.[7] - - [7] "Roosevelt et Haiti." A. Firmin p. 245. - -No one expected the self-liberated people of Haiti to set up and -maintain a stable government. All history was against such a phenomenon. -If it required for England, the most fortunately situated of all the -modern nations a period of nearly ten centuries to reach stable -government, how could Haiti with its population of ex-barbarians and -ex-slaves be expected to perform at once so brilliant a feat? Is Haiti, -because it is black, expected to do the impossible? Firmin says at the -time of which we speak, there was scarcely a person who did not ridicule -the idea that Dessalines and his associates should even think they could -create a country and govern it independent of foreign control. The -statesmen of France were so sure that these people would fail, simply -because of racial weakness, that they confidently expected the colony to -return to France. They had not given up this hope ten years later; for -in 1814 when the island was divided in government, these statesmen -proposed to both Christophe who governed in the North, and to Petion who -governed in the West that they should return the island to the mother -country. They offered to these two colored rulers the highest grades in -the French army and large sums of money; but neither Christophe nor -Petion could be bought.[8] In this connection, I may remark on the -authority of Professor Sloan (his standard work--Life of Napoleon) that -it was the heroic resistance of Toussaint L'Ouverture and his -compatriots that defeated Bonaparte's plan for the Western Hemisphere -and gave us Louisiana. In a letter written by Robert G. Harper in March -1799,[9] which has just reached my hands through the American Historical -Society, I find the following: "Last summer, while Mr. Gerry was still -in Paris, and the Directory was employing every artifice to keep him -there, Hedouville was preparing to invade the southern states from St. -Domingo, with an army of blacks; which was to be landed with a large -supply of officers, arms and ammunition, to excite an insurrection among -the Negroes by means of missionaries previously sent, and first to -subjugate the country by their assistance, then plunder and lay it -waste. For the execution of this scheme, he waited only till the English -should evacuate a certain port in the island which lay most convenient -for the expedition; but he was interrupted by a black general of the -name of Toussaint, who drove him from the island, compelled him to -embark for France and took the whole authority into his own hands." - - [8] "The West Indies and Louisiana in one hemisphere, in the other the - Cape of Good Hope, Egypt and a portion of India, with St. Helena - and Malta as ports of call--of this he dreamed, but the failure to - secure San Domingo and England's evident intention to keep Malta, - combined to topple the whole cloud castle into ruins?" - - "The magnificent French plan of American colonization having lost - the supports of both San Domingo and Louisiana, collapsed leaving - no trace." - - --Page 289 et seq. - - [9] American Historical Magazine. December, 1915. - -The independence of Haiti has been maintained as we have seen for one -hundred and eleven years. In 1873 while visiting that country and -looking upon her lofty hills, and upon the toiling people at their base, -I fancied an appealing cry coming from these masses and I interpreted -that cry in the following lines: - - "The cry of souls for bread; - The cry of men and woman who - Have done great deeds and - Whose guiding star is liberty. - Who strong in their right arms, - Have won a name, a place, - And who with valor true will dare defend - That place and sooner die - Than wear the badge of slave." - -On Sunday, June 15, 1873, I witnessed, in Port-au-Prince a great -religious procession to pray against a return of fire upon their city. -This is no unusual thing in a Roman Catholic city, although to an -American it seems a waste of piety. Mr. Douglass in his graphic way in a -private letter to me thus describes one of their outpourings of -religious enthusiasm which occurred while he served in Port-au-Prince as -United States Minister: "Yesterday," he says, "all over town, a great -racket was heard of people driving the devil out of their houses by -beating on their doors. On one account I was glad of their efforts to -get rid of the devil although I was aware that the devil would laugh at -this method of ridding the city of his presence. This is Holy week here -and I must say that on account of the stillness, the absence of the tom -tom and the apparent serenity of the people, I could wish holy week -continued indefinitely." - -With the impression of that religious procession upon my young and -inexperienced mind I wrote then in my journal: "Poor, poor Haiti! As a -nation it is the veriest humbug; and yet there is something splendid -about it." Fourteen days later I was able to write differently. I was -riding on the road leading from L'Arcahai to St. Mark in company with -some young friends. "On both sides of the road were luxuriant fields of -sweet potatoes, bananas and sugar cane. Mountain streams were sending -down their pure waters by which the plains below were irrigated. It was -the fete of St. Pierre at the bourg, and on the road we met hundreds of -people, some on foot, some on donkeys, and many on beautiful horses with -most magnificent saddles and trappings, all going to the bourg. Fine -country gentlemen, mounted on these steeds and riding as though born on -horseback, pass us very frequently, every one of whom lifts his hat -entirely off his head and gives the Bon jour, monsieur. Ladies dressed -in snowy white dash by us at full galop, but never so fast, but they -have time to say in the sweetest voice: Bon jour, monsieur." - -The constitution of Haiti contains a very complete Bill of Rights -bearing testimony to the idea of liberty, but unfortunately there is -nowhere any adequate defense of these rights against the encroachment of -government. There is no check and balance system between executive and -legislative departments; nor can the courts guarantee the rights of -individuals. Governments we know are ever ready to encroach; typo -demagogues ever ready to arise in professed defense of constitutional -rights; hence revolutions. The soul of Haiti is military. General -Legitime speaking before the Universal Races Congress in London in 1911 -said: "Born in troublous time, Haiti is essentially a military state; -and though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must -nevertheless retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian of -its institutions." Still there is another side. The great statesman -Firmin was not a devotee of militarism. He deplored the existence of so -much of it which he described as a burden falling heavily upon the rural -classes. He says the "only thing the soldier learns by his long military -apprenticeship is passive obedience, the absence of all moral -initiative, of all exercise of personal volition, with the complete -annullment of the view of human liberty struggling against injustice and -wrong. When a Haitian wearing epaulettes says to you, I am a soldier, -that means that he is ready to commit the most horrible crimes, to rob, -to burn, to kill, just so he has the order to do so from his immediate -chief." There is in fact a decidedly brilliant literary element in -Haiti, including editors, authors and lawyers who are not so thoroughly -military as the general trend of her history would lead us to believe. -It is now time to inquire in what light Haiti regards herself in -relation to the whole Negro Race. What is her mission as she understands -it? - -The first man I shall call upon in this respect will be our author -Antenor Firmin. The following facts will show that he is entitled to a -hearing. He was born in Haiti in 1851. Received all of his education -there; a lawyer by profession, in 1889 he was a member of their -Constitutional Convention, was Minister of Finance and of Foreign -relations 1889-1891, as Mr. Blaine had good reason to know; was Minister -to Paris 1900-1902; a profound scholar and a very respectable writer, -possessed of a large share of common sense philosophy. He says in the -preface of his book on Roosevelt and Haiti, written while in exile at -Saint Thomas: "No people any more than the individual can live, make -progress, and advance with sustained ardor in the walks of civilization, -without an end, an ideal, which leads them onward in all the wanderings -of their existence. The end is ordinarily more evident, more clear, -before the will of the individual; for nations, it is some times veiled -in indefinite form; but it exists always, and acts imperiously, like -magnetism terrestrial impressing an irresistible direction upon the -magnetic needle in spite of the fog which conceals on the horizon the -point of orientation. This ideal for Haiti is the sublime effort of a -little people striving for the rehabilitation of whole race of men, an -effort so noble and so worthy that each one of those who participates in -it may justly regard himself as an apostle." Edmund Paul, another -brilliant Haitian whose life went out too soon, wrote that the end or -goal of this young nation is to prove the aptitude of the whole African -race to the present civilization, "An end he says, powerful, -gigantesque, capable of devouring generations, ever worthy to demand and -to employ all of our activity." - -"In Haiti," says the late Minister Price, "the black man is in -possession of national responsibility. In Haiti he is called upon to -form his character, and to conduct his movements at his own risk; he -receives directly the consequences, and suffers the deplorable results, -of his own errors and passions. He is not being _led along_ in -civilization; he moves on the road by his own efforts. He is marching -without any support on which to lean; without any other force than his -own. And when he shall become sufficiently advanced to remove all doubt; -when he shall become sufficiently free from his errors, and shall have -sufficiently conquered his passions which now retard his steps, it will -be evident that he has accomplished this result because he willed it, -and because he had within his being the necessary force for its -accomplishment." According to Mr. Price there will be no one who can say -of the Haitians: "We civilized and educated you; none who can say: -without us you would soon have relapsed into African barbarism." Haiti's -mission as he understood it is to rehabilitate the Negro race. His dying -gift to mankind was his splendid work on the Rehabilitation of the Black -Race by the Republic of Haiti. - -It is Price who says: "The Negro who shows his dainty hands and his -little feet, and is piqued because, with adornments the aristocrats, who -are also adorned with little hands little feet do not open their doors -to him is an ignoramus and a poltroon, and is still a slave." - -I shall close this paper with the counsel of Haiti to the African Race -as voiced by the same author. - -"As to the children of the African race, I could wish to see them -everywhere, disdain public offices, in order that they might enter into -civilization not by the door that the slaveocrats and politicians point -out, but by that door through which has passed the real white -democracy--knowledge and industry. When one is the son of a serf, who -but yesterday was beaten and cuffed without mercy, and aspires to -manhood, it is the workman's blouse that he must put on. The blouse -leads to the conventional black and white gloves. But he who wishes to -commence by a black suit, ought to put a napkin on his arm, and place -himself as a servant, behind the man who wears a blouse. - -"Haitians, all, and Negro of the continent of America and of all the -adjacent islands; My Brethren! Learn it at once, and never forget it. -The free man is the one who takes the responsibility? of his own proper -well-being. He has nothing to ask, nothing to solicit, neither from the -pity nor the generosity of his fellows. He is bound to count upon -himself, and upon himself alone, to turn aside or to overcome, whatever -obstacles that lie in the way of his happiness. Strength and skill are -for the free man absolute necessities." - -Thus has Haiti spoken by her actions and in the words of her eminent -statesmen given to us a message of lofty purpose, of sorrowful struggle, -of hardy endurance, and we trust of willingness to learn from events. - - - - -Lafayette M. Hershaw. The Status of the Free Negro Prior to 1860 - - -The difficulty surrounding a proper understanding of any question -consists in the fact that self-interest is more than likely to enter to -darken the vision. It is seldom that men differ about matters or have a -difficulty in understanding matters which do not affect their vanity, -their pride, their ambition or their material belongings. The truth -concerning any matter which is the subject of controversy can be reached -with accuracy in proportion as it is free from these matters. A question -of justice, opportunity and humane consideration for persons wholly or -partly of African origin is influenced entirely by considerations of the -kind just mentioned. If men were not obsessed by the phantom of race -superiority and of local vanity and group consciousness, and more than -all by the propensity to make gain out of the misfortunes and injustices -of conditions, what is known as the Negro question would vanish into -thin air. All forms of oppression, caste, proscription and distinction -have their origin in the desire and purpose of a man or set of men to -improve their condition at the expense of others. If it had not been -believed and indeed demonstrated that the subjection of the black man -would prove economically profitable to the white man or that he would -gain some other fancied advantage from the degradation of the black man -we should never have had African slavery together with its attendant -chain of ills which afflict the body politic even unto this hour. - -That oppression and tyranny wrong both those who practice them and those -upon whom they are inflicted is proved by illustrations taken both from -the field of economics and the field of intellectual and moral -consciousness. In all those parts of the world where all the people -approach most nearly a common standard of economic, intellectual and -moral excellence there we find the greatest advance in that which we -call civilization, for the want of a better term to describe human -progress and advance. Wherever we find any considerable group of people -residing in the same or contiguous territory who do not enjoy equality -of right and opportunity in those things which governments are -instituted to conserve, we find that the greater group which denies them -these inalienable rights paralyzed in its economic, intellectual and -moral growth. On no other ground can we account for the emphatic -differences in achievement, in literature, art, science, invention, and -economic progress between the white people of the North and the white -people of the South. Reasoning from analogy and from the examples which -history gives of the achievement of the white race in the world it would -be the most reasonable thing to expect that due to variety of soil, -favorableness of climate, and the general beneficence of nature, that -the white people living in the zone comprising what is commonly -designated as the Southern States would excel their Northern brethren in -all the arts and achievements of civilization. We should naturally -expect to find there the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the -inventors and the great organizers of enterprise. Elsewhere in the world -in the midst of similar conditions of soil and climate, we find the -white race excelling and leading the world in these particulars. The -white people inhabiting the South are of the same ethnic type, and have -in general the same group consciousness and aspiration. How else can we -account for the fact that they have contributed less than their kinsmen -in proportion to numbers to the sum of human knowledge, happiness and -liberty, if not by the fact that they have suffered the inevitable -handicap incident to an environment in which large numbers of human -beings suffer inequality and subordination? - -But for the difference which has been historically accentuated in North -America between white and black which difference has inflicted much of -suffering upon both races, it would not be necessary to consider such a -subject as the citizenship status of the free Negro prior to 1860. -Before the Constitution of the United States was amended by the addition -thereto of the Fourteenth Amendment the statement that "The citizens of -each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of -citizens in the several States" was the only definite deliverance to be -found in that instrument in relation to the subject of citizenship. In -other words there was no national definition of citizenship, and up to -the time of the deliverance of the Dred Scott Decision in 1857, there -had been no comprehensive treatment of the subject in adjudications by -the Supreme Court of the United States. The mention of the term -"citizens" in the Constitution in the quotation just given indicates -that it had a meaning of such generally accepted significance that -definition was not necessary. Presumably citizenship conveyed then, as -it conveys now, an idea exactly the opposite of that conveyed by the -term slavery. A slave everywhere in the world was understood to be a -person who was absolved from allegiance, and was not due protection as -that term is ordinarily understood, and who could not invoke ordinary -legal process nor own property; a citizen was a person who owed -allegiance, was entitled to protection, had the right to invoke all the -processes of the law, could become the owner of property, and possibly, -if not a woman or a child, exercise the right of the elective franchise. -Such was the common understanding of the term citizen at the adoption of -the Constitution, and such is substantially the understanding of that -term at the present date. However, due to the presence of the Negro in -the body politic, the exigencies of the situation suggested an -interpretation of the term citizen which might not otherwise have -existed, but for the presence of the Negro. The exigency grew out of the -fact that toward the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of -the nineteenth there - -grew into the minds of men the conception that slavery was a condition -appertaining to black men alone, that color was an unmistakable proof of -the condition of a slave, and that the fact that one was of African -descent carried with it this inevitable social degradation. In the -decisions of the courts of a number of the States we find this principle -enunciated. In North Carolina the Supreme Court of that State, in 1828, -decided that "The presumption of slavery arises from a black African -complexion." In 1839, the Supreme Court of Indiana, in passing upon the -constitutionality of the law entitled: "An act concerning free Negroes -and Mulattoes and slaves," held that where a Negro laid claim to freedom -the burden of proof was on him to show it inasmuch as persons of the -African race were presumed to be slaves. In 1842, the Supreme Court of -Ohio decided that under the law of that State "Color alone is sufficient -to indicate a Negro's inability to testify against a white man. It has -always been admitted that our political institutions embrace the white -population only. Persons of color were not recognized as having any -political existence; they had no agency in our political organizations, -and possessed no political rights under it. Two or three of the States -form exceptions. The constitutions of fourteen expressly exclude persons -of color; and in the balance of the States they are excluded on the -grounds that they were never recognized as part of the body politic." -(Thatcher vs. Hawk, 4th Ohio, Rep., 351.) While this opinion expressed a -widely prevalent sentiment at that time I have been unable to find a -decision of any court in any of the original thirteen States north of -Maryland, except Connecticut, which expresses this view. In their moral -and intellectual nature the inhabitants of Connecticut exhibit many wide -differences from the inhabitants of the rest of New England. These -citations show how thoroughly the conception of the difference arising -from the difference of color was imbedded in the mind at that time. Such -instances of judicial interpretation were to be found in all of the -slave States, and in those States which were carved out of the northwest -territory, which Virginia ceded to the general government in 1787. In -this connection it is pertinent to observe that it is the most natural -thing in the world that the States carved out of this northwest -territory should have followed not only the legal system of the parent -State, but should have adopted many of its practices and modes of -thought, and passed them on to succeeding generations. - -From the quotations already made it can be seen that to be a colored -person was to suffer from the presumption of being a slave, and that to -be a free colored person was to be in a condition not of freedom, but of -lessened servitude. To be a free colored person was not to possess the -citizenship of the world any more than to be a Christian today is -evidence that one is an imitator of Christ. In actual practice the term -"free colored person" embraced the idea of freedom from personal service -to a specified owner and little else, particularly in the slave-holding -States. The attitude of these States is well expressed in the following -quotation from John C. Calhoun: "I hold that in the present state of -civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by -color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are -brought together the relation now existing in the slave-holding States -between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good--a positive good. I -fearlessly assert that the existing relations between the two races in -the South forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear -free and stable political institutions (Works of Calhoun, Vol. 2, p. -630)." Thus by legal enactment, judicial interpretation and orderly -expressed public opinion, race if it be African was the badge of -inferiority and slavery. This was generally true throughout the country -and yet a careful and somewhat thorough examination of the statutes, -legal decisions, and systematic treatises relating to the law of slavery -will convince any fair-minded person that the term free colored person -carried with it less of negation of right in the Northern States where -slavery had ceased to exist than in the Southern States where it still -flourished. - -At the close of the revolution, slavery existed in most of the colonies, -if not all, and their statute books contained laws relating to that -condition, and to the condition of "free persons of color." However, as -time passed and the institution of slavery disappeared, we find these -laws disappearing or becoming greatly modified or mitigated in their -provisions. For instance, March 26, 1783, Massachusetts passed a law -forbidding an African or Negro to tarry within the commonwealth for a -longer time than two months unless such person could produce a -certificate from the secretary of State of which such person claimed to -be a citizen, showing that he was such, and that where such persons did -not have the required certificate they should be ordered to depart from -the State, and upon failure to do so be committed to any house of -correction, and that such punishment should be repeated whenever and as -often as the order to depart was disobeyed. This law was repealed, -however, in 1786. It seems that slavery was abolished in Massachusetts -by operation of the constitution of 1780, which declares that "All men -are born free and equal." Harry St. George Tucker, president of the -Virginia Court of Appeals, said in 1833, speaking of this constitutional -utterance, that "We should be disposed to take this declaration less as -an abstraction than we regard that which is contained in our own bill of -rights" (5th Leigh Rep., 622). By 1786, it appears that Massachusetts -had abolished all distinctions in law based on race except that in -relation to marriage, which appears to have been repealed in 1843. In -1833, Connecticut enacted a law forbidding the setting up or -establishment of any school, academy or literary institution for the -instruction or education of colored persons who were not inhabitants of -the State. This law was repealed in 1838. The constitution of Rhode -Island of 1843, conferred the elective franchise on persons of the male -sex qualified by residence and property without distinction of color. In -New Hampshire the constitution of 1783 contains the principle that all -men are born equally free, and no distinction on account of color is -found in any of her statutes except in a law of 1792, which specified -that enlistment in the militia should be confined to white people. In -the law of 1857, relating to the subject of militia, color is not -mentioned. Neither in the constitution nor laws of Vermont does one find -for this period any distinction based on color, so that in Vermont the -term "free colored person" had no existence and consequently no meaning. -In Maine no distinctions based on color are to be found for the period -under consideration either in the constitution or the statutes. In -Pennsylvania colored people exercised the elective franchise and enjoyed -full citizenship with the whites up to 1838, when the elective -franchise, by the constitution of that year, was confined to whites. -Presumably free colored people exercised the suffrage in New Jersey up -to 1844, as there appears no limitation of suffrage on account of color -prior to its mention in the constitution of that year. New York, in an -act of the legislature of 1799, provided for gradual emancipation of the -slaves, and by an act of 1811 it required "free colored people" to carry -certificates of their freedom as proofs of their claim thereto. In 1814 -the legislature of the State authorized the raising of two regiments of -colored soldiers to be officered by white men. In 1823, Negroes who -resided in the State three years and possessed a free-hold estate of the -assessed value of two hundred and fifty dollars were entitled to -exercise the elective franchise, a requirement not imposed upon white -people. - -It is interesting to note that up to 1723, free colored people appear to -have exercised the elective franchise equally with the whites in -Virginia. The colonial constitution of that year limited its exercise to -white people, and the free colored people never voted again until the -adoption of the Underwood or reconstruction constitution. Besides this, -contrary to conditions above described in the Northern States the laws -in relation to free colored people grew harsher and harsher until 1831, -when we find a statute prohibiting meetings for teaching free Negroes or -mulattoes reading or writing. In 1832, free Negroes were forbidden to -preach the gospel. In 1834 free Negroes were forbidden to immigrate into -the State. In 1838 free Negroes leaving the State to be educated were -forbidden to return. In 1851, the constitution of Virginia of that year, -in Sec. 5, Art. 19, provided: That slaves hereafter emancipated shall -forfeit their freedom by remaining in the commonwealth more than twelve -months, and in 1856, the legislature of Virginia passed an act providing -that free Negroes might voluntarily make agreements to become slaves and -that such agreement should be binding. - -In North Carolina free colored people seem to have exercised most of the -rights of white people including that of voting, until 1835, when the -right to vote was confined to persons of the white race. In all of the -slave States the free colored man was hampered by legislative provisions -exactly like or very similar to those just cited as existing in -Virginia. In none of these States could free colored people hold the -legal title to real property, in none of them did they have the right of -public assembly, the right to bear arms or the right to carry on -collectively the work of education. In few of them did they even have -the right to preach the gospel, and where they did preach it was by -favor and permission, and not by right. Of all these Southern -slave-holding States Maryland ruled its free colored people with -something suggestive of humanity. - -It will be seen from this hasty and unsatisfactory review of a great -mass of statutes, decisions, and treatises that the condition of the -free colored man north of Mason and Dixon's line improved in the main -from the close of the revolution to 1860, and that south of Mason and -Dixon's line his condition grew worse from the close of the revolution -down to 1860. - -In the West, where new States were forming, there was, of course, the -distinction of race. The settlers who went into these new communities -went there to establish white communities and they passed laws -forbidding the immigration of free colored people into them. We find -statutes in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Kansas, and Oregon, -forbidding the immigration of free Negroes. It seems, however, that -there was never a very strong public sentiment insisting upon the -enforcement of these laws. As a matter of fact there was a small active -and effective sentiment which practically nullified the existence of -them, for in all of these States we find, especially after the enactment -of the fugitive slave law of 1850, a most friendly sentiment toward the -unfortunate colored man whether slave or free. - -The study of the statutes and conditions of more than a half century ago -is not only a matter of curiosity, but a matter of very practical -concern, since in these latter days another body of laws, and legal -decisions based upon distinction of race have come into existence, and -yet others are threatened. - - - - -Arthur A. Schomburg. The Economic Contribution by the Negro to America - - -The services rendered by Negroes in America from the discovery of the -islands beyond the Pillars of Hercules by Christopher Columbus to the -end of the eighteenth century, make a chapter of history transcending in -importance anything which has taken place in the old world. The quaint -times and scarcity of willing men among the aboriginal Indians to help -the Spaniards to despoil their lands in the rapacious quest of gold -brought about the early ruin of flourishing communities of aboriginal -tribes in the several islands. So alarming was this state of affairs -that Father Las Casas, known as the Apostle of the Indians, interceded -in their behalf at the Spanish court in order to ameliorate their -unfortunate condition. He pleaded for Negroes to take their places as -the blacks were a very hardy and robust race; to this plea the great and -humanitarian Cardinal Ximenes was opposed; for he could not justify the -substitution of one race for another in what was in itself a wrong. The -Cardinal having been overruled, the Slave Trade was instituted and the -first Negroes were brought to Santo Domingo. They were not the untutored -savages we are expected to believe from modern histories. There existed -in Sevilla, Spain, as early as 1475, a large number of Negro slaves, who -had been brought from the coasts of North Africa and Guinea, and their -one-fifth tribute to the coffers of the state formed a very nice sum of -money. This practice of importing Negroes, which had been in vogue -during the Arab dominion of Spain, continued to increase to such an -extent that when in the year of 1474 a royal decree still extant -chronicles the appointment of a Negro known as Juan de Valladolid as -mayor of the Negro colony situated in the outskirts of the said city. -From this colony of Negroes who could speak the Spanish language, and -were familiar with their customs, came the first batch of slaves shipped -to Santo Domingo. It must also be borne in mind that 45 years before, in -1370, King Henry of Portugal had commenced his explorations, the -Catalans and Normans had frequented the coasts of Africa as far as the -Tropic of Cancer, and according to Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, it is known -that from the times of Archbishop Gonzalo de Mena (1400) there existed -Negro slaves in Sevilla. There is no reason to doubt that a large number -of their descendants had already been born in Europe prior to 1500, -because the royal dispensations in that year state that the immigration -of Negro slaves to Santo Domingo was prohibited except in case of those -who were born while in possession of Christians. These historical facts -induce us to believe that during that period there was in Europe a -larger number of Negroes than we generally suppose or care to believe. - -At the time that the slave trade had commenced to occupy the mind of the -Hawkins malefactors and the British nation under Queen Elizabeth, -Barbarossa had already subjected the mulatto King of Morocco to the -payment of a tribute of $1,000,000 in gold dust--and 40 Negro merchants -without any hesitation helped the king out of the dangers that -confronted his people. When the Moor Zegri was humiliated by the Spanish -Commander Cisneros in 1499 and the Arab books destroyed in Granada, -Marmol states that less than 1,025,000 tomes on religion, politics, -jurisprudence, manuscripts illuminated and worked in silver and gold -were consigned to the fires. There remained 3,000 Moorish soldiers under -command of a Negro captain whose intrepid heroism and valor was shown by -the charges and counter charges he was able to repel. When unable to -prevent the utter annihilation of his band by superior forces under -Cifuentes, the Negro captain refused to surrender and jumped headlong -from a fort. (Alcatara's History, Granada, pp. 165-6.) And this happened -seven years after the discovery of America by Columbus. - -The conditions of the new world were such that the Spaniards who had -spent most of their wealth in the unprofitable civil and Arab wars, lost -no time after hearing wonderful stories of untold wealth to requisition -not only the Negroes of Seville, but to embark in the lucrative -enterprise of human Negroes from the West Coast of Africa, and ships -which were engaged in man-hunting poured their human freight into -Hispaniola. It was not long after that the Spanish Negroes belonging to -Diego Columbus, revolted, and the first insurrection, taking place among -the very property of the discoverer's offspring, was suppressed by the -military after killing the leaders. The prosperity of the colonies soon -became apparent in the enormous number of Spanish ships with their -precious cargoes arriving in the Spanish ports. The Spanish people were -wild and in an ecstasy of joy to engage in the colonial enterprise, and -as ships entered upon the perilous voyages of discovery the Africans -were gathered to do the work for which no historian or economist has -given them the credit which is their due for blazing the path of wealth -into which the nations of Europe have ridden upon the lucrative backs of -the Africans. The clearing of the forests from dangerous animals and -poisonous insects, making with the awakening of each succeeding spring -the virgin earth a paradise that has supported millions of European -parasites; the working of the mines for precious metals that fed the -envy of other powerful nations which questioned the right of the -Spaniards to conquest under the banner of the Christian Church, and -induced them to scramble and fight for their colonial honors. - -No sooner than Santo Domingo was found to be a paradise of wealth than -the other islands were made ready for the unwilling African. He was -carried to the mainland of Panama, where Balboa was surprised to find a -colony of Negroes whose origin has baffled the mind of the most learned -men of that age. To this day no solution has been found for the problem -of the coming of these Negroes of Quareca. Gomora says, "That -Conquistador entered the Province of Quareca; he found no gold, but some -blacks who were slaves of the lord of the place. He asked this lord -whence he had received them, who replied that men of that color lived -near the place, with whom they were constantly at war. "These Negroes," -adds Gomora, "exactly resemble those of the Guinea; and no others have -since been seen in America. It may be stated here that every hypothesis -has been advanced to show that these men must have been people other -than Negroes, but since the natives of the kingdoms of Congo and Guinea -were known to have enjoyed friendly relations with each other and sailed -the rivers in large oared boats, it is very probable that some of them -crossed the Atlantic in like manner as the Caribs in their piraguas -traveled from the islands to the mainland and vice versa. The nearest -distance from Brazil to Africa is along the Tropic of Cancer, and any -number of large boats may have lost their bearing in a storm and got -ship-wrecked on the American mainland. This hypothesis is well within -the range of probability in view of the fact that the trade winds blow -from east to west and the Gulf Stream flows rapidly, and is noted for -periodical variation in its course. - -The Negroes that were originally carried into Santo Domingo from Spain -became devoted to the early priests, for it must be conceded that the -Jesuits were the friends who maintained a benevolent attitude toward -these outcast sons of men. One of these Negroes, known as Estevanico, -was the discoverer of the Seven Cities of Cibola, and what is known as -Arizona and New Mexico. Negroes were in Mexico with the vanguard of the -Spaniards, and to that country must be credited one of the earliest -Negro poets. He lived in Mexico City, and was, by trade, a carpenter and -maker of artificial flowers, and was always sought by the elite, because -of his ready wit and quickness to rhyme on any theme given him. - -Wherever the English ruled we have had to combat a very prejudiced and -arrogant system of oppression. In the Spanish and French colonies the -rule was milder, in consequence of a system of judicial laws which -predicated a better understanding as a solution of the complex relations -between master and slave. The English have shown by their rule in the -Island of Trinidad how much regard they have had for the rights of -others guaranteed by treaty. For a case in point we may refer to the -treaty of capitulation between the Spaniards and the English that took -place February 18th, 1797. Article 12 of this treaty reads: "The colored -people, who have been acknowledged as such by the laws of Spain, shall -be protected in their liberty, persons and property, like other -inhabitants; they taking the oath of allegiance, meaning themselves as -becomes good and peaceable subjects of His Britanic Majesty" (16). The -way the British respected this "Scrap of Paper" is shown in a book -written by a free mulatto, a graduate of the Edinburgh University, and -printed in London in 1824. Says this anonymous author: "And even the -Spanish governor saw his country about to be divested of a possession -she had held ever since the third voyage of Columbus, he did not forget -the faith she had plighted to the colored population, but exacted from -the invaders security for the continuance of the equality of rights and -privileges with the whites by the 12th article of the capitulation" (p. -16). - -It would have been a glory to Britain to have emulated in those days the -benevolent plan of France and Spain in improving the condition of their -slaves; and to open a way for the admission of reason, religion, liberty -and law among creatures of our kind who were deprived of every -advantage, of every privilege, which as partakers of our common nature -they were capable of and entitled to (Ramsay). - -We have been instructed to look at the Negro as "idle, worthless, -indolent and disloyal," but a careful examination of the West Indies and -South America does not show this to be true. Many instances of -advancement by hard industry can be noted in any of the many spots of -the New World. There is not a single field of industrial activity in -which the descendants of the African have not contributed their mite -toward an improvement of the conditions which the gold seekers and -pleasure hunters were wont to overlook. The commercial activities, the -irrigation of fields, the working of the mines where the labor of Negro -slaves and free men was paramount, the untold number of ships loaded -down with merchandise and precious metals wending their way to Europe to -support monarchies and provide pleasure for parasites, all this depended -upon the unrequited toil of Negroes, which cannot be computed in dollars -and cents because it would form a ladder, like Jacob's, which would -reach to the very gates of Heaven. - -Under the institution of slavery which curbed the aspirations of the -Negro, it was not possible to expect the race to have shown any capacity -except for hard labor in the fields which the lash accelerated. In most -islands there was nothing else but agriculture fields to be cleared and -developed with religion to mitigate and console the workers. The profits -which were uppermost in the minds of the masters were gathered regularly -and yielded handsomely. - -The African people have been one of the earliest acquainted with cotton. -A careful examination of available historical material shows that while -Europe was still dressing in goat skins and grass goods the Negro -peoples of Africa had been using cotton goods. Miss Kingsley relates -that the cloth loom was invented by natives of the Eboe tribe, but many -varieties of looms were common to the people of the Soudan. The -prevailing color of the cloth from Guinea is blue and it is distinctly -quaint, so enduring and pleasing that it has been handed down from the -hoary ages to the present day. The dyes of the natives obtained from -vegetable matter and other unknown primitive processes, have always won -the admiration of the appreciative world. Europeans have admired the -quality and durability of these cloths. The work of African looms in -their primitive frames can be seen in the Museums of Natural History in -London, Paris, Berlin and New York. They are indeed fine specimens of -African handiwork and authorities have said that they would do credit to -any Manchester or Birmingham looms. - -It is said that native cloth manufactured at Kano is not very old and -that it probably came from the Songhay country, but according to El -Bekri, the Arab historian, and other ancient geographers, the art of -weaving was very flourishing on the Upper Nile, especially in the town -of Silla from very ancient times and as early as the eleventh century, -the cotton cloth was called in this region by the same name it bears to -this day, namely, "shigge." - -The English West Indies exported to Britain during the year 1760 -9,535,010 pounds of cotton. By 1787 this amount had increased to -18,716,445 pounds; in 1801 to 42,090,765, and in 1811 it was 41,735,555, -according to William Irving, Inspector General of the London -Customhouse. - -It has been stated that just before the war of American independence the -slaves in the sugar colonies did not exceed the fortieth part of the -inhabitants of the British Empire, yet they contributed in that -neglected state perhaps a sixth part of the revenue. The British Isles -contained a population of nearly 11,500,000; North America, 2,600,000 -with 400,000 slaves, which made 3,000,000; the West Indies 82,000 -freemen and 418,000 slaves. - -The Negroes under the terrifying and debasing influence of slavery were -able to improve their condition by that cheerful spirit which holds them -together even in these days of dark clouds, with a silver lining. The -cheerfulness of these sons of Africa has been their redeeming quality -through all their privations and sufferings; their chants and songs, -whether in the hearing of their masters or among themselves, were full -of soul and feeling. They kept body and soul together after the arduous -day's labor under the torrid rays of the sun. Whereas the Indians gave -way under the milder system of slavery, the Negroes grew stronger under -its despotism. They were able in the production of sugar cane to become -experts in the tempering of the cane juice for the various degrees of -sugar, which today require analytical chemists to supervise its improved -manufacture and Negroes were in charge of this delicate branch of the -industry on many plantations. In the distillation of rum they were -proficient and many were excellent mechanics. - -In the production of cocoa, in Venezuela, Suriname and Trinidad, the -labor of Negroes gave it such an impetus and stability that the eminent -Humboldt, in his travels through South America could not but speak in -the highest terms of those plantations that devoted their time to the -improvement of this industry. - -Since the bringing of the Mocha coffee into Santo Domingo as an -experiment, with the brawny arm of the black son of toil the production -of coffee has reached the incredible amount of 100 millions of pounds, -and, in Brazil, where to balance the supply and demand the government -provides an excellent system which permits the exportation of only the -amount necessary for the world's consumption each year. - -The pearl fisheries of America lost their commercial importance with the -wave of Emancipation by the nations whose souls were steeped in -ignominious sin. But in the earliest days it was one of the most -lucrative industries. The work was done exclusively by Negroes who were -expert swimmers and divers, capable of holding their breath a long time -in ten or fifteen fathoms of briny water, while searching for -pearl-bearing shells. There was always great danger from man-eating -sharks and the octopus, which killed and mangled many expert divers. In -numberless Spanish galleons were carried the riches which have been -reported from time to time in official papers as having paid the fifths -to the coffers of the state. For instance, Southey says that "a fleet -that sailed from Hispaniola in 1526 carried to Spain 501,082 gold -dollars, 350 marks of ordinary pearls, 183 Cubagua pearls and 5 gold -stones." - -In the field of arms there is no question whatever in the mind of the -present generation whether the Negroes have added any glory to the -respective nations under which they fought, or, when for their -self-preservation it was necessary to fight against Spain, Holland, -France and Britain. One of the earliest successful insurrections was -that of Chief Araby in the year 16-- and in 1772-7, before the American -war of independence, the Negroes of Suriname took to the hills and -fought the Hollanders tooth and nail for five consecutive years. The -Spaniards in Santo Domingo were defeated, Great Britain was humiliated -and obtained success only when she followed General Abercrombie and Sir -John Moore's advice, and employed Negro troops under promises of -manumission as is shown in the St. Lucia campaign. The first attempt to -employ these troops brought about a fierce outcry of protest in which -the several island legislatures, especially those of Barbadoes and -Jamaica "poured forth the most prophetic declaration of innumerable -evils to come if the British government persisted in its purpose to -substitute even in part, black for white soldiers." - -The formation of the First West India Regiment under the British was the -aftermath of the Savannah war in 1779. "It was made up of white -loyalists and Negro slaves" and "so well entertained that in the year -1816 there were eight regiments in existence. In Jamaica there were -stationed the 2d Regiment, with 198 sergeants and 3,050 blacks, and the -5th Regiment was stationed at Bahamas with rank and file of 4,526 during -the year 1816. Their formation was due to the ravages of disease among -the European forces, for during the years 1796-1802 were lost 17,173 men -of the original force of 19,676 under Major General Sir John Moore, -which sailed from England to put down the Negro spirit that had its -birth in Haiti. - -But it was not only Haiti that was worrying the British. Jamaica with -the Maroons was another problem without a radical solution until Major -General Walpole promised them protection under a secret treaty which was -moderate in its language, but painful in the method of its application, -just as the British have always been when dealing with the Negro race. -It must be said in fairness to General Walpole that he was opposed to -the cruelties practiced on the Maroons after they had surrendered their -arms and confided in his good faith for a strict compliance with the -terms of the treaty. Walpole said he "felt that a treaty even with -savages should be observed" (p. 236). But notwithstanding the evil -spirit towards the Maroons their uprising has brought about a better -feeling and respect to the black people of Jamaica and, because of this -material spirit, it must be admitted they enjoy to this day a larger -measure of freedom and economic privileges than the other West Indian -islands under the British rule. - -The name of Haiti will always stimulate us to revere the memory of men -who have stamped their names on the scroll of time, for not only did -that island strike the first effective blow for the liberation of the -black slave, but, having accomplished this purpose, the Haitians aided -in the liberation of all America from the yoke of Europe. The service -rendered by President Petion to Simon Bolivar in making possible the -freedom and independence of South America is splendidly shown in the -granite and bronze monument which adorns the square in Caracas dedicated -to the memory of the ablest Haitian president by the people of -Venezuela. - -Music found expression in the vibrating chord tempered with the dull -thumping of drums in their characteristic rhythm which could be heard -for miles during the night and in the peculiar songs and chants of the -Negroes. To the white man who could not understand their customs it was -barbaric and rude and was treated with indifference and at times with -contempt. But it has been shown by Mrs. Kemble, who was a keen observer -during her residence in Georgia, that the Negro songs had merit and that -there was something mystic which could not easily open itself--its -peculiar musical charm--to the white man. This music and chants were -common to every part of America where the sons of Africa had been -carried by the slave hunters, and even to this day musical instruments, -peculiar to the original tribes, are extant in many of the islands -beyond the seas. - -During the evening slave seances took place when the master thought -everything was silent and calm, because the field work had been -satisfactorily performed and the harvest had been gathered and there was -a profit which would carry him to Europe to squander it in riotous -living. But at night, like the firefly, the Negro was recreated and -refreshed in song his soul, and dreamed of a future freedom from the -involuntary thraldom of which he was a victim. - -The story tellers gathered a motley crowd around them and the hours of -eventide were spent in instructive recitals of the Uncle Remus, Brer -Rabbit and other folk-lore stories, the heritage of African minds. These -stories are known in every vale and dale of joy and tears in America; -they have soothed the hours of toil and consoled the broken-hearted. -"They have been called the traditional literature of Africa. Some of the -Uncle Remus stories would form no bad addition to the fairy stories of -the world. But the race of old mammies or nurses who used to tell them -to delighted youthful audiences is fast passing away"--in fact, have -passed away--and we are satisfied, not knowing any better, to read them -in the modern reconstructed form as given by Joel Chandler Harris and -other poor imitators who have won fame and honor in the field of -literature without incurring the onerous charge of imitation. Bosman -refers to the Old Mammy or Anancy stories in his work on Africa, and it -is said that in Accra "there are men who have a repertoire almost as -copious as the Arabian Nights, and to which Europeans listen with -curiosity and wonder, if not with admiration." Richard Burton was a -great man and a distinguished writer, who agrees with Koelle, who says, -"I was amongst them in their native land, on the soil which the feet of -their fathers have trod, and heard them deliver in their own native -tongue stirring extempore speeches, adorned with beautiful imagery, of -half an hour or an hour's duration; or when I was writing from their -dictation, sometimes two hours in succession, without having to correct -a word or alter a construction in twenty or thirty pages; or when in -Sierre Leone I attended examinations of the sons of liberated slaves -(from America) in algebra, geometry, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, etc.--then, I -confess, any other idea never entered my mind but that I had to do with -_real men_". (Wit and Wisdom from West Africa.") - -In Brazil, the Negro chieftain, Henrique Diaz, is revered for the able -assistance which he rendered in checking the incursions of the Dutch, -and Koster in his travels through that country speaks of Negro and -mulatto regiments known as the Henrique regiments in memory of so worthy -and capable a leader. - -In the city of Paramaribo the Negro Gramman Quacy had the good fortune -in 1730 to discover the valuable properties of the root known by the -name of Quacie bitter. In 1761 it was made known to Linnaeus by -d'Ahlbergand, the Swedish naturalist who had written a treatise upon it. - -During the years 1811-12 the British government had reports from their -various possessions in America exclusive of Jamaica, showing a slave -population of 343,859 and 27,259 free men of color, so that about eight -per cent of the total colored population were free. When we consider the -handicap that slaves had under English law with its intricate and -involved questions of entail we can appreciate the efforts of these -reputed savages to have been able not only to achieve their freedom but -to succeed in becoming an integral part of the country, with an eagle's -foothold in agriculture. - -Porto Bello and Cartagena in Colombia were the ports of entry for the -slave trade, the channel by which not only Panama was supplied with -Negroes but from whence the traders were allowed to bring with them such -quantity of provisions as was thought necessary both for their own use -and that of their slaves of both sexes. Here was the Appian road through -which the Spaniards carried the slaves into Peru to work the gold mines; -and they became so useful that in the celebrated Sanabria mines Negroes -were used exclusively during the night and Indians in the day time. -Ulloa, during his visit to Lima, found that people of African descent -formed the greater part of the population of Lima, and they were, as a -rule, mechanics and worked side by side with the Europeans who did not -consider the contact disgraceful to them, since cleanliness was the -ruling passion of the Negroes. - -General Pelage, "an agricultural slave" when General Moore stormed St. -Lucia, was Governor of Guadeloupe until 1803, when he resigned and -returned to France to lead his soldiers against Spain, where he was -killed at the head of his regiment. - -It is a remarkable fact that the first native American to be consecrated -a Bishop was a Negro. He was Right Reverend Francisco Xavier de Luna y -Victoria, Bishop of Panama, of which see he took possession in August, -1751. He founded and maintained the cathedral at his own expense, and -was later removed to the see of Trujillo in Peru. His mother, who had -been a slave devoted her time to the sale of charcoal in order to attain -her ambition to see her son become an eminent man. This devotion has -been characteristic of the African woman and every reward and praise won -on the new continent has been due to her sacrifices. - -In the Spanish countries under the more liberal manumission laws a very -much higher proportion of free people of color existed from the very -earliest times. In Cuba of the total population in 1811 about 274,000 -were whites, 212,000 slaves and 114,000 free persons of color, rather -less than two slaves to one freeman. In the United States at the same -time the slave population of 1,191,364 is more than six times the free -population of 186,446 (total U. S., 7,239,814). The conditions in Cuba -were characteristic of the Spanish and Portuguese countries and -explained the total abolition of slavery as well as the more rapid -assimilation of the colored people in the economic and political life of -those countries. - -With the records such as this the Negro found himself at the close of -the eighteenth century a vital factor in every phase of the development -of Latin America. I have not attempted to treat his services in the -Southern States of the North American Union for the facts here are too -well known to require discussion within the limits of the present -article. Suffice it to say that the position which the Negro and his -mixed progeny of European or Indian blood had won in South America, they -have also earned, if even they have not as yet received, due recognition -therefore in North America. - -With a firm faith in our ability and the consciousness of our -inalienable title to a worthy share in the development of the New World. -We may look forward with confidence to the inevitable reward of industry -sustained by the courage which demands that an honest toiler shall not -be despoiled of the fruits of his labor. We may expect therefore that as -Negro slavery began in the West Indies and South America and crept -northward, so also will come to the United States the gradual -dissolution of the problem of color in the general problems of a -progressing human race. - - - - -William Pickens. The Constitutional Status of the Negro from 1860-1870 - - -The second decade of the latter half of the nineteenth century was the -most epochal period in American legal history since the time of the -national constitution. So far as the American Negro is concerned, this -period marks the greatest possible changes in legal and constitutional -status. Three years before the opening of this decade the highest court -of the nation had declared the Negro to have only the status of the -lower animals, while at the close of the decade the Negro had acquired a -status in the organic law of the land which entitled him to membership -in the Supreme Court itself. In this period the Negro changed from a -chattel to a person, from an animal to a man, from a slave to a -citizen,--so far as the supreme law of the land is concerned. - -This period also contains the two extremes on the scale of -discriminations against the American Negro in statute law. Before this -period there were comparatively few statutory discriminations against -the black race in the Southern States. For in that section the Negro had -no personal rights at law, and discriminatory statutes were not -necessary. When a discrimination is made against a class in statute law, -it is thereby implied that this class has at least some rights based on -the fundamental law of the land. Therefore the legislative -discriminations against black people before this period were found -chiefly in the border states and in the "free" states against "free" -Negroes,--a strange contradiction of terms.--But this decade, from 1860 -to 1870, also contains the extremes of the Negro's legal status in the -South: at the opening of the decade stood the Negro slave, at the close -stood the Negro senator; after the middle of this period the South -passed the extreme "Black Laws," intended to nullify the effect of the -Thirteenth Amendment as far as possible, while at the end of the decade -came the Fifteenth Amendment, marking an epoch. These "Black Laws" of -the South were enacted between 1865 and 1868 and were inspired by the -ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. They had for their models, it -is said, the similar laws that had been passed in previous decades -against the helpless "free" Negroes of the North and the border states. -But they outdid the models. - -These "Black Laws" are worth considering, for in them are found a -sufficient cause and a very cogent reason for the Fourteenth and the -Fifteenth Amendments. There is really no need for the charge that these -two Amendments were the inspiration of revenge or of the desire for -political advantage of the party in power. At any rate, such great -products of statesmanship should stand on their merits, and not be -condemned, even if it could be shown that they were originally based in -unworthy motives. It does not lessen the beauty of the rose if the plant -was sprouted in manure. But the argument of ultra-motive is unnecessary, -for the "Black Laws" of the South were the immediate occasion, and -doubtless the only efficient cause, of the Fourteenth Amendment. After -the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, if the former slave states had -accorded the ex-slaves even half justice, it is very likely that the -Negro's friends in Congress would have quickly forgotten him,--as they -have since done in the face of the worst injustices. But it was not -unnatural for the South, after the ratification of the Thirteenth -Amendment which gave the Negro only the lowest degree of freedom, to try -to pass systems of laws that would cause the Negro's freedom to make as -little change as possible in the social organism and in his relation to -the white race. Not to have done so would have been evidence of -superhuman foresight and self-control. From the standpoint of the -Negro's interests, however, these laws were "black," not only in name -and aim but in their very nature. Instead of being the property of a -personally interested master, the Negro was to be converted into the -slave of a much less sympathetic society in general. The "free" Negro's -lot was to be much harder than that of the slave had been; for altho no -longer entitled to "board and keep" from his employer, yet he was to be -forbidden by law to move or to change his employment. This would have -left his wages at the mercy of the employer. It is a law of economics -that the mobility of labor is necessary to the normal regulation of -wages. Some states absolutely forbade the freedmen to engage in skilled -work, leaving for them only the most menial and least profitable -occupations. In the famous old state of South Carolina the employer was -to be allowed to inflict corporal punishment, or as the euphemism of the -law put it, to "moderately correct" the servants. "Master" and "servant" -were the terms used in these laws,--not employer and employee. The -vagrancy laws and laws of apprenticeship were all of a nature to entrap -the ignorant and take advantage of the weak. Famous old South Carolina -even sought to regulate the amount of "politeness" due from the -"servant" to the "master's family." - -In the face of all these stereotyped facts, why should any honest -student of history have to resort to any intangible and indefinite thing -like a feeling of revenge or a desire for political and party advantage -as an explanation of the motives of those who conceived and passed by -the Fourteenth Amendment? This Amendment was passed by the friends of -freedom to keep the Thirteenth Amendment from being a mere farce. They -sought thereby to secure for the Negro the protecting power of the -ballot, as the only effective means of influencing his civil and -political interests in a government like this. There was no thought or -hope of making him dominant in a country that was predominantly white. -But the backers of the Amendment sought to lead the state governments to -this reasonable end by inducing rather than by compelling them. The -effect of this amendment was to be based on impartial mathematics, and -the choice was to be left to the majority of voters of the state. The -state was simply not to have a power in the national government based on -a population which the state itself did not recognize as a part of its -own citizenry. - -Up to 1865 nearly all the states of the Union had restricted the right -to vote to white men. After the Negro was freed some Northern states -voluntarily removed this restriction. The friends of freedom hoped that -the Fourteenth Amendment would induce others to do so, by making it to -the advantage of their national representative power. But from the -ratification of the Amendment in 1868 to 1870 not a single state, with -the sole exception of Minnesota, heeded the warning or yielded to the -inducement of the suffrage clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. And it -might be noted in passing that there were not enough Negroes in -Minnesota to make any difference either way. Up to 1870 fourteen states -still restricted the suffrage to white men. This obstinacy on the part -of the reactionaries caused the friends of freedom in 1870 to ratify the -Fifteenth Amendment, which substituted _must_ for persuasion and -virtually penalized discriminations against any race in the matter of -the suffrage. What evidence is there that any of these steps were taken -in a spirit of revenge? Revenge usually acts in haste and without -waiting on the development of other sufficient causes. The persuasion of -the Fourteenth Amendment was not resorted to till three years after the -close of the war, and when there had risen the plainest need for even -more than persuasion in the interests of justice and humanity. And the -Fifteenth Amendment did not appear till five years after the war, when -even the Fourteenth Amendment had failed to persuade. Why should revenge -wait so long and advance so reluctantly? It seems that the friends of -freedom, who had the political power in their hands, were slow to anger -and plenteous in hope. - -This suffrage amendment was to be a bulwark to the liberties not only of -black men but of all men in America; it was directed not only against -the "Black Laws" of the South but against political and civil slavery -everywhere in the nation. It is interesting to note that of the states -who were members of the Union up to 1865, only five can be listed in the -honor roll of those who have never discriminated against the Negro -voter: Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont. - -The constant question raised by these discriminating laws is: What is a -Negro? When are we are going to discriminate against a fellow, we must -be careful and definite in pointing him out. And so each set of -discriminating laws contains its own definition of the word _Negro_, and -the definitions have differed widely. At first in some parts of the -North the Negro was defined as any person who was _visibly_ colored. It -is plain, however, that if the matter is left to the eyes, millions of -American "Negroes" will have to be taken into the Caucasian race,--and -so most of the state legislatures reduced their definition to the finer -discriminations of mathematics. These mathematical definitions vary all -the way from one fourth of the blood of the black man to a mere one -sixteenth; but some laws of the gallant South go so far as to say that -if one has even one drop of Negro blood in his veins he is a Negro. Thus -it is seen that "the Negro," so far as the United States are concerned, -is an arbitrary creature of law and includes within its scope hundreds -of thousands of people who by every law of God and nature and reason are -members of the Caucasian race, principally Anglo-Saxons. For whatever -the legal definition, it is the common practice in the United States to -class as Negroes all persons known to have any part of Negro blood. The -white American therefore ascribes the same potency to Negro blood which -he ascribes to the blood of Jesus Christ,--that it only takes one drop -"to make you whole." The statement needs no proof that there are -thousands of people in America who are related to the Negro and do not -know it, and others who know it but also know that its acknowledgment -would not increase their comforts in life. - -It was especially necessary to define the term _Negro_ when the -intermarriage laws were being considered. These queer laws have always -had the support of the vast majority of white people, wherever the Negro -has become a considerable part of the population, and especially after -the Negro was freed. I call them "queer laws" because they always, in -spirit and in effect if not in letter, tend to make the naturally -honorable relation of marriage a worse crime than the naturally -dishonorable practice of illicit intercourse,--which abuse, however, is -practiced chiefly by the men of the stronger against the women of the -weaker group. For this illicitness there is in practice no punishment, -while the sure penalties of intermarriage range all the way from a fine -of one hundred dollars to ten years in the penitentiary,--and the danger -of still more horrible extra-legal penalties. There could be but one -result of thus outlawing decency and tolerating indecency,--of putting -honor under the foot of dishonor,--and that result has been attained in -the United States: namely, millions of interracial illegitimates, and -some admixture of Caucasian blood in at least nine-tenths of the -American Negro group. - -Such is the American group against which these discriminating laws have -directly and indirectly aimed. In the historic decade (1860 to 1870) -many forms of discrimination and distinction began to appear in the laws -of the South: in public travel, in the courts and in the matter of the -suffrage. In 1865 and 1866 "Jim Crow" laws were passed in Florida, -Mississippi and Texas, but not in the other states until 1881 when -Tennessee started the new era of "Jim Crow," which has since overrun the -whole South and threatens, as did slavery itself, to invade the North. -Is it not queer that this passion should have gained such headway so -long after slavery? It would seem that the more the Negro advances in -education and refinement, the less acceptable he becomes to a large -number of white people. In North Carolina or South Carolina a Negro may -be taken into the white people's car if he be a criminal or a lunatic; -but if he be a gentleman and a scholar, it will be a serious offense -against earth and heaven, subject to heavy fines,--and when his train -reaches Georgia, even the conductor may be fined one thousand dollars! -This race distinction on the cars serves no useful, honorable purpose -which classified passenger tickets would not serve. But of all the -humiliation, wrong and robbery possible against a free people, the devil -and the Sicilian tyrants working together could never have devised a -more ingenious scheme than the "Jim Crow" car. - -As to the courts. Until 1870 the laws of Iowa forbade the Negro to -practice law; many states sought to invalidate or restrict the testimony -of a Negro witness against a white person; and most reluctantly of all -has any state conceded the Negro the right to be a juror, even where -both parties to the suit are Negroes. In law and in theory the Fifteenth -Amendment, March 30, 1870, repealed all statutes and nullified all -constitutional clauses discriminating against people on account of race, -color, or previous condition of servitude, but in practice in the United -States the Negro is still handicapped as a lawyer, discredited as a -witness and almost universally excluded from juries. This is queer again -in the face of the almost unanimous testimony of the courts to the -effect that the Negro juryman is more inclined to convict a real Negro -criminal than is the white juryman. - -The Reconstruction constitutions of the South, in 1868 and 1869, -following the Fourteenth Amendment, gave the Negroes the ballot. It is -needless to say that this was not the will of the white majority. And it -must always be said of these Reconstruction governments that, whatever -faults they may have had, they made the first, and up to the present -time the _last_ serious and straight-going efforts to establish real -democratic-republican organization in the South. In this era the -Congress of the United States was in the hands of the friends of -freedom, and in 1866 the Negro was given the ballot in all the -territories of the United States. On June 8, 1867, the Congress gave the -ballot to the Negroes of the District of Columbia, over the President's -veto and against the will of the white inhabitants. In a popular vote on -the proposition the city of Washington returned 6521 votes against -enfranchising the blacks and 35 votes for it; while Georgetown returned -the interesting figures of 812 votes against the proposition, and for it -one vote. This record of fifty years ago is sufficient to indicate what -would be the conditions in Washington, D. C., if it were left to its own -devices. - -Such are the facts of obstinate resistance to the Negro's actual -freedom, which brought the friends of freedom in Congress rather slowly -around to the necessity of adopting the Fourteenth, and when that -failed, the Fifteenth Amendment. I repeat that if, after the passage of -the Thirteenth Amendment, the legislatures and courts and other -creatures of the popular suffrage had shown a genius for doing justice -to the Negro, it is likely that his friends in Congress would have -forgotten him entirely, that the two subsequent Amendments would not -have been proposed and that he would have been left outside of the -Constitutional pale of citizenship indefinitely. The Thirteenth, -Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments put the enemies of freedom -successively on trial and each time they failed. Yea, even against the -decree of the Fifteenth Amendment have they defeated democracy by -indirection and duplicity. If the aim of the Fifteenth Amendment should -be finally defeated, it would be the ultimate failure of democracy,--but -there are late indications that in the end it will not fail. And of all -the many-angled struggles which the colored people are supporting in -this country for their advancement and ultimate security, the central -aim of every fighting line should be full-fledged citizenship. - -There is no doubt about the truth of the plain statement that the Negro -race in the United States of America does not get a "square deal." But -we observe frequent efforts to minimize the appearance of the great -wrong by the ambiguous statement that it is "natural" under the -circumstances. I call the statement ambiguous, because in one sense of -the word every fact of life and history is _natural_: all virtue and -vice, lust and love are natural. Many natural things are very -undesirable, and fortunately some of them are not indestructible or -unalterable. It may be natural for the white race to disfranchise, -"Jim-Crow" and burn Negroes, but the Negro is _naturally_ opposed to -that procedure. Is it not natural for the victim to be uncomfortable -under these things, to complain against them, to organize and fight -them? The naturalness of injustice, if it be natural, does not make it -one whit more just. It is natural, or at least it is historic, that men -will rob and commit murder and bastardy--but there seems to be something -in man which is higher than nature and which fights against these -things. - -The same sort of fallacy in reasoning is resorted to when the effort is -made to palliate the wrongs done in one section by stating the fact that -the same or similar wrongs have been done, are being done or will be -done to the Negro in other sections or eventually in all sections of the -United States. What on earth has this to do with the wrong, except to -make it more horrible? Does it justify wrong to show that other people -did it, do it or may do it? If so, then sin itself ought to be the -fairest thing in the world, for all men in all ages and all countries -have committed it. The poor sinning South pains-takingly points out and -tabulates every single instance of its own wrongs against black men -which can be found repeated in the North,--and when the North slips from -virtue in the same path, it cries out Pharisaically that such horrors -are common or even popular in the South. If mere ubiquity justifies, -remember that the devil's work is ubiquitous, too. - -Again, I have read books and arguments that sought to minimize the -importance of industrial, civic and political discriminations against -the Negro by saying not only that these practices are "not confined to -any section of the country," but also that such-and-such an evil did not -even "originate" in the South. We are told with great unction that -Philadelphia and San Francisco once excluded Negroes from street cars -altogether, that slavery originated in the commerce of the North, and -that Jim-Crowism was first met in Massachusetts. I have heard that the -devil was first met in the Garden of Eden, but he is none the less the -devil. And as to origin, who cares where the smallpox or the yellow -fever originated? It is their nature, not their origin, which makes them -horrible. - -There is really no room for one section to boast or to proudly accuse -the other. So far as the Negro's experiences go, both sections need to -improve perhaps in their ideals but certainly in their practices -respecting democratic liberties and human brotherhood. Let the Negro and -his friends realize that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the -United States Constitution represent not a backward step but a stride -forward in civilization, and that they were fostered and ratified, not -for the sake of the temporary burden which they may have put upon the -white race in the South, but for the benefit of all races, at all times, -in all America. - - - - -John W. Cromwell. The American Negro Bibliography of the Year - - -The following resolution adopted at the last meeting is -self-explanatory: "That the Academy publish a list of books, pamphlets, -magazines and newspaper articles bearing on the Negro Question, with -appropriate comment." A letter sent to the Library of Congress brought -from the Chief Bibliographer the following reply: "Titles of books -relating to the Negro may be found by means of the Cumulative Book -Index, published monthly; articles in magazines, etc., are listed in the -Readers' Guide to periodical literature and its supplements, and in the -annual magazine subject index; legal literature is indexed in the index -to legal periodicals and the literature of medicine in the Index -Medicus. These publications are all subject indexes and to approach the -matter from the side of Negro authorship it would be necessary to start -with some such book as "Who's Who of the Colored Race," which would -enable the compiler to pick out the Negro authors. It would then be -necessary to go through the indexes to see whether these authors had -published anything during the current year. A source of additional -titles," continues the letter, "would be the periodicals devoted to the -interests of the Negro race. These frequently note pamphlets, privately -or obscurely printed books which do not get into the regular lists." - -This reference to "Who's Who," a book just issued, shows that the -Academy is beginning this work at a very propitious time. One year ago -"Who's Who" was only a prospect; now it is a realization, the most -important this year in this field of bibliography. Its price, $6.00, may -restrict its circulation to public libraries, colleges and universities -until some worthier publication appears to take its place by the side of -similarly named publications which include leaders of thought and action -the world over. - -Scarcely less important is the Negro Year Book, by Monroe N. Work, in -charge of Division of Records and Research at Tuskegee. This is an -annual encyclopedia of the Negro, for its scope includes the population -of the earth by races, the periodicals published by Africans, "where -black men govern," Negroes and Spanish Explorers, Negro Slavery in -Colonies and in States, Abolition, Agitation, Slavery and Religious -Denominations, Slave Insurrections, the Underground Railroad, Civil -Status, Civil and Political Rights, Negro Soldiers, The Church, -Education Before and Since the Civil War, Arts, Occupations, Inventions, -Agriculture, Crime, Health, Population, National and Fraternal -Organizations, Social Settlements, Periodical publications and -bibliographies pertaining to the Negro. In no other publication of more -than four hundred pages is so much information assembled. The price, 35 -cents, should warrant its circulation wherever there is found school, -college or church, student or professional man who affects a serious -study of our relative conditions and their adaptation to the broader -ones of country and civilization. - -"The Negro," by W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, Ph. D., No. 91 in the Home -University Library of H. Holt & Co., New York, traces in twelve chapters -the evolution of the race from Ethiopia and Egypt, from its original -habitat, from the Cross and the Crescent to the period when the power -and the influence of the race were generally recognized, up to the rise -of the slave trade, with its blighting effect on conditions in the New -World, and the introduction of the Negro Problem in the United States. -Suggestions for further reading follow. An index and maps add to its -adaptation and value. - -"Education of the Negro Before 1860," by Carter G. Woodson, Ph. D. -(Macmillan), embraces the results of an intensive study of educational -conditions prevalent in the United States from Colonial days to the -Civil War. The influence of the Quaker, the Jesuit and the Abolitionist -is traced to its fruitage, contributory to the laws which gave the -public school system in the South. This book deserves to be consulted by -the investigator and the student. - -"The Black Man's Burden," by William H. Holtzclaw, principal of the -Utica (Miss.) N & I. Institute for the training of colored young men and -women, is also a book of the year. The introduction is written by Booker -T. Washington. It tells the story of the establishment of a school in -the black belt of Mississippi hardly less thrilling though on a smaller -scale than that of Tuskegee itself, of which the author is a graduate. - -Among publications of a sociological nature are "Colored People of -Chicago, Ill.," L. H. Bowen; "Industries Among Negroes in St. Louis," by -W. A. Crossland; "The Negro as a Dependent, Defective and Delinquent," -by C. H. McChord; "Urban Conditions in Harlem," by E. F. Dycloff -(Outlook, 108:949-54); ditto, by E. D. Jones (Outlook, 109:597); "Manual -of Freedmen's Progress," by Francis H. Warren, Secretary of Freedmen's -Progress Commission. This volume of 372 pages was authorized by Act 47, -Public Acts of Michigan, 1915. - -Political conditions of the Negro Problem are discussed in the -"Aftermath of the Civil War," by Powell Clayton; "Political History of -Slavery," by J. Z. George; "Studies in South: Parties and Politics of -Georgia," by C. M. Thompson; "President Lincoln's Attitude," by H. W. -Wilbur; "Police Control in South Carolina," by H. M. Henry; "Slavery -Early Heritage of the South"; "America's Greatest Problem," R. W. -Shufeldt. Though all these are white authors, they are in an objective -sense inclusive in an American Negro Bibliography. - -"Negro Wit and Humor," by. M. F. Harmon; "Mexico as an Asylum for the -Negro," by O. M. Donaldson; "Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans," -by Dr. W. E. B. Du Bois are other titles that reflect current thought. - -When we invade the realm of the magazine, the newspaper or other -periodical we find a variety of topics and different, phases of the same -general subject. The range discussed in the magazine intensifies popular -thought to a greater degree than the reading of books by the relatively -smaller number of individuals. - -"Thinking White Down South," in Outlook 111:9-10, does not on its face -suggest its pertinence to this question. - -"My View of Segregation Laws," by Booker T. Washington, in New Republic, -51:113-14. - -The Negro Exposition at Richmond is given greater prestige in the Review -of Reviews (52:85-8) than elsewhere. "The Country's Attitude Towards the -Negro," by Oswald G. Villard, in Nation (99:788-40), and the same -publication (100:187-8); the conferring of the Spingarn medal to E. E. -Just, member of this Academy; "The Education of the Mind of the Negro -Child in School and Society" (1:357-60), and "The Southern Tribute to a -Negro," in Dial (59:409-10). - -"Segregation and the Vote" embraces more than a third of fifty titles -not otherwise mentioned. The recent opinion of the United States Supreme -Court dealing with what is popularly known as the Grandfather clauses of -Southern constitutions and statutes, is discussed in 8 Law and -Bankruptcy, 8:236-6. The Literary Digest (Vol. 15:5) gives a symposium -on the subject. The Nation prophesies the end of the Negro politically -in 100 years (100:443 of April 12, 1915). The Independent on the other -hand (Vol. 88:3-4), sees the wrong of these clauses righted. The Outlook -in 110:486-7 (June 30, 1915), gives another view. - -Other ways of discrimination by which the purpose of the Fifteenth -Amendment may yet be defeated will be found in "Everybody" (33:251-2). -"The South and the Negro Vote" forms the title of an elaborate article -in the North American Review, by J. C. Hemphill (202:213-19), while "Our -Debt to the Negro" is the theme in Miss. R. 38:772. Sociological -features, Homes and Housing, as a general proposition, is considered in -Survey, 34:67, 158-9; Business Men, in 34:550; and Loosening of -Louisiana, in 34:266-9. Titustown, a new community near Norfolk, Va., is -given special notice in 34:531, and B. T. Washington, in Conference, -Charities and Correction, 1914:121-7. - -The Separate Coach Statutes and Their Constitutionality are discussed in -Central Law Journal, 43:44 (January 15, 1915); 18 Law Notes, 182 213 -(January 7, 1915); 20 Va. Law Register, 781-785 (February 15, 1915). -These will tend to such race discrimination as to affect Civil Rights, -and as such are treated in 50 Nat. Cor. Reg., 595. - -"The Saloon as a Place of Public Amusement" is brought under review in -49 Amer. Law Review, 131. "Segregation: A Burning Question in Southern -Social Adjustments," is made the subject of an article by Philip A. -Bruce, the well-known Southern author, in Hibberts Journal, 13 V. -867-86. B. F. Benson, in Va. L. Reg. n. s. 330-356, treats the local -segregation ordinances. Their application to rural Southern communities -is the theme in Survey, 33:375-7. The constitutionality of these -ordinances is briefly considered in 13 Mich. Rev., 599-600; in Harper's -Weekly, 59:620, 1D. and in New Republic, November 22-29, 1915. "The -Roots of the War in the Race Question" is a very illuminating article by -W. E. B. Du Bois in the Atlantic Monthly for May. - -Three notable books, the product of the year 1915, are deserving of -special mention. They are all devoted to Negroes of the Eighteenth -Century, and are the outcome of the activities, the enterprise and the -research of the Twentieth Century, and that by white Americans. The -titles are (1) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters) Poems and Letters: -First Collected Edition," edited by Charles Fred Heartman, with an -appreciation by Arthur A. Schomburg, 112 pages. Ben Day paper, 50 on -Fabriano hand-made paper, and 10 on Japan vellum. - -(2) "Phillis Wheatley (Phillis Peters): A Critical Attempt and a -Bibliography of Her Writings," by Charles Fred Heartman; 99 copies of -this were printed by the author on Alexandra Japan paper. There are 50 -pages in this bibliography, from which we learn that there are 43 titles -of different editions of Phillis Wheatley's poems. The forty-third is -that of six broadsides relating to Phillis Wheatley, with portrait and -fac-simile of her handwritings; 25 copies of this were printed for the -same publisher. They consist of four pages and eight productions on -eight leaves. - -The last (3) item is certainly the most interesting. It flashes the name -of Jupiter Hammon, a Negro belonging to Joseph Lloyd, of Queen's -Village, on Long Island, now in Hartford. The title is "Jupiter Hammon: -American Negro Poet. Selections From His Writings and a Bibliography." -By Oscar Wegelin, with five fac-similes; 99 copies were printed for -Charles Fred Heartman, New York, 1915. Jupiter Hammon was the first -member of his race to write and publish poetry in this country. One of -his poems was printed before Phillis Wheatley had written her first -poem. - -This bibliography is slightly connected with that of books issued before -the present year, such as "Negro Culture in West Africa," by George W. -Ellis, 290 pages; "The Haitian Revolution From 1791 to 1804," by T. G. -Steward, 292 pages; "The Facts of Reconstruction," by John R. Lynch, 326 -pages; "Out of the House of Bondage," by Kelly Miller, and "The Negro in -American History," by John W. Cromwell, 296 pp. which have found places -in some of the principal public libraries of the country. - -"Redder Blood," by William M. Ashby, published by the Neale Publishing -Company, is described as a novel which, written in literary English and -not in the jargon known as Negro dialect; a story told for the sake of -the story and not a treatise under disguise. Its author, a Negro, is a -graduate of Yale College. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; footnotes were -renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO -ACADEMY. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 18-19.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35352 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works to protect the -Project Gutenberg(tm) concept and trademark. 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